Format 225

THE CORRELATES OF SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEING
A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
IN THE FACULTY OF BIOLOGY, MEDICINE AND HEALTH
2017
KAYONDA HUBERT NGAMABA
SCHOOL OF HEALTH SCIENCES
DIVISION OF PSYCHOLOGY & MENTAL HEALTH

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LIST OF CONTENTS
TITLE PAGE ………………………………………………………………………. 1
LIST OF CONTENTS …………………………………………………………….. 2
ABSTRACT ……………………………………………………………………….. 9
DECLARATION …………………………………………………………………... 10
COPYRIGHT STATEMENT ……………………………………………………… 11
DEDICATION …………………………………………………………………….. 12
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ………………………………………………………... 13
LIST OF TABLES …………………………………………………………………. 14
LIST OF FIGURES ………………………………………………………………... 15
LIST OF APPENDICES……………………………………………………………. 16
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ……………………………………………………… 17
THE AUTHOR …………………………………………………………………….. 18
1. CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION ………………............................................ 19
1.1.Motivation for subjective well-being research …………………………............ 20
1.1.1. Definition of the concept of subjective well-being ........................................ 20
Figure 1.1. Hedonic well-being including affective and cognitive aspects ………... 21
Figure 1.2. Ryff’s model of psychological well-being …………………………….. 23
1.1.2. The Reliability of subjective well-being measures ………………………… 24
Table 1.1. Commonly used measures of subjective well-being …………………… 27
1.1.3. An increasing need for subjective well-being research ……………………. 28
1.1.4. Subjective well-being over the life course……………….....……………... 31

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1.1.5. Set point theory ............................................................................................. 34
1.1.6. Can subjective well-being change? ............................................................... 37
1.2.The conceptual model of subjective well-being …………………..................... 38
1.2.1. Different subjective well-being frameworks.................................................. 38
Figure 1.3. Subjective well-being framework ........................................................... 41
1.2.2. Empirical studies on correlates of subjective well-being: limitations and
further directions ........................................................................................... 42
2. CHAPTER 2 METHODOLOGY …………………………………………... 45
2.1.Rationale …………………………………………………………………… 45
2.2.Methodological approaches ………………………………………………... 45
2.3.Data sources ………………………………………………………………... 46
2.4.Limitations of WVS .. ……………………………………………………… 46
2.5.WVS survey weights ...................................................................................... 47
2.6.Zero order correlations ................................................................................... 48
2.7.Usage of the thumb’s effect sizes and testing variation across sub-groups..... 48
2.8.Random effects multilevel regression model .................................................. 49
2.9.Systematic reviews and meta-analyses ............................................................ 49
2.10. Reflective pages to link empirical studies .................................................. 51
3. CHAPTER 3. DETERMINANTS OF SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEING IN
REPRESENTATIVE SAMPLES OF NATIONS …………………………... 52
3.1.Abstract ………………………………………………………………………… 53
3.2.Introduction …………………………………………………………………… 55
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3.3.Methods ……………………………………………………………………….. 58
3.3.1. Sources of data ……………………………………………………………. 58
3.3.2. Sample …………………………………………………………………….. 59
3.3.3. Measures …………………………………………………………………… 59
Table 3.1. Descriptive Statistics and measures …………………………………… 60
3.3.4. Analysis ……………………………………………………………………. 67
3.4.Results ………………………………………………………………………….. 68
3.4.1. Descriptive results …………………………………………………………. 68
3.4.2. Multilevel modelling analysis results ……………………………………… 68
Table 3.2. Results of the Multilevel Regression Analysis (b) investigating the
association between potentials predictors and subjective well-being (i.e., happiness
and life satisfaction). ……………………………………………………………….. 71
3.5.Discussion ……………………………………………………………………… 73
3.6.Limitations and further directions ……………………………………………... 76
3.7.Key points ……………………………………………………………………… 78
3.8.Reflection on “Determinants of subjective well-being in representative
samples of nations”…………………………………………………………….. 79
4. CHAPTER 4. INCOME INEQUALITY AND SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEING:
A SYSTEMATIC REVIEW AND META-ANALYSIS………….................... 86
4.1.Abstract ………………………………………………………………………… 87
4.2.Introduction ……………………………………………………………………. 89
4.3.Methods ………………………………………………………………………. 95
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4.3.1. Search strategy and data sources ………………………………………… 95
4.3.2. Study Selection …………………………………………………………… 95
4.3.3. Eligibility criteria …………………………………………………………. 96
Figure 4.1. PRISMA Flow Diagram (Income inequality and SWB) ……………… 98
4.3.4. Data extraction ……………………………………………………………. 99
4.3.5. Assessment of methodological quality …………………………………… 99
4.3.6. Data synthesis and analysis ……………………………………………… 100
4.4.Results ………………………………………………………………………… 102
4.4.1. Descriptive characteristics of the studies ………………………………… 102
4.4.2. Narrative synthesis of the results of the studies with non-amenable data …. 103
Table 4.1. Characteristics of included studies and quality ratings (Income
inequality and SWB) ……………………………………………………………… 107
4.4.3. Meta-analysis of the association between income inequality and SWB …... 116
Figure 4.2. Forest plot displaying meta-analysis of the correlations between
income inequality and subjective well-being across 24 independent samples …….. 117
4.5.Discussion ……………………………………………………………………… 119
4.6.Research and social and policy implications ………………………………… 123
4.7.Strengths and limitations ……………………………………………………… 124
4.8.Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………... 126
4.9.Key-points ……………………………………………………………………… 126
4.10. Reflection on systematic review and meta-analysis of the association
between income inequality and subjective well-being ………………………… 127

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5. CHAPTER 5. HOW STRONGLY RELATED ARE HEALTH STATUS AND
SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEING? SYSTEMATIC REVIEW AND META-
ANALYSIS …………………………………………………………………… 136
5.1.Abstract ………………………………………………………………………… 137
5.2.Introduction …………………………………………………………………… 138
5.3.Methods ……………………………………………………………………….. 140
5.3.1. Search strategy and data sources …………………………………………. 141
5.3.2. Study Selection ……………………………………………………………. 141
5.3.3. Eligibility criteria …………………………………………………………. 142
5.3.4. Data extraction …………………………………………………………….. 143
5.3.6. Meta-analysis procedures ………………………………………………….. 144
5.4.Results …………………………………………………………………………. 145
Figure 5.1. PRISMA Flow Diagram (Health status and SWB) …………………… 146
Table 5.1: Characteristics of included studies and quality ratings (Health status and
SWB) ………………………………………………………………………………. 149
5.4.2. Meta-analysis of the association between health status and SWB ………… 152
Figure 5.2. Forest plot displaying meta-analysis of the correlations between health
status and subjective well-being across 29 independent samples ……………..…... 153
5.5.Discussion ……………………………………………………………………… 156
5.6.Conclusion …………………………………………………………………….. 158

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5.7.Key points ……………………………………………………………………… 158
5.8.Reflection on the systematic review and meta-analysis of the association
between health status and subjective well-being 160
6. CHAPTER 6. IS FINANCIAL SATISFACTION ASSOCIATED WITH
SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEING? SYSTEMATIC REVIEW AND META-
ANALYSIS ……………………………………………………………………. 164
6.1.Abstract ………………………………………………………………………… 165
6.2.Introduction …………………………………………………………………… 167
6.3.Method ………………………………………………………………………… 170
6.3.1. Search strategy and data sources ………………………………………… 171
6.3.2. Study Selection …………………………………………………………… 171
6.3.3. Eligibility criteria ………………………………………………………… 171
6.3.4. Data extraction …………………………………………………………… 173
6.3.6. Meta-analysis procedures ………………………………………………… 174
6.4.Results …………………………………………………………………………. 176
Figure 6.1. PRISMA Flow Diagram (Financial satisfaction and SWB) …………… 177
Table 6.1. Included studies and quality ratings (Financial satisfaction and SWB)… 180
6.4.2. Meta-analysis of the association between financial satisfaction and
subjective well-being ……………………………………………………… 184
Figure 6.2. Forest plot displaying meta-analysis of the correlations between

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financial satisfaction and SWB across 24 independent samples …………………... 185
6.5.Discussion ……………………………………………………………………… 187
6.6.Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………... 190
6.7. Key points ……………………………………………………………………... 190
6.8.Reflection on systematic review and meta-analysis of the association between
financial satisfaction and subjective well-being ……………………………….. 192
7. CHAPTER 7. GENERAL DISCUSSION, POLICY IMPLICATIONS AND
CONCLUSION ………………………………………………………………. 196
7.1.Main findings ….……………………………………………………………….. 196
7.2.The association between income inequality and subjective well-being ……….. 199
7.3.The association between health status and subjective well-being ……………... 201
7.4.The association between financial satisfaction and subjective well-being …….. 203
7.5.Some policy implications ……………………………………………………… 207
7.6.Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………... 209
8. REFERENCES ……………………………………………………………….. 211
APPENDICES ……………………………………………………………………. 225
Total word count: 56,642

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Abstract
A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in
June 2017
Candidate: Kayonda Hubert Ngamaba
Title: The Correlates of Subjective Well-Being.
The motivation for subjective well-being research rather than Gross Domestic Product (GDP)
is becoming important to the roles of many governments across the globe and so identifying
the strongest correlates of subjective well-being is vital as a starting point to informing
policies that support subjective well-being. This thesis investigated the correlates of subjective
well-being. Chapter 1 introduced the topic and has been divided into two parts: section 1
explores the motivation for subjective well-being research and section 2 presents the
conceptual model of subjective well-being. Chapter 2 gave the rationale for the
methodological approaches taken to investigate factors that are associated with subjective
well-being. Also, the methods chapter presented limitations of the data used. Chapter 3
explored the determinants of subjective well-being in representative samples of nations; and
the results obtained in chapter 3 led to three systematic reviews and meta-analyses (Chapter 4,
5 and 6). Chapter 4 conducted a systematic review and meta-analysis of the association
between income inequality and subjective well-being to test the general assumption that
people’s subjective well-being can be increased by tackling income inequality and
investigated inconsistencies of previous studies reporting a negative, positive or no association
between income inequality and subjective well-being. Chapter 5 carried out a systematic
review and meta-analysis of the association between health status and subjective well-being
because the results of the empirical study conducted in chapter 3 suggest that health status is
positively associated with subjective well-being. Chapter 6 conducted a systematic review
and meta-analysis of the association between financial satisfaction and subjective well-being
as the results of the empirical study conducted in chapter 3 suggest that financial satisfaction
is positively associated with subjective well-being. Chapter 7 discussed the results,
highlighted the need for further studies and policy directions and concluded. Taken altogether
these studies suggest that: (1) subjective well-being is important to informing policies that
support subjective well-being, (2) they might be circumstances where income inequality may
not be associated with people’s subjective well-being, (3) health status and financial
satisfaction are positively associated with subjective well-being and the magnitude of the
association is affected by key operational and methodological factors, (4) life satisfaction
might be preferred to happiness as a measure of subjective well-being because it may better
captures the influence of health status and financial satisfaction, (5) government policies that
support subjective well-being measures should consider using self-reported health status and
financial satisfaction amongst factors that are correlated with people’s subjective well-being,
(6) the association between health status and subjective well-being and the link between
financial satisfaction and subjective well-being are medium and further research is required to
identify other strongest correlates of subjective well-being.
Keywords: happiness, life satisfaction, subjective well-being, income inequality, health
status, quality of life, financial satisfaction, cross-national study, meta-analysis.
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DECLARATION
Data
Data in Chapter 3 was collected by the World Value Survey. The file is available for public
use at http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org. The study 4, 5 and 6 were systematic reviews and
meta-analyses, thus the data were collected by authors of selected studies included in the
systematic reviews and meta-analyses.
Published and currently under review papers

This thesis has been produced in an alternative format, whereby research chapters are written
and presented in a format appropriate for publication in academic peer-reviewed journals in
order to facilitate the publication and dissemination of the research findings. Under the terms
of the copyright agreements with the publishers, these papers are reproduced as chapters in
this thesis. These papers are as follows:
Published:
Chapter 3:
Ngamaba, K. H. (2017). Determinants of subjective well-being in representative samples of
nations. European Journal of Public Health, 27 (2): 377-382. doi: 10.1093/eurpub/ckw103.
Accepted and revised for publication at the Quality of Life Research and currently under
review:
Chapter 4: Ngamaba, K. H., Panagioti, M., & Armitage, C. J. Income Inequality and
Subjective Well-Being: Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis.
Accepted and in press at the European Journal of Public Health:

Chapter 5: Ngamaba, K. H., Panagioti, M., & Armitage, C. J. Are Health Status and
Subjective Well-Being: Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis. European Journal of Public
Health, DOI: 10.1093/eurpub/ckx081
Manuscript submitted for publication at the PLOS ONE and currently under review:
Chapter 6: Ngamaba, K. H., Panagioti, M., & Armitage, C. J. Is financial satisfaction
associated with subjective well-being? Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis.
Collaborators and authorship

The research presented in this thesis was completed in collaboration with author’s supervisory
team. Professor Chris Armitage and Doctor Maria Panagioti contributed to the planning and
write-up of the research, and thus are recognised as co-authors.
Analysis and write-up

All analyses were undertaken solely by the author of this thesis in collaboration with the
supervisory team. All write-ups were solely the work of the author of this thesis in
collaboration with the supervisory team. The supervisory team provided guidance, advice and
feedback on early drafts and as co-authors approved the final articles.
11
COPYRIGHT STATEMENT
i. The author of this thesis (including any appendices and/or schedules to this thesis)
owns certain copyright or related rights in it (the “Copyright”) and s/he has given
The University of Manchester certain rights to use such Copyright, including for
administrative purposes.
ii. Copies of this thesis, either in full or in extracts and whether in hard or electronic
copy, may be made only in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents
Act 1988 (as amended) and regulations issued under it or, where appropriate, in
accordance with licensing agreements which the University has from time to time.
This page must form part of any such copies made.
iii. The ownership of certain Copyright, patents, designs, trademarks and other
intellectual property (the “Intellectual Property”) and any reproductions of
copyright works in the thesis, for example graphs and tables (“Reproductions”),
which may be described in this thesis, may not be owned by the author and may be
owned by third parties. Such Intellectual Property and Reproductions cannot and
must not be made available for use without the prior written permission of the
owner(s) of the relevant Intellectual Property and/or Reproductions.
iv. Further information on the conditions under which disclosure, publication and
commercialisation of this thesis, the Copyright and any Intellectual Property and/or
Reproductions described in it may take place is available in the University IP
Policy (see http://documents.manchester.ac.uk/DocuInfo.aspx?DocID=2442 0), in
any relevant Thesis restriction declarations deposited in the University Library,
The University Library’s regulations (see
http://www.library.manchester.ac.uk/about/regulations/) and in The University’s
policy on Presentation of Theses.
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DEDICATION
To my parents and family for their love and inspiration

To my wife for her love and continuous support
To my children and Congolese researchers, so they can be inspired.
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This thesis would not have been possible without the support, help, advice and encouragement
from so many people. I would say I have been extremely blessed.
First, I would like to thank Prof. Chris Armitage and Dr Maria Panagioti for absolute first
class supervision. Both have always made themselves available to give me great support and
guidance in my academic research and development. I have taken great benefit from our
supervisions’ meetings and both have never failed to challenge and motivate me. I would also
like to thank my Advisor Dr Warren Mansell who helped me to achieve this.
I am also thanking Dr Doron Cohen, Rev David Rigby, Dr Pascal Jean-Pierre, Prof. Col.
James Gire, Pastor Papa La Grace Mimbo, Bishop Soni Mukwenze, Eugine Angwaba Mukwa,
Rev Phil Mason, Doreen Fowler and all members of the Ephrata Church for their prayers and
encouragements.
I would also like to thank the School of Psychological Sciences in particular and the
University of Manchester in general for providing an excellent academic climate in which to
pursue my research. Everyone in my office has been hugely supportive and I would like to
thank them.
Thank you to the Manchester Mental Health & Social Care because this research was
conducted whilst I was employed by the NHS Trust. Without my wages, I would not be able
to pay the University tuition fees.
I am grateful to Prof. John Malala and “feu mon frère” Hermas Mupolo whom without I
would never have thought it possible for me to do a PhD. You have been an inspiration.
I am extremely grateful to my wife, my best friend Fideline Mulenge who been hugely
supportive and I would like to thank her for lifting my spirits during the difficult time. I would
like to thank my children Esperant, El Gracia, Esther, Elysee and Benedict Kayonda for their
love & providing an excellent family environment.
I would like to thank my dad, mum and all my brothers and sisters for their love.
Finally, I will say: "Everything is possible for one who believes in Jesus-Christ." Mark 9:23
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1.1. Commonly used measures of subjective well-being. ……………………… 27
Table 3.1. Descriptive Statistics and measures ………………………………………… 60
Table 3.2. Results of the Multilevel Regression Analysis investigating the association
between potentials predictors and subjective well-being (i.e., happiness and life
satisfaction). ………………………….………………………….…………………… 71
Table 4.1. Characteristics of included studies and quality ratings (Income inequality
and SWB). ………………………….………………………….……………………… 107
Table 5.1.: Characteristics of included studies and quality ratings (Health status and
SWB) ………………………….………………………….…………………………… 149
Table 6.1. Characteristics of included studies and quality ratings (Financial
satisfaction and SWB) ………………………….………………………….………… 180

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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1.1.: Hedonic well-being including affective and cognitive aspects ………… 21
Figure 1.2. Ryff’s model of psychological well-being ……………...……………........ 23
Figure 1.3. Subjective well-being framework ................................................................. 41
Figure 4.1. PRISMA Flow Diagram (Income inequality and SWB) …………….......... 98
Figure 4.2. Forest plot displaying meta-analysis of the correlations between income
inequality and subjective well-being across 24 independent samples. …………...…… 117
Figure 5.1. PRISMA Flow Diagram (Health status and SWB) …………….................. 146
status and subjective well-being across 29 independent samples. …………….............. 153
Figure 6.1. PRISMA Flow Diagram (Financial satisfaction and SWB) ……………..... 177
Figure 6.2. Forest plot displaying meta-analysis of the correlations between financial
satisfaction and SWB across 24 independent samples. ……………...………………… 185

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LIST OF APPENDICES
Appendix 1.1 Empirical studies on determinants of subjective well-being …………... 225
Appendix 3.1. List of countries, year the survey was conducted, the number of
participants, average happiness and life satisfaction, and country geographical region
(Chapter 3). ……………...……………...……………...……………...……………...... 230
Appendix 3.2. Results of the Multilevel Regression Analysis (b) investigating the
association between potentials predictors and subjective well-being (i.e., happiness
and life satisfaction) – Fixed effects with interaction results…………………………. 232
Appendix 3.3. Zero-order correlation between happiness, life satisfaction and other
variables (Chapter 3) ……………...……………...……………...……………...…… 235
Appendix 4.1: Screening Process (Income inequality and SWB) (Chapter 4) ………… 237
Appendix 5.1. Screening Process (Health status and SWB) (Chapter 5) …………….... 238
Appendix 6.1. Screening Process (Financial satisfaction and SWB) (Chapter 6) …… 239
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
SWB : Subjective Well-Being
GDP : Gross Domestic Product
OECD: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
WVS: World Value Survey
EVS: European Value Survey

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THE AUTHOR
The research presented in this thesis was completed by the author of this thesis (K. H.
Ngamaba) in collaboration with the supervisory team (M. Panagioti and C. J. Armitage). All
analyses were undertaken solely by the author of this thesis in collaboration with the
supervisory team. All write-ups were solely the work of the author of this thesis in
collaboration with the supervisory team. The supervisory team provided guidance, advice and
feedback on early drafts and as co-authors approved the final articles.
19
CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
In recent years, the motivation for subjective well-being research rather than Gross
Domestic Product (GDP) is becoming important to the role of many governments across the
globe (Dolan, Layard, & Metcalfe, 2011; Stiglitz, Sen, & Fitoussi, 2009). Thus, identifying
the strongest correlates of subjective well-being is vital as a starting point to informing
policies that support subjective well-being (Diener, Suh, Lucas, & Smith, 1999; Fleche,
Smith, & Sorsa, 2011). Consequently, this thesis investigates the correlates of subjective well-
being using a cross-disciplinary approach. This thesis extends the literature on the subject, and
examines a number of unanswered questions. Firstly; How might it be possible for people to
be happier and more satisfied with their lives?, and secondly; What factors are associated with
happiness and life satisfaction? Hence the question of greatest importance for us; and the one
we will seek to answer will focus around what the strongest correlates of subjective well-
being might be.
During the course of my research four empirical studies were conducted, thus:
1. To explore any factors that are strongly associated with subjective well-being using
representative samples of nations.
2. To test whether or not increasing income inequality could possibly have a bearing
upon subjective well-being.
3. To investigate if an individual’s health status has the strongest correlation to subjective
well-being.
4. To examine if financial satisfaction is associated with subjective well-being.

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This introduction is therefore divided into two parts. Hence Section 1 explores the
motivation for subjective well-being research; and includes the definition of the concept of
subjective well-being, whilst Section 2 presents the conceptual model of subjective well-
being, and highlights the existing research gaps on determinants of subjective well-being.
1.1. Motivation for Subjective Well-Being Research
1.1.1 The Definition of the Concept of Subjective Well-Being.
Diener and colleagues defined Subjective Well-Being as an individual’s cognitive and
affective self-evaluation (Diener, Oishi, & Lucas, 2012; Diener et al., 1999). Throughout
history, philosophers, thinkers, and activists, such as Aristippus, Aristotle, Zhuangzi, Jean
Jacques Rousseau, Jeremy Benthan and Bertrand Russell, have considered subjective well-
being to be one of the highest goals of human motivation. For example, Aristippus (435 - 356
BC) a former student of Socrates suggested that the goal of life was to experience maximum
pleasure. On the other hand, the Greek philosopher Aristotle (384–322 BC), who was a
student of Plato and teacher of Alexander the Great, argued that true happiness was not to be
found in pleasure or the pursuit thereof per sé, but rather, was to be found in the realisation
human potential. Consequently for some, this has given rise to two great approaches to the
concept of subjective well-being, that is, the Hedonic and the Eudaimonic systems of
interpretation (Keyes, Shmotkin, & Ryff, 2002), as the diagrams below seek to demonstrate
(cf. Figs. 1.1 and 1.2).

21
Figure 1.1.: Hedonic well-being including affective and cognitive aspects (Diener, Emmons,
Larsen, & Griffin, 1985; Watson, Clark, & Tellegen, 1988).
Hedonic
Well-being
Affective Cognitive
component component
Feeling Happy, Feeling Angry, Satisfied with life Satisfied with job,
Guilty in general family relationships
Excited
As such, the Hedonic well-being approach incorporates both emotions, feelings,
satisfaction with life and suggests therefore that a good life can be achieved when people
experience maximum pleasure (Diener et al., 1999). On the other hand, the Eudaimonic well-
being approach understands that well-being is not simply achieved as the result of pleasure,
but rather, embraces elements of truth, meaning, purpose in life, freedom, positive relations
with others, growth, self-acceptance and autonomy (Keyes et al., 2002; Ryff, 1989).
Accordingly, Hedonic well-being is often referred to as subjective well-being (i.e., happiness
and life satisfaction), whilst Eudaimonic well-being is usually understood within a
psychological framework (Diener et al., 1999). Hence the approaches (i.e., Hedonic and
Eudaimonic) presented in Figures 1.1 and 1.2, have received great attention within the
positive psychology movement (Seligman, 2003).
Positive psychology is a scientific study of optimal human functioning and flourishing
that moves beyond focussing purely upon disease and mental illness (Seligman &
Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). For decades, psychologists had a good understanding of a variety of

22
mental illnesses and their treatments, including those for Psychosis, Depression, Anxiety and
Post-Traumatic Stress disorders for example. Unfortunately however, Psychologists could
offer very little help to those who were mentally healthy. Positive psychology suggests
therefore; that instead of focusing upon an illness and its treatment, researchers should rather
focus upon issues such as hope, wisdom, tolerance, creativity, future mindedness, courage,
spirituality, responsibility, and perseverance due to the fact that for some, most mental
illnesses are linked to feelings of meaninglessness and a lack of purpose (Seligman, 2003;
Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000).

23
Figure 1.2. Ryff’s model of psychological well-being (Linley, Maltby, Wood, Osborne, &
Hurling, 2009; Ryff, 1989; Ryff & Keyes, 1995).
A sense of continued growth and

development as a person
Personal growth
The belief Positive
that life is evaluation of
Self- one-self and
purposeful Purpose in
and
actualisation one’s life;
life
meaningful positive
Eudaimonic
attitude
well-being /
The Psychological
possession well-being
Positive Freedom to
of good relationships Autonomy
choose and
relationship
being an agent
s with Environmental
of your own
others; trust mastery
life
in other
people
Capacity to
manage one’s
life & the
surrounding
environment;
Control over
life
For us therefore, the phrase; ‘Subjective Well-Being’ will be understood as referring to
an individual’s cognitive (i.e., life satisfaction) and affective (i.e., happiness) self-evaluation.
The cognitive element will therefore refer to the way people might think about their life
satisfaction as a whole, whilst the affective element will refer to an individual’s emotions,
feelings or moods, such as when a person describes themselves as being happy for example
(Diener et al., 1985; Watson et al., 1988). Historically, terms such as happiness and life
satisfaction for instance, have been used interchangeably in order to assess and express
24
elements of subjective well-being (Easterlin, 1974; Howell & Howell, 2008), but there is
strong evidence to suggest however, that these terms are not synonymous (Brickman &
Campbell, 1971; Coburn, 2004; Diener et al., 1999). Conversely, expressions of happiness and
life satisfaction are commonly interrelated, however for us for the purpose of this research,
they will be treated as distinctive. Accordingly through sub-group analyses, they will be
considered both in tandem and on their own merits.
1.1.2. The Reliability of Subjective Well-Being Measures
In recent studies, certain aspects of happiness and life satisfaction measures have been
found as reliable and related to more objective measures of well-being, such as those relating
to brain activity, personality, blood pressure, positive emotions and the frequency of smiles
for example. These have all been found to leave a lasting impression upon the subjective well-
being of disabled people for instance (Diener et al., 1985; Fleche, Smith, & Sorsa, 2011;
Lucas-Carrasco, Den Oudsten, Eser, & Power, 2014; Senf & Liau, 2013; van Reekum et al.,
2007).
In one such study, measures of subjective well-being correlated well with the
frequency of smiles, left and right brain activity and levels of the stress hormone Cortisol (van
Reekum et al., 2007). Individuals who were satisfied with their lives were also found to be, in
general; ‘…well-adjusted and free from psychopathology’. (Diener et al., 1985). Hence the
correlations between SWLS and personality indicators of well-being were found to be: Self-
Esteem, R = 0.54; Neuroticism, R = -0.48; Emotionality, R = -0.25; Activity, R = 0.08;
Sociality, R = 0.20; Impulsivity, R = -0.03 (Diener et al., 1985). Extraverted individuals were
25
therefore happier, less depressed and more willing to express gratitude than those of a neurotic
disposition (Lyubomirsky & Layous, 2013; Senf & Liau, 2013). Moreover, subjective well-
being measures might also be useful tools in the prediction of suicidal risk, quality of sleep
and sociability (Metzl, 2009).
Several self-reporting measures of subjective well-being are available in the literature,
with a summary of the key measures presented in Table 1.1 below. These measures range
from single-item to multi-item measures with the focus concentrating on either life
satisfaction or happiness. Both multi and single items have been used in previous studies due
to their reliability. Nevertheless, while the general consensus is that multi-item measures have
better psychometric properties than single-item measures (Diener, Inglehart, & Tay, 2013),
single item measures can be used when multi item measures appear to be a burden to the
respondents; owing to the length of the survey (Fisher, Matthews, & Gibbons, 2016; Gardner
& Cummings, 1998).
Consequently, some organisations who are interested in cross-national research, such
as the World Value Survey and the European Quality of Life Survey for example, use both
single item measures of life satisfaction; and that of happiness in order to assess the Subjective
Well-Being. A single item measure for life satisfaction is reliable and has been widely used to
assess the Subjective Well-Being of people across a number of nations (Diener et al., 2013;
Gruen & Klasen, 2012; Inglehart, Foa, Peterson, & Welzel, 2008; Verme, 2011).
Although brief, this life satisfaction measure has been tested in countries within which
more than one language is spoken and the outcomes confirm its reliability (Fleche et al., 2011;
Ouweneel & Veenhoven, 1991). Additionally, a further advantage of this single-item life
26
satisfaction measure is that it quantifies the level of satisfaction by requiring respondents to
pick an absolute point on a scale from 1 to 10, thereby producing a more exact data continuum
than would have been produced by offering two or three possible responses (Diener et al.,
2013). On the other hand, the measurement of happiness is less straightforward than that of
life satisfaction, however, having said this, a single item measure for happiness has been
found reliable and thus, was widely used to assess Subjective Well-Being across several
nations (Oishi, Kesebir, & Diener, 2011; Rozer & Kraaykamp, 2013; Tao & Chiu, 2013).
Nevertheless, questions have been raised about the respective cultural differences, and
especially so, when some authors reported that it was more culturally acceptable to say things
like; ‘…I am happy.’ in some countries/cultures/religions than it was in others (Diener, Suh,
Smith, & Shao, 1995; Kim-Prieto & Diener, 2009).

27
Table 1.1. Commonly used measures of subjective well-being.
Measure & source Statement or question

Multiple items, self- Below are five statements that you may agree or disagree with. Using
rated life satisfaction the 1 - 7 scale below, indicate your agreement with each item by
(Diener et al., 1985) placing the appropriate number on the line preceding that item. Please
be open and honest in your response. 7 - Strongly agree, 6 – Agree, 5 -
Slightly agree, 4 - Neither agree nor disagree, 3 - Slightly disagree, 2
– Disagree, 1 - Strongly disagree. Q1. ____ In most ways my life is
close to my ideal. Q2. ____ The conditions of my life are excellent.
Q3.____ I am satisfied with my life. Q4.____ So far I have gotten the
important things I want in life. Q5.____ If I could live my life over, I
would change almost nothing. (31 - 35 Extremely satisfied, 26 - 30
Satisfied, 21 - 25 Slightly satisfied, 20 Neutral, 15 - 19 Slightly
dissatisfied, 10 - 14 Dissatisfied, 5 - 9 Extremely dissatisfied.
Single item, self- All things considered, how satisfied are you with your life these days?
rated life satisfaction (Response made on 10-point scale)
(Diener et al., 1985)
Single item, self- Taking all things together, how would you say things are these days—
rated happiness would you say you’re very happy, fairly happy, or not too happy these
(Watson et al., days? Or very happy , quite happy, not very happy, not at all happy
1988)
Cantril’s ladder Please imagine a ladder with steps numbered from zero at the bottom
(Cantril, 1965) to 10 at the top. The top of the ladder represents the best possible life
for you and the bottom of the ladder represents the worst possible life
for you. On which step of the ladder would you say you personally
feel you stand at this time?
Positive affect Respondents report whether they experienced specified feelings a lot
(Watson et al., on the previous day, including ‘enjoyment’, ‘love’, and ‘smile or
1988) laugh a lot’.
Negative affect Respondents report whether they experienced specified feelings a lot
(Watson et al., on the previous day, including ‘worry’, ‘sadness’, ‘depression’, and
1988) ‘anger’.
There are criticisms relating to the methodology and the way in which people self-
reported their hedonic well-being (i.e. life satisfaction and happiness). Firstly, individuals self-
reported their feelings of Subjective Well-Being using a measurement based on their own set
28
of criteria (Pavot & Diener, 2009); for instance, can an individual in severe poverty self-report
being happy? Secondly, when all items used in the measurement of happiness are worded in a
positive way, the scale can be biased by extreme responses. Nevertheless, this is not the case
with the most current happiness measurements, which include both positive and negative
responses to a statement. Finally, according to hedonic well-being, happiness equals
maximum pleasure. Questions have been raised about the positive side of negative events. The
recent study in psychology of post-traumatic growth has suggested that a traumatic event does
not always destroy, but can make some people stronger (Joseph, 2012). Moreover, previous
studies among Hospice Nurses and Religious leaders reported that having a stressful job may
not inevitably lead to psychological distress (Ablett & Jones, 2007; Ngamaba, 2014).
1.1.3. An increasing need for Subjective Well-Being research.
Among the first methodologically sound studies of Subjective Well-Being, is the work
of Warner Wilson, suggesting that the; ‘…happy person…’ appears to be; young, healthy,
well-educated, well-paid, optimistic, extroverted, religious, married with high self-esteem,
worry-free, high job morale, modest aspirations, of either sex and of a wide range of
intelligence (Wilson, 1967),p.294. Based on the limited data available at that time and using
bivariate correlations, Wilson’s work opened doors to Subjective Well-Being research by
highlighting that few advances in Subjective Well-Being research had been done since the
ancient Greeks (Wilson, 1967).
The extensive reviews carried out by Diener and colleagues (Brickman & Campbell,
1971; Coburn, 2004; Diener et al., 1999) have overturned some of Wilson’s findings which
focused heavily on demographic factors. Diener’s extensive reviews suggest that the next
29
steps in Subjective Well-Being research are to understand how psychological factors are
associated with different components of Subjective Well-Being (i.e. life satisfaction,
happiness). Also, to develop theories that explain the variability in the association between
psychological factors and Subjective Well-Being (Brickman & Campbell, 1971; Coburn,
2004; Diener et al., 1999).
In recent years, interest in Subjective Well-Being research is growing within the social
sciences, with Economists agreeing that it is time to shift emphasis from measuring economic
production to measuring people’s well-being. In 2009, the Stiglitz’s commission, which was
initiated at the European level to re-examine the economic performance and social progress,
highlighted the need to measure well-being using subjective measures (Stiglitz et al., 2009).
For example, the Stiglitz’s report stated;
Research has shown that it is possible to collect meaningful and reliable data on
subjective as well as objective well-being. Subjective well-being encompasses different aspects
(cognitive evaluations of one’s life, happiness, …): each of them should be measured
separately to derive a more comprehensive appreciation of people’s lives... [SWB] should be
included in larger-scale surveys undertaken by official statistical offices.
As a response to the Stiglitz’s commission recommendations, the United Kingdom’s
government is committed to developing broader indicators of well-being at the national level
with the involvement of the Office of National Statistics (ONS) (Dolan et al., 2011). For
example, on 25th November 2010, the UK Prime Minister David Cameron stated that people’s
well-being should be improved; “…you’ve got to take practical steps to make sure
government is properly focused on our quality of life as well as economic growth.’’(Cameron,

30
2010). Since that time therefore, the ONS and many academics were involved in measuring
national well-being and developing appropriate well-being questions. Among those involved,
we have the UK National Statistician Jill Matheson, Professors Lord Richard Layard and Paul
Dolan from the London School of Economics, Dr Robert Metcalfe from Oxford University
and Professor Felicia Huppert from Cambridge University (Hicks, Tinkler, & Allin, 2013). In
the UK, different Subjective Well-Being measures are used for policy evaluation. For
example; Evaluation Measures (i.e. life satisfaction), Experience Measures (i.e. happiness and
worry) and Eudaimonic Measures (i.e. worthwhile things in life) (Dolan et al., 2011).
Building on the work of the ONS, an independent organisation known as the What
Works Centre for Wellbeing led by Dr Paul Litchfield, has contributed through well-being
public dialogues to produce research synthesis and a delivery plan relating to how people can
improve their well-being in the UK (WhatWorksWellbeing, 2016). The Centre used secondary
data from the ONS to produce evidence about well-being in four areas such as; (1). Work and
Learning; (2). Culture and Sport; (3). Community and (4). Cross-cutting Capabilities in
Definitions, Evaluation, Determinants and Effects. Across the globe, there is significant
international interest in well-being. Thus, the United Nations General Assembly has invited
countries to pursue the elaboration of additional measures that better capture people’s well-
being (Helliwell, Layard, & Sachs, 2016).
While there is a strong evidence suggesting a significant international interest in well-
being, less is known about the strongest correlates of Subjective Well-Being (Fleche et al.,
2011; Helliwell et al., 2016; Stiglitz, Sen, & Fitoussi, 2009). For many years, wealth, income
and GDP per capita have been associated with social progress and well-being, but strong
31
evidence is suggesting that other factors rather than GDP per capita matter greatly (Fleche et
al., 2011; Helliwell et al., 2016; Stiglitz et al., 2009). The use of objective indicators as
measures of well-being is based on the assumptions that money buys happiness, and that an
individual’s choices reflect accurately their level of income. Nevertheless, a person’s choice
may not necessarily reflect true utility (Kahneman & Deaton, 2010). Individuals usually base
their decisions on the utility that they expect to derive from their choices, and this expected
utility often does not match the utility that some individuals actually experience once they
have made their choice. Moreover, the happiness and satisfaction with one’s financial
situation do not always mirror the life course trajectory of income (Inglehart et al., 2008;
Kahneman & Deaton, 2010; Plagnol, 2010). Therefore, the use of subjective measures of well-
being could be one of the best alternatives. Social scientists, including economists, have
agreed that the best way to measure whether a person feels happy or satisfied is to simply ask
them, as the only person who actually knows whether a person is feeling well or otherwise, is
that person themselves (Diener et al., 2013; Diener et al., 1999; Layard, 2005; Stiglitz et al.,
2009). The use of subjective measures to assess quality of life and social progress has been led
by psychology rather than economics, partly because of the emphasis on unhappiness and an
increasing attention to positive psychology (Diener et al., 1999; Seligman, 2003).
Nevertheless, the involvement of economists in measuring Subjective Well-Being has helped
to increase policy makers and Governments’ awareness on how Subjective Well-Being can be
measured alongside objective measures; and how Subjective Well-Being can inform welfare
choices and social policy (Dolan et al., 2011; Greve, 2010; Layard, Clark, & Senik, 2016;
Stiglitz et al., 2009).

32
1.1.4. Subjective well-being over the life course
At what stage of life are people happiest and satisfied with their lives? As people
progress from childhood to adulthood through midlife to older age, do they become happier
and more satisfied with their lives? Using the United States General Social Surveys, Easterlin
suggested that happiness rises slightly, on average, from ages 18 to midlife, and declines
slowly thereafter (Easterlin, 2006). One study conducted in Norway found that older people
with little income and wealth have a much stronger tendency to be financially satisfied than
their younger, equally poor counterparts (Hansen, Slagsvold, & Moum, 2008). Using the
English Longitudinal Study of Ageing (2002-11), a recent study suggested that although older
cohorts enjoy higher levels of Subjective Well-Being than their younger counterparts when
under similar circumstances, they experience sharper declines, especially in the very oldest
cohorts (Jivraj, Nazroo, Vanhoutte, & Chandola, 2014). The findings from the English
Longitudinal Study of Ageing raise the issue of groupings within; ‘…older cohorts…’
suggesting a separation between; ‘…old people…’ and ‘…very old people…’.
After three decades of psychological study on Subjective Well-Being, Diener and his
collaborators’ extensive reviews do not agree on the pattern of life cycle happiness, as some
studies suggest an inverted-U with a peak at age 65, and others suggest that happiness levels
are on the rise in younger people (Diener et al., 1999). Being married has been associated
with higher Subjective Well-Being because of financial stability and higher social support.
However, some studies suggested that the effect of marriage on Subjective Well-Being can be
described as being mixed and seem to depend on whether premarital cohabitation has been
accounted for as well as the methodology of the analysis, though the consensus is that there is
33
a least a; ‘…honeymoon period…’ surrounding the wedding during which people are usually
happier and satisfied with their lives than before (Plagnol, 2010). Also, the positive
association of marriage may depend on whether their children are a blessing or a source of
constant arguments. More often, marriage is quickly followed by the birth of children. A study
based on Danish twins aged 25-45 and 50-70 years old found that only females enjoy a
happiness gain from the first-born child after controlling for partnership status. Moreover,
additional children beyond the first child have a negative effect on Subjective Well-Being for
females, while they found no effect for males (Kohler, Behrman, & Skytthe, 2005). Again,
these findings need to be replicated across nations according to their level of development and
culture differences (e.g., individualist versus collectivist society).
Subjective Well-Being variations across age groups are still under developed, as there
are less longitudinal studies that follow the Subjective Well-Being of a given birth cohort, and
the majority of studies are conducted in developed nations, because these countries have the
financial resources to conduct research and participants are accessible in contrast to
developing countries with poorer infrastructure.
At country level, the extensive work of Richard Easterlin has made a great deal of
progress in life course approaches to Subjective Well-Being. For example, Easterlin’s paradox
argued that, while within a given nation, people with higher incomes were more likely to
report being happy, this would not hold at a national level, creating an apparent paradox.
Richard Easterlin found that happiness was not associated with GDP per capita because the
increase in income in the USA between 1946 and 1970 contracted with flat levels of self-
reported happiness between 1946 and 1960, and declines in the last ten years (i.e. from 1960
34
to 1970) (Easterlin, 1974). Nevertheless, many recent studies using recent data on a broader
range of countries have established a positive association between average levels of
Subjective Well-Being and GDP per capita across countries and have found economic growth
associated with rising Subjective Well-Being (Diener, Ng, Harter, & Arora, 2010; Stevenson
& Wolfers, 2008). Two reasons may explain why Eaterlin’s 1974 publication found different
outcomes:
1. Easterlin’s original 1974 publication focussed on affective measure (e.g.,
happiness), but there is strong evidence suggesting that happiness and life
satisfaction are not synonymous. For example, recent research has suggested that
life satisfaction increases with income, but happiness do not (Kahneman & Deaton,
2010).
2. The lack of representativeness in most previous studies, including Easterlin’s 1974
publication. As more data from a broader range of countries are becoming available
researchers can have a good picture of the association between Subjective Well-
Being and GDP per capita (Diener et al., 2010; Stevenson & Wolfers, 2008). Above
all else, Easterlin’s research has massively contributed to studies on life cycle
Subjective Well-Being.
1.1.5. Set point theory
Behind biological factors there is a real debate around “set point theory” suggesting
that happiness fluctuates around a baseline level. Inglehart and colleagues may argue “If
35
happiness is mostly genetic, why should politicians, policy-makers and researchers invest
huge amounts of time and resources initiating new policies in order to increase happiness?
well-being (Inglehart et al., 2008). The understanding of the underlying determinants of
subjective well-being is important because it will help social scientists and policy-makers to
undertake the necessary steps to increase subjective well-being (Dolan et al., 2008; Fleche et
al., 2011).
Despite recent evidence showing that human well-being can change (Headey, 2010;
Inglehart et al., 2008), there is a large body of research supporting the idea that the human
well-being fluctuates around a fixed set point (Brickman & Campbell, 1971). Different terms
have been used to describe what is generally known as “set point theory”, such as: adaptation
level theory (Brickman & Campbell, 1971), the Easterlin Paradox (Easterlin, 1974, 2005),
personality theory (Costa & McCrae, 1980), biological theory of well-being (Lykken &
Tellegen, 1996), and dynamic equilibrium theory (Headey & Wearing, 1989). Supported by
biological, personality, cultural and comparison theories, the “set point theory” suggests that
individuals remain at a relatively stable level of happiness despite the increase of their income
or despite the achievement of goals in their lives. Biological theory suggests that individual’s
subjective well-being is heritable to a significant extend (Lykken & Tellegen, 1996), so that
“neither individuals nor societies can lastingly increase their subjective well-being” (Inglehart
et al., 2008), p.264. In the same way, individuals’ personality determines how happy people
are. At the national level, the social comparison theory supports the idea that happiness of
nations stays the same despite the increase of income because of a shift in reference group
(Easterlin, 1974, 2001).

36
Furthermore, “set point theory” suggests that the level of well-being in adults typically
remains stable. Changes only occur when people are experiencing major life events such as
weddings or car accidents. These changes however are temporary, and people often tend to
return to the previous level of well-being after an adjustment period. For example, after a
serious car accident, an individual’s happiness will be probably negatively affected. But after
an adjustment period, the same individual will return to their baseline level of well-being.
Therefore, despite prosperity or goals’ achievement, humans will remain at a relatively stable
level of subjective well-being. For example, a report investigating on 909 employed women
on their time-use including the intensity of stress, enjoyment and other affective states
revealed that after adjustment period humans return to their baseline levels (Kahneman,
Krueger, Schkade, Schwarz, & Stone, 2004). This tendency of humans to quickly return to a
relatively stable level of happiness despite major positive or negative events is also called
“hedonic treadmill” or hedonic adaptation (Easterlin, 1974; Kahneman et al., 2004).
Despite a large number of studies supporting the “set point theory”, there is also
growing evidence which contradicts the idea of “hedonic treadmill” (Inglehart et al., 2008;
Headey, 2010). Moreover, questions have been raised about the comparability of some
studies reporting a flat trend on happiness because most of them have been conducted on the
population of the United States of America (Lykken & Tellegen, 1996). In addition, the
paucity of continuous data from other countries since the Second World War raises a number
of serious issues, which limit the generalisability of the empirical findings (Inglehart et al.,
2008; Headey, 2010). Indeed, analysis of data on subjective well-being of other countries
needs to be urgently investigated (Inglehart et al., 2008; Headey, 2010).

37
1.1.6. Can “subjective well-being” change?
There are a large number of studies still questioning this widespread concept of
unchanging happiness. Some studies have investigated factors which reduce happiness (e.g.,
unexpected loss), and, on the other hand, some studies have looked at factors which are
positively associated to subjective well-being (e.g., getting married). The study of Wortman
and Silver has shown that some individuals are unable to recover back to their previous set
point after an unexpected loss such as a death of their child (Wortman & Silver, 1987). In the
same way, people who have painful chronic conditions and those become seriously disabled
have permanently lower levels of subjective well-being compared to their counterparts who
are not disabled (Headey, 2010). Another longitudinal study using German panel data over 17
years found that 24% of respondents changed significantly in life satisfaction from the first 5
years to the last 5 years (Fujita & Diener, 2005). The study of Hagerty and Veenhoven
looking at the rising happiness in nations from 1946 to 2004 indicated that growing national
income was associated positively to happiness in 14 of the 21 nations (Hagerty & Veenhoven,
2003). Two years later, the well-known economist Richard Easterlin in his article ‘‘Feeding
the illusion of growth and happiness’’ criticised their study for not controlling the seasonal
effects as it used different measures of happiness administrated to different types of samples
(Easterlin, 2005). In response to supporters of “set point theory”, one study re-examined the
rising happiness in large number of countries and found that 45 countries over 52 showed an
increase in subjective well-being (Inglehart et al., 2008).

38
1.2. The conceptual model of subjective well-being
In the past 60 years well-being has been largely assessed through objective measures
such as aggregate income, typically measured by GDP. Nevertheless, there is strong evidence
that, in developed nations, income is progressively less effective as a way of increasing
subjective well-being because most of the significant drivers of subjective well-being are not
directly related to income (Easterlin, 2005; Stiglitz et al., 2009). For example, in relation to
people’s subjective well-being, studies support the impact of a wide range of non-income
related factors such as leisure, non-market production, the level of social connections, relative
income, self-rated health status, attitude towards the income distribution (Fleche et al., 2011;
Jorm & Ryan, 2014; Layard et al., 2016). Thus, knowing the correlates of subjective well-
being may indirectly create the conditions in which citizens are able to improve their quality
of life.
1.2.1. Different subjective well-being frameworks
Different subjective well-being frameworks are suggested in the literature to explain
people’s happiness and/or life satisfaction. This thesis gives the overview of some well-being
frameworks such as: the Easterlin’s life domains of happiness (Easterlin, 2006), the ONS
national well-being framework (Hicks et al., 2013), Gallup global well-being domains
(Gallup-Healthways, 2015), OECD’s determinants of subjective well-being (Fleche et al.,
2011b), and the World Happiness Report framework (Layard et al., 2016). In these
frameworks, subjective well-being is measured using different questions related to cognitive
or emotional component of well-being such as life satisfaction, happiness, or positive and
negative affect.
39
The Easterlin’s life domains of happiness suggest that people get the satisfaction from
various life domains such as financial situation, family life, health, and work (Easterlin, 2006).
Easterlin’s argument is that in the USA happiness rises slightly, on average, from ages 18 to
midlife because of growing satisfaction with one’s family life and work, and declines slowly
thereafter. The author concluded that his findings do not support the mainstream economics
view that well-being depends only on one’s objective conditions. In line with recent findings,
Easterlin suggested that happiness is the outcome of both objective and subjective factors
(Easterlin, 2006; Stiglitz et al., 2009).
The ONS national well-being framework, developed to measure the subjective well-
being in the UK, suggested a broad range of factors including those affecting directly the
individual subjective well-being (e.g., physical and mental health, personal finance, education
and skills, our relationships, what we do, and where we live) and more contextual domains
(e.g., governance, the economy and natural environment) (Hicks et al., 2013). The UK well-
being framework suggests that subjective well-being measures have a potential role to
improve policy at the national level (Hicks et al., 2013).
The What Works Centre for Wellbeing framework was developed after wellbeing
public dialogues around the UK and suggested key factors affecting people wellbeing such as:
feeling safe, being financially comfortable, good physical and mental health, good food, basic
needs for good quality of life, job, housing, natural environment and transport, feeling loved,
sense of belonging, positive connections, feeling fulfilled, achievement, control and choice
(WhatWorksWellbeing, 2016). During their consultations, the terms quality of life, wellbeing,
40
happiness, life satisfaction and flourishing were used interchangeably (WhatWorksWellbeing,
2016).
Gallup global well-being framework covers different countries across the globe
(Gallup-Healthways, 2015). Several factors are measured to explain the average happiness
across countries including GDP per capita, healthy life expectancy at birth, social support,
freedom to make life choice, generosity to donate money to a charity, perceptions of
corruption.
OECD’s determinants of subjective well-being were developed by Fleche and her
colleagues to explain the average life satisfaction across OECD members (Fleche et al., 2011).
OECD well-being framework suggests that measures of subjective well-being capture the
impact of a broader range of outcomes than does income alone. Quite a lot of factors were
used to explain the average life satisfaction such as: aggregate income measured by GDP per
capita, self-rated health status, employment, education, environment index, freedom of choice
and control, importance of friends, trust in people, governance measured by corruption
perception index, gender, age and marital status.
The World Happiness Report framework developed by Layard and his colleagues
suggested several factors to explain happiness and misery. Three domains were included:
Genes and environment, External factors (e.g., income, work, community and governance,
values and religion) and Personal features (e.g., physical and mental health, family experience,
education, and gender and age) (Layard et al., 2016).
To summarise, one of the methodological limitations that make it difficult to have an
agreed well-being framework is that different factors are suggested across different well-being
41
frameworks to explain happiness and/or life satisfaction. Some frameworks focussed on an
affective component of well-being (e.g., happiness) while others used a cognitive component
of well-being (e.g., life satisfaction), but research suggest that both components should be
used to explain subjective well-being (Diener et al., 1999; Kahneman & Deaton, 2010).
Another methodological limitation is that some well-being frameworks are designed to
respond to a specific national needs such as ONS national well-being framework (Hicks et al.,
2013) and, thus, should be tested across nations. Nevertheless, the common ground of all
well-being frameworks discussed above is the idea that alternative measures of subjective
well-being alongside GDP per capita can be used to assess social progress and inform policy
decisions. Thus, to explain the average subjective well-being at the individual or national
level, subjective measures alongside objective measures need to be used (Stiglitz et al., 2009).
Figure 1.3. Subjective well-being framework
National factors affecting SWB: Aggregate

Economic performance, National wealth, GDP per capita / national
National income inequality (Gini coefficient) level
CPI (Corruption Perception Index)
Environment pollution
Governance, welfare state policy
Individual factors affecting SWB: Personal

income, Income scale group, Health status,
Financial satisfaction, Freedom of choice,
Meaning of life, National pride, Trust in Individual SWB Individual
institutions, Social connections, Trust in people, (e.g., life level
Friends important, Family important, Leisure satisfaction,
important, Redistribution attitude (preference for happiness)
inc ineq), Religious attendance Individuals’ self-
Confounders: Employment status, Education report
level, Gender, Marital status, Age group
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1.2.2. Empirical studies on correlates of subjective well-being: limitations and further
directions
Identifying the key factors that are correlated with subjective well-being is vital to
informing governments and policy makers interested on subjective well-being (Kroll &
Lampert, 2011; Levin et al., 2011; Stiglitz et al., 2009). Many researchers and policy makers
prefer to focus on factors under people’s control rather than biological factors (Helliwell et al.,
2016; Lyubomirsky, 2001; Lyubomirsky & Layous, 2013). This thesis has adopted the same
approach. The idea is that focusing on intentional activities and people’s attitudes may inform
governments and policy makers interested on subjective well-being (Fleche et al., 2011;
Lyubomirsky & Layous, 2013). So far, factors as diverse as: income, financial satisfaction,
health status, income inequality, employment status, emancipative values, living in developed
nations, social welfare, religiosity, social connections and GDP are suggested to be associated
with subjective well-being (Diener et al., 2013; Fleche et al., 2011; Jorm & Ryan, 2014;
Zagorski, Evans, Kelley, & Piotrowska, 2014).
Despite the fact that many studies have reported novel analyses of subjective well-
being data (see Appendix 1.1) there are important limitations in the current evidence base in
terms of drivers of subjective well-being.
First, the majority of studies into drivers of subjective well-being have been conducted
in developed nations because these countries have the financial resources to conduct research
and participants are accessible in contrast to developing nations with poorer infrastructure.
This is problematic in terms of the representativeness for the purpose of global decision-
making (World-Values-Survey, 2015).

43
Second, the terms happiness and life satisfaction have been used interchangeably to
assess subjective well-being (Easterlin, 1974; Howell & Howell, 2008) but there is strong
evidence to suggest that these terms are not synonymous. Happiness is more closely
associated with emotions, feelings or moods; in contrast, life satisfaction is concerned with
people’s judgments about life-as-a-whole, which might include evaluations of their work or
personal relationships. Thus, the OECD guidelines on measuring subjective well-being
suggest that all aspects of subjective well-being should be measured separately to develop a
more comprehensive measure of people’s quality of life and to allow a better understanding of
its determinants (OECD, 2013).
Third, indicators of happiness and life satisfaction may have different salience across
countries. For example, the “Easterlin paradox” stated that, while richer individuals/countries
were happier than those with lower incomes, there is no evidence to suggest that average
reported happiness increases over time in line with rises in Gross Domestic Product (GDP)
(Easterlin, 1974, 2005). The data of World Happiness Report 2016 supports the argument that
developed nations are happier than poor nations. Although there has been some swapping of
places, the top 10 countries are developed (Denmark, Switzerland, Iceland, Norway, Finland,
Canada, Netherlands, New Zealand, Australia, and Sweden). Furthermore, the 10 countries
with the lowest average happiness are poor nations (Madagascar, Tanzania, Liberia, Guinea,
Rwanda, Benin, Afghanistan, Togo, Syria, and Burundi) (Helliwell et al., 2016). In contrast,
according to the Gallup Healthways Well-Being Index, the global well-being map is dynamic
and changing in favour of growing economies. For the Gallup Healthways Well-Being Index
the highest 10 well-being countries include developing and Latin America economies
(Panama, Costa Rica, Puerto Rico, Switzerland, Belize, Chile, Denmark, Guatemala, Austria,
44
and Mexico). Also, the lowest 10 well-being countries are largely poor nations (Ghana, Haiti,
Benin, Ivory Coast, Democratic Republic of Congo, Tunisia, Togo, Cameroon, Bhutan, and
Afghanistan) (Gallup-Healthways, 2015).
Fourth, most studies investigating the association between subjective well-being and
potential determinants of subjective well-being report the results of multivariate statistical
analyses but neglect to report univariate analyses; the inclusion of covariates may weaken the
observed association between subjective well-being and explanatory variables, or multivariate
techniques might throw up spurious statistically significant associations (Kaplan, Chambers,
& Glasgow, 2014; Miller & Chapman, 2001).
Fifth, the link between subjective well-being and potential determinants of subjective
well-being might be affected by other key operational and methodological factors such as the
way potential determinants of subjective well-being are assessed (multiple items versus single
item measures; general population versus people with chronic medical conditions).
The present thesis investigates these inconsistencies and literature limitations using
two steps: (1) selecting an updated data source (i.e., World Value Survey, 2010-2014) in order
to identify the strongest correlates of subjective well-being, (2) to investigate in depth these
strongest factors and clarify the relationship shown in the empirical dataset, and provide
useful insights on what research is needed to be pursued in the future on the strongest factors
associated with subjective well-being.

45
2. CHAPTER 2: METHODOLOGY
2.1.Rationale
This thesis aimed to extend the literature discussed above and pursued to answer a
research question: what are the strongest correlates of subjective well-being? A number of
areas of research were identified as priorities and two approaches were used in this thesis: (1)
investigating the correlates of subjective well-being in representative samples of nations using
worldwide data (i.e., World Value Survey); (2) conducting systematic reviews and meta-
analyses of key correlates of subjective well-being. Based on the literature and empirical study
conducted in chapter 3, three factors of interest were selected for the systematic reviews and
meta-analyses: income inequality, health status and financial satisfaction. Different
hypotheses were tested: (a) whether decreasing income inequality could positively be
associated with subjective well-being; (b) whether health status is the strongest correlate of
subjective well-being; (c) whether financial satisfaction is associated with subjective well-
being; and (d) whether the association between subjective well-being and key factors are
affected by key operational (e.g., life satisfaction, happiness) and methodological (e.g.,
multiple items, random sampling, country level of development) factors.
2.2.Methodological approaches
Two methodological approaches were used to investigate the correlates of subjective
well-being: multilevel regression analysis (described in Chapter 3) and systematic reviews and
meta-analyses (described in Chapter 4, 5 and 6) using random effects models followed by
subgroup analyses and sensitivity analyses to examine moderation effects.

46
2.3.Data sources
The intention was to examine the strongest correlates of subjective well-being in
representative samples of nations in order to overcome limitations of the representativeness.
To achieve this aim, a worldwide dataset was used (i.e., World Value Survey). World Value
Survey (WVS), in collaboration with a European Values Study (EVS) carried out six different
surveys from 1981 to 2014 in 100 countries, where on average, 1,500 individuals per nation
were interviewed face-to-face (World-Values-Survey, 2015).
2.4.Limitations of WVS
While WVS surveyed representative samples of nations, it has several limitations,
including small sample size, different collection mode, poor responses rates, and not tracking
the same nations over years. WVS does not keep tracking the same countries; for example,
since 1981, the WVS has conducted six survey waves in 100 countries and only two surveys
were conducted in the UK (i.e. 1994-1998 and 2005-2009). In recent years, WVS has
improved their methodology including their collection mode (World-Values-Survey, 2015).
The latest survey wave, conducted from 2010 to 2014, overcomes some significant limitations
reported in previous waves such as: improving sample size, collection mode and response
rates. While point-of-time studies are an uncertain basis for generalizing about life cycle
experience, the benefit of a cross-sectional study design is that it allows researchers to
compare many different variables at the same time. Our research question was to determine
the strongest correlates of subjective well-being, and then systematically search in the
literature and meta-analyse the association between these factors and subjective well-being.
Due to several limitations of previous WVS waves, it seems like WVS could be useful to
compare many different variables at the same time, but it is not appropriate data to investigate
47
how changes in a particular variable (e.g., income inequality) could impact on subjective well-
being (Fleche et al., 2011).
2.5.WVS survey weights
A full data set is much better in capturing the relationship between variables, and this
is what is desired in scientific practice. Unfortunately, when the researcher cannot get a full
data set, the random sample could be an option. In our case, WVS was used as a data source
and a survey was conducted in a representative sample of nations where participants were
recruited using stratified random sampling. To generalise the results of the analysis to the
wider population, data can be weighted. Survey weighting is often used when regression
models are estimated from survey data. Unweighted estimators of regression coefficients may
be biased if the inclusion of units in the sample is correlated with the outcome variable
conditional on the explanatory variables (Skinner & Mason, 2012). However, a potential
disadvantage of weighting is that it may inflate the variances of the coefficient estimators
(Skinner & Mason, 2012). For example, Jaime Diez Medrano, who is the Director of the WVS
Archive, suggested that it is not good practice to use weighting to compensate important
deviations from the target figures (Medrano, 2016). If the sample is reliable for each country
included in the survey (e.g., using stratified random sample), the generalization to countries
may not really need averaging across countries, as in most cases the sample is limited and
more or less comparable in size across countries.
To run the WVS survey weight, two variables were used: S017 which represented the
original country weight, and S018 representing the 1000-equilibrated weight. S018 is a
weighting factor derived from S017, whose goal is to transform the sample’s N to 1000.
Making all the samples’ N equal makes all samples count the same in a combined analysis,
48
and help build a population scaled weight. A population scaled weight is one that gives an N
for each country equal to the population size of the region covered by the sample. For
example, in the last WVS wave (2010-2014), India’s sample was 1581 while USA’s sample
was 1249. Using S017 as a weight in a combined analysis, India would count more than the
USA because their total population N is bigger. However, using S018, which is proportional
to S017, both samples would show 1000 cases (Medrano, 2016). The weight formula used
was: WEIGHT country = S018/1000 x POPULATION country.
2.6.Zero order correlation
A pairwise correlation (r) model was used to establish factors that are associated with
happiness and life satisfaction. The pairwise correlation was used to overcome a core
limitation of previous studies which only presented coefficients of their last model of multiple
regression analysis but failed to present correlations at univariate level. Statistically significant
coefficients from multiple regression models, especially when they are very small and based
on large sample size, might not be due to true effects but due to suppressor effects or other
statistical artefacts (Smith, Ager, & Williams, 1992). The correlation coefficient was
estimated and the significance (p<0.05) was tested using Stata 13.1 software (Stata, 2013).
The value range from -1 for a perfect negative linear relationship to +1 for a perfect positive
linear relationship and a value of 0 indicates no relationship between two variables.
2.7.Usage of the thumb’s effect sizes and testing variation across sub-groups
The interpretation of the results will be done in terms of effect sizes (Cohen, 1992).
The thumb’s effect sizes will be applied to ascertain which of the explanatory variables has a
greater effect on happiness and life satisfaction. Thus, r = 0.10 was a “small” effect size (“not
so small as to be trivial”, ((Cohen, 1992) p. 159), r = 0.30 was a “medium” effect size (“likely
49
to be visible to the naked eye of a careful observer”, ((Cohen, 1992) p. 159), and r = 0.50 was
a “large” effect size (“the same distance above medium as small was below it”, ((Cohen,
1992) p.159).
To test whether the association between subjective well-being and other factors varies across
sub-groups, we used Cohen’s q Fisher’s z transformation of r (Cohen, 1969). By convention,
if z score values are greater than or equal to 1.96 or less than or equal to -1.96, the two
correlations coefficients are significantly different at the .05 level of significance (suggesting
difference of correlation coefficients between two population groups) (Cohen & Cohen, 1983;
Preacher, 2002).
2.8.Random effects multilevel regression model
Multilevel analysis was used as an appropriate approach because it takes into account
the social contexts as well as the individual respondents (Snijders & Bosker, 2012). Both fixed
effects and random effects have been used in previous studies to analyse this kind of data.
However, in this study, random-effects have been selected because of the assumption that
differences across entities are random and have some influence on happiness and life
satisfaction. The Hausman test suggests that in these cases the use of random effects are the
most legitimate approach (Bell & Jones, 2015; Hausman, 1978 ; Torres-Reyna, 2007). The
results of fixed effects will be reported in the appendix 3.3.
2.9.Systematic reviews and meta-analyses
Three systematic reviews and meta-analyses were conducted to summarize existing
knowledge and identify areas where further studies are needed: (1) the association between
income inequality and subjective well-being; (2) the association between health status and
50
subjective well-being; and (3) the association between financial satisfaction and subjective
well-being. Systematic reviews are placed amongst the top of the hierarchy of evidences and
comprise the best means of systematically summarising the literature. Systematic reviews
clarify the relationship shown in the empirical studies and provide useful insights on what
research is needed to be pursued in the future on the determinants of subjective well-being in
order to guide policy directions (Clark, Etile, Postel-Vinay, Senik, & Van der Straeten, 2005;
Helliwell & Barrington-Leigh, 2010).
All three systematic reviews were conducted and reported according to PRISMA
(Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses) and Cochrane
Handbook recommendations (Higgins & Green, 2011; Hutton et al., 2015) . In particular,
standard procedures were followed whilst conducting the systematic reviews and meta-
analyses:
1. Having a protocol and specific research question,
2. Clearly stating a set of objectives with pre-defined eligibility criteria for studies,
3. Having an explicit and reproducible methodology, a systematic search using different
updated databases (e.g., Web of science, OVID medline, Pub Med, PsychInfo,
Embase, Global health),
4. Use of risk of bias assessment tools, a systematic presentation of the results, and meta-
analysis of included studies and their sub-groups (Higgins & Green, 2011; Hutton et
al., 2015).
5. Authors were contacted for extra-information such as providing correlation coefficient
(r) when their studies didn’t give.

51
6. The random effects model was used in each meta-analysis and the overall effect,
confidence interval, heterogeneity and Cochrane’s Q measures were presented
(Kontopantelis, Springate, & Reeves, 2013; Stata, 2013).
7. To test variation across sub-groups, Cohen’s q Fisher’s z transformation of r was used
(Cohen, 1969).
2.10. Reflective pages to link empirical studies
After each empirical study, a reflective writing provides an opportunity to link studies
as this thesis has been produced in alternative format, whereby research chapters are written
and presented in a format appropriate for publication in academic peer reviewed journals in
order to facilitate the publication and dissemination of the research findings. The reflective
pages gives the readers the chance to gain further insights from what has been done including
how the empirical study represents a significant and original piece of research that contributes
to the research gaps and advances the knowledge on factors associated with subjective well-
being. The reflection discusses theories, debates and highlights controversies on subjective
well-being. Finally, the reflective part evaluates what could be done differently and justifies
the next empirical study on the basis of what we have learnt.

52
CHAPTER 3.
DETERMINANTS OF SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEING IN REPRESENTATIVE
SAMPLES OF NATIONS.
Published as:
Ngamaba, K. H. (2017). Determinants of subjective well-being in representative samples of
nations. European Journal of Public Health, 27 (2): 377-382. doi: 10.1093/eurpub/ckw103.

53
3.1.Abstract
Background: Maximising the happiness and life satisfaction (i.e., subjective well-
being) of citizens is a fundamental goal of international governmental organizations’ policies.
In order to decide what really matter to people’s subjective well-being (SWB) there is a need
to identify what the correlates of subjective well-being are. However, to date most studies
have been conducted in unrepresentative samples of largely “developed” nations.
Methods: Data from the latest World Value Survey (2010-2014) and gathered 85,070
respondents from 59 countries (Age 16 to 99 years, Mean = 42, SD = 16.54; 52.29% females)
were pooled for the analysis. A cross-sectional multilevel random effects model was
performed where respondents were nested by country.
Results: The average levels of subjective well-being varied across countries and
geographical regions. Among the lowest 10 subjective well-being countries are nations from:
Eastern Europe and Former Soviet Union and Middle East and North Africa. Factors driving
subjective well-being include state of health, financial satisfaction, freedom of choice, GDP
per capita, income scale, importance of friends, leisure, being females, weekly religious
attendance, unemployment and income inequality. Nevertheless, according to Cohen’s rules of
thumb, most of these factors have “small” effect sizes. Thus, the main factors that possibly
matter to people’s subjective well-being and across the globe are: state of health, household’s
financial satisfaction and freedom of choice.
Conclusions: To maximize the subjective well-being of the population, policy makers
that support subjective well-being may focus on different factors including: health status,
household’s financial satisfaction and emancipative values.

54
Keywords: happiness, life satisfaction, determinants of subjective well-being, international
governmental organizations.
55
3.2.Introduction
Maximising the well-being of citizens is a fundamental goal of international
governmental organizations’ policies (Stiglitz et al., 2009). Traditionally, international
governmental organizations have assessed citizens’ well-being based on objective and
observable data such as Gross Domestic Product (GDP) (Easterlin, 1974; Howell & Howell,
2008). However, while GDP may provide a measure of economy activity, it does not take
potential nonmonetary aspects of well-being into account, such as government subsidies,
household childcare and informal activities (Helliwell & Barrington-Leigh, 2010; Stiglitz et
al., 2009).
Measuring subjective well-being (SWB) using measures of happiness and life-
satisfaction not only overcomes the limitations of GDP, but allows researchers to investigate
the factors that really matter to people’s subjective well-being (Stiglitz et al., 2009; van
Reekum et al., 2007). Thus, the Commission on the Measurement of Economic Performance
and Social Progress recommend that subjective measures of well-being should be used
alongside objective economic data to assess social progress and evaluate policy (Stiglitz et al.,
2009). Also, the World Happiness Report 2016 highlighted that measurements of subjective
well-being can be used effectively to assess the progress of nations (Helliwell et al., 2016).
To maximise subjective well-being, it is first necessary to identify the key drivers of
subjective well-being. To date, researchers have suggested several domains that may affect
people’s subjective well-being, such as: genes, personality, possessing good health, managing
your economic life, having supportive relationships, liking where you live, freedom to make
life choices, and liking what you do (Gallup-Healthways, 2015; Helliwell et al., 2016;
56
Machado et al., 2015). Many researchers and policy makers prefer to focus on factors under
our control. So far, factors as diverse as: income, financial satisfaction, health status, income
inequality, employment status, age group, emancipative values, living in developed nations,
social welfare, religiosity and social connections are suggested to be important determinants
of subjective well-being (Diener et al., 2013; Fleche et al., 2011; Jorm & Ryan, 2014;
Zagorski et al., 2014). However, the studies on which these conclusions are based suffer
limitations in three key respects.
First, the majority of studies into the drivers of subjective well-being are conducted in
developed nations because these countries have the financial resources to conduct research
and participants are accessible in contrast to developing nations with poorer infrastructure.
This is problematic in terms of the representativeness for the purpose of global decision-
making (World-Values-Survey, 2015).
Second, the terms happiness and life satisfaction have been used interchangeably to
assess subjective well-being (Easterlin, 1974; Howell & Howell, 2008) but there is strong
evidence to suggest that these terms are not synonymous. Happiness is more closely
associated with emotions, feelings or moods; in contrast, life satisfaction is concerned with
people’s judgments about life-as-a-whole, which might include evaluations of their work or
personal relationships. Thus, the OECD guidelines on measuring subjective well-being
suggest that all aspects of subjective well-being should be measured separately to develop a
more comprehensive measure of people’s quality of life and to allow a better understanding of
its determinants (OECD, 2013).

57
Third, indicators of happiness and life satisfaction may have different salience across
countries. For example, the “Eaterlin paradox” stated that, while richer individuals/countries
were happier than those with lower incomes, there is no evidence to suggest that average
reported happiness increases over time in line with rises in Gross Domestic Product (GDP)
(Easterlin, 1974, 2005). The data of World Happiness Report 2016 supports the argument that
developed nations are happier than poor nations. Although there has been some swapping of
places, the top 10 countries are developed (Denmark, Switzerland, Iceland, Norway, Finland,
Canada, Netherlands, New Zealand, Australia, and Sweden). Also, the 10 countries with the
lowest average happiness are poor nations (Madagascar, Tanzania, Liberia, Guinea, Rwanda,
Benin, Afghanistan, Togo, Syria, and Burundi) (Helliwell et al., 2016). By the way of
contrast, according to the Gallup Healthways Well-Being Index, the global well-being map is
dynamic and changing in favour of growing economies. For the Gallup Healthways Well-
Being Index the highest 10 well-being countries are including developing and Latin America
economies (Panama, Costa Rica, Puerto Rico, Switzerland, Belize, Chile, Denmark,
Guatemala, Austria, and Mexico). Also, the lowest 10 well-being countries are largely poor
nations (Ghana, Haiti, Benin, Ivory Coast, Democratic Republic of Congo, Tunisia, Togo,
Cameroon, Bhutan, and Afghanistan) (Gallup-Healthways, 2015).
Higher economic growth or higher household income may result in improvements in
the life conditions of the poor. Income rise may facilitate people to have good nutrition, access
to food, adequate shelter, health care, education opportunities and, as a result, an increase of
happiness (Howell & Howell, 2008). Nevertheless, according to the “need theory” in both
low-income countries and high-income countries, income or money is crucial to have a
standard of living or to live comfortably (Ng & Diener, 2014). Individuals in the high-income
58
world may also need more income to overcome social isolation, obesity and depression by
attending social groups and gym sessions (Gallup-Healthways, 2015; Helliwell et al., 2016).
Using representative samples of nations, this present study aims to address the
limitations of previous research by undertaking a multivariate data analysis of the
determinants of happiness and life satisfaction, in order to address an important gap in the
literature and inform international government organizations’ policies (Fleche et al., 2011;
Levin et al., 2011; Stiglitz et al., 2009).
3.3.Methods
3.3.1. Sources of data
The present study analyses data from the latest survey conducted by the World Value
Survey (WVS) from 2010 to 2014. The WVS in collaboration with the European Values
Study (EVS) provides evidence on what people want out of life and what they believe in. To
monitor these value changes, the WVS/EVS has carried out six different survey waves from
1981 to 2014 in 100 countries from different continents (World-Values-Survey, 2015). The
latest WVS survey wave (2010-2014) is used because it is up-to-date and includes a
representative sample of nations and participants, recruited using Stratified Random
Sampling. Also, the latest survey wave overcomes some significant limitations reported in
previous waves such as: improving sample size, collection mode and response rates. In recent
years, WVS has amended their methodology including their collection mode (World-Values-
Survey, 2015).
59
3.3.2. Sample
The total sample size was 85,070 respondents from 59 countries (52.29% females).
With an average of 1,442 respondents, ranging from 841 to 3,531 individuals, participants of
each country were interviewed face-to-face by a local field organisation and supervised by
WVS’s academic researchers (World-Values-Survey, 2015). Respondent ages range from 16
to 99 years, with a mean of 42 years and standard deviation of 16.54. Appendix 3.1 presents
the list of countries, year the survey was conducted, number of participants, average happiness
and life satisfaction, and country geographical region.
Data collected by the WVS was checked for missing data and although more than 95%
of cases were complete, listwise deletion was applied (Snijders & Bosker, 2012a). Given that
many explanatory variables were used in the multivariate model, the final number of
respondents decreased from 85,070 to 75,476. Correlations among variables were tested prior
to analysis because highly correlated predictors might lead to multicollinearity and
multivariate techniques might throw up spurious statistically significant associations (Jorm &
Ryan, 2014; Miller & Chapman, 2001). There was no evidence of multicollinearity among
the measured variables (see Appendix 3.3).
3.3.3. Measures
The survey measures are presented in Table 2.1. Survey responses came from the main
data (i.e., WVS) and were combined with objective economic data from reputable sources. For
example, GDP per capita was taken from World Bank data (World-Bank, 2015) and income
inequality was operationalized using the Gini coefficient (De Maio, 2007), which was drawn
from Standardised World Income Inequality Data (SWIID) (Solt, 2014).

60
Table 3.1. Descriptive statistics and measures
Variable Participants Mean Std. Dev. Min Max Description & measurement
Happiness 84339 3.141678 .7434577 1 4 Taking all things together, would you say you are: 1=Not at all happy;
2=Not very happy; 3=Quite happy; and 4=Very happy.
Life satisfaction 84517 6.863637 2.264329 1 10 All things considered, how satisfied are you with your life as a whole these
days? On a scale of 1 to 10 if 1=dissatisfied and 10=satisfied.
Scale of incomes 82003 4.908784 2.104927 1 10 “We would like to know in what group your household is, counting all
wages, salaries, pensions and other incomes that comes in”. 1 indicates the
lowest income group, and 10 the highest income group [created dummy
variable for each category; low income scale (1-4), middle income scale (4-
5) and high income scale (7-10)]
Low income scale 83882 .3782218 .4849463 0 1
Middle income scale 83882 .3627 .4807821 0 1
High income scale 83882 .2250423 .4176127 0 1

61
State of health 84753 3.916605 .8484247 1 5 All in all, how would you describe your state of health these days? If
1=very poor, 2=poor, 3=fair, 4=good, and 5=very good.
Financial satisfaction 84433 5.958014 2.45419 1 10 How satisfied are you with the financial situation of your household? If '1'
completely dissatisfied, and '10' completely satisfied.
Freedom of choice 83675 7.103866 2.213356 1 10 How much freedom of choice and control you feel you have over the way
your life turns out, where 1 "none at all" and 10 "a great deal".
Meaning of life 83727 3.155159 .8582036 1 4 How often, if at all, do you think about the meaning and purpose of life?
Trust 82874 .256353 .4366216 0 1 Generally speaking, would you say that most people can be trusted or that
you need to be very careful in dealing with people?” 0= Can’t be too
careful or; 1= Most people can be trusted.
Friends important 84607 3.315825 .7397572 1 4 Indicate how important friends are in your life; if 1=not at all important,
2=not very, 3=rather important and 4=very important
Family important 84754 3.892064 .3758205 1 4 Indicate how important family is in your life; if 1=not at all important,

62
Leisure important 84117 3.11679 .8341943 1 4 Indicate how important leisure time is in your life; if 1=not at all important,
National pride 82724 3.463856 .7143984 1 4 How proud are you to be [nationality]? if 1=not at all proud, 2=not very
proud, 3=quite proud and 4=very proud
Preferences for income 82527 5.43347 2.935386 1 10 1 = Incomes should be made more equal; and 10 = We need larger income
inequality differences as incentives.
Employment status 83516 3.330861 2.1213 1 8 Full time, Part time, Self-employed, Retired, Housewife, Student,
Unemployed, and Other employment category (created dummy variable for
each category)
Full time 83882 .3219642 .4672321 0 1
Part time 83882 .0964569 .2952186 0 1
Self-employed 83882 .1169381 .3213484 0 1
Retired 83882 .119525 .3244073 0 1
Housewife 83882 .1509144 .3579675 0 1

63
Student 83882 .0746167 .2627735 0 1
Unemployed 83882 .0882192 .2836151 0 1
Other employment cat. 83882 .0134475 .1151815 0 1
Educational attainment 79673 4.976981 2.176089 1 8 Participants were asked to indicate their highest educational attainment
level level; from elementary, secondary to degree level (created dummy variable
for each category)
Elementary 83882 .2380129 .4258696 0 1
Secondary 83882 .4436709 .4968199 0 1
Degree / university 83882 .2553706 .4360719 0 1
Gender (female) 84982 .5228637 .4994799 0 1 men=0, women=1
Marital status 84836 2.720861 2.183185 1 6 married, living together, divorced, separated, widowed, single (created
dummy variable for each category)
Married 83882 .5562099 .4968334 0 1

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Living together 83882 .0677499 .2513178 0 1
Divorced 83882 .0403901 .1968735 0 1
Separated 83882 .0191221 .136955 0 1
Widowed 83882 .0610143 .2393579 0 1
Single 83882 .2531532 .4348206 0 1
Age group 84917 42.05654 16.54851 16 99 Which age group you are: 15-24, 25-34, 35-44, 45-54, 55-64, 65 & over
(created dummy variable for each category)
15-24 83882 .168129 .3739831 0 1
25-34 83882 .2239575 .4168964 0 1
35-44 83882 .1955843 .3966522 0 1
45-54 83882 .1670323 .3730069 0 1
55-64 83882 .1308028 .3371866 0 1
65 & over 83882 .1128252 .3163808 0 1

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Religious services 80436 3.090606 1.596975 1 5 Apart from Weddings, Funerals and Christenings, how often do you attend
attendance religious services? 1= never, 2= once a year or less, 3= on special holidays,
4=once a month, 5= every week.” (created dummy variable for each
category)
Every week 83882 .3104003 .4626603 0 1
Once a month 83882 .0927613 .2900993 0 1
On special holidays 83882 .1560287 .3628847 0 1
Once a year or less 83882 .1526668 .3596682 0 1
Never 83882 .2347822 .4238651 0 1
GDP per capita 85070 17837.68 18930.81 630 71510 GDP per capita (in U.S. dollars) was drawn from the World Bank 2015
(World-Bank, 2015)
Gini coefficient 85070 .3844632 .0827492 .239 .594 The Gini coefficient was drawn from SWIID, and ranges from 0 to 1,
which represent perfect equality and inequality, respectively.
Corruption 85070 5.346019 2.047123 1 8.3 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) drawn from Transparency International
66
(CPI, 2014), showing the degree of public sector corruption as perceived by
business people and country analysts, we rescale this measure as
Corruption=10-CPI score means 0=highly clean and 10=highly corrupt.
Source: (CPI, 2014; Solt, 2014; World-Bank, 2015; World-Values-Survey, 2015). Inequality preference: is a self-reported attitude to
income inequality; it was measured on a scale from 1 to 10, with 1 = Incomes should be made more equal; and 10 = We need larger
income differences as incentives

67
3.3.4. Analysis
The present study used data from the latest WVS survey conducted from 2010 to 2014
in 59 countries. Stata 13.1 software (Stata, 2013) was used for a cross-sectional multilevel
study in which individuals were nested by countries (Snijders & Bosker, 2012). Multilevel
analysis is an appropriate approach for this study because it takes into account the social
contexts as well as the individual respondents. Both fixed effects and random effects have
been used in previous studies to analyse this kind of data. However, in this study random-
effects has been selected because of the assumption that differences across entities are random
and have some influence on happiness and life satisfaction. The Hausman test suggests that it
is safe to use random effects (Prob>chi2 = 0.096 > 0.05) (Bell & Jones, 2015; Hausman, 1978
; Torres-Reyna, 2007).
Three steps were taken in the analysis: First, a descriptive statistics of dependent
variables (happiness and life satisfaction) and explanatory variables was presented. Second, a
cross-national multilevel analysis was conducted to test whether the explanatory variables
were associated in a similar way with each dependent variable (i.e., happiness and life
satisfaction). Finally, after controlling for covariates, the thumb’s effect sizes was applied to
ascertain which of the explanatory variable has a greater effect on happiness and life
satisfaction.
Variables used in the present study were measured using different scales, thus
standardisation procedures were applied to ascertain which of the explanatory variables has a
greater effect on subjective well-being. The variables were scaled so that higher values
reflected more of the positive characteristics. This study used p < .001, p < .01 and p < .05 as
68
level of significance and I emphasised the interpretation of the results using thumb’s effect
sizes (J. Cohen, 1992). Thus, r ≤ .10 was used as a “small” effect size, r > .10 and ≤ .30 as a
“medium” effect size, and r > .30 as a “large” effect size.
3.4.Results
3.4.1. Descriptive results
Table 3.1 provides an overview of the descriptive statistics used later in the multilevel
regression analysis. The average levels of happiness (on a scale of 1 to 4) was M = 3.141 and
of life satisfaction (on a scale of 1 to 10) was M = 6.863 suggesting that the subjective well-
being of people across the globe was above the midpoint of the scale. However, the average
levels of happiness and life satisfaction varied across countries and geographical regions.
Countries were grouped into eight regions: (1) Western Europe, (2) Eastern Europe and
Former Soviet Union, (3) North America, (4) Latin America, (5) Asia, (6) Sub-Saharan
Africa, (7) Middle East and North Africa, and (8) Australia. In terms of happines, the top 10
countries were: Mexico, Uzbekistan, Qatar, Malaysia, Ecuador, Colombia, Trinidad and
Tobago, Philippines, Sweden, and Nigeria. With regard to life satisfaction, the top 10
countries were: Mexico, Colombia, Qatar, Ecuador, Uzbekistan, Brazil, New Zealand,
Sweden, Uruguay, and Thailand. On the other hand, in terms of happiness, the bottom 10
countries were: Russia, Bahrain, Estonia, Yemen, Ukraine, Palestine, Romania, Belarus, Iraq,
and Egypt. With regard to life satisfaction, the bottom 10 countries were: Morocco, Iraq,
Ukraine, Yemen, Belarus, Palestine, Tunisia, Armenia, Egypt, and India.
Among all regions, Latin America has the highest values of subjective well-being.
Mexico leads all other countries (happiness M = 3.613 and life satisfaction M = 8.512). On the
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other hand, two regions, namely Eastern Europe and Former Soviet Union and Middle East
and North Africa have the lowest values of subjective well-being (with an exeption of Qatar).
Egypt ranks the lowest with an average of happiness M = 1.939 and life satisfaction M = 5.01
(see Appendix 3.1 for the list of countries, average happiness and life satisfaction of each
country).
The average levels of other factors such as state of health, household’s financial
satisfaction, freedom of choice, preference for income inequality, trust, importance of friends
and leisure were above the midpoint of the scale. However, in some factors such as scale of
incomes (on a scale of 1 to 10), the average levels was lower as M = 4.908.
3.4.2. Multilevel modelling analysis results
Table 3.2 presents the results of the multilevel regression analysis investigating
potential predictors of subjective well-being. The table is organised so that the left part
presents the multilevel analysis results of happiness and the right part presents the multilevel
analysis results of life satisfaction.
The most significant factors driving happiness and life satisfaction include state of
health, household’s financial satisfaction, income ranking position, freedom of choice, trust,
national pride, importance of friends and family, leisure, being females, weekly religious
attendance, GDP per capita, and income inequality (see Table 3). Nevertheless, when the
Cohen’s rules of thumb (Cohen, 1992; Wright, 1992) was applied most factors seem to have
“small” effect sizes (r ≤ 0.10).
In terms of happiness only two factors were above the “small” effect size: state of
health and household’s financial satisfaction showed a “medium” effect sizes and were
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positively associated with happiness (b= 0.300, p<0.001; b= 0.169, p<0.001, respectively) (see
Table 3.2).
With regard to life satisfaction, a similar trend has been observed and most factors had
“small” effect sizes. The most significant factors driving life satisfaction were state of health,
household’s financial satisfaction and freedom of choice (b= 0.159, p<0.001; b= 0.300,
p<0.001; b= 0.207, p<0.001, respectively) (see Table 3.2).

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Table 3.2. Results of the Multilevel Regression Analysis (b) investigating the association between
potentials predictors and subjective well-being (i.e., happiness and life satisfaction) – Random
effects (please see in appendix 3.3 the fixed effects with interaction results).
Happiness (dependant var.) Life Satisfaction (dependant var)
Independent var. Coef. b Std. Err. p value Coef. b Std. Err. p value
Low income scale -0.021 0.010 0.031 -0.018 0.009 0.045
Middle income scale 0.013 0.009 0.140 0.022 0.008 0.007
High income scale 0.018 0.008 0.029 0.047 0.007 0.001
State of health 0.300 0.004 0.001 0.159 0.003 0.001
Financial satisfaction 0.169 0.004 0.001 0.300 0.003 0.001
Freedom of choice 0.098 0.004 0.001 0.207 0.003 0.001
Meaning of life 0.003 0.003 0.290 -0.010 0.003 0.001
National proud 0.084 0.004 0.001 0.060 0.003 0.001
Trust 0.025 0.003 0.001 0.026 0.003 0.001
Friends important 0.031 0.003 0.001 0.009 0.003 0.001
Family important 0.052 0.003 0.001 0.027 0.003 0.001
Leisure important 0.035 0.003 0.001 0.015 0.003 0.001
Inequality preference 0.010 0.003 0.001 0.024 0.003 0.001
Employment
Full time 0.029 0.021 0.174 -0.008 0.018 0.644
Part time 0.022 0.012 0.068 -0.007 0.011 0.534
Self-employed 0.017 0.014 0.225 -0.015 0.012 0.222
Retired 0.031 0.015 0.031 -0.010 0.013 0.415
Housewife 0.049 0.016 0.002 0.006 0.014 0.686

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Students 0.031 0.012 0.011 0.008 0.011 0.424
Unemployed 0.001 0.013 0.978 -0.020 0.011 0.081
Other employment 0.011 0.007 0.098 -0.006 0.006 0.287
Education
Elementary educ -0.017 0.007 0.009 0.006 0.006 0.347
Secondary educ -0.026 0.007 0.001 -0.005 0.007 0.482
University educ -0.030 0.006 0.001 -0.004 0.006 0.476
Gender 0.022 0.003 0.001 0.028 0.003 0.001
Marital status
Married 0.050 0.039 0.203 0.053 0.035 0.133
Together 0.011 0.019 0.541 0.018 0.017 0.295
Divorced -0.016 0.014 0.246 -0.009 0.013 0.502
Separated -0.011 0.011 0.300 0.000 0.010 0.963
Widowed -0.023 0.019 0.224 -0.002 0.017 0.906
Single -0.016 0.034 0.623 0.011 0.030 0.730
Age group
Age 16to24 0.052 0.033 0.111 -0.004 0.029 0.881
Age 25to34 0.034 0.036 0.337 -0.025 0.032 0.431
Age 35to44 0.018 0.035 0.587 -0.033 0.031 0.288
Age 45to54 0.019 0.031 0.535 -0.022 0.028 0.427
Age 55to64 0.021 0.028 0.434 -0.008 0.025 0.756
Age 65andover 0.036 0.026 0.156 0.006 0.023 0.809
Religious attendance
Weekly attend 0.023 0.015 0.137 0.052 0.013 0.001
Monthly attend 0.011 0.010 0.305 0.036 0.009 0.001

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Special days attend 0.006 0.012 0.641 0.033 0.010 0.001
Yearly attend 0.003 0.012 0.832 0.034 0.010 0.001
Never attend 0.001 0.013 0.917 0.044 0.011 0.001
National indicators
GDP per capita 0.078 0.041 0.058 0.044 0.021 0.034
Gini coefficient 0.111 0.038 0.004 0.029 0.019 0.123
Corruption 0.060 0.052 0.242 0.004 0.026 0.882
Intercept 0.081 0.133 0.544 -0.090 0.043 0.035
Rho 0.059 0.018
Rsq overall 0.248 0.321
N 75476 75476
Note: Level of significance: p< 0.001; p< 0.01; p< 0.05. All variables were standardised to a mean of 0
and standard deviation of 1 in the pooled individual-level sample. Source: (CPI, 2014; Solt, 2014;
World-Bank, 2015; World-Values-Survey, 2015).
3.5.Discussion
This study investigated the determinants of happiness and life satisfaction across 59
countries using the latest WVS survey conducted from 2010 to 2014. In excluding factors that
have “small” effect sizes (Cohen, 1992), the main finding of the present study is that health
status, household’s financial satisfaction and freedom of choice are associated with subjective
well-being across the globe. In line with the World Happiness Report 2016 and State of
Global Well-Being 2014, some regions are performing better than others. To facilitate policy
makers and donors, the World Bank development indicators classify countries using different
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indicators including economy and growth, conflict status, capacity building, aid effectiveness
and political will (Nielsen, 2011; World_Bank., 2016). Some countries are classified as
instable nations. The levels of prosperity appear to positively associated with subjective well-
being of people (Inglehart et al., 2008). On the other hand, political instability seems to
negatively affect the subjective well-being of people in some countries such as Yemen,
Ukraine, Palestine, Iraq, Tunisia and Egypt.
Healthier people are happier and more satisfied with their lives. Good health is
associated with greater well-being, while setbacks in health have negative effects on
subjective well-being. For example, people who have painful chronic conditions and those
who have become seriously disabled have permanently lower levels of subjective well-being
compare to their counterparts who are not disabled (Headey, 2010). In line with previous
studies (Miret et al., 2014), multilevel analysis showed a positive association between health
status, happiness and life satisfaction even after controlling for several factors.
Traditionally, governments have assessed citizens’ well-being using GDP per capita
(Easterlin, 1974; Howell & Howell, 2008). Nevertheless, in line with previous studies,
findings suggest that policy targeting the improvement in health status is likely to be more
effective for improving well-being than increasing the income per se (Fleche et al., 2011).
Alongside health status, household’s financial satisfaction was another significant
driver of happiness and life satisfaction (Diener et al., 2013; Havasi, 2013). Being satisfied
with your household’s financial situation showed a positive association with happiness and
life stisfaction. The results relating to financial satisfaction suggest that income not only
allows individuals to purchase goods and services (Howell & Howell, 2008), but it also goes
hand-in-hand with happiness and life satisfaction. In line with several other previous studies,
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absolute and highly relative income play an important role in influencing happiness and life
satisfaction (Boyce, Brown, & Moore, 2010; Easterlin, 1974, 2005; Ng & Diener, 2014).
This study found a positive association between freedom of choice and life
satisfaction. Most nations are promoting emancipative values and a link has been established
between freedom of choice and subjective well-being (Diener et al., 2013; Inglehart et al.,
2008). Emancipative values such as freedom of choice, gender equality and tolerance have
been link with Maslow’s hierarchy of needs and human development theory (Diener et al.,
2013; Frick, 1971; Inglehart et al., 2008). Political instability in countries such as Yemen,
Ukraine, Palestine, Iraq, Tunisia and Egypt not only affect the prosperity of these countries,
but restrict emancipative values and negatively affects people’s subjective well-being. For
example, the WVS conducted three surveys in Egypt between 2001 and 2014 and saw an
increase in the number of respondents who self-reported as “not at all happy”, from 47 in
2001, to 56 in 2008, rising to 633 in 2013. This may explain why in WVS data Egypt was
ranking at the bottom of the global subjective well-being.
In line with the Easterlin paradox, Western and post-industrial countries were happier
and more satisfied with their lives compared to poor countries, but according to WVS data
only Sweden and New Zealand were listed in the top 10 of the global subjective well-being.
This may suggest that in the long run, increased income doesn't correlate with increased
subjective well-being (Easterlin, 1974, 2005). According to Inglehart’s human development
theory, a shift from materialist to post-materialist values may occur due to changes in people’s
behaviour, as they move from subsistence to high levels of economic (Inglehart, 1997). On the
other hand, recent surveys including WVS suggest that the global well-being map is dynamic
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and changing (Gallup-Healthways, 2015). Some growing economies and Latin American
countries in particular are performing well in terms of subjective well-being. In Mexico, for
example, the number of respondents who self-reported as “very happy” has increased since
mid-1990s; the number of “very happy” respondents increased from 646 in 1996, to 877 in
2000, 909 in 2005 and finally to 1350 in 2012.
Lastly, despite the “small” effect sizes of many other factors, previous studies suggest
a positive association between social connections and subjective well-being because people
greatly value the quality of their social connections (Helliwell et al., 2016). This study reports
a positive relationship between subjective well-being and trust in other people, importance of
friends and family, leisure and weekly attendance to religious services. The importance of
social relationships on subjective well-being seems to be similar across countries (Fleche et
al., 2011; Jorm & Ryan, 2014; Sarracino, 2013). The lack of social connections may explain
why unemployed people are not only less connected to others, but also they are less happy and
satisfied with their lives (Fleche et al., 2011; Helliwell & Barrington-Leigh, 2010; Jorm &
Ryan, 2014).
3.6.Limitations and further directions
This study has the following limitations.
First, according to Cohen’s rules of thumb, the positive association between subjective
well-being and several factors appear to be trivial because of their “small” effect sizes.
However, there may be circumstances (that were not measured in this study) under which
these factors may powerfully affect people’s subjective well-being.

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Second, this study found a significant positive association between preferences for
income inequality and subjective well-being. According to the “tunnel” effect theory the rise
of income inequality may signal future mobility and an increase of subjective well-being
(Hirschman & Rothschild, 1973). A study conducted in Poland, for example, suggests that
when an increase of income inequality is associated with growth and when it is perceived to
change rapidly (Grosfeld & Senik, 2010). Future studies are needed to investigate the
circumstances in which people see income inequality as incentives rather than a threat in order
to explore theory-driven mechanisms that might underlie that difference (Diener et al., 2013).
Third, the World Value Survey does have its limitations, such as the small sample size
for each country and the collection mode, which varies between countries and the low
responses rates for some countries. The latest WVS survey (2010-2014) had a small number
of countries, 59 in total, which may affect the results of this study.
Finally, this cross-national study found similarities in major determinants of subjective
well-being, which is very useful for the purpose of global decision-making. Nevertheless,
there may be differences in subjective well-being between countries due to socio-cultural
variances and levels of national development. An up-to-date longitudinal study will be very
informative. Due to the small number of countries included in this study, factors that predict
subjective well-being might change, or their effects may decrease or increase. The present
study was a cross-sectional; it means only the association between subjective well-being and
key factors was examined, and that causality cannot be inferred. Studies with more robust
research designs, such as prospective cohorts or stepped wedge clusters are required to try and
gauge causal relationships.

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3.7.Key points
1. An interest on subjective well-being research is growing in recent years; and
2. Identifying factors that are associated with subjective well-being is becoming
important.
3. There are factors that are associated with higher subjective well-being (i.e., happiness
and life satisfaction): health status, household’s financial satisfaction and emancipative
values.
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3.8.Reflection on “Determinants of subjective well-being in representative samples of
nations”
Using representative samples of nations, this empirical study investigates factors that
are associated with Subjective Well-Being. This approach has helped to answer the main
research question: what are the strongest correlates of subjective well-being? For many years
economists and policy makers have suggested that higher growth leads to greater wealth and
higher incomes, which leads to consumption of goods and services, leading to increased well-
being (Diener & Oishi, 2000). Nevertheless, using growth, GDP as a proxy for well-being has
been increasingly challenged (Helliwell & Barrington-Leigh, 2010; Stevenson & Wolfers,
2008; Stiglitz et al., 2009).
For example, in 1990 the Human Development Index (HDI) was introduced as an
alternative to GDP because of its capacity to incorporate an average of log income, health and
educational outcomes (UNDP, 2014). Since, the attempt to revise GDP to take account of non-
monetary factors has increasingly been considered because these factors can inform welfare
choices (Greve, 2010). In 2009, a commission has been initiated to re-examine the economic
performance and social progress (Stiglitz et al., 2009). The outcome of that commission has
highlighted the need to measure well-being using subjective measures;
Research has shown that it is possible to collect meaningful and reliable data on
subjective as well as objective well-being. Subjective well-being encompasses different
aspects (cognitive evaluations of one’s life, happiness, …): each of them should be
measured separately to derive a more comprehensive appreciation of people’s lives...

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[SWB] should be included in larger-scale surveys undertaken by official statistical
offices” (Stiglitz et al., 2009).
Moreover, as a response to the Stiglitz’s commission recommendations, some
governments have taken further steps. For example, in the United Kingdom, the Office of
National Statistics (ONS), and independent organisations such as the “What Works Centre for
Wellbeing”, have contributed to developing broader indicators of well-being using annual
surveys and wellbeing public dialogues (Dolan et al., 2011; WhatWorksWellbeing, 2016).
Across the globe, there is an increasing desire to shift emphasis from measuring
economic production to measuring people’s well-being, and several well-being frameworks
have suggested factors that may be associated with Subjective Well-Being. For example, the
World Happiness Report Framework suggests a combination of external factors, personal
features and biological predisposition (Layard et al., 2016). In addition, a study conducted in
OECD countries reported that non-monetary factors, such as perceived income inequality,
self-reported health status, freedom of choice and social connections, have an impact on life
satisfaction and can inform welfare choices (Fleche et al., 2011).
At the national level, the UK ONS national well-being framework suggests two
categories of factors: those affecting directly the individual subjective well-being (e.g.,
physical and mental health, personal finance, education and skills, our relationships, what we
do, and where we live) and more contextual domains (e.g., governance, the economy and
natural environment) (Hicks et al., 2013). Nevertheless, as far as we were aware, no studies to
date had looked at the strongest correlates of Subjective Well-Being using representative
samples of nations. The majority of studies investigating on factors associated with subjective
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well-being are conducted in developed nations because these nations have the financial
resources to conduct research and participants are accessible in comparison to developing
nations with poor resources (Fleche et al., 2011). Thus, by using representative samples of
nations, this empirical study represents a significant and original piece of research that
contributes to the research gaps.
Using data from the World Value Survey, this study investigates factors that are
strongly associated with Subjective Well-Being.
Reflecting on this research, we may say that things could be done differently. The
choice of the data was the first challenge, as it is difficult to find data surveying representative
samples of nations. Across the globe, many countries invest on their national data and conduct
national surveys such as the US General Social Survey, British Cohort Study, China General
Social Survey, Russian longitudinal monitoring survey. At the regional level, we may refer to
some surveys such as European Quality of Life and Latino barometro. Amongst the few
organisations that conduct worldwide surveys, we have World Value Survey (WVS) and
Gallup World Poll. Our empirical study selected WVS instead of Gallup poll. Despite the fact
that both (i.e., WVS and Gallup poll) conduct research in representative samples of nations,
another researcher may done things differently by using the Gallup World Poll which
conducts surveys in about 158 countries in contrast to the WVS that target almost 100
countries.
There were two reasons why WVS was chosen over the Gallup poll: First, WVS, in
collaboration with the European Value Survey, has carried out six different survey waves
from 1981 to 2014 and participants of each country were interviewed face-to-face, in contrast
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to the telephone surveys used by the Gallup poll. Second, the latest WVS survey was recent
and updated and conducted between 2010 and 2014, in contrast to the Gallup surveys that
were slightly older, being conducted between 2006 and 2011) (Ng & Diener, 2014; World-
Values-Survey, 2015). The WVS longitudinal data (i.e. from 1981 to 2014) was not used
because of some significant limitations reported in previous waves such as poor sample size,
collection mode and poor response rates. Another issue is that WVS does not keep tracking
the same countries; for example, since 1981, the WVS has conducted six survey waves, but
some countries such as the UK were surveyed only twice (i.e. 1994-1998 and 2005-2009).
The results of the multilevel random effects suggest an association between subjective
well-being and a range of factors including state of health, household financial satisfaction,
freedom of choice, GDP per capita, income scale, importance of friends, leisure, being
females, weekly religious attendance, unemployment and income inequality. While both
random effects and fixed effects have been used in the past to analyse this kind of data,
random effects was chosen because of the Hausman test results and assumption that
differences across entities were random (Bell & Jones, 2015; Hausman, 1978 ; Torres-Reyna,
2007). Nevertheless, the results of multilevel fixed effects model, that were slightly similar,
were also presented in the appendix 3.2. Most of our multilevel results were in line with
previous studies. Nevertheless, some results of the multilevel random effects came out with
many unanswered questions and unresolved issues such as: (1) why when Cohen’s rules of
thumb were applied most factors seem to have “small” effects sizes; (2) in contrast to other
factors, why health status and financial satisfaction were strongly associated with both
happiness and life satisfaction? (3) Why the association between income inequality and
subjective well-being was trivial? (4) Another unexpected result was the no association
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between Subjective Well-Being and different age groups or being married or being well
educated.
These results could be different if WVS longitudinal data (1981-2014) was used
instead of point-of-time study (2010-2014). Our approach of using a cross-sectional analysis
was mostly dictated by the data. While point-of-time studies are not useful for generalizing
about life cycle experience, the benefit of a cross-sectional study design is that it allows
researchers to compare many different variables at the same time (Rindfleisch, Malter,
Ganesan, & Moorman, 2008). The approach was also appropriate to address our research
question, which was to know the strongest correlates of Subjective Well-Being, and then
conducting systematic reviews and meta-analyses on factors of interest. We may suggest that
the latest WVS wave (2010-2014) was useful to compare many different variables at the
specific point-of-time. Some may argue that the latest WVS wave was not appropriate data to
investigate how changes in a particular variable could impact on Subjective Well-Being.
Unexpected results, such as no association between Subjective Well-Being and being
married, will need further investigation. Being married has been associated to financial
stability and higher social support (Fleche et al., 2011). However, some studies have
suggested that the effect of marriage on subjective well-being can be described as being
mixed, and it seems to depend on whether premarital cohabitation has been accounted. The
consensus is that there is at least a “honeymoon period” surrounding the wedding during
which people are usually happier and more satisfied with their lives than before (Plagnol,
2010).
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Also, the positive association of marriage may depend on whether the children are a
blessing or a source of constant arguments. More often, marriage is quickly followed by the
birth of children. A study based on Danish twins aged 25-45 and 50-70 years old found that
only females enjoy a happiness gain from the first-born child after controlling for partnership
status. Moreover, additional children beyond the first child have a negative effect on
subjective well-being for females, while they found no effect for males (Kohler et al., 2005).
These findings may explain why across nations being married is not always associated with
higher subjective well-being. Again, previous findings, mostly conducted in developed
nations, need to be replicated across nations and cultures (e.g., individualist versus collectivist
society).
Our results suggested no association between subjective well-being and different age
groups. Subjective Well-Being variations across age groups still under developed as there are
less longitudinal studies that follow the subjective well-being of a given birth cohort and the
majority of studies are conducted in developed nations. For example, using the United States
General Social Surveys, Easterlin suggested that happiness rises slightly, on average, from
ages 18 to midlife, and declines slowly thereafter (Easterlin, 2006). Using the English
Longitudinal Study of Ageing (2002-11), a recent publication suggest that although older
cohorts enjoy higher levels of Subjective Well-Being than their younger counterparts when
under similar circumstances, they experience sharper declines, especially in the very oldest
cohorts (Jivraj et al., 2014). Reflecting on our study, we may extrapolate the heterogeneity
within one age group, as life expectancy is different across nations and the WVS data included
developed nations, emerging economies and very poor nations. Subjective Well-Being may
rise to; ‘…midlife…’ in developed nations, but; ‘…midlife…’ in developed nations could
85
correspond to; ‘…old age…’ and a decline of Subjective Well-Being in poor nations, as life
expectancy falls in poorest countries.
The association between education attainment level and Subjective Well-Being needs
further research. Education level has been associated with subjective well-being as it may
improve access to employment and contribute to higher incomes (Blanchflower & Oswald,
2004). Nevertheless, Dolan and colleagues’ review highlights a range of problems in drawing
firm conclusions about factors associated with Subjective Well-Being; their findings reported
some contradictory evidence (Dolan, Peasgood, & White, 2008). For example, using the
British Household Panel Survey, Clark reported a negative association between education and
well-being (Clark, 2004). Moreover, a cross national study of OECD countries found that
having a higher educational level does not have a major direct impact on life satisfaction at the
individual level (Fleche et al., 2011).
After the empirical study on factors associated with Subjective Well-Being, this thesis
conducts a systematic review and meta-analysis of the association between income inequality
and subjective well-being in order to test the hypothesis suggesting that decreasing income
inequality may positively be associated with an increase of Subjective Well-Being. According
to the relative deprivation theory, income inequality may lead to an increase in relative
deprivation, which may decrease people’s subjective well-being (Runciman, 1966; Yitzhaki,
1979). The poor are more deprived because of their position in the income distribution and, as
a result, they may be more affected than the rich.

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CHAPTER 4.
INCOME INEQUALITY AND SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEING: A SYSTEMATIC
REVIEW AND META-ANALYSIS.
Manuscript accepted, revised and re-submitted for publication at the Journal Quality of
Life Research and Under review as:
Ngamaba, K. H., Panagioti, M., & Armitage, C. J. Income Inequality and Subjective Well-
Being: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis.

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4.1.Abstract
Background: Governments are increasingly seeking to develop policies that will boost
subjective well-being (SWB) and reducing income inequality is one possible approach to
achieving this goal. Despite this increasing attention, previous studies have reported positive,
null and negative associations between income inequality and SWB.
Objectives: This study reports the first systematic review and meta-analysis of the
relationship between income inequality and SWB, and seeks to understand the heterogeneity
in the literature.
Methods: This systematic review was conducted according to guidance (PRISMA and
Cochrane Handbook) and searches (between January 1980 and February 2017) were carried
out using Web of Science, Medline, Embase and PsycInfo databases.
Results: 39 studies were included in the review, but poor data reporting quality meant that
only 24 studies were included in the meta-analysis. The narrative analysis of 39 studies found
a negative, positive and non-association between income inequality and SWB. The meta-
analysis confirmed these findings. The overall association between income inequality and
SWB was almost zero and not statistically significant (pooled r = -0.01, 95% CI = -0.08 to
0.06; Q = 563.10, I² = 95.74 %, p < 0.001) suggesting that there is no association between
income inequality and SWB. Subgroup analyses showed that the association between income
inequality and SWB was only moderated by the country economic development (i.e.,
developed countries: r = -0.06, 95% CI = -0.10 to -0.02 versus developing countries: r = 0.16,
95% CI = 0.09 to 0.23). The association between income inequality and SWB was not
88
influenced by: (a) the measure used to assess SWB (i.e., life satisfaction: r = 0.02, 95% CI = -
0.06 to 0.10) versus happiness: r = -0.08, 95% CI = -0.18 to 0.03, (b) geographic region (i.e.,
studies conducted in European countries: r = -0.05, 95% CI = -0.09 to -0.01) versus studies
conducted in the USA: r = -0.08, 95% CI = -0.14 to -0.01), or (d) the way income inequality
was operationalised (i.e., exogenous Gini r = -0.02, 95% CI = -0.10 to 0.06 versus
endogenous Gini r = 0.03, 95% CI = -0.09 to 0.16).
Conclusions: The main finding of this review is that the association between income
inequality and SWB is complex and largely influenced by the country economic development.
More rigorous investigations are needed to elucidate the link between income inequality and
SWB, and to identify what are the antecedents and consequences of income inequality and
SWB taking into account the country development level.
Keywords: Subjective well-being, happiness, life satisfaction, income inequality,
redistribution.
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4.2.Introduction
The Stiglitz commission (2009) was initiated by the French Government to consider
the issue of using economic performance to assess social progress, and concluded that there
was a need to shift emphasis from assessing social progress through measures of economic
production to measuring people’s well-being (Stiglitz, Sen, & Fitoussi, 2009). In response to
the Stiglitz commission’s recommendations, from 2010, the United Kingdom government has
been committed to using indicators of subjective well-being (i.e., happiness and life
satisfaction) at the national level with the involvement of the Office of National Statistics
(ONS) (Dolan, Layard, & Metcalfe, 2011). The United Nations General Assembly encourages
governments to enhance the subjective well-being (SWB) of their nations and use measures of
SWB alongside GDP per capita to capture social progress better (Helliwell, Layard, & Sachs,
2016). SWB, an individual’s affective (happiness) and cognitive (life satisfaction) self-
evaluation (Brockmann, Delhey, Welzel, & Yuan, 2009), is therefore increasingly being used
by governments to inform the initiation, implementation and evaluation of some policy
decisions (Cummins, Lau, Mellor, & Stokes, 2009; Helliwell et al., 2016; Pallet et al., 2005;
Stiglitz et al., 2009).
One of many possible determinants of SWB is income inequality (Oishi, Kesebir, &
Diener, 2011; Wilkinson & Pickett, 2010). For instance, there is a view that income inequality
– the unequal distribution of household income across different participants in an economy
(OECD, 2011) – is a predictor of SWB and that decreasing income inequality will boost SWB
(Oishi et al., 2011; Wilkinson & Pickett, 2010). However, the assumed linear relationship
between income inequality and SWB is not grounded in a solid research evidence base. In
fact, our scoping search yielded studies that showed mixed findings (Table 1): (a) inverse
90
associations between income inequality and SWB (greater income inequality associated with
lower levels of SWB), (b) no associations between income inequality and SWB, and (c)
positive associations between income inequality and SWB (greater income inequality
associated with higher levels of SWB).
A negative association between income inequality and SWB has been found at the
local level (Morawetz et al., 1977), at the individual level within country and across-countries
(Hagerty, 2000), at the continent level when Alesina and colleagues compared Europeans to
Americans (Alesina, Di Tella, & MacCulloch, 2004), and using US panel data (Oishi et al.,
2011). On the other hand, a positive relationship between income inequality and SWB has
been reported at country level when Hirschman and Rothschild proposed the ‘tunnel’ theory
(Hirschman & Rothschild, 1973). The “tunnel” effect theory suggest that the rise of income
inequality may signal future mobility and an increase of SWB (Hirschman & Rothschild,
1973). Thus, people may tolerate income inequality by observing other people’s increasingly
rapid progression and interpret this evolution as a sign that their turn will come soon
(Hirschman & Rothschild, 1973). “Tunnel” effect theory was later supported by several
studies using different datasets such as Canadian survey data (Tomes, 1986), panel survey of
the Russian population from 1994 to 2000 (Senik, 2004), and the British Household Panel
Survey (Clark, 2003). Furthermore, at different levels a significant positive effect has been
found, such as at the country level (Graham, Eggers, & Sukhtankar, 2004; Senik, 2004) or
across-nations level (Berg & Veenhoven, 2010; Rozer & Kraaykamp, 2013). No significant
association between income inequality and SWB has been found across EU nations (Zagorski,
Evans, Kelley, & Piotrowska, 2014).

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The present systematic review and meta-analysis focuses on four key factors that
might account for these inconsistent findings, namely: the way in which SWB has been
operationalised, countries’ levels of development, geographic region, and the way income
inequality has been operationalised.
First, the terms happiness and life satisfaction have been used interchangeably to
assess SWB across different studies. However, there is strong evidence to suggest that these
terms are not synonymous (Brickman & Campbell, 1971; Coburn, 2004; Diener, Suh, Lucas,
& Smith, 1999; Kahneman & Deaton, 2010). Happiness refers to affective responses that
include emotions, feelings or moods, whereas life satisfaction is a cognitive appraisal that
captures the ways in which people think about their life as a whole including their
relationships (Diener, Emmons, Larsen, & Griffin, 1985; Watson, Clark, & Tellegen, 1988).
For example, Kahneman and Deaton found that high income buys life satisfaction but not
happiness (Kahneman & Deaton, 2010) after conducting daily interviews with 1,000
Americans and found that people with high income reported greater satisfaction with their
lives than the norm, but that the same people did not report being happier than the norm
(Kahneman & Deaton, 2010). The question arises as to whether income inequality may be
more closely associated with life satisfaction than happiness because people’s assessments of
their life satisfaction may take income inequality into account in a way that happiness does
not. The present systematic review and meta-analysis will investigate how might measures of
happiness as opposed to life satisfaction affect the relationships between income inequality
and SWB.
92
A second possible explanation for inconsistencies in the reported association between
income inequality and SWB concerns country level of development and different taste for
income inequality. According to evolutionary modernization theory, people’s values and life
strategies change as they move from subsistence to higher levels of economic and physical
security, and might account for differences in perceptions of income inequality between
developed and developing countries (Inglehart, 1997). For example, a study conducted in
industrialised and emerging economies suggested that “income inequality is not necessary
harmful to well-being. People may accept income inequality when they see the possibilities to
rise above their current position”, p.153 (Beja, 2014). In contrast, relative deprivation theory
suggests that those in low income groups will see their counterparts as a threat rather than an
inspiration. Thus, income inequality may lead to an increase in relative deprivation, which
may decrease people’s SWB (Runciman, 1966; Yitzhaki, 1979). Poor nations and low income
groups are more deprived because of their position in the income distribution and, as a result,
they may be more affected than rich nations and high income groups (Chapple, Förster, &
Martin, 2009; Oishi et al., 2011). The present research will investigate whether the country
level of development affect the association between income inequality and SWB.
Third, geographic region may affect the relationship between income inequality and
SWB. For example, US governments have generally been more capitalist/right wing than
European ones (Alesina et al., 2004). Alesina and colleagues compared Europeans to
Americans (Alesina et al., 2004) and reported that Europeans were more sensitive to income
inequality than Americans.

93
Fourth, income inequality has been operationalised using different measures and it
would be valuable to see whether these different measures affect the relationship between
income inequality and SWB (Kalmijn & Veenhoven, 2005). The Gini coefficient is the most
common measure of income inequality alongside other income inequality measures such as
pareto principle 80/20, the Atkinson inequality measures, Coefficient of variation and Robin
Hood index (De Maio, 2007). A study testing the relationship of 6 different income inequality
measures (Gini coefficient, the decile ratio, the proportion of income earned by the poorest
50%, 60% and 70% of households, the Robin Hood index, the Atkinson index and Theil’s
entropy measure) to mortality rates in the 50 US states found that all income inequality
measures were highly correlated with each other (Pearson r greater than or equal to 0.94)
(Kawachi & Kennedy, 1997). The Gini coefficient can be calculated either from individuals’
responses within surveys (endogenous) or from national data (exogenous), both of which can
lead to biases associated with self-reporting (endogenous) or restricted range (exogenous)
(Solt, 2014). The present research will test whether the way income inequality is
operationalised (i.e., exogenous versus endogenous Gini) affect the association between
income inequality and SWB. Gini coefficient will be the only measure to test the effect of
income inequality on SWB because studies using other income inequality measures did not
report either their zero order correlation or regression coefficients (see Table 1).
Given that the relationship between income inequality and SWB is important to social
policy decisions. It is surprising that no systematic evaluation of this literature has yet been
undertaken. Systematic reviews are placed amongst the top of the hierarchy of evidence and
comprise the best means of systematically summarising the literature and offering evidence-
based future research and policy directions (Clark, Etile, Postel-Vinay, Senik, & Van der
94
Straeten, 2005; Helliwell & Barrington-Leigh, 2010; Higgins & Green, 2011). Few cross
national studies, mainly conducted in OECD countries have highlighted the need to
understand the heterogeneity in the literature (Chapple et al., 2009; Diener & Diener, 1995;
Diener et al., 1999). We therefore decided to undertake the first systematic review of the
literature to examine the link between income inequality and SWB. This systematic review
had three key objectives:
1. To provide a critical discussion of previous studies looking at the association between
income inequality and SWB.
2. To examine the direction and the magnitude of the association between income
inequality and SWB.
3. To examine factors that may moderate the association between income inequality and
SWB. On the basis of previous research evidence we focused on the effects of:
1. Types of measures of SWB (i.e., happiness versus life satisfaction),
2. Country level of development (i.e., developed countries versus
developing countries),
3. Geographic region (e.g. studies conducted in the USA versus studies
conducted in Europe).
4. The way income inequality was operationalised (exogenous Gini versus
endogenous Gini).
95
4.3.Methods
The systematic review was conducted and reported according to PRISMA (Preferred
Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses) and Cochrane Handbook
recommendations (Clark et al., 2005; Higgins & Green, 2011).
4.3.1. Search strategy and data sources
A systematic search of the following electronic databases was conducted: Web of
Science, Medline, Embase, PsycInfo. Systematic searches of the literature published between
January 1980 and February 2017 were carried out and various combinations of two key blocks
of terms were used: (1) subjective well-being (SWB), happiness, life satisfaction, quality of
life, well-being; and (2) income inequality, income level, social equality, income disparities,
income redistribution. We also identified eligible studies by checking the reference lists of the
studies meeting the criteria of the systematic review. Scoping searches have been conducted to
test their sensitivity and yield against SWB and income inequality. The search strategy in each
of the databases is presented in Appendix 1.
4.3.2. Study Selection
The results of the searches of each database were exported to an Endnote database file
and merged to identify and delete duplicates. Screening was completed in two stages.
Initially, the titles and abstracts of the identified studies were screened for eligibility (see
Figure 1). Next, the full-texts of studies initially assessed as “relevant” for the review were
retrieved and checked against our inclusion/exclusion criteria. Full-text screening was
completed by one researcher and checked by a second researcher independently. Any
disagreements were discussed in group meetings until consensus was reached. Authors were
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contacted and asked for further information as necessary, most frequently for the zero-order
correlation associated with the relationship between income inequality and SWB. The zero-
order correlation was requested because most papers presented coefficients of their last model
of multiple regression analysis, which might be subject to suppressor effects or other
statistical artefacts (Smith, Ager, & Williams, 1992).
4.3.3. Eligibility criteria
Studies were eligible for inclusion in the present review if they met the following criteria:
1. Original studies that employed quantitative methods. Qualitative studies were
excluded.
2. Included a measure of income inequality. Income inequality has been operationalized
in several ways including Gini coefficient, pareto principle 80/20, the Atkinson
inequality measures, Coefficient of variation and Robin Hood index (De Maio, 2007)
and previous research has reported a high correlation between all income inequality
measures (Kawachi & Kennedy, 1997). Although income inequality has been
operationalized in several ways and used in our narrative analysis (e.g. Gini
coefficient, pareto principle 80/20, the Atkinson inequality measures, Coefficient of
variation and Robin Hood index), only studies using the Gini coefficient were eligible
for inclusion in the quantitative analysis because studies using other income inequality
measures did not report either their zero order correlation or regression coefficients
(see Table 1). Gini coefficient was computed using a Lorenz curve of the distribution
(De Maio, 2007). The present review included either the endogenous Gini coefficient
calculated from individuals’ responses within surveys or the exogenous Gini

97
coefficient taken from national data that was combined with the main survey (Solt,
2014).
3. Included a measure of happiness and/or life satisfaction (Clark & Oswald, 2006;
Vanhoutte, 2012).
4. Provided quantitative data regarding the association between income inequality and
SWB.
5. Were published in a peer-reviewed journal. Grey literature was excluded because they
were not published through conventional and credible publishers (e.g., by political
groups).
6. Written in the English language.

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Figure 4.1. PRISMA Flow Diagram (Income inequality and SWB); Source: (Clark et al.,
2005; Moher, Liberati, Tetzlaff, & Altman, 2009)
Identification Records identified through Additional records identified through

database searching (n = other sources (n = 20)
619)
Screening Records after duplicates Records excluded n = 263;

removed (n = 354) Books/Dissertations (n = 35)
52 Full-text articles excluded, with

reasons: not making reference to an
outcome of the association between
Eligibility Full-text articles assessed Income inequality and happiness/life
for eligibility (n = 91) satisfaction; n = 8, no income
inequality measures involved, looking
at social mobility, social capital; n =
12, no income inequality measures
involved, looking at health inequality
Included Studies included in n = 6, no income inequality measures

narrative analysis (n =39) involved, looking at mortality
n = 10, using GDP per capita, Growth

instead of SWB,
n = 5, investigating child
maltreatment, crimes instead of SWB
Studies included in
quantitative analysis (n n = 2, not in English language
=24)
n = 9, using self-rated health as
indicator of SWB
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4.3.4. Data extraction
An excel file was devised for the purpose of data extraction. This extraction was
piloted across five randomly selected studies and changes were made where necessary.
Information about the following characteristics of the studies were extracted: (1) first author
name and year of publication, country where study was conducted, participant characteristics,
period of the study, data used, research design, measures of SWB, measure of income
inequality, zero order correlations, regression coefficient, direction of the association, country
level of development; and (2) methodological quality of the study, namely, validity of
measures, quality of the research design, population and recruitment methods, and control of
confounders. Data extraction was completed by the first author. A second researcher extracted
data from three randomly selected studies.
4.3.5. Assessment of methodological quality
Studies were rated for their quality by one researcher and verified by another
researcher using criteria adapted from guidance on the quality assessment tools for
quantitative studies (Cohen, 1992; Higgins & Green, 2011). Any disagreements were resolved
by discussion. The quality review included assessment of the quality of the research design,
population and recruitment methods, verified if the choice of the income inequality measure
and SWB measures were valid and reliable, and if the analysis reported the association
between income inequality and SWB (Table 1). With regards to the methodological quality of
the studies included in the review, some studies were given a low quality rating when their
authors did not report or provide on request the zero-order correlation between income
inequality and SWB.

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4.3.6. Narrative synthesis of eligible studies
Findings from multiple studies that investigated the association between income
inequality and SWB were summarised. We relied primarily on the use of words and text to
summarise and explain the association between income inequality and SWB. The narrative
synthesis was focused on the way SWB is assessed, country level of development and types of
study designs including overall methodological quality ratings. A narrative synthesis was
performed on all 39 eligible studies.
4.3.7. Data synthesis and analysis
Our plan was to pool the results of the association between income inequality and
SWB across the individual studies using meta-analysis. Authors of published papers that did
not report data in a form that was amenable for meta-analysis (i.e., zero-order correlations)
were contacted. We performed a meta-analysis of all 24 studies reporting the correlation
coefficients between income inequality and SWB. Studies that assessed both happiness and
life satisfaction were reported separately in the subgroups in order to test whether variation is
due to the way SWB was assessed. We performed another subgroup analyses to examine
whether the results differed between developed and developing countries. According to the
World Bank, developed countries are defined as industrial countries, advanced economies
with high level of Gross National Income (GNI) per capita of 12,736 US dollars per year
(estimated in July 2015). In contrast, developing countries includes countries with low and
middle levels of GNI per capita (less than 12,736 US dollars) (Nielsen, 2011; World_Bank.,
2016). Studies were conducted during different years; we classified country level of
development according to the estimate used when the data were collected because the World
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Bank adjusts their classification of developed and developing countries nearly each year
(World_Bank., 2016). Analysing the subgroup of developed versus developing countries was
used to explore whether country level of development affected the association between
income inequality and SWB.
The associated Confidence Intervals (CI) of the zero-order correlations were calculated
in STATA 13.1 (Stata, 2013). The pooled zero-order correlation as well as the forest plots
were computed using the meta-an command for STATA (Havasi, 2013). A random effects
model was used for all the meta-analyses because of anticipated heterogeneity. Heterogeneity
was assessed using the Cochran’s Q and Higgin’s I2 statistic (Higgins & Green, 2011); the
former statistic indicates whether statistically significant heterogeneity is present whereas the
latter provides information about the proportion of heterogeneity. We focus our interpretation
of the results in terms of effect sizes (Cohen, 1992). Thus, r = 0.10 was a “small” effect size
(“not so small as to be trivial”, ((Cohen, 1992) p. 159), r = 0.30 was a “medium” effect size
(“likely to be visible to the naked eye of a careful observer”, ((Cohen, 1992) p. 159), and r =
0.50 was a “large” effect size (“the same distance above medium as small was below it”, ((
Cohen, 1992) p.159). To test whether the association between income inequality and SWB
varies across sub-groups, we used Cohen’s q to test whether there were significant differences
in the magnitudes of the correlation coefficients following Fisher’s z transformation of r
(Cohen, 1969). By convention, if z score values are greater than or equal to 1.96 or less than
or equal to -1.96, the two correlation coefficients are significantly different at a .05 alpha level
(suggesting difference of correlation coefficients between two population groups) (Cohen &
Cohen, 1983; Preacher, 2002).

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4.4.Results
A total of 619 titles were retrieved, and after removing duplicates (n = 250), 336
journal articles, 30 books and 5 dissertations were screened for relevance. Two hundred and
ninety-eight citations including all books and dissertations were excluded based on the title
and abstract. The full-texts of the remaining 91 citations were retrieved and compared against
our eligibility criteria. After full text reading, 52 studies were excluded because they did not
report income inequality (e.g., social mobility, social capital, health inequality, and mortality
were reported instead of income inequality) or SWB (e.g., GDP, child maltreatment, crimes,
and self-rated heath were reported instead of SWB). Overall, 39 articles were deemed eligible
for the narrative analysis and 24 studies were eligible for meta-analysis. The flowchart of the
screening and selection process is shown in Figure 1.
4.4.1. Descriptive characteristics of the studies.
Table 1 presents the main characteristics of the 39 articles included in the review.
Table 1 provides details about the country in which each study was conducted, participant
characteristics, data used, research design and measures used to assess SWB and income
inequality. Table 1 presents the zero-order correlation and regression coefficients, the outcome
of the association between income inequality and SWB, and the quality ratings.
Six studies were conducted in the USA, 11 studies were conducted in Europe, 2 in
Latin America, 10 worldwide (including all continents) and 9 elsewhere or used different
groupings (e.g., 3 in China, 2 in Industrialised countries, 1 in Russia, 1 in Israel, 1 in
developing countries and 1 in Taiwan) – please see Table 1 for more details. All studies were
published between 1977 and 2015 and participants were adults aged between 16 and 99 years.
103
The sample size varied from 1,277 to 278,134 and recruited from different groups including
students, workers, self-employed and general population. Studies used data from a range of
surveys such as the General Social Survey (GSS), World Value Survey (WVS),
Eurobarometer, World Database of Happiness (WDH), European Quality of Life (EQL), and
Chinese Household Income Project (CHIP). Most studies were conducted in developed
nations. Only four studies were conducted exclusively in developing countries (3 studies in
China and 1 Study in Russia). Different measures were used to assess SWB (e.g., happiness
and life satisfaction) and income inequality (e.g., Gini coefficient, 80/20 skew).
4.4.2. Narrative synthesis of the results including studies with non-amenable data
Thirty nine studies were included for the narrative analysis of the association between
income inequality and SWB. The overall evidence for the relationship between income
inequality and SWB was mixed; ranged from negative, positive or non-significant across
studies (see Table 1). Twenty two studies reported a negative association while 12 studies
reported a positive relationship and the remaining 5 studies found no association between
income inequality and SWB. In each category of studies (i.e. negative, positive or non-
association), a range of research designs was employed, from national to cross-national
studies. Moreover, we have noticed that in some studies the direction of the association could
change from negative to positive or vice-versa or from negative to non-significant after
controlling for several variables such as socio-economic and demographic variables, country
wealth and geographic region. For example, Alesina and colleagues found that Americans’
poor were less sensitive to inequality than their counterparts Europeans’ poor (Alesina et al.,
2004). Berg and colleagues (2010) reported that when country wealth was controlled, the
104
association between Gini coefficient and SWB changed from positive to negative in Western
countries (Berg & Veenhoven, 2010). To narrow, our investigation, the narrative synthesis
was focused on four factors:
(1) The way SWB is assessed (i.e., happiness versus life satisfaction): Of a total of 39
studies, 14 studies assessed their individuals using happiness and 21 studies used life
satisfaction to assess SWB, and the remaining 4 studies used both happiness and life
satisfaction to assess SWB. Of 14 studies using happiness to assess the SWB, 8 reported a
negative association and 6 reported a positive association with income inequality. Of 21
studies using life satisfaction to assess SWB, 12 reported a negative association, 6 reported a
positive association and 3 found no relationship. The remaining 4 studies that used both
happiness and life satisfaction reported a negative (n = 2), positive (n = 1) and no association
(n = 1).
(2) Country level of development:
Using the World Bank classification of countries (World_Bank., 2016), our narrative
analysis shows that 21 studies were conducted in developed countries. Of 21 studies that were
conducted in developed countries, 18 studies report a statistically significant negative
association between income inequality and SWB and the remaining 3 studies report a
statistically significant positive association between income inequality and SWB. Studies that
were conducted worldwide (n = 9) report both negative (n = 4) and positive (n = 4)
associations, one study found no association(J. Helliwell & Huang, 2008). The remaining 9
studies that were conducted in developing countries report a positive (n = 6) or no association
(n = 3) between income inequality and SWB. For example, Berg has suggested that “income
105
inequality is not necessary harmful to well-being. People may accept income inequality when
they see the possibilities to rise above their current position” p.153 (Beja, 2014). Studies
conducted in Russia, Rural China and Rwanda report a positive association between income
inequality and SWB (Knight & Gunatilaka, 2010; Ngamaba, 2017; Senik, 2004; Wang, Jia,
Zhu, & Chen, 2015). While all 3 countries are classified as developing countries, their GDP
per capita varied considerably from $9,092 in Russia to $8,027 in China and $697 in Rwanda
(World Bank estimate, 2015).
(3) Geographic region: Of 39 studies, one study (i.e., Alesina and colleagues)
compared Europeans to Americans (Alesina et al., 2004) and found negative association
between income inequality and SWB, but Europeans were more sensitive to income inequality
than Americans. A cross-national study investigating the association between income
inequality and SWB in 119 nations found a mix picture: a negative association in the Western
world (i.e. Western European countries, US, Canada, Australia and New Zealand); a slight
positive association in Eastern Europe, Asia and Latin America (after controlling for wealth);
a no association in Africa (Berg & Veenhoven, 2010). Unfortunately, the Berg and
Veenhoven (2010) reported only the overlall association and did not report the quantitative
data supporting the negative association in Western Countries or either the positive or no
association in other regions.
(4) The way income inequality was operationalised (i.e., exogenous Gini and
endogenous Gini). The majority of studies (n = 26) used the external income inequality (i.e.,
exogenous Gini) from national data that was combined with the main survey and the
remaining 13 studies used the endogenous income inequality (i.e., endogenous Gini)
106
calculated from individuals’ responses within surveys. Studies that used the endogenous Gini
were longitudinal studies and conducted in single countries such as UK, Russia, China, and
Poland, whereas studies using exogenous Gini were mainly cross-sectional studies. In both
groups, the studies have report both negative and positive associations between income
inequality and SWB regardless of whether the Gini coefficient was exogenous or endogenous.
To summarise: the narrative analysis provides mixed results. Of 39 studies, 21
reported a negative association between income inequality and SWB. On the other hand, 16
studies reported a positive association between income inequality and SWB. The remaining 2
studies reported no association between income inequality and SWB. Unfortunately many
studies fail to report zero-order correlation coefficients and step-by-step analyses, which
makes it difficult to interpret changes of the direction of the association between income
inequality and SWB.

107
Table 4.1. Included studies and quality ratings (Income inequality and SWB).
1st author & year Country & Period Data Methods – SWB Inc.Inequ Zero- Reg. Income Inequality – SWB Level of Qual.
of publication participants of the used analysis measures ality order coeff., link Dev* Rating
study measure correl. p<0.05 **
P<0.05
Alesina, 2004 US US- GSS Ordered Hap 1-3 Gini US: Gini negative ass. but Develop 6
US (Alesina et N=19895 1981- logit reg. exogenou sensitive to covariates (CV). ed
al., 2004) 1996 s -0.014 Subgroups: US: Gini neg.
for upper inc. group; No corr
with Gini for poor and
political left.
Alesina, 2004 Europe Eur – EuroBar Ordered Life satisf Gini EUR: Gini negative ass. but Develop 6
EUR (Alesina et ometer logit reg. (1-10) exogenou sensitive to CV. Europe: ed
al., 2004) N=103773 1975 - s -0.025 Gini neg. for poor and
1992 political left.
Beja, 2013Ind 14 2005 WVS Ordinal Life Satisf Gini −0.0019 −0.0003 Gini negative in both Develop 6
(Beja, 2014) Industrialise regression (1-10) exogenou industrialized and emerging ed
d countries s econ. but very sensitive to
the industrialized econ. Both
groups tolerate subjective
inequality.
Beja, 2013Emerg 19 emerging 2005 WVS Ordinal Life Satisf Gini 0.031 0.031 Gini less sensitive to Develop 6
(Beja, 2014) countries regression (1-10) exogenou Emerging Economies. ing
s
Berg, 2010 Worldwide 1993- WDH Correlation Life satisf. Gini -0.08 + 0.28 Life satisf. & Contentment: worldwi 6
Mood, exogenou (CVWe Gini neg. at univariate level
108
119 2004 contentme s (LS) alth) but turns positive when CV de

countries nt GDP in. Mood: Gini positive
Mood even with CV. Subgroups:
+0.28 diff. in national wealth can
Mood
distort. Gini neg. in Western
+0.12 Cont.
countries, positive in Eastern
+0.14
Cont. Eur, Asia, Latin Am. But no
sig in Africa.
-0.26
Blanchflower & USA 1972- GSS Ordered Hap 75/25 Ineq neg. & sig, sensitive to Develop 5
Oswald, 2004 1998 logit FE endogeno CV; Subgroups: neg. for ed
US us women, low educ. Neg for
(Blanchflower & US black. Higher income is
Oswald, 2004) associated with higher hap.
Blanchflower & UK 1973- Eurobar Ordered LS 75/25 Ineq neg. & sig, sensitive to Develop 5
Oswald, 2004 1998 ometer logit FE endogeno CV; Subgroups: neg. for ed
UK us women, low educ. Higher
(Blanchflower & income is associated with
Oswald, 2004) higher hap; Relative income
matters per se.
Bjornskov 87 countries 1990 - WVS OLS Life Gini from .067 Subjective ineq: Positive Worldw 5
,2013(Bjornskov, 2008 Satisfactio SWIID (Fairness perceptions); ide
Dreher, Fischer, N=278,134 n (1-10) exogenou demand for redistribution is
Schnellenbach, s neg ass with SWB.
& Gehring,
2013) Gini: neg. effects of actual
inequality on hap. decrease
with increasing perceived
fairness.
109
Bjornskov, 25 countries 1998- WVS & Ordered Hap (0-10) Gini coef -0.0057 Gini neg at ind. level. But Develop 5
2008(Bjornskov, 2004 ISSP probit exogenou Gini positive when people ed
Dreher, & N= 25,448 s believe that income
Fischer, 2008) distribution is ‘fair’.
Redistribution can have both
positive and negative effects.
Carr, 2013(Carr, USA 1998- US GSS OLS, & Happiness Gini from Not 0.0133 Positive at local (county; Develop 5
2013) 2008 Multilevel (1-3) US provide (county) 0.0133); Negative at State ed
N=9,087 census d level (-0.0762).
exogenou -0.0762
s (state) The effect of country ineq
85% larger for high inc (-
0.2) than low-inc (-0.375).
And, the effect of state
inequality on well-being is
250% larger for high
incomes (0.55) than low
incomes (0.22).
Clark, 2003(A. UK 1991- BHPS Ordered Life satisf. Gini, 0.104* Gini positive, sig, robust to Develop 5
Clark, 2003) 2002 logit reg. 90/10 CV ed
FE, RE endogeno *P<0.10
us Inc ineq. seems to include
some aspect of opportunity
Delhey & Europe 2007 EQLS ML Index from Gini -0.025 -0.037 Gini neg. sig, robust to CV. Develop 6
Dragolov, mediation Life Sat - exogenou Full mediation by trust, ed
2014(Delhey & Hap s (trust) anxiety status.
Dragolov, 2014)
Distrust and status anxiety
are the main explanations for
-0.029 -0.023
the neg. effect of ineq.
(anxiety
110
Diener, Worldwide Diff. WDH correlation Life satisf Gini -0.48 Not sig. Gini neg sig. Subgroups: Worldw 5
1995(Diener, time exogenou Gini not sig among student ide
Diener, & points, s sample
Diener, 1995) 1984-
1986
Dynan & USA 1979 - GSS FE reg Hap Gini Hap. depend positively on Develop 5
Ravina, 2004 exogenou how well the group is doing ed
2007(Dynan & s relative to the average in
Ravina, 2007) their geographic area.
Robust to CV, income.
People with above-average
inc. are happier.
Fahey & Smyth, Europe 1999/ EVS ML OLS Life satisf Gini Gini neg sig (ML) CV GDP Develop 5
2004(Fahey & 2000 exogenou ed
Smyth, 2004) s Gini not sig (OLS)
Graham & Latin 1997- Latino Ordered Life satisf Gini Ineq. has negative effects on Develop 5
Felton, America 2004 Baromet logit exogenou happiness in Latin America ing
2006(Graham & cluster s (LA). But Gini not sig. when
Felton, 2006) control for wealth. Ineq. or
relative position matters
more in LA.
Grosfeld, Poland 1992- Poland Ordered Satisfactio Gini(end 0.074 0.087 Positive, then Neg Develop 6
2010(Grosfeld & 2005 CBOS logit n with ogenous) ed
Senik, 2010) N=1081- country ** when expectation change
3168 economy
(1-5)
111
Gruen, 21 1988- WVS Regression Life Gini from -0.132 No significant when all, but Develop 6
2012(Gruen & Transition 2008 analysis Satisfactio SWIID Negative in TC ed
Klasen, 2012) countries n (1-10)
(TC) in No significant in TC in the
Europe last wave.
Hagerty, USA 1989- GSS OLS Hap 80/20 Neg sig for 80; positive sig Develop 5
2000(Hagerty, 1996 pareto for 20; not sig for mean ed
2000) principle income
Hajdu, 29 EU 2002- ESS OLS Life Gini from -0.045 -0.036 People in Europe are Develop 6
2014(Hajdu & Countries 2008 regressions satisfaction SWIID negatively affected by ed
Hajdu, 2014) (0-10) income inequality, whereas
N= 179,273 reduction of inequality has a
positive effect on well-being.
a 1 % point increase in the
Gini index results in a –
0.036 point lower
satisfaction
Haller & Hadler, Worldwide 1995- WVS ML Life satisf, Gini Gini positive sig. Subgroups: Worldw 5
2006(Haller & 1997 Hap Latin America : high inc ide
Hadler, 2006) ineq but happier; Eastern
Europe: high inc ineq & less
happy
Helliwell, Worldwide 1980- WVS OLS FE Life satisf Gini Gini not sig Worldw 5
2003(Helliwell, 1997 ide
2003)
Helliwell & Worldwide 1980- WVS/ OLS, Life satisf Gini Gini positive sig robust to Worldw 5
Huang, 2002 EVS Correl CV. Subgroups: Gini ide
2008(Helliwell positive in Latin America,
112
& Huang, 2008) poorer countries & poor

governance nations
Jiang, China 2002 CHIP OLS; Happiness Gini(end Not Positive when they look Develop 5
2012(Jiang, Lu, ANOVA (1-5) ogenous) provide local BUT Negative with ing
& Sato, 2012) N=5630 ** d between group inequalities.
Knigh, China 2002 CHIP OLS Happiness Gini(low Not Change with reference Develop 5
2010(Knight & (1-5) est, provide group. Positive at county ing
Gunatilaka, N=6813 in middle, d level. Urban less happier
2010) urban highest ) than rural.
N=9160 in **
rural.
Layte, Europe 2007/ EQLS ML WHO5 Gini Gini neg sig, sensitive to Develop 5
2012(Layte, 2008 Hap CV. Subgroups: Gini effect ed
2012) stronger in high inc.
countries
Lin, 2013(Lin, 116 2006 WH & OLS & Happiness Gini -0.23 Importance of group Worldw 5
Lahiri, & Hsu, countries Country SAR (0-10) (equal clustering in the studies of ide
2014) mean <40 & hap. Unemp high in unequal
unequal soc.
>40)
Better governance, equal
opport. improve hap.
Morawetz, Israel 1976 - Correlation Hap Equal/ Equal societies happier and Develop 6
1977(Morawetz s Unequal Unequal societies less happy ed
et al., 1977)
Ngamaba, Rwanda 2007 & WVS ML FE Hap 1-4 Gini from Hap Not In Rwanda: Gini positive Develop 6
2016(Ngamaba, 2012 SWIID 0.269 provide sig, sensitive to CV. When ing
all nations are included: the
113
2016) LS 1-10 LS d positive Gini (Hap 0.071, LS

0.371 0.043) change to negative
(Hap -0.031, LS -0.039),
sensitive to CV.
Oishi, USA 1972- US GSS Multilevel Happiness Gini from -0.37 –0.206 Negative, mediated by Develop 6
2011(Oishi et al., 2008 mediation (1-3) US fairness and trust ed
2011) N=53043 census
Oishi, 2015 16 countries 1959- Veenh. Multilevel Different Gini from -0.022 −0.022 Negative after controlling Develop 6
HIC(Oishi & (high 2006 world measures, UNU- for GDP per capita ed
Kesebir, 2015) income database also LS (1- WIDER
nations) of hap 4)
Oishi, 2015Latin 18 Latin 2003- Latinob Multilevel Life satisf Gini from -0.005 −0.007 Negative after controlling Develop 6
Am(Oishi & American 2009 arometr (1-4) the World for GDP per capita. Some ing
Kesebir, 2015) Countries o data Bank P=.067 p=.010 authors may argued that
these findings are close to 0
and no sig (-0.005, P= .067).
Rozer, 85 countries 1989- WVS OLS, Index from Gini 0.04 Positive, weaker when Worldw 5
2013(Rozer & 2008 Multilevel LS(1- (exogeno people trust more others ide
Kraaykamp, N=195091 10)&Hap(1 us)
2013) -4)
Schwarze and West 1985- Socio OLS Life satisf Atkinson Gini neg sig Develop 5
Harpfer, Germany 1998 Econ inequality ed
2007(Schwarze Panel measure
& Harpfer, 2007)
Senik, Russia 1994- RLMS Ordered Life Gini from 0.331 Gini Positive, total effect : Develop 5
2004(Senik, 2000 probit Satisfactio reference Gini not sig. Support the ing
N=4685 group “tunnel effect”. The ref
114
2004) n income group’s income exerts a

positive influence on
individual LS.
Tao, 2013(Tao & Taiwan 2001 TSCS OLS & Happiness Gini Not Negative but change to Develop 5
Chiu, 2013) Ordered (1-4) (endogen provide positive when perception on ed
N=1277 probit ous) rich, d reference group change
middle,
poor
Wang. 2015(P. China 2006 CGSS ordered Hap (1-5) Gini -0.0382 Ind. hap. increases with Gini Develop 5
Wang, Pan, & probit when Gini is < 0.405. Then ing
Luo, 2015) N=8,208 model decreases when 60% of the
pop have >0.405
Verme, 84 countries 1981- WVS & Ordered Life Satisf Gini -0.029 Gini neg and sig on LS. Worldw 5
2011(Verme, 2004 EVS logit (1-10) WVS Robust across dif. inc. ide
2011) N=267870 groups and countries.
Sensitive to multicollinearity
generated by the use of
country and year fixed
effects, and if Gini data
points is small. Subgps:
Poor: -0.023; No poor: -
0.031; Western: -0.035; No
Western: -0.016
Zagorski, 2014 28 EU 2003 EQL Multilevel Life Sat. Gini LS : -0.03 no No sig.; income inequality Develop 6
LS(Zagorski et (1-10) Hap sig. does not reduce SWB in ed
al., 2014) N=20498- (1-10) -0.19 advanced societies.
26257
Hap:
115
-0.14
Note: =SWB: Subjective well-being; BHPS: British Household Panel Survey; NSCW: National Study of the Changing Workforce;
WVS: World Value Survey; GSS: General Social Survey; ISSP: International Social Survey Programme; CHIP: Chinese Household
Income Project; WDH: World database of Happiness; RLMS: Russian longitudinal monitoring survey; CBOS: Polish Public Opinion
Research Center; TSCS: Taiwan social change survey; WIDER: World Institute for Development Economics Research; EQL:
European Quality of Life; CGSS: China General Social Survey; ESS: European Social Survey; “Hap 1-4” means the study assessed
Happiness on a 1-4 scale; “LS 1-5” means the study assessed life satisfaction on a 1-5 scale; OLS: Ordinary Least Squares; SAR:
Spatial autoregressive; CV: covariates; sig: significant; Dev: development; *We classified country level of development according to
the World Bank estimate (World_Bank., 2016); ** The quality assessment score is calculated by awarding 1 point for each of the
criteria such as valid recruitment procedure, research design, income inequality measures, SWB measures and if the outcome of the
association was reported.
116
4.4.3. Meta-analysis of the association between income inequality and subjective well-
being
The overall relationship between income inequality and SWB
Figure 2 presents the forest plot of the main analysis, namely, the overall relationship
between income inequality and SWB across the 24 studies that provided relevant statistics.
The overall pooled effect size was practically zero and non-significant suggesting that there is
no association between income inequality and SWB (pooled r = -0.01, 95% CI = -0.08 to
0.06) and the heterogeneity between studies was high (Q = 563.10, I2 = 95.74 %, p < 0.001).
As shown in Figure 2, the effect sizes of the individual studies included in the meta-analysis
differed considerably in direction and magnitude. Sixteen studies reported a negative
association between income inequality and SWB whereas eight studies reported a positive
association between income inequality and SWB.

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Figure 4.2. Forest plot displaying meta-analysis of the correlations between income
inequality and SWB across 24 independent samples. Note: Alesina (2004) investigated on
USA and European Countries; Ngamaba (2016) and Zagorski (2014) assessed SWB using
single item measures of happiness and life satisfaction.

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Meta-analyses of subgroups
SWB measures
The first subgroup analysis examined whether or not the results of the association
between income inequality and SWB was influenced by type of SWB measures (i.e.,
happiness and life satisfaction). The meta-analysis involved 8 studies that used happiness to
assess their individuals’ SWB versus 18 studies that used life satisfaction to assess their
individuals’ SWB. The main effect was not influenced by type of SWB measures (life
satisfaction: pooled r = 0.02, 95% CI = -0.06 to 0.10; happiness pooled r = -0.08, 95% CI = -
0.18 to 0.03); (For figure of each sub-group, please see supplementary material -appendix 2).
Country level of development
The second subgroup analysis examined whether or not the results of the association
between income inequality and SWB differed between developed countries (e.g., Western
Europe, United States) and developing countries (e.g., China, Rwanda). Of 24 studies eligible
for the meta-analysis, 14 studies were conducted in developed countries versus 5 studies
conducted in developing countries. The pooled effect sizes across studies based on
populations from developed and developing countries were statistically significant in both
groups indicating that the relationship between income inequality and SWB does differ across
developed and developing countries (developed countries pooled r = -0.06, 95% CI = -0.10 to
-0.02; developing countries: pooled r = 0.16, 95% CI = 0.09 to 0.23). The results of the
Cohen’s Q test confirmed that the magnitude of the correlation was significantly negative
among studies conducted in developed countries and significantly positive among studies
conducted in developing countries: Cohen’s q = 24.556, p<0.05.
Geographic region
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The third subgroup analysis examined whether or not the results of the association
between income inequality and SWB differed between USA and European countries. Of 24
studies eligible for the meta-analysis, 3 studies were conducted in the USA versus 7 studies
conducted in European countries. The pooled effect sizes in these two regions (i.e., studies
conducted in the European Countries and the USA) were statistically significant indicating a
negative association between income inequality and SWB (European countries: pooled r = -
0.05, 95% CI = -0.09 to -0.01; USA pooled r = -0.08, 95% CI = -0.14 to -0.01). The sub-
group between Latin-America versus Ex-Communist nations was not investigated because
only one study conducted in Latin-America had data amendable for quantitative analysis.
The way income inequality was operationalised (i.e., exogenous Gini and endogenous
Gini)
The last subgroup investigated whether the association between income inequality and
SWB varied when exogenous or endogenous Gini is used. Of 24 studies eligible for the meta-
analysis, the majority of studies (n = 18) used exogenous Gini, while the remaining 6 studies
used endogenous Gini. The pooled effect sizes between studies that used exogenous Gini and
studies that used endogenous Gini were statistically non-significant indicating that the
relationship between income inequality and SWB does not varied when exogenous or
endogenous Gini was used (exogenous Gini: pooled r = -0.02, 95% CI = -0.10 to 0.06;
endogenous Gini: pooled r = 0.03, 95% CI = -0.09 to 0.16).
4.5.Discussion
The main finding of the present systematic review is that the association between
income inequality and SWB is complex and highly dependent on methodological variations
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across studies. The findings of this review do not support a link between income inequality
and SWB in general. Moderator analyses revealed an interesting finding. In fact, the
magnitude of the association between income inequality and SWB was significantly
influenced by the country economic development (i.e., developed countries and developing
countries). Nevertheless, the magnitude of the association between income inequality and
SWB was not influenced by: (a) the measure used to assess SWB (i.e., happiness and life
satisfaction), (b) geographic region (i.e., studies conducted in the USA versus studies
conducted in the European countries), or (c) the way income inequality was operationalised
(i.e., exogenous Gini versus endogenous Gini.
In particular, our findings do support the hypothesis that the direction of the
association between income inequality and SWB might be different between developed and
developing countries because of different preferences for income inequality. This hypothesis
was formulated on the basis of theories such as the evolutionary modernization theory (Inaba,
2009; Inglehart, 1997), which hypothesizes differences in tolerance for income inequality as
economies move from developing to developed. According to evolutionary modernization
theory (Inaba, 2009; Inglehart, 1997), people in developing countries might perceive income
inequality as an economic opportunity or incentive to work, innovate and develop new
technologies and therefore as a more core determinant of their well-being compared to
developed countries. In contrast, technology, economic growth and innovation might be taken
for granted in developed countries, meaning that income inequality may be perceived as a
treat rather than a challenge (Inglehart, 1997; Inglehart, Foa, Peterson, & Welzel, 2008).
Moreover, our findings do support the “tunnel” effect theory suggesting that the rise of
income inequality may signal future mobility and an increase of SWB (Hirschman &
Rothschild, 1973). The “tunnel” effect theory may support the idea that people in developing
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countries may tolerate income inequality by observing other people’s increasingly rapid
progression and interpreting this evolution as a sign that their turn will come soon
(Hirschman & Rothschild, 1973; Tomes, 1986). A study conducted in Poland found that
when an increase of income inequality was associated with growth and when it was perceived
to change rapidly, people were more satisfied with their lives (Grosfeld & Senik, 2010). Our
finding did differ across economically developed countries and economically developing
countries.
The role of income inequality in predicting SWB is controversial because previous
studies have reported a negative, positive or no association between income inequality and
SWB (Oishi et al., 2011). Our findings do not support the idea that the association between
income inequality and SWB could be influenced by the measure used to assess SWB. The
hypothesis was tested because there is a strong evidence suggesting that happiness and life
satisfaction are two different components of SWB and each of them should be measured
separately to derive a more comprehensive appreciation of people’s lives (Stiglitz et al.,
2009). Happiness is more closely associated with emotions, feelings or moods; in contrast,
life satisfaction is concerned with people’s judgments about life-as-a-whole, which might
include evaluations of their work or personal relationships (Brickman & Campbell, 1971;
Coburn, 2004; Diener et al., 1999). For example, recent research has suggested that life
satisfaction increases with income, but happiness do not (Kahneman & Deaton, 2010). The
OECD guidelines on measuring SWB suggest that all aspects of SWB should be measured
separately to develop a more comprehensive measure of people’s quality of life and to allow
a better understanding of its determinants (OECD, 2013). Another important finding is that
the country level of development may influence the magnitude of the association between
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income inequality and SWB. The association between income inequality and SWB was not
influenced by the measure used to assess SWB.
This study tested whether the association between income inequality and SWB differ
across studies conducted in the USA versus studies conducted in the European countries. This
hypothesis was tested because of the Alesina and colleagues’ findings when they compared
the inequality and happiness of Europeans versus Americans. Across both societies, Alesina
and colleagues reported a negative association between income inequality and happiness.
Nevertheless, they found that the poor in Europe were more concerned with income
inequality than the poor in America because Americans have a general perception that they
live in a mobile society where individual effort can move people up and down the income
ladder, while Europeans believe that they live in less mobile societies (Alesina et al., 2004).
Our findings do not support the hypothesis that the association between income inequality
and SWB differ across these two country geographic locations. Nevertheless, the poor data
reporting quality and the large variations across the studies included in the present review do
not allow firm conclusions to be drawn. Future, methodological rigorous studies are needed
to confirm the current findings.
Finally, this review investigated whether the association between income inequality
and SWB was affected by the way income inequality was operationalised. Previous studies
reported that the outcome of the association between income inequality and SWB can be
affected by the choice of income inequality (Verme, 2011; Zagorski et al., 2014). Studies
using values surveys such as US General Social Survey, World Value Survey and European
Value Survey do not hold information on individual incomes in continuous form. Income is
reported in terms of income groups and when these surveys are used, researchers either
transform income groups into comparable monetary values or they draw on external sources
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for measures of inequality. It is common to pair values surveys such as US General Social
Survey and World Value Survey with Gini coefficient drawn from the external source (e.g.
Standardised World Income Inequality Data). Previous studies have reported that when the
exogenous Gini taken from external sources is combined to the main survey and if the
number of data points for Gini is small, the results of the regression analysis could become
sensitive and sometimes can turn non-significant (Verme, 2011; Zagorski et al., 2014). Our
sub-group meta-analysis (i.e., exogenous Gini and endogenous Gini) found that the
magnitude of the association between income inequality and SWB was not influenced by the
way income inequality was operationalised.
4.6.Research and social and policy implications
The main contribution of this systematic review and meta-analysis is that it provided
strong evidence that the link between income inequality and SWB is influenced by the
country level of development. This finding suggests that income inequality is likely to be a
major contributor to SWB in citizens of developing countries but not in developed countries.
Therefore, reducing income inequality could be a potentially fruitful approach for
governments and policy makers of developed countries as a means of improving the SWB of
their citizens (Beja, 2014; Inglehart, 1997). The inverse association of SWB with income
inequality in developing countries suggests that income inequality is more likely to be seen as
job opportunities for innovation in these countries. However this review was only based on
cross-sectional studies and no causal inferences are allowed; Longitudinal studies are needed
prior to forming any causal links. The magnitude of the association between income
inequality and SWB was not influenced by the measure used to assess SWB, geographic
region, or the way income inequality was operationalised. Our findings are in line with
previous research conducted in OECD countries suggesting no association between income

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inequality and SWB (Zagorski et al., 2014) “the best evidence that we have to date is that
redistribution beyond the minimum for advanced societies does not enhance subjective well-
being/quality of life” (Zagorski et al., 2014), p. 1107. Nevertheless, further studies are needed
because, on the one hand, it might be circumstances when income inequality reduce SWB
(Bjornstrom, 2011; Oishi et al., 2011; Wilkinson & Pickett, 2010), and on the other hand, it
might be circumstances when income inequality is not necessary harmful to well-being (Beja,
2014; Berg & Veenhoven, 2010). This gap in knowledge is critical because some government
and policy makers still ask whether people care about income inequality and if income
inequality affect SWB. At present, the evidence base is weak and cannot support strongly
such decisions. Most importantly, the present systematic review highlights the need to
produce a higher-quality evidence base to support social and political decisions relating to
income inequality and SWB both with respect to identifying: (a) what are the consequences
of income inequality, and (b) what are the antecedents of SWB.
4.7.Strengths and limitations
This review has several strengths. First, the search was conducted according to
PRISMA published guidance (Moher et al., 2009) and designed to take a broad approach to
the identification of papers that included happiness, life satisfaction, SWB, income
inequality. Consistent with the Cochrane guidance (Higgins & Green, 2011), the search
strategy comprised a thorough literature review, screening of reference lists and contacting
authors for additional information. Second, this is the first systematic review that investigated
the association between income inequality and SWB, and therefore the findings of this review
have the potential to inform the literature in this area.
Nevertheless, it is important to recognise four key limitations of this review. First, the
preponderance of cross-sectional studies means it was impossible to establish a temporal or

125
causal relationship between income inequality and SWB. Second, the poor reporting of data
in combination with the use of different analytic approaches precluded any firm conclusions
about the direction and strength of the association between income inequality and SWB.
Future studies are encouraged to concentrate on establishing an initial correlation between
income inequality and SWB before embarking on multivariate analyses. Third, in many
studies included in this review, life satisfaction and happiness were used interchangeably as
measures of SWB. There is evidence that life satisfaction and happiness elicit different
responses (Boldt, 2006; Vanhoutte, 2012), nonetheless, our decision to include life
satisfaction or happiness as measures of SWB was consistent with best practice in this area
(Rozer & Kraaykamp, 2013; Zagorski et al., 2014). Nevertheless, our findings did not find
evidence that the results of the studies differed according to the type of measure used to
assess SWB. Fourth, the majority of studies included in this review were conducted in
developed countries (N=14) and only 5 studies were classified as developing countries. This
is problematic in terms of the representativeness for the purpose of global decision-making.
More studies are needed in developing countries. Due to poor data, we were unable to
compare Latin America to Europe or USA because only one Latin America country had data
amendable for the meta-analysis. The social and politiocal history may affect the association
between income inequality and SWB because Inglehart and colleagues have reported that
with the same level of wealth, Latin-America is happier than their counterparts of Ex-
Communist nations (Inglehart et al., 2008). We strongly encourage more methodologically
sound investigations to examine the association between income inequality and SWB and to
elucidate current gaps and inconsistencies.

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4.8.Conclusion
In conclusion, this is the first systematic synthesis of the literature regarding the link
between income inequality and SWB. The main finding of this review is that the association
between income inequality and SWB is complex and largely influenced by the country
economic development. More rigorous investigations are needed to elucidate the link
between income inequality and SWB, and to identify what are the antecedents and
consequences of income inequality and SWB taking into account the country development
level.
4.9.Key-points
What is already known on this subject?
 Governments are increasingly interested in developing policies that will boost SWB
and reducing income inequality is one possible approach to achieving this goal.
 Nevertheless, the association between income inequality and SWB is controversial
because previous studies have reported mixed results.
What this study adds?
 This is the first systematic review and meta-analysis investigating the association
between income inequality and SWB.
 The main finding of this review is that the association between income inequality and
SWB is complex and largely influenced by the country economic development.
 More rigorous investigations are needed to elucidate the link between income
inequality and SWB, and to identify what are the consequences of income inequality.
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4.10. Reflection on systematic review and meta-analysis of the association between

income inequality and subjective well-being
An interest on subjective well-being is growing in recent years, and social scientists in
general and economists in particular have agreed that it is time to shift emphasis from
measuring economic production to measuring people’s well-being. Thus, identifying factors
that are associated with subjective well-being is becoming important (Stiglitz et al., 2009;
WhatWorksWellbeing, 2016). One of the factors of interest is income inequality, because
some studies have suggested that decreasing income inequality could positively be associated
with subjective well-being (Alesina, Di Tella, & MacCulloch, 2004; Oishi et al., 2011;
Wilkinson & Pickett, 2009). Nevertheless, findings on the role of income inequality in
predicting Subjective Well-Being are controversial because studies have reported negative
(Alesina et al., 2004; Oishi et al., 2011; Wilkinson & Pickett, 2009), positive (Berg &
Veenhoven, 2010; Rozer & Kraaykamp, 2013) or no association (Zagorski et al., 2014)
between income inequality and Subjective Well-Being.
The impact of income inequality on people’s well-being is still an issue of our time
because many nations are engaged in income redistribution policy when they tax the wealthy
to a greater extent to subsidise the poor. In the UK, for instance, a tax-free personal
allowance has been introduced as a redistributive policy to tackle income inequality. For
example, from 6 April 2016 to 5 April 2017, people who have personal allowance up to
£11,000 will be entitled to tax-free; but 20% tax will be applied as soon as their income will
increases from £11,001 to £43,000; and 40% tax when their income rises from £43,001 to
£150,000, and 45% tax for over £150,000 (UK_Government, 2016). However, questions
128
have been raised: whether (1) individuals in more equal community or countries are happier
and more satisfied with their lives than those in more unequal societies? (2) income
inequality is different across nations and it is perceived differently in each country. For
example, a study conducted in OECD countries suggest that the impact of income inequality
on Subjective Well-Being not only depends on country contexts but also on the actual roots
and perceived beliefs about what causes inequality (Chapple, Förster, & Martin, 2009).
Our empirical study conducted a systematic review and meta-analysis of the
association between income inequality and Subjective Well-Being. The study aimed to test
different hypotheses: (1) Decreasing income inequality could positively be associated with
subjective well-being; (2) The association between income inequality and subjective well-
being vary when subjective well-being is operationalized as life satisfaction as opposed to
happiness; (3) The association between income inequality and subjective well-being vary
when Gini coefficient is measured at the country level versus regional or local levels; (4)
Whether the association between income inequality and subjective well-being vary across
country level of development (i.e. developed nations versus developing nations).
So far, researchers disagree on whether people living in high income disparity report
more or less Subjective Well-Being than those in more equal settings. Some studies find
negative, positive or no association. The direction of the association may have policy
implications as some people could argue that growing income inequality affects people’s
subjective well-being and must be taken seriously (Stiglitz, 2013). On the other hand, some
others may claim that as long as the citizens of the countries do not see increased income
inequality as a problem, why should we bother about it (Chapple et al., 2009; Zagorski et al.,
2014). For example, Zagorski and colleagues, argued that the substantial resources and vast
bureaucracy devoted to inequality reduction might be better spent on policies that produce a
higher yield in happiness through speeding up socio-economic development (Zagorski et al.,

129
2014), p. 1107.
What do previous studies on the association between income inequality and Subjective Well-
Being find?
One of the first studies investigating the effects of income inequality and Subjective
Well-Being was the comparison of two Israeli cooperative settlements ‘Kibbutz’. The two
Kibbutz’ were similar in most characteristics such as their size, religious orientation and age
distribution (Morawetz et al., 1977). The research allowed the income difference between the
two Kibbutz’ and as a result, each family of the first Kibbutz had the same income, while the
other Kibbutz had income differences. Morawetz and colleagues find that the first group
which had same income was happier than the second group with income differences. Their
study supported the hypothesis that the more unequal the income distribution the lower the
individual's self- rated happiness. Nevertheless, Morawetz and colleagues highlighted that a
single comparison of two communities is not enough to yield meaningful generalisations and
they called for further cross-national study investigating on attitudes to the income
distributions (Morawetz et al., 1977), p. 522). Many critics against Morawetz’s publication
have argued that if the negative association can be observed at the local level (because of
greater visibility triggering social comparison), that is not the same at the national level (Berg
& Veenhoven, 2010).
The negative association between income inequality and happiness has been found at
the local level (Morawetz et al., 1977), at the individual level within country and across-
countries (Hagerty, 2000), at the continent level when Alesina and colleagues compared
Europeans to Americans (Alesina et al., 2004), and at the individual level within country
using a panel data (Oishi et al., 2011). On the other hand, the positive relationship has been
found at country level when Hirschman and Rothschild suggested the Tunnel Theory
130
(Hirschman & Rothschild, 1973); a view which was later supported by several studies using
different datasets such as Canadian Survey data (Tomes, 1986), Panel Survey of the Russian
population from 1994 to 2000 (Senik, 2004), and the British Household Panel Survey (Clark,
2003).
Furthermore, at different levels, a significant positive effect has been found, such as at
the country level (Graham, Eggers, & Sukhtankar, 2004; Senik, 2004) or across-nations level
(Berg & Veenhoven, 2010; Rozer & Kraaykamp, 2013). No significant association between
income inequality and subjective well-being has been found across EU nations (Zagorski et
al., 2014).
Given the number of articles published over the past 40 years on the association
between income inequality and Subjective Well-Being, so far, however, there has been less
progress, and the link between income inequality and Subjective Well-Being is controversial.
Moreover, it is surprising that no systematic evaluation of this literature and meta-analysis
have yet been undertaken. Thus, this empirical study represents a significant and original
piece of research that contributes to the research gaps on the relationship between income
inequality and Subjective Well-Being.
There are various explanations of why and how income inequality may affect people’s
subjective well-being. On the one hand, the external factors produced by inequality of
opportunity and no access to basic needs may create social conflict and crime and may affect
people’s subjective well-being (Alesina et al., 2004; Oishi et al., 2011; Wilkinson & Pickett,
2009). On the other hand, the internal channels may mediate the link between income
inequality and subjective well-being due to people’s attitudes towards income inequality or
their ranking position in income distribution (Chapple et al., 2009). Theories such as relative
deprivation theory, tunnel effect theory and evolutionary modernisation theory need to be
tested accordingly in the systematic evaluation of the literature and meta-analysis.

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According to the relative deprivation theory, income inequality may lead to an
increase in relative deprivation, which may decrease people’s subjective well-being
(Runciman, 1966; Yitzhaki, 1979). The poor are more deprived because of their position in
the income distribution and, as a result, they may be more affected than the rich. The
association between income and subjective well-being depends on comparison to a social
reference-group norm (Van Praag, 2011). When the higher-income group get richer, as soon
as they disconnect themselves from the community, the lower-income group might perceive
the world to be unfair and unjust (Oishi et al., 2011).
On the other hand, from the perspective of evolutionary modernisation theory, income
inequality in low-income groups and developing countries may positively improve Subjective
Well-Being when it is associated with economic growth, which might be regarded as an
incentive to work, innovation and the development of new technologies (Inaba, 2009;
Inglehart, 1997). Previous studies reported that individuals may tolerate income inequality by
observing other people’s increasingly rapid progression and interpreting this evolution as a
sign that their turn will come soon (Hirschman & Rothschild, 1973; Tomes, 1986). As
suggested by the Tunnel effect theory, those in middle to low-income countries may tolerate
income inequality, potentially regarding it as an incentive to work, economic growth and
innovation. In contrast, technology, economic growth and innovation might be taken for
granted in developed countries, meaning that income inequality may be perceived as a threat
rather than a challenge (Diener et al., 2013; Greene & Yoon, 2004; Inglehart et al., 2008). For
example, a study conducted in industrialised and emerging economies suggested that;
‘…income inequality is not necessary harmful to well-being. People may accept income
inequality when they see the possibilities to rise above their current position.’ (Beja, 2014),
p.153.
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Our systematic review found no association between income inequality and
Subjective Well-Being. Reflecting on our analysis, we may say that the poor reporting of data
in combination with the use of different analytic approaches precluded any firm conclusions
about the direction and strength of the association between income inequality and Subjective
Well-Being. According to the thumb effects size, the association between income inequality
and Subjective Well-Being was trivial because of the ‘…small…’ effect sizes. Due to the
quality of studies eligible for meta-analysis, it was difficult to test our different hypotheses:
(1) Decreasing income inequality could positively be associated with Subjective Well-Being;
for example, this hypothesis could support redistribution policy when governments tax the
wealthy to a greater extent to subsidise the poor.
(2) If the association between income inequality and subjective well-being varies when
Subjective Well-Being is operationalized as life satisfaction as opposed to happiness; for
example, previous studies reported that life satisfaction could be a better measure of
Subjective Well-Being than happiness because life satisfaction is more stable over time
than happiness (Diener et al., 2013; Fleche et al., 2011).
(3) If the association between income inequality and Subjective Well-Being varies when Gini
coefficient was measured at the country level versus regional or local levels; for example,
a study conducted in the USA found that income inequality was positively associated with
happiness at the local area level, but negatively associated at the county level (Carr, 2013).
(4) If the association between income inequality and Subjective Well-Being varies across a
countries’ level of development (i.e. developed nations versus developing nations); for
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example, according to the evolutionary modernisation theory, income inequality in
developing countries may positively improve subjective well-being when it is associated
with economic growth which might be regarded as an incentive to work, innovation and
the development of new technologies (Inaba, 2009; Inglehart, 1997).
Things could have been done differently if good longitudinal data was available
because it could help us to investigate these hypotheses and go further to investigate how
changes in income inequality could impact on Subjective Well-Being. Unfortunately, WVS
longitudinal data was not a good alternative, because WVS does not keep tracking the same
countries. For example, since 1981, the WVS has conducted six survey waves in 100
countries, but only two surveys were conducted in the UK (i.e. 1994-1998 and 2005-2009).
Also, the lack of representativeness is a real challenge with WVS longitudinal data because
previous WVS surveys do not included poor nations. For example, from 1981 to 2014, the
WVS carried out six different surveys (1981-1984, 1989-1993, 1994-1999, 1999-2004, 2005-
2007, 2010-2014), and from 1981 to 1999, only one poor nation was surveyed (i.e.,
Bangladesh).
Other longidutinal data need to be explored to test if the association between income
inequality and subjective well-being is affected by country level of development (Inaba,
2009; Inglehart, 1997) and geographic region (Berg & Veenhoven, 2010). For example, a
cross-national study investigating the association between income inequality and Subjective
Well-Being in 119 nations found a mixed picture such as; a negative association in the
Western world (i.e. Western European countries, US, Canada, Australia and New Zealand); a
slight positive association in Eastern Europe, Asia and Latin America, after controlling for
wealth; and no association in Africa (Berg & Veenhoven, 2010).

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Their results are, however, sensitive to sample mode of collection, and the fact that it
is a cross-sectional study means it was impossible to establish a temporal or causal
relationship between income inequality and subjective well-being. On the other hand, using
WVS and EVS data (1981-2004), Verme (2011) found a negative association between
income inequality and life satisfaction in both Western and non-Western countries.
Nevertheless, Verme’s results have shown that when the number of data points for Gini
coefficient is small, the result become sensitive and sometimes turn non-significant (Verme,
2011).
In conclusion, our systematic review has reported mixed results of the association
between income inequality and subjective well-being. It remains unclear whether any
association between income inequality and Subjective Well-Being is affected by key
operational and methodological factors. It is also unclear whether greater income inequality is
associated with lower levels of subjective well-being or greater income inequality is
associated with higher levels of subjective well-being or income inequality is not associated
with Subjective Well-Being.
What next? The argument suggesting no association between income inequality and
subjective well-being has been reported by few previous studies including a cross national
study in Europe (Zagorski et al., 2014) and Africa (Berg & Veenhoven, 2010). Zagorski and
colleagues suggested that the substantial resources devoted to inequality reduction might be
better spent on policies that produce a higher yield in subjective well-being. The findings of
our systematic review and meta-analysis suggest that further high quality research is required
to investigate the relationship between income inequality and subjective well-being and
identify other key factors associated with Subjective Well-Being. Our empirical study
conducted in chapter 3 on determinants of Subjective Well-Being suggested that health status

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and household financial satisfaction were more correlated with Subjective Well-Being than
any other factors. Thus, the next step is to conduct a systematic review and meta-analysis of
the association between health status and Subjective Well-Being.

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CHAPTER 5.
HOW STRONGLY RELATED ARE HEALTH STATUS AND SUBJECTIVE WELL-
BEING? SYSTEMATIC REVIEW AND META-ANALYSIS
Manuscript accepted and in press at the European Journal of Public Health as:
Ngamaba, K. H., Panagioti, M., & Armitage, C. J. Are Health Status and Subjective Well-
Being: Systematic review and meta-analysis. European Journal of Public Health,
DOI: 10.1093/eurpub/ckx081
137
5.1.Abstract
Background: Health status is widely considered to be closely associated with subjective
well-being (SWB), yet this assumption has not been tested rigorously. The aims of this first
systematic review and meta-analysis are to examine the association between health status and
SWB and to test whether any association is affected by key operational and methodological
factors.
Methods: A systematic search (January-1980 to April 2017) using Web of Science, Medline,
Embase, PsycInfo and Global health was conducted according to Cochrane and PRISMA
guidelines. Meta-analyses using a random-effects model were performed.
Results: 29 studies were included and the pooled effect size of the association between health
status and SWB was medium, statistically significant and positive (pooled r = 0.347, 95% CI
= 0.309 to 0.385; Q = 691.51, I2 = 94.99 %, p < 0.001). However, the association was
significantly stronger: (1) when SWB was operationalized as life satisfaction (r = 0.365) as
opposed to happiness (r = 0.307); (2) among studies conducted in developing countries (r =
0.423) than it was in developed countries (r = 0.336); and (3) when multiple items were used
to assess health status and SWB (r = 0.353) as opposed to single items (r = 0.326).
Conclusion: Improving people’s health status may be one means by which governments can
improve the SWB of their citizens. Life satisfaction might be preferred to happiness as a
measure of SWB because it better captures the influence of health status.
Keywords: happiness, life satisfaction, subjective well-being, health status, quality of life.
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5.2.Introduction
One of the fundamental responsibilities of governments and policy makers across the
globe is to maximise subjective well-being (SWB) using finite resources (Diener & Chan,
2011; Stiglitz, Sen, & Fitoussi, 2009). Identifying key factors that influence SWB is vital to
informing decisions about where best to invest those resources (Fleche, Smith, & Sorsa,
2011; Stiglitz et al., 2009). When people are asked to list the key characteristics of a good
life, they include health, happiness and life satisfaction (Diener & Chan, 2011) and
accordingly governments have tried to improve SWB by optimising public health status (e.g.,
by improving health care). Implicit in these endeavours is the idea that health status and SWB
are closely related. Despite this assumption, it is not yet clear what is the magnitude of the
association between health status and SWB; meaning that intervening to improve health
status alone may not be the optimum means by which SWB can be maximised. In addition to
the lack of insight into the magnitude of the association between health status and SWB, the
literature suffers a number of methodological and conceptual limitations that can be explored
using meta-analysis.
The first major limitation stems from inconsistencies in the definition and
measurement of SWB and health status. The terms happiness and life satisfaction have been
used interchangeably to assess SWB. Happiness is most closely associated with emotions,
feelings or moods and life satisfaction is concerned with people’s cognitive evaluations and
judgments about their life when they think about it, which might include evaluations of their
work, personal relationships or perception of health status (Diener, Suh, Lucas, & Smith,
1999). Evidence suggests that happiness and life satisfaction need to be investigated
separately in their association with health status (Kahneman & Deaton, 2010). For example,
daily interviews conducted with 1,000 Americans found that married, well-educated people
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with high income reported greater satisfaction with their lives than the norm, but that the
same people did not report being happier than the norm (Kahneman & Deaton, 2010).
Similarly, the operationalization of health status has also varied, having been measured via
independent objective assessment by medical personnel and/or patients’ self-reports
(Machado et al., 2015).
Second, most studies report the results of multivariate statistical analyses but neglect
to report univariate analyses. The inclusion of covariates may weaken the observed
association between health status and SWB or multivariate techniques might throw up
spurious statistically significant associations.
Third, participants have been sampled from patient groups or general population
groups and it is likely that the association between health status and SWB is affected by such
sampling (Diener & Chan, 2011).
Fourth, the majority of studies investigating health status as a driver of SWB are
typically conducted in developed nations because these countries have the financial resources
to conduct research and participants are accessible in contrast to developing nations with
poorer infrastructure. Nevertheless, the question arises as to whether the association
between health status and SWB differs across countries at different stages of economic
development. Most developing countries are still struggling to tackle poverty. Poverty
increases the chances of poor health because very poor people live in poor conditions and
struggle to eat, afford the cost of doctors’ fees and a course of drugs and transport to reach a
health centre. Thus, health status in developing countries might be expected to be more
closely associated with SWB than it is in developed nations (Howell & Howell, 2008).
Fifth, key operational and methodological factors might affect the association
between health status and SWB. For example, while the general consensus is that multiple-
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item measures (e.g. SF-36, SWLS 5 items) have better psychometric properties than single-
item measures, single-item measures may be used due to practical constraints (e.g.
respondent burden caused by longer survey) and it would be valuable to gauge the impact of
this on the health status-SWB relationship (Fisher, Matthews, & Gibbons, 2016).
Finally, the recruitment procedure such as participants were recruited using random or
convenience sampling might affect the association between health status and SWB. The
questions arise as to the extent of whether results observed in samples of convenience
generalise to the larger population and whether the recruitment procedure affects the size of
the relationship between health status and SWB.
The aims of the systematic review and meta-analysis were to: (1) assess the strength
of the association between health status and SWB across individual studies using meta-
analysis; and (2) test whether the link between health status and SWB is affected by key
operational and methodological factors. These key operational and methodological factors
are: (a) whether the association varies when the SWB is associated to objective health status
or to subjective health status, (b) whether the population is sampled from the general public
or from patient groups, (c) the way in which SWB is assessed (e.g., happiness versus life
satisfaction), (d) whether the results of the main analysis hold when participants were
recruited from developed versus developing countries, (e) whether the results of the main
analysis varies accordingly to the way health status and SWB were assessed (multiple items
versus single items), and (f) whether the results of the main analysis hold when participants
were recruited from random versus convenience sampling.
5.3.Methods
The systematic review was conducted and reported according to PRISMA (Preferred
Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses) and Cochrane Handbook
141
recommendations (Higgins & Green, 2011).
Science, Medline, Embase, PsycInfo and Global health. Systematic searches of the literature
published between January 1980 and April 2017 was carried out and various combinations of
two key blocks of terms were used: (1) SWB, happiness, life satisfaction, well-being; and (2)
state of health, health status, and self-reported health, subjective assessment of health status,
quality of life, WHOQOL, diagnosis, disrupted daily functioning, Short-Form SF-36, SF-12,
SF-6 D, and EQ-5 D1. We also identified eligible studies by checking the reference lists of
the studies meeting the criteria of the systematic review.
The results of the searches of each database were exported to an Endnote database file
disagreements were discussed in group meetings until consensus was reached.
1 Health status captures people’s perceptions of how well they are able to function physically,
emotionally, and socially; The term ‘quality of life’ has a different construct to health status and is
defined by the World Health Organisation (WHO) as “individuals’ perception of their position in life
in the context of the culture and value systems in which they live and in relation to their goals,
expectations, standards and concerns” (p.3). In contrast, SWB indicates subjective enjoyment of life
and self-evaluation of her/his life-as-a-whole rather than focusing on physical or mental health.
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Studies were eligible for inclusion if they met the following criteria:
1. Original studies that employed a quantitative research design. Qualitative studies were
excluded.
2. Included at least one objective or subjective measure of health status. Objective health
status refers to objective clinical assessments of the presence and numbers of chronic
medical conditions (Jacobsson, Westerberg, & Lexell, 2010; Matthews, Baker, Hann,
Denniston, & Smith, 2002). Subjective measures of health status included either
generic self-reported states of health such as “All in all, how would you describe your
state of health these days?” or the physical functioning subscales of quality of life
measures such as SF-36 (Angner, Ghandhi, Purvis, Amante, & Allison, 2013; World-
Values-Survey, 2015).
3. Included at least one measure of SWB (i.e., happiness or life satisfaction). Measures
of happiness included: “Taking all things together, would you say you are (on a scale
of 1 to 4): 1=Not at all happy; 2=Not very happy; 3=Quite happy; and 4=Very happy”
(X. Wang, Jia, Zhu, & Chen, 2015). Measures of life satisfaction included questions
such as; “All things considered, how satisfied are you with your life as a whole these
days? On a scale of 1 to 10 if 1=very dissatisfied and 10=very satisfied” (Patten et al.,
2012). Studies that used outcomes such as personal growth, meaning of life, freedom
of choice, or poverty rate were excluded.
4. Provided quantitative data regarding the association between health status and SWB.
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5. Were published in a peer-reviewed journal. Academic reports were included; but grey
literature was excluded to avoid including data from groups with potential vested
interests (e.g., political groups).
Information about the following characteristics of the studies was extracted: first author’s
name and year of publication, country where the study was conducted and number of
participants, health status instrument, happiness/life satisfaction instrument, zero-order
correlation of the association between health status and happiness/life satisfaction, standard
error, and quality rating. Countries where studies were conducted included developed and
developing countries. Developed countries are defined as industrial, advanced economies
with high level of Gross National Income (GNI) per capita of 12,736 US dollars per year
(estimated in July 2015). In contrast, developing countries includes countries with low and
middle levels of GNI per capita (fewer than 12,736 US dollars per capita) (World_Bank.,
2016).
Data extraction was completed by the first author. A second researcher extracted data
from three randomly selected studies.
quantitative studies (Higgins & Green, 2011). Any disagreements were resolved by
144
discussion. The quality review included assessment of the quality of the research design,
population and recruitment methods, verified if the choice of the health status measure and
SWB measures were valid and reliable, determined if the outcome variable was clearly
identified and if the analysis reported the association between health status and SWB. These
included assessments of the quality of the research (see Table 1).
5.3.6. Meta-analysis procedures
The associated Confidence Intervals (CI) of the zero-order correlations were
calculated in STATA 13.1. The analysis was conducted using the metan command. The
pooled zero-order correlation as well as the forest plots was computed using STATA 13.1.
Then five subgroup analyses were conducted. We focus our interpretation of the results in
terms of effect sizes (Cohen, 1992). Thus, r = 0.10 was a “small” effect size (“not so small as
to be trivial”, p. 159 (Cohen, 1992)), r = 0.30 was a “medium” effect size (“likely to be
visible to the naked eye of a careful observer”, p. 159 (Cohen, 1992)), and r = 0.50 was a
“large” effect size (“the same distance above medium as small was below it”, p.159 (Cohen,
1992)).To test whether the association between health status and SWB varies across sub-
groups, we used Cohen’s q Fisher’s z transformation of r. By convention, if z score values is
greater than or equal to 1.96 or less than or equal to -1.96, the two correlations coefficients
are significantly different at the .05 level of significance (suggesting difference of correlation
coefficients between two population groups) (Cohen & Cohen, 1983).

145
5.4.Results
We retrieved 394 studies and after removing duplicates (n = 141), 253 studies were
assessed for eligibility. Following abstract and full-text screening 29 studies were included in
the review. The flowchart of the screening and selection process is shown in Figure 5.1.
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Figure 5.1. PRISMA Flow Diagram (Moher, Liberati, Tetzlaff, & Altman, 2009)
Records identified through Additional records identified

database searching through other sources
Identification
(n =378 ) (n =16 )
Records after duplicates removed

(n =253 )
Screening
Records screened Records excluded

(n = 253 ) (n = 139 )
Full-text articles excluded,

with reasons
Full-text articles assessed
(n =85 )
for eligibility
(n = 114 ) Not investigate on both
Eligibility
constructs: health status

and either happiness/life
Studies included in satisfaction /subjective
qualitative synthesis well-being (n = 50); Not
(n =29 ) measure health status (n =
20, instead, for example
look at dental infection,
Studies included in overcrowding house,
Included
quantitative synthesis sleep, anxiety, depression

(meta-analysis) Not measure happiness
(n =29 ) /life satisfaction (n=15),
instead, for example
investigate at satisfaction
with income, growth, self-
esteem…
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5.4.1. Descriptive characteristics of the studies
Table 1 presents the main characteristics of the 29 studies included in the review. All
studies were cross-sectional. Four studies were conducted in the USA, 13 in Europe and 12
studies were conducted elsewhere (see Table 1 for more details). All studies were published
between 2002 and 2017. Participants were adults ranged from 16 to 99 years old. The sample
sizes varied from 67 to 350,000. Eighteen studies recruited participants from the general
population (Barger, Donoho, & Wayment, 2009) and eleven studies recruited people with
chronic medical conditions (Matthews et al., 2002). People with chronic medical conditions
included people with cystic fibrosis, traumatic brain injuries, infertility, systemic lupus
erythematosus, breast cancer survivors, patients with multiple sclerosis, low back pain or
patients with orthopaedic diseases (Jacobsson et al., 2010; Takeyachi et al., 2003).
Studies used data from a range of surveys such as US General Social Survey (GSS)
(Zajacova & Dowd, 2014), China Health and Nutrition Survey (CHNS) (Liang & Lu, 2014),
National Health Interview Survey and the Behavioural Risk Factor Surveillance (Barger et
al., 2009). Most well-known surveys such as GSS used reliable recruitment procedures (e.g.
stratified random sampling). Nevertheless, twelve studies used opportunistic sampling to
target specific groups of people (An, An, O'Connor, & Wexler, 2008).
Multiple instruments were used to measure health status and happiness /life
satisfaction. For health status, single items with 4 point Likert scales tended to be used in
studies targeting general population at the national (Patten et al., 2012) or regional level
(Dubrovina, Siwiec, & Ornowski, 2012; Sabatini, 2014; Zagorski, Evans, Kelley, &
Piotrowska, 2014).
Most studies used multiple items to target specific groups of people such as older
adults (Angner et al., 2013) or survival of illness (Kulczycka, Sysa-Jedrzejowska, & Robak,
2010; Matthews et al., 2002). For example, in terms of health status, 22 studies used multiple
148
items and the remaining studies (n = 7) used a single item. With regard to SWB, the majority
of studies (n = 16) used multiple items and the remaining studies (n = 13) used single items to
measure happiness/life satisfaction. The meta-analyses were based on high quality rating
studies scoring 5 or the maximum of 6 and sub-groups were used as moderators in the
association between health status and SWB (see Table 5.1).

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Table 5.1: Characteristics of included studies and quality ratings (Health status and SWB)
Study 1st author & Country Particip. Populat Health Health SWB LS/Hap Effect SE Quality
year of publication category measures instruments Measures instruments size Rating*
An, 2008 (An et al., South Korea 121 GenPop HealthMulti 20 items (1-3) SWBMulti LS (1-3) 0.62 0.024 6
2008)
Angner, 2013 USA 383 Chronic HealthMulti SF-12 (1-5) SWBMulti Hap 4 items 0.372 0.05 6
(Angner et al., 2013) condit. (1-7)
Barger, 2009 (Barger USA 350,000 GenPop HealthMulti BRFSS (1-5) SWBSingle LS (1-4) 0.29 0.024 6
et al., 2009)
Doherty, 2013 Ireland 1764 GenPop HealthMulti Multi (1-5) SWBSingle Hap (0-10) 0.333 0.024 6
(Doherty & Kelly,
2013)
Dubrovina, 2012 Poland 42331 GenPop HealthMulti Multi (1-4) SWBSingle LS (1-4) 0.73 0.21 5
(Dubrovina et al.,
2012)
Fisher, 2010 (Fisher, Australia 112 Chronic HealthMulti SF-12 SWBMulti LS SWLS 5 0.405 0.024 6
Baker, & condit. items
Hammarberg, 2010)
Gana, 2013 (Gana et France 899 GenPop Healthsingle SRH (1-5) SWBMulti LS 5 items 0.292 0.024 6
al., 2013) (1-7)
Garrido, 2013 Spain 870 GenPop HealthMulti SF-36 SWBMulti LS SWLS (1- 0.388 0.024 6
(Garrido, Mendez, & 5)
Abellan, 2013)
Goldbeck, 2001 Germany 70 Chronic HealthMulti SF-36 SWBMulti LS 16 items 0.36 0.024 5
(Goldbeck & condit.
Schmitz, 2001)
Jacobsson, 2010 Sweden 67 Chronic HealthMulti SF-36 SWBMulti LS SWLS (1- 0.308 0.024 6
(Jacobsson et al., condit. 7)
2010)
150
Kim, 2012 (Kim & South Korea 246 Chronic HealthMulti 31 items (1-4) SWBMulti LS 20 items 0.35 0.024 6
Sok, 2012) condit. (1-5)
Koots-Ausmees, 32 countries 285086 GenPop Healthsingle 1 item (1-5) SWBSingle LS (0-10) 0.34 0.022 6
2015(Koots-Ausmees (28 EU +
& Realo, 2015) Israel, Russia,
Turkey &
Ukraine)
Kulczycka, 2010 Poland 83 Chronic HealthMulti SF-36 SWBMulti LS 5 items 0.42 0.024 6
(Kulczycka et al., condit.
2010)
Lacruz, 2012 Germany 2,675 GenPop HealthMulti 7 items SWBSingle LS (0-5) 0.19 0.07 5
(Lacruz, Emeny,
Baumert, & Ladwig,
2011)
Liang, 2014 (Liang & China 19000 GenPop HealthMulti 2 items (0-1) SWBSingle LS (0-1) 0.49 0.024 5
Lu, 2014)
Matthews, 2002 USA 612 Chronic HealthMulti SF-36 SWBMulti LS 17 items 0.47 0.024 6
(Matthews et al., condit. (1-7)
2002)
Mukuria, 2013 (Clara UK, Wales 15,184 GenPop HealthMulti EQ-5D SWBMulti Hap SF-30 0.294 0.024 6
Mukuria & Brazier,
2013)
Mukuria, 2015 UK 6,808 GenPop HealthMulti SF-6D SWBMulti LS 0.39 0.024 6
(Mukuria, Rowen,
Peasgood, & Brazier,
2015)
Ngamaba, Rwanda 3030 GenPop Healthsingle 1 item (1-4) SWBSingle Hap (1-4) 0.498 0.022 6
2016(Ngamaba,
2016)
Ngamaba, Worldwide 85070 GenPop Healthsingle 1 item (1-4) SWBSingle LS (1-10) 0.29 0.022 6
2017(Ngamaba, 59 countries
151
2017)
Patten, 2010 (Patten Canada 245 Chronic HealthMulti Multi (1-5) SWBSingle LS (1-10) 0.16 0.01 6
et al., 2012) condit.
Sabatini, 2014 Italy 817 GenPop Healthsingle 1 item (1-4) SWBSingle Hap (1-10) 0.22 0.03 5
(Sabatini, 2014)
Takeyachi, 2003 Japan 816 Chronic HealthMulti SF-12 SWBMulti Hap multi 0.202 0.024 5
(Takeyachi et al., condit.
2003)
Tuchtenhagen, 2015 Brazil 1,134 Chronic HealthMulti OHRQoL SWBMulti Hap multi 0.29 0.024 5
(Tuchtenhagen et al., condit.
2015)
Wang, 2002 (Wang et Japan 142 Chronic HealthMulti SF-36 SWBMulti LS 9 items 0.32 0.024 5
al., 2002) condit.
Wang, 2015 (Wang et China 5854 GenPop HealthMulti EQ-5D SWBSingle Hap (1-4) 0.32 0.01 5
al., 2015)
Yildirim, 2013 Turkey 396 GenPop HealthMulti QoL 26 items SWBMulti LS 5 items 0.39 0.024 6
(Yildirim, Kilic, & (1-7)
Akyol, 2013)
Zajacova, 2014 USA 3722 GenPop Healthsingle 1 item (1-3) SWBSingle Hap (1-3) 0.244 0.024 6
(Zajacova & Dowd,
2014)
Zagorski, 2013 28 Europ. 26,257 GenPop Healthsingle 1 item (1-10) SWBSingle LS (1-10) 0.36 0.024 6
(Zagorski et al., Nations
2014)
Note: GenPop: Participants from General population; Chronic condit.: Participants with chronic medical conditions; SWB: subjective well-being; LS: life
satisfaction; Hap: happiness; *The quality rating score was calculated by awarding 1 point for each of the criteria: 1 for valid recruitment procedure, 1 for
research design, 1 for health status measures, 1 for subjective well-being measures, 1 if multiple items were used to assess SWB and health status, and 1 if the
correlation coefficient of the association was reported.

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5.4.2. Meta-analysis of the association between health status and SWB
Main meta-analysis: The overall association between health status and SWB.
Figure 5.2 presents the forest plot of the main analysis that examined the overall
relationship between health status and SWB across 29 studies. The pooled effect size was
medium, significant and positive but the heterogeneity was high (pooled r = 0.347, 95% CI =
0.309 to 0.385; Q = 691.51, I2 = 94.99 %, p < 0.001). This result indicates that better health is
moderately associated with greater SWB. As shown in Figure 2, the effect sizes across all the
studies were positive but varied significantly in magnitude (from r = 0.16 to r = 0.73).
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status and subjective well-being across 29 independent samples. Note: Weights are from
random effects analysis.
Study ES [95% CI] % An, 2008
Weight
Angner, 2013
An, 2008 0.620 0.573 0.667 3.60
Angner, 2013 0.372 0.274 0.470 3.00 Barger, 2009
Barger, 2009 0.290 0.243 0.337 3.60 Doherty, 2013
Doherty, 2013 0.333 0.286 0.380 3.60 Dubrovina, 2012
Dubrovina, 0.730 0.318 1.142 0.65

Fisher, 2010
2012
Fisher, 2010 0.405 0.358 0.452 3.60 Gana, 2013
Gana, 2013 0.292 0.245 0.339 3.60 Garrido, 2013
Garrido, 2013 0.388 0.341 0.435 3.60 Goldbeck, 2001
Goldbeck, 2001 0.360 0.313 0.407 3.60

Jacobsson, 2010
Jacobsson, 2010 0.308 0.261 0.355 3.60
Kim, 2012 0.350 0.303 0.397 3.60 Kim, 2012
Koots- 0.340 0.297 0.383 3.63 Koots-Ausmees, 2015
Ausmees, 2015 Kulczycka, 2010
Kulczycka, 0.420 0.373 0.467 3.60

Lacruz, 2012
2010
Lacruz, 2012 0.190 0.053 0.327 2.49 Liang, 2014
Studies
Liang, 2014 0.490 0.443 0.537 3.60 Matthews, 2002
Matthews, 2002 0.470 0.423 0.517 3.60 Mukuria, 2013
Mukuria, 2013 0.294 0.247 0.341 3.60

Mukuria, 2015
Mukuria, 2015 0.390 0.343 0.437 3.60
Ngamaba, 2016 0.498 0.455 0.541 3.63 Ngamaba, 2016
Ngamaba, 2017 0.290 0.247 0.333 3.63 Ngamaba, 2017
Patten, 2010 0.160 0.140 0.180 3.78 Patten, 2010
Sabatini, 2014 0.220 0.161 0.279 3.48

Sabatini, 2014
Takeyachi, 0.202 0.155 0.249 3.60
2003 Takeyachi, 2003
Tuchtenhagen, 0.290 0.243 0.337 3.60 Tuchtenhagen, 2015
2015 Wang, 2002
Wang, 2002 0.320 0.273 0.367 3.60

Wang, 2015
Wang, 2015 0.320 0.300 0.340 3.78 Yildirim, 2013
Yildirim, 2013 0.390 0.343 0.437 3.60

Zajacova, 2014
Zajacova, 2014 0.244 0.197 0.291 3.60
Zagorski, 2013 0.360 0.313 0.407 3.60 Zagorski, 2013
Overall effect 0.347 0.309 0.385 100.00 Overall effect (pl)
(pl) -.1 0 .1 .2 .3 .4 .5 .6 .7 .8 .9 1 1.1 1.2

Effect sizes and CIs
Original weights (squares) displayed. Largest to smallest ratio: 5.78
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Subgroups analyses
Retrieved studies were grouped into six sub-groups: objective health status (n = 8)
versus subjective health status (n = 21), general population (n = 18) versus people with
chronic illness (n = 11), happiness (n = 9) versus life satisfaction (n = 20), developed (n = 23)
versus developing countries (n = 4), two studies were conducted worldwide, multiple items
measures (n = 23) versus single item measures (n = 6) and random sampling (n = 17) versus
convenience (n = 12).
Measure of health status: The pooled effect size for the association between SWB and
subjective health status was slightly higher, pooled r = 0.355, 95% CI = 0.311 to 0.399, Q =
297.14, I2 = 94.11 %, p < 0.001, than the pooled effect size for the association between SWB
and objective health status: pooled r = 0.327, 95% CI = 0.246 to 0.409, Q = 273.90, I2 =
95.63 %, p < 0.001. Cohen’s q revealed no statistically significant difference in the
magnitude of the correlations between these two sub-groups, Cohen’s q = 0.652, p = 0.51.
Population: The association between health status and SWB did not vary amongst
studies based on people with chronic conditions versus studies based on general population
samples: pooled r = 0.331, 95% CI = 0.273 to 0.389, Q = 305.22, I2 = 94.01 %, p < 0.001;
studies based on general population samples: pooled r = 0.357, 95% CI = 0.306 to 0.410, Q =
295.21, I2 = 95.06 %, p < 0.001. Cohen’s q showed no statistically significant difference
between these two sub-groups: Cohen’s q = 0.551, p = 0.58.
Measure of SWB: The pooled effect size for the association between health status and
happiness was lower, pooled r = 0.307, 95% CI = 0.245 to 0.370, Q = 114.08, I2 = 93.28 %,
p < 0.001 compared with the pooled effect size for the association between health status and
life satisfaction: pooled r = 0.365, 95% CI = 0.319 to 0.413, Q = 575.77, I2 = 94.70 %, p <
0.001. This observation was confirmed by the Cohen’s q test, which showed that the
correlation between health status and life satisfaction was significantly stronger than it was
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between health status and happiness: Cohen’s q = 3.778, p<0.05.
Country level of development: The pooled effect size for the link between health
status and SWB in developed countries was lower, pooled r = 0.336, 95% CI = 0.292 to
0.380; Q = 553.08, I2 = 94.37 %, p < 0.001 compared to studies conducted in developing
countries, pooled r = 0.423, 95% CI = 0.329 to 0.519; Q = 84.54, I2 = 93.67 %, p < 0.001,
respectively. The magnitude of the correlation was significantly stronger among studies
conducted in developing countries than it was in developed countries: Cohen’s q = 7.344,
p<0.05.
Multiple items versus single item measures on the health status-SWB relationship:
The pooled effect sizes of the association between SWB and health status was higher when
multiple items were used to assess the health status and SWB than when single item measures
were used: pooled r = 0.353, 95% CI = 0.309 to 0.397, Q = 599.23, I2 = 95.23 %, p < 0.001;
single item measures: pooled r = 0.326, 95% CI = 0.239 to 0.412, Q = 89.27, I2 = 93.27 %, p
< 0.001. The magnitude of the correlation was significantly stronger among studies using
multiple items measures than it was in studies using single item measures: Cohen’s q = 3.757,
p<0.05.
Recruitment procedure: The pooled effect size for the association between health
status and SWB was slightly higher among studies that recruited their participants using
convenience sampling, pooled r = 0.376, 95% CI = 0.314 to 0.437, Q = 204.36, I2 = 93.81 %,
p < 0.001, than the pooled effect size among studies that recruited their participants using
random sampling: pooled r = 0.329, 95% CI = 0.284 to 0.375, Q = 416.46, I2 = 94.52 %, p <
0.001. Cohen’s q showed no statistically significant difference in the magnitude of the
correlations between these two sub-groups, Cohen’s q = 0.994, p = 0.32.

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5.5.Discussion
The principal finding of the present systematic review and meta-analysis is that health
status has a medium-sized positive association with SWB (Lacruz et al., 2011; Sabatini,
2014). Moreover, the link between health status and SWB does not differ significantly: (a)
when objective health status or subjective health status was used to assess people’s health
status; or (b) across people with chronic medical conditions and general population samples.
However, the association between health status and SWB was significantly stronger: (1)
when SWB was operationalized as life satisfaction as opposed to happiness; (2) among
studies conducted in developing countries than it was in developed countries; and (3)
significantly stronger among studies using multiple items measures than it was in studies
using single item measures.
The following discussion considers the practical and theoretical issues arising from
these findings. Policy makers with responsibilities for allocating scarce resources need
information that helps to identify the key determinants of SWB. The present research helps
in this regard, but also shows that health status is moderately associated with SWB. The
implication is that there are other determinants of SWB beyond health status and that
improving health status is not the only route to improving SWB. Further research is required
to see how closely associated are other potential determinants of SWB (e.g., inequalities,
financial satisfaction) compared with SWB.
Despite the fact that health status is only moderately associated with greater SWB, the
relationship is robust and does not vary across whether respondents were people with chronic
medical conditions or from the general population. This suggests that policy makers should
seek to improve the health status of the general population rather than focusing on people
with chronic medical conditions as a means to improve SWB.
Another important finding is that the association between health status and SWB was
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significantly stronger when SWB was operationalized as life satisfaction as opposed to
happiness. This is consistent with research showing that health status has an impact on life
satisfaction (Fleche et al., 2011). While a large number of studies continue to operationalize
SWB solely in terms of people’s happiness (Angner et al., 2013; Kahneman & Deaton, 2010),
studies show that life satisfaction is more stable over time than happiness (Diener, Inglehart,
& Tay, 2013; Fleche et al., 2011). Moreover, life satisfaction scores correlate significantly
with physiological variables that are thought to track positive moods (Diener et al., 2013;
Fleche et al., 2011). Life satisfaction might be preferred to happiness as a measure of SWB
because it better captures the influence of health status.
The present study found that the magnitude of the association between health status
and SWB was higher in developing countries than it was in developed nations. The majority
of developing countries are still struggling to tackle poverty. Poverty increases the chances of
poor health because very poor people live in poor conditions and struggle to eat, afford the
cost of doctors’ fees and a course of drugs. In contrast, developed countries tend to have
sophisticated and relatively accessible health care and so future population gains in SWB
through improving health status further are likely to diminish as health care improves further
(Howell & Howell, 2008). The implication is that domains other than health status may take
on increasing importance in driving SWB in the future.
Moreover, the present study found that the association between health status and
SWB does vary across studies using multiple items versus single item measures to assess
health status and SWB. One implication is that multiple item measures should be used as the
first option because of their better psychometric properties.
Although the present findings take the literature on SWB forward in some important
respects, it is worthwhile highlighting some potential limitations. First, most studies
investigating the association between health status and SWB have been conducted in
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unrepresentative samples of largely “developed” nations such as USA, European countries,
South Korea, and Japan. Of 29 studies included in the present meta-analysis, only one study
has been conducted in Sub-Saharan Africa (i.e., Rwanda) and one study has been conducted
in Latin America (i.e., Brazil). This is problematic in terms of the representativeness for the
purpose of global decision making and further high quality cross-cultural research is required.
Second, all studies included in the present research were cross-sectional and it would be
valuable to conduct a prospective cohort study to confirm the link between SWB and health
status and investigate the variability of that association across subgroups (e.g. people with
chronic medical conditions versus general population samples). Third, grey literature was
excluded to avoid including data from groups with potential vested interests (e.g., political
groups). Nevertheless, the delay between research and published literature may create
publication bias. Thus, we have included academic report amongst our eligibility criteria.
5.6.Conclusion
Health status is positively associated with higher SWB and improving people’s health
status is one means by which governments across the globe can improve the SWB of their
citizens. The association between health status and SWB is medium and further research is
required to identify other key drivers of SWB.
5.7.Key points
 Improving SWB is fundamental to the roles of many governments across the globe
and so identifying the key factors that influence SWB is vital to informing
government policy including public health.
 Health status is positively associated with higher SWB

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 Improving people’s health status is one means by which governments across the globe
can improve the SWB of their citizens.
 The association between health status and SWB is medium and further research is
required to identify the key drivers of SWB.

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5.8. Reflection on the systematic review and meta-analysis of the association between
health status and subjective well-being
Recently, there has been an increase in the number of studies measuring subjective
well-being to inform public policy in the UK as well as in other nations (Dolan et al., 2011;
Hicks et al., 2013; Stiglitz et al., 2009; WhatWorksWellbeing, 2016). To improve Subjective
Well-Being, several factors including health status have been suggested to be linked with
subjective well-being (Fleche et al., 2011a; Hicks et al., 2013; Layard et al., 2016). For
example, the UK ONS national well-being framework suggests that health status affects
subjective well-being at the individual level (Hicks et al., 2013). Across nations, some well-
being frameworks have reported a direct link between health status and Subjective Well-
Being (Fleche et al., 2011; Layard et al., 2016). Good health is associated with an increase of
Subjective Well-Being, while setbacks in health, such as serious illness or disability, have
negative association with Subjective Well-Being.
For example, people who have painful chronic conditions and those who have become
seriously disabled have permanently lower levels of subjective well-being compared to their
counterparts who are not disabled (B. Headey, 2010). Yet this assumption of the association
between health status and Subjective Well-Being has not been tested rigorously. It is not yet
clear what the magnitude of the association is between health status and subjective well-
being; is health status one of the strongest correlates of the Subjective Well-Being?
Is the association between health status and Subjective Well-Being affected by key
operational and methodological factors? For example; (1) Is the association between health
status and Subjective Well-Being different among patient groups versus general population?
(2) When Subjective Well-Being was operationalized as life satisfaction as opposed to
happiness? (3) Among studies conducted in developing countries versus developed countries?
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(4) When multiple items were used to assess health status and Subjective Well-Being as
opposed to single items?
This first systematic review and meta-analysis represent a significant and original
piece of research that may answer the question; ‘…is health status the strongest correlate of
subjective well-being?’.
The systematic review and meta-analysis found a positive, medium and significant
association between health status and Subjective Well-Being. The association between health
status and Subjective Well-Being varies; (1) When Subjective Well-Being was
operationalized as life satisfaction as opposed to happiness and; (2) When multiple items
were used to assess health status and Subjective Well-Being as opposed to single items.
Reflecting on the systematic review and meta-analysis of the relationship between
health status and Subjective Well-Being, we suggest further study to investigate health status
measurements and why the association between health status and Subjective Well-Being does
not differ significantly; (a) When objective health status or subjective health status was used
to assess people’s health status; or (b) Across people with chronic medical conditions and
general population samples. Moreover, it may be beneficial to extend the inclusion criteria by
including as depression, anxiety and dental health. There are thousands of health status
measurement instruments that are used in research and clinical practice. The choice of health
status measurement instrument depends on several factors including the measurement
properties, aim of the study, participants and methodology used (Mokkink et al., 2009).
In this systematic review and meta-analysis, studies used different health status
measurements on how well people are able to function physically, emotionally, and socially.
The assessments of health status were; Objective and Subjective. The Objective Health Status
refers to objective clinical assessments of the presence and numbers of chronic medical
conditions (Jacobsson, Westerberg, & Lexell, 2010). The Subjective Health Status represents
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either generic self-reported states of health such as; ‘…all in all, how would you describe
your state of health these days?’ or the physical functioning subscales of quality of life
measures using multiple items such as SF-36 (Angner, Ghandhi, Purvis, Amante, & Allison,
2013) (World-Values-Survey, 2015). This may justify why the meta-analysis used different
subgroups to try and explain the variations.
Our findings suggest that the association between health status and Subjective Well-
Being does not differ significantly among patients and general population. Nevertheless,
previous studies suggest a discrepancy between health state evaluations of patients and the
general public (Ubel, Loewenstein, & Jepson, 2003). Ubel and colleagues suggest that
differences might occur because patients and the general public interpret health status
components differently. Thus, the association between health status and Subjective Well-
Being could be stronger among patient groups than among the general public (Diener &
Chan, 2011; Mitchell, Al-Janabi, Richardson, lezzi, & Coast, 2015).
Nonetheless, Ubel and colleagues argued that results can be biased when patients
adapt to illness and when the general public is not aware or does not predict that adaptation.
The general public may not understand how valuable life can be for people with chronic
medical conditions or disabilities. They may subconsciously overstate their health status
(Ubel et al., 2003). For example, the study in psychology of post-traumatic growth has
suggested that a traumatic event does not always destroy but it can make some people
stronger (Joseph, 2012). Another challenge is to investigate whether the association between
health status and Subjective Well-Being differ among mental health patients and physical
health patients, because previous research has reported that health status has a major impact
on life satisfaction, with the effect generally being stronger for measures of mental health
than physical health (Dolan et al., 2008; Fleche et al., 2011).

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It is encouraging to investigate the variability across nations in the association
between subjective well-being and self-reported health status because it is not clear whether
the link between health status and Subjective Well-Being holds across different nations,
including poor nations. On the one hand, developed nations have been reported to be happier
and more satisfied in their lives than poor nations. The correlation between income and
Subjective Well-Being is much smaller in developed nations than poor nations (Diener et al.,
2010; Inglehart et al., 2008). On the other hand, culture and socioeconomic status influence
health evaluations and beliefs about disease (Staudinger, Fleeson, & Baltes, 1999).
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CHAPTER 6.
IS FINANCIAL SATISFACTION ASSOCIATED WITH SUBJECTIVE WELL-
BEING? SYSTEMATIC REVIEW AND META-ANALYSIS
Manuscript submitted for publication at the PLOS ONE and currently under review as:
Ngamaba, K. H., Panagioti, M., & Armitage, C. J. Is financial satisfaction associated with
subjective well-being? Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis.

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6.1.Abstract
Background: Subjective well-being (i.e., happiness and life satisfaction) is increasingly
presented as a valid and meaningful indicator of social progress alongside or instead of gross
domestic product (GDP) per capita. Improving people’s financial satisfaction is regarded as a
key means of boosting subjective well-being (SWB), despite the fact that research into the
association between financial satisfaction and SWB is limited.
Aims: The present systematic review and meta-analysis aims for the first time to: (1) quantify
the association between financial satisfaction and SWB; and (2) test whether the link between
financial satisfaction and SWB is affected by key operational and methodological factors.
Methods: Following Cochrane and PRISMA guidelines, a systematic (Web of Science,
Medline, Embase, PsycInfo and Google scholar) search was conducted (January 1980 to
December 2016). Meta-analyses using random-effects models were performed.
Results: 24 studies were included in the meta-analysis and the overall association between
financial satisfaction and SWB was medium, significant and positive (pooled r = 0.392, 95%
CI = 0.347 to 0.438; Q = 718.49, I2 = 96.66 %, p < 0.01). Nevertheless, the association was
significantly stronger: (1) in developing countries (r=0.500) than it was in developed
countries (r=0.382); (2) when SWB was operationalized as life satisfaction (r=0.408) as
opposed to happiness (r=0.313); (3) when multiple items were used (r=0.435) as opposed to
single item measures (r=0.383); and (4) when quality rating was higher such as representative
sampling (r=0.441) versus convenience sampling (r=0.351).
Conclusion: Financial satisfaction is positively and moderately associated with SWB.
Further research is required to identify other factors associated with SWB.

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Keywords: happiness; life satisfaction; subjective well-being; financial satisfaction; income;
quality of life; standard living.

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6.2.Introduction
Subjective well-being (SWB), operationalized as happiness and life satisfaction
(Diener & Chan, 2011; Kahneman & Deaton, 2010), is increasingly presented as a valid and
meaningful indicator of social progress alongside or instead of gross domestic product (GDP)
per capita, and can be used to judge the impact of government policies (Greve, 2010; Hicks,
Tinkler, & Allin, 2013; Stiglitz, Sen, & Fitoussi, 2009; Veenhoven, 2008). Happiness is most
closely associated with emotions, feelings or moods (Kahneman & Deaton, 2010) and life
satisfaction is concerned with people’s cognitive evaluations and judgments about their life,
which might include evaluations of their work or personal relationships (Brickman &
Campbell, 1971; Coburn, 2004; Diener, Suh, Lucas, & Smith, 1999). Historical
preoccupation with economic indices as a measure of social progress means that there is a
strong belief that satisfaction derived from financial prosperity may drive levels of SWB
(Newman, Delaney, & Nolan, 2008; W. Ng & Diener, 2014; van Praag, Frijters, & Ferrer-i-
Carbonell, 2003). A large number of studies have shown that higher income is associated
with better SWB (Cai & Park, 2016; Inglehart, Foa, Peterson, & Welzel, 2008). Nevertheless,
longitudinal studies do not find a strong positive association between income and SWB
(Diener, Inglehart, & Tay, 2013; Diener et al., 1999; Easterlin, 1974, 2001). Kahneman and
Deaton have found that different components of SWB (e.g., life satisfaction and happiness)
were associated differently with income as high income improves life satisfaction but not
emotional well-being (Kahneman & Deaton, 2010).
Ng and Diener (2014) defined financial satisfaction as an individual’s subjective
evaluation of their financial situation and is more akin to a psychological attribute rather than
an objective economic indicator (Ng & Diener, 2014), p.329. A better understanding of the
association between financial satisfaction and SWB is an important step in assisting policy
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makers to see whether an increase in financial satisfaction will improve people’s SWB in
general and life satisfaction in particular (Kahneman & Deaton, 2010). Furthering our
understanding about the financial satisfaction-SWB relationship is important because
decisions to allocate scarce resources to boost financial satisfaction are likely to compete with
other policies that might boost SWB (e.g., supporting health care, providing social security).
The aim of the present research is to undertake a systematic review and meta-analysis to
examine the association between financial satisfaction and SWB and to address four key
methodological and conceptual limitations in the existing literature.
The first limitation under consideration concerns reporting the results of multivariate
statistical analyses but neglecting to report univariate analyses; the inclusion of covariates
may weaken the observed association between financial satisfaction and SWB or multivariate
techniques might be subject to suppressor effects or other statistical artefacts (Miller &
Chapman, 2001; Smith, Ager, & Williams, 1992). Examining both univariate coefficients and
multivariate regression coefficients will help to establish the robustness of the reported
associations between financial satisfaction and subjective well-being. The univariate analysis
reported r which is the measure of the correlation between financial satisfaction and SWB.
When only one predictor variable is in the model, the Beta is equivalent to the correlation
coefficient (r) between financial satisfaction and SWB. Nevertheless, when there is more than
one predictor variable in the regression model, the relative contribution of each predictor
variable cannot be ascertained by simply comparing the correlation coefficients. Although
within a single study, standardised beta allows researcher to compare the relative strength of
the associations, the problem with standardised beta is that it typically can’t compare across
studies (Miller & Chapman, 2001; Smith et al., 1992).
Second, the terms happiness and life satisfaction are often used interchangeably to
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assess SWB. Current evidence suggests that happiness and life satisfaction need to be
assessed conjointly (Kahneman & Deaton, 2010). For example, daily interviews conducted
with 1,000 Americans found that married, well-educated people with high income reported
greater satisfaction with their lives than the norm, but that the same people did not report
being happier than the norm (Kahneman & Deaton, 2010). Recent studies have reported that
the association between income and subjective well-being was stronger when subjective well-
being was operationalised as life satisfaction rather than happiness (Diener, Ng, Harter, &
Arora, 2010; Kahneman & Deaton, 2010). The present study will explore whether the
magnitude of the association between financial satisfaction and the two components of SWB
(i.e. happiness and life satisfaction) differ.
Third, the majority of studies investigating the association between financial
satisfaction and SWB are conducted in developed nations because these countries have the
financial resources to conduct research and participants are accessible in contrast to
developing nations with poorer infrastructure. Nevertheless, the question arises as to whether
people value their financial satisfaction and SWB in a similar way across countries (Howell
& Howell, 2008; Kahneman & Deaton, 2010; Ng & Diener, 2014). A recent study using the
Gallup World Poll found a stronger positive relation between financial satisfaction and SWB
in richer nations (Ng & Diener, 2014) conflicting with earlier findings showing a stronger
positive association between financial satisfaction and SWB in poorer than in richer nations
(Delhey, 2010; Diener & Diener, 1995). The present study will investigate whether financial
satisfaction is more closely related to SWB in poorer nations because income would provide
basic needs such as food, health care, access to education (Delhey, 2010; Newman et al.,
2008; Ng & Diener, 2014).
Fourth, key operational and methodological factors such as recruitment procedure,
lengths of the measurement instruments are key indicators of study quality that must be
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balanced against pressures to save time and money (Bridges & Holler, 2007). For example,
while the general consensus is that multiple-item measures have better psychometric
properties than single-item measures, single-item measures may be used due to practical
constraints (e.g. respondent burden caused by longer survey) and it would be valuable to
know whether this affects the findings (Fisher, Matthews, & Gibbons, 2016; Gardner &
Cummings, 1998). Similarly, whether participants are recruited using random or
convenience sampling might affect the association between financial satisfaction and SWB
and it would be valuable to know whether recruitment procedure affects the size of the
relationship between financial satisfaction and SWB.
The present systematic review and meta-analysis aims to: (1) quantify the association
between financial satisfaction and SWB; and (2) test whether the link between financial
satisfaction and SWB is affected by key operational and methodological factors, including:
(a) country level of development, (b) the way in which SWB is assessed (i.e., happiness
versus life satisfaction), (c) the way in which financial satisfaction and SWB were measured
(i.e., multiple items versus single item measures), and (d) quality rating criteria including
recruitment (i.e., random versus convenience sampling).
6.3.Method
The present systematic review was conducted and reported according to PRISMA
(Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses) and Cochrane
Handbook recommendations (Clark, Etile, Postel-Vinay, Senik, & Van der Straeten, 2005;
Higgins & Green, 2011).

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Science, Medline, Embase, PsycInfo and Google scholar. Systematic searches of the
literature published between January 1980 and December 2016 was carried out and involved
all possible combinations of two key blocks of terms: (1) SWB, happiness, life satisfaction,
well-being; and (2) financial satisfaction, satisfaction with standard of living, satisfaction
with one’s financial situation, what the household can afford and financial strain.
We identified additional eligible studies by checking the reference lists of the studies
meeting the criteria of the systematic review. Scoping searches was conducted to test their
sensitivity and yield against financial satisfaction and SWB. The search strategy in each of
the databases is presented in the screening process (see appendix 1).
The results of the searches of each database were exported to Endnote database files
disagreements were discussed in group meetings until consensus was reached.
Studies were eligible for inclusion if they met the following criteria:
1. Original studies that employed quantitative research methods. Qualitative studies
were excluded.
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2. Included a subjective measure of financial satisfaction such as satisfaction with
standard of living, and satisfaction with one’s financial situation. For example: Could
you please tell me on a scale of 1 to 10 how satisfied you are with your present
standard of living, where 1 means you are very dissatisfied and 10 means you are very
satisfied? Respondents were also asked whether there were times in the past year
when they did not have enough money for food or for shelter (1= yes, 0= no)
(Morrison, Tay, & Diener, 2011); How satisfied are you with the financial situation of
your household on a 10-point scale (1 = completely dissatisfied; 10 = completely
satisfied) (W. Ng, 2015). Studies using Richins and Dawson’s materialism measures
were not included into the meta-analysis because the subscale “affordability to buy
more things” was not dissociated with “success” and “centrality” (Lambert, Fincham,
Stillman, & Dean, 2009; Richins & Dawson, 1992; Roberts & Clement, 2007).
3. Included a measure of SWB (i.e., happiness or life satisfaction). Measures of
happiness included: “Taking all things together, would you say you are (on a scale of
1 to 4): 1=Not at all happy; 2=Not very happy; 3=Quite happy; and 4=Very happy”
(W. Ng, 2015). Measures of life satisfaction included questions such as; “All things
considered, how satisfied are you with your life as a whole these days? On a scale of 1
to 10 if 1=very dissatisfied and 10=very satisfied” (Brown & Gray, 2016); We
included in this review any studies that included happiness or life satisfaction or both.
Studies that used outcomes other than happiness or life satisfaction were excluded
because SWB is defined as an individual’s affective (i.e., happiness) and cognitive
(i.e., life satisfaction) self-evaluation (Brockmann, Delhey, Welzel, & Yuan, 2009;
Vanhoutte, 2012).
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4. Provided quantitative data regarding the association between financial satisfaction
and SWB.
5. Were published in a peer-reviewed journal. Working papers published by Academics
or Governments were included. Nevertheless, reports from groups with potential
vested interests (e.g., political groups) were excluded.
6. Written in the English language.
Information about the following characteristics of the studies was extracted: first author’s
name and year of publication, country where the study was conducted and number of
participants, happiness/life satisfaction instrument, financial satisfaction instrument, zero-
order correlation of the association between financial satisfaction and happiness/life
satisfaction, and beta standardised regression coefficient of the association between financial
satisfaction and SWB.
Data extraction was completed by the first and second author. Another researcher
extracted data from three randomly selected studies. During the process of extraction, authors
were contacted to provide zero-order correlation if their studies did not. Most cross national
studies reported the mean zero-order correlation or regression coefficient for all countries
included into their studies. However, if the author conducted a research involving different
countries where their zero-order correlations were reported, we analysed each country
separately, such as the study conducted by Horstmann et al (Horstmann, Haak, Tomsone,
Iwarsson, & Gräsbeck, 2012).

174
quantitative studies (Higgins & Green, 2011). Any disagreements were resolved by
discussion. The quality review included assessment of the quality of the research design,
population and recruitment methods, verified if the choice of the financial satisfaction
measures and SWB measures were valid and reliable, determined if the outcome variable was
clearly identified and if the analysis reported the association between financial satisfaction
and SWB. These included assessments of the quality of the research that are presented in
table 1.
6.3.6. Meta-analysis procedures
Two steps were used to perform the meta-analyses of the association between
financial satisfaction and SWB. We performed a meta-analysis of all 24 studies reporting the
zero-order correlations between financial satisfaction and subjective well-being. Then we
used standardised regression coefficient to estimate size and direction of relationships in
order to see whether the association differed between univariate and multivariate analyses.
The analysis using standardised regression coefficient was limited to studies that reported
their regression coefficients (n=16). The associated Confidence Intervals (CI) of the zero-
order correlations were calculated in STATA 13.1. A random-effect model was used
throughout, the pooled zero-order correlation, the assessment of heterogeneity as well as the
forest plots were computed using the meta-an command for STATA (Havasi, 2013). Then we
ran a meta-analysis of each of these sub-groups such as: developed countries versus
developing countries; happiness versus life satisfaction, and higher quality studies versus
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lower quality studies. Heterogeneity in the context of meta-analysis refers to the variation in
study outcomes between the analysed studies; in this study was measured using both the
Cochran’s Q which provides evidence whether or not heterogeneity is present and the I²
statistic which quantifies the percentage of variation across studies (Higgins & Green, 2011).
According to the World Bank, developed countries are defined as industrial countries,
advanced economies with high level of Gross National Income (GNI) per capita of 12,736
US dollars per year (estimated in July 2015). In contrast, developing countries includes
countries with low and middle levels of GNI per capita (less than 12,736 US dollars)
(Nielsen, 2011; World_Bank., 2016). Studies were conducted during different years; we
classified country level of development according to the estimate used when the data were
collected because the World Bank adjusts their classification of developed and developing
countries nearly each year (World_Bank., 2016). Analysing the subgroup of developed versus
developing countries was used to explore whether country level of development affected the
association between financial satisfaction and subjective well-being.
We focus our interpretation of the results in terms of effect sizes (Cohen, 1992). Thus,
r = 0.10 was a “small” effect size (“not so small as to be trivial”, p. 159 (Cohen, 1992)), r =
0.30 was a “medium” effect size (“likely to be visible to the naked eye of a careful
observer”, p. 159 (Cohen, 1992)), and r = 0.50 was a “large” effect size (“the same distance
above medium as small was below it”, p.159 (Cohen, 1992)). To test whether the association
between financial satisfaction and SWB varies across sub-groups, we used Cohen’s q
Fisher’s z transformation of r (Cohen, 1969). By convention, if z score values are greater than
or equal to 1.96 or less than or equal to -1.96, the two correlation coefficients are
significantly different at the .05 level of significance (suggesting difference of correlation
coefficients between two population groups) (Cohen & Cohen, 1983; Preacher, 2002).
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6.4.Results
We retrieved 248 studies. After removing duplicates (n = 140), 108 studies were
assessed and 47 articles were excluded after reading the titles and the abstracts. Sixty-one
full-text articles were assessed against our criteria. Thirty six full-text articles were excluded
for different reasons such as: not investigating the association between financial satisfaction
and SWB and when the data could not be extracted (n = 27); instead of measuring financial
satisfaction, they examined macroeconomic, housing, materialism or crime reduction (n =7)
whereas others instead of measuring SWB (such as happiness and life satisfaction),
investigated marriage satisfaction, productivity (n = 4). Overall, 24 studies were included in
the final analysis. The flowchart of the screening and selection process is shown in Figure
6.1.
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Figure 6.1. PRISMA Flow Diagram (Moher, Liberati, Tetzlaff, & Altman, 2009)
Records identified through Additional records identified

database searching through other sources
Identification
(n =223 ) (n =25 )
Records after duplicates removed

(n =108 )
Full-text articles excluded,

Screening
Full-text
Recordsarticles assessed
screened with reasons
Records excluded
for
(n eligibility
= 108 ) (n ==37
47 ))
(n = 61 )
Not investigate on both
constructs: financial
satisfaction and either
Studies included in
happiness/life
qualitative synthesis
satisfaction/subjective
(n =24)
well-being (n = 27); Not
Eligibility
measure financial
satisfaction (n = 6, instead,
Studies included in for example look at
quantitative synthesis macroeconomic,
(meta-analysis) materialism, crime
(n =24) ) reduction… Not measure
happiness/life satisfaction
(n=4), instead, for
Included
example investigate
growth, productivity,
marriage satisfaction.
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6.4.1. Descriptive characteristics of the studies
Table 1 presents the main characteristics of the 24 studies included in the review. All
studies were cross-sectional. Four studies were conducted in the USA, 11 studies were
conducted in Europe and 9 studies were conducted elsewhere (see Table 1 for more details).
All studies were published between 2006 and 2016. Participants were adults aged between 16
and 99 years. The sample size varied from 260 to 136,839 and recruited from different
groups including students, workers, self-employed, older people, patients and general
population.
Studies used data from a range of surveys such as the European Social Survey
(Annink, Gorgievski, & Dulk, 2016), World Value Survey (Ng, 2015), HILDA Survey
(Brown & Gray, 2016), General Household Survey (Chou & Chi, 2002), Gallup Organisation
(Ng & Diener, 2014), ENABLE-Age Survey (Horstmann et al., 2012), Panel of Patients with
Chronic Disease (Rijken & Groenewegen, 2008), Israeli Social Survey (Van Praag,
Romanov, & Carbonell, 2010), and European Quality of Life Survey (Zagorski, Evans,
Kelley, & Piotrowska, 2014). Our search showed that the majority of studies were conducted
in developed countries (n = 18), four studies were conducted worldwide and two studies
conducted in developing countries.
Different instruments were used to measure financial satisfaction and happiness /life
satisfaction. For financial satisfaction: 14 studies asked people directly about their
satisfaction with their standard of living and 8 studies asked people about their perceptions of
financial strain, for example, if people can afford to buy food. The majority of studies (n =
18) used single item scales and the remaining (n = 6) studies used multiple item scales.
Dichotomous rating scales were used by Gallup organisation to target large samples (E.
Diener et al., 2010) and Likert scales (e.g. 1-5, 1-7, 1-10) targeted a range of studies. For
SWB, the majority of studies (n = 20) used life satisfaction to assess the SWB and the
179
remaining studies (n =4) used happiness to assess the SWB. Only four studies used multiple
items and the majority of studies (n = 20) used different single item Likert scales (e.g. 1-4, 1-
5, 1-10) (see Table 6.1.).

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Table 6.1. Included studies and quality ratings: Financial satisfaction and subjective well-being
Author & Year Country Particip SWB Financial satisf. Zero-order SE Reg. SE Regression Measures Level of Quality
Measures measures Effect size Coeff Methods ** develop. ratings*
Annink, 2016 (Annink 31 EU 9,755 LS 1-5 Financial 0.44 0.02 0.30 0.02 Multilevel multi- developed 5
et al., 2016) hardship1-5 hierarch. items
Arampatzi, 2015 28 EU 50,000 LS 1-4 Financial distress 0.58 0.02 0.782 0.028 Ordered developed 5
(Arampatzi, Burger, & 1-4 probit multi-
Veenhoven, 2015) items
Borg, 2008 (Borg et 6 EU 2,111 LS 13 items Financial 0.29 0.02 - - Multiple developed 6
al., 2008) 0-26 resources 4 items linear reg multi-
1-5 items
Brockmann, 2009 China 2,000 LS 1-10 Financial 0.6 0.02 - - Regression Developing 6
(Hilke Brockmann, satisfaction 1-10
Jan Delhey, Christian
Welzel, & Hao Yuan, single-
2009) item
Brown, 2016 (Brown Australia 27,530 LS 0-10 Financial satisf 0- 0.45 0.02 0.216 0.083 FE ord. single- developed 6
& Gray, 2016) 10 logit item
Chou, 2002 (Chou & Hong Kong 2502 LS 18 items Financial strain 3 0.38 0.02 - - Multiple multi- developed 6
Chi, 2002) 1-5 items 1-3 reg. items
Diener, 2010 (Diener 132 136,839 LS 0-10 Satisfaction with 0.4 0.02 0.94 0.018 Hierarch. single- Worldwide 6
et al., 2010) countries stand. of living 0-1 Reg. item
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Ebrahim, 2013 South 7,300 LS 1-10 Perceived relative 0.4 0.02 0.542 0.057 Ordered Developing 5
(Ebrahim, Botha, & Africa income 1-5 probit single-
Snowball, 2013) item
Headey, 2008 Germany 17785 LS 0-10 Standard living 0- 0.60 0.02 Not OLS reg developed 6
(Headey, Muffels, & 10 reported multi-
Wooden, 2008) items
Horstmann, 2012 Latvia 260 LS 0-10 Satisfaction with 0.39 0.02 0.252 0.01 Ordinal reg developed 5
Latvia (Horstmann et income 0-10 single-
al., 2012) item
Horstmann, 2012 Sweden 288 LS 0-10 Satisfaction with 0.23 0.02 0.079 0.011 Ordinal reg. developed 5
Sweden (Horstmann et income 0-10 single-
al., 2012) item
Howell, 2013 ( USA, 1438 LS 5 items Financial security 0.49 0.02 0.36 0.018 Mediation developed 6
Howell, Kurai, & Canada, SWLS 1-7 Afford to buy 1-10 reg multi-
Tam, 2013) UK items
Hytti, 2013 (Hytti, Finland 2,327 LS 1-5 Job satisfaction 5 0.37 0.02 0.332 0.010 SEM developed 5
Kautonen, & Akola, items 1-4 multi-
2013) items
Johnson, 2006 USA 719 LS 3-18 Financial situation 0.45 0.02 0.24 0.018 Hierarch. developed 6
(Johnson & Krueger, 0-10 Linear multi-
2006) items
Longmire-Avital, USA 914 LS 0-10 Financial strain 1- 0.36 0.02 0.26 0.018 Multi- single- developed 5
182
2012 (Longmire- 5 variate reg item

Avital, Golub,
Parsons, Brennan-Ing,
& Karpiak, 2012)
Morrison, 2011 128 132,516 Cantril 1-10 Satisf with std of 0.38 0.02 0.14 0.01 Multilevel single- Worldwide 5
(Morrison et al., 2011) countries living (0-1) model. item
Ng, 2014 (Ng & 158 838151 Cantril 0-10 Financial satisf 1- 0.45 0.02 - - Hierarch. single- Worldwide 6
Diener, 2014) countries 10 Linear item
Ng, 2015 (Ng, 2015) Singapore 1,972 Hap 1-4 Financial satisf 1- 0.25 0.02 0.21 0.02 Multiple single- developed 5
10 reg item
Ngamaba, 59 75476 Hap 1-4 Financial satisf. 1- 0.30 0.02 0.169 0.004 Multilevel single- Worldwide 6
2017(Ngamaba, 2017) countries 10 RE item
Peiro, 2006 (Peiro, 15 18000 Hap 1-4 Financial 0.26 0.02 Not Ordered Single- developed 5
2006) countries satisfaction 1-10 reported logit item
Praag, 2010 (Van Israel 7,500 LS 1-4 Financial satisf 0- 0.44 0.02 Not Distri- single- developed 5
Praag et al., 2010) 10 reported bution item
Rijken, 2008 (Rijken Netherlands 1265 LS 1-5 Social depriv. Can 0.2 0.02 0.21 0.012 Mediation developed 5
& Groenewegen, afford 7 items 0-7 reg multi-
2008) items
Xiao, 2009 (Xiao, USA 1197 LS 1-5 Satisf with Finan 0.26 0.02 0.26 0.018 Structured single- developed 5
Tang, & Shim, 2009) Status 1-5 model item
Zagorsky 2014 28 EU 26257 Hap 1-10 Financial Sat (1- 0.44 0.02 Not Multilevel multi- developed 6
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(Zagorski et al., 2014) 10) reported reg items

Note: SWB: subjective well-being; EU: European Union; “Hap 1-4” means the study assessed Happiness on a 1-4 scale; “LS 1-5” means
the study assessed life satisfaction on a 1-5 scale *The quality rating score was calculated by awarding 1 point for each of the criteria: 1 for valid
recruitment procedure, 1 for research design, 1 for subjective well-being and financial satisfaction measures, 1 if results reported, and 1 if the
zero-order correlation coefficient of the association is reported. **Studies that used two or more items to assess financial satisfaction or
subjective well-being were classified as multi-items.

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6.4.2. Meta-analysis of the association between financial satisfaction and SWB
Twenty-four studies were included into the main meta-analysis and sub-groups were
meta-analysed: country level of development, SWB measures, and methodological quality.
Main meta-analysis: The overall association between financial satisfaction and SWB.
Zero-order correlations
Figure 6.2 presents the forest plot of the overall association between financial
satisfaction and SWB across 24 studies. The pooled effect size was medium, significant and
positive (pooled r = 0.392, 95% CI = 0.347 to 0.438; Q = 718.49, I2 = 96.66 %, p < 0.01)
suggesting that better financial satisfaction is moderately associated with greater SWB. As
shown in Figure 2, the effect sizes across all the studies were positive but varied significantly
in magnitude (from r = 0.20 to r = 0.60).
Standardised regression coefficients
Alongside results obtained from zero-order correlations, the standardised regression
coefficients suggest a similar pattern. The overall association between financial satisfaction
and SWB was medium, significant and positive (pooled β = 0.330, 95% CI = 0.213 to 0.448;
Q = 2373.71, I2 = 99.71 %, p < 0.05) suggesting that better financial satisfaction is moderately
associated with greater SWB according to both univariate and univariate analyses (see Figure
6.2).
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Figure 6.2. Forest plot displaying meta-analysis of the correlations between financial
satisfaction and subjective well-being across 24 independent samples. Note: Weights
(4.17%) are from random effects analysis
Annink, 2016
Study Effect [95% CI]
Arampatzi, 2015 Annink, 2016 0.440 0.401 0.479
Arampatzi, 0.580 0.541 0.619
Borg, 2008
2015
Brockmann, 2009
Borg, 2008 0.290 0.251 0.329
Brown, 2016
Brockmann, 0.600 0.561 0.639
2009
Chou, 2002
Brown, 2016 0.450 0.411 0.489
Diener, 2010 Chou, 2002 0.380 0.341 0.419
Ebrahim, 2013
Diener, 2010 0.400 0.361 0.439
Ebrahim, 0.400 0.361 0.439
Headey, 2008
2013
Horstmann, 2012 Latv Headey, 2008 0.600 0.561 0.639
Horstmann, 2012 Swed
Horstmann, 0.390 0.351 0.429
2012 Latv
Howell, 2013
Horstmann, 0.230 0.191 0.269
Studies
Hytti, 2013 2012 Swed

Johnson, 2006
Howell, 2013 0.490 0.451 0.529
Hytti, 2013 0.370 0.331 0.409
Longmire-Avital, 201
Johnson, 2006 0.450 0.411 0.489
Morrison, 2011 Longmire- 0.360 0.321 0.399
Ng, 2014
Avital, 201
Morrison, 0.380 0.341 0.419
Ng, 2015
2011
Ngamaba, 2016 Ng, 2014 0.450 0.411 0.489
Peiro, 2006
Ng, 2015 0.250 0.211 0.289
Ngamaba, 0.300 0.261 0.339
Praag, 2010
2016
Rijken, 2008 Peiro, 2006 0.260 0.221 0.299
Xiao, 2009
Praag, 2010 0.440 0.401 0.479
Rijken, 2008 0.200 0.161 0.239
Zagorsky 2014
Xiao, 2009 0.260 0.221 0.299
Overall effect (pl) Zagorsky 0.440 0.401 0.479
-.1 0 .1 .2 .3 .4 .5 .6 .7
2014
Effect sizes and CIs
Original weights (squares) displayed. Largest to smallest ratio: 1.00
Overall ef 0.392 0.347 0.438
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Subgroups analyses
The subgroups analyses presented below are for studies that reported their zero-order
correlations. The subgroups of standardised regression coefficients are not presented because
the overall pooled effect size for the association between financial satisfaction and SWB was
similar (significant, medium and positive) to zero-order correlations.
Country level of development: The pooled effect size for the association between
financial satisfaction and SWB was larger in developing countries compared to the pooled
effect size in developed countries: pooled r = 0.500, 95% CI = 0.259 to 0.741; Q = 50.00, I2 =
96 %, p < 0.001; developed countries: pooled r = 0.382, 95% CI = 0.327 to 0.437; Q = 575.78,
I2 = 96.87 %, p < 0.001. The results of the Cohen’s Q test confirmed that the magnitude of the
correlation was statistically significantly stronger among studies conducted in developing
countries than it was in developed countries: Cohen’s q = 8.213, p<0.05.
SWB measures: The pooled effect size for the association between financial
satisfaction and life satisfaction was larger, pooled r = 0.408, 95% CI = 0.358 to 0.458, Q =
584.80, I2 = 96.58 %, p < 0.001 than the pooled effect size for the association between
financial satisfaction and happiness: pooled r = 0.313, 95% CI = 0.216 to 0.409, Q = 57.69, I2
= 93.07 %, p < 0.001. The results of the Cohen’s Q test confirmed that the correlation between
financial satisfaction and life satisfaction was statistically significantly stronger than it was
between financial satisfaction and happiness: Cohen’s q = 15.625, p<0.05.
Multiple items versus single item measures: The pooled effect sizes of the association
between financial satisfaction and SWB was higher when multiple items were used to assess
financial satisfaction and SWB than when single item measures were used: pooled r = 0.435,
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95% CI = 0.296 to 0.574, Q = 120.25, I2 = 96.67 %, p < 0.001; single item measures: pooled r
= 0.383, 95% CI = 0.334 to 0.433, Q = 576.14, I2 = 96.53 %, p < 0.001. The magnitude of the
correlation was statistically significantly stronger among studies using multiple item measures
than it was in studies using single item measures: Cohen’s q = 6.715, p<0.05.
Quality rating criteria including sample recruitment: The pooled effect size for the
association between financial satisfaction and SWB was higher among studies that met all the
quality rating criteria including recruitment using random sampling, pooled r = 0.441, 95% CI
= 0.379 to 0.503, Q = 253.23, I2 = 95.66 %, p < 0.001, than the pooled effect size among
studies that do not meet all the quality rating criteria such as recruiting participants using
convenience sampling: pooled r = 0.351, 95% CI = 0.290 to 0.411, Q = 344.23, I2 = 96.22 %,
p < 0.001. The magnitude of the correlation was statistically significantly stronger among
studies rating high quality such as random sampling than it was in studies rating low quality
such as using convenience sampling: Cohen’s q = 13.211, p<0.05.
6.5.Discussion
The main finding of the present systematic review and meta-analysis is that financial
satisfaction has statistically significant, medium-sized and positive relationships with both
happiness and life satisfaction. This medium and positive association between financial
satisfaction and SWB was reported at both levels: zero-order correlations and multivariate
regression. Nevertheless, the association between financial satisfaction and SWB is
significantly stronger: (1) among developing countries as opposed to developed countries, (2)
when SWB was operationalized as life satisfaction as opposed to happiness, (3) when multiple
items were used to assess the financial satisfaction and SWB as opposed to single item
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measures, and (4) when studies randomly sampled their participants versus studies that used
convenience sampling.
Quantifying the association between financial satisfaction and SWB is important
because decisions to allocate scarce resources to boost financial satisfaction are likely to
compete with policies to reduce income inequalities, support health care or provide social
security. The present study found that the magnitude of the correlation between financial
satisfaction and SWB was medium, positive and significantly stronger among studies
conducted in developing countries than it was in developed countries. This may suggest that
financial satisfaction is more closely related to SWB in poorer nations because income would
provide basic needs such as food, health care, access to education (Delhey, 2010; Newman et
al., 2008; Ng & Diener, 2014).
Another important finding is that financial satisfaction has a differential association with these two
measures of SWB. Across nations, the association between financial satisfaction and SWB was
significantly stronger when SWB was operationalized as life satisfaction as opposed to
happiness. While a large number of studies still assessing people’s happiness (Angner,
Ghandhi, Purvis, Amante, & Allison, 2013; Doherty & Kelly, 2013; Kahneman & Deaton,
2010), previous studies reported that life satisfaction is more stable over time than happiness
(Diener et al., 2013; Fleche, Smith, & Sorsa, 2011). Life satisfaction is concerned with
people’s cognitive evaluations and judgments about their life when they think about it, which
might include evaluations of their work, income and personal relationships (Brickman &
Campbell, 1971; Coburn, 2004b; Diener et al., 1999). Moreover, life satisfaction scores
correlate significantly with physiological variables that are thought to track positive moods
(Urry et al., 2004; van Reekum et al., 2007). Further research is required to investigate the
189
psychometric properties of life satisfaction (Diener et al., 2013) and why life satisfaction is
more closely associated to financial satisfaction.
In addition, the link between financial satisfaction and SWB was affected by the
quality criteria such as measured with multiple items instead of single items and the
recruitment procedure (e.g., random sampling instead of convenience sampling). Higher
quality studies elicited higher correlations between financial satisfaction and SWB (Kaplan,
Chambers, & Glasgow, 2014). One implication is that multiple items and random sampling
should be used as the first option because of its better psychometric properties. However, in
countries with less infrastructures or in a hostile environment, single item measures can be
used when multiple items seems to be a burden for respondents due to the survey length
(Fisher et al., 2016; Gardner & Cummings, 1998).
Although the present findings take the literature on SWB forward in some important
respects, it is worthwhile to highlight some potential limitations. First, most studies
investigating the association between financial satisfaction and SWB have been conducted in
unrepresentative samples of largely “developed” nations such as USA, European countries,
Singapore and Israel. Of 24 studies included in the present meta-analysis, four studies were
conducted worldwide; two studies have been conducted in developing countries versus 18
studies conducted in developed world. This is problematic in terms of the representativeness
for the purpose of global decision-making. Second, the classical measure of heterogeneity
(Cochran’s Q) was high and the I² statistic that describes the percentage of variation across
studies was also high suggesting that differences between studies were due to heterogeneity
rather than chance (Higgins & Green, 2011). Thus, the results of the subgroups analyses need
to be treated with cautious. Third, all studies included in the present research were cross-
190
sectional; it means researchers could only examine the association between financial
satisfaction and SWB, and that causality cannot be inferred. Studies with more robust research
designs, such as prospective cohorts or stepped wedge clusters are required to try and gauge
causal relationships.
6.6.Conclusion
Financial satisfaction is positively associated with SWB. The association between
financial satisfaction and SWB was medium and affected by key operational and
methodological factors. Further research is required to identify other factors associated with
SWB.
6.7.Key-points
What is already known on this subject?
1. Improving subjective well-being (SWB) is fundamental to the role of most
governments across the globe and so identifying the key factors that influence SWB
could be vital to informing government policy.
What this study adds?
2. This paper is the first systematic review and meta-analysis investigating the
relationship between financial satisfaction and SWB.
3. Financial satisfaction has a statistically significant, medium-sized and positive
relationship with SWB.

191
4. The relationship between financial satisfaction and SWB was greatest in developing
countries, when SWB was operationalized as “life satisfaction”, and in studies with
greater methodological rigour
5. Further research is required to identify other factors associated with SWB.

192
6.8.Reflection on systematic review and meta-analysis of the association between
financial satisfaction and subjective well-being
The growing interest in subjective well-being has generated a global debate on how
people can improve their well-being beyond GDP per capita. These debates have brought
together social scientists including economists, psychologists and policy makers to understand
what matters to people and discuss measurement and factors that are associated with
subjective well-being (Helliwell & Barrington-Leigh, 2010; Layard et al., 2016; Stiglitz et al.,
2009; WhatWorksWellbeing, 2016). To maximise Subjective Well-Being, it is important to
identify factors that are strongly associated with subjective well-being (i.e., happiness and life
satisfaction). To date, researchers have suggested several factors including income, GDP per
capita, financial satisfaction, health status, social connections, security, freedom of choice and
so on.
This empirical study conducted a systematic review and meta-analysis of the
association between financial satisfaction and Subjective Well-Being. The investigation of the
link between financial satisfaction and Subjective Well-Being was motivated by; (1) Previous
studies suggesting that higher GDP per capita is positively associated with Subjective Well-
Being; (2) One of our empirical studies that is, exploring the determinants of Subjective Well-
Being in representative samples of nations suggesting that the correlation between GDP per
capita and Subjective Well-Being is weaker than the link between financial satisfaction and
Subjective Well-Being (Ngamaba, 2017). This may raise the question whether subjective
measures matters more to people than objective measures.

193
The use of objective indicators as measures of well-being is based on the assumptions
that money buy happiness and people’s choices reflect accurately their level of income
(Diener & Oishi, 2000). Nevertheless, individuals usually base their decisions on the utility
that they expect to derive from their choices, and this expected utility often doesn’t match the
utility that individuals actually experience once they have made their choice. Therefore,
people’s choices may not reflect true utility (Kahneman & Deaton, 2010).
A lot of studies have reported a link between income and financial satisfaction and
Subjective Well-Being. The external factors like income could exert strong effects on life
satisfaction, with the effect acting via financial satisfaction (Ng & Diener, 2014; van Praag,
Frijters, & Ferrer-i-Carbonell, 2003). For example, Praag and colleagues have suggested a
model where individual Subjective Well-Being depends on the different subjective domains
such as financial satisfaction (van Praag et al., 2003). Another study conducted among
students in the US suggests that positive financial behaviours contribute to financial
satisfaction and financial satisfaction contributes to life satisfaction (Xiao, Tang, & Shim,
2009). The main finding of this systematic review and meta-analysis is that financial
satisfaction is positively associated with Subjective Well-Being, and the association is
affected by key operational and methodological factors.
Reflecting on our systematic review and meta-analysis of the association between
financial satisfaction and subjective well-being, we may raise methodological limitations:
(1) Different measures were used to assess what we called; Financial Satisfaction. Items
assessing how satisfied people are with their financial situation have been variously
194
termed such as: financial satisfaction, financial hardship, financial strain, financial
distress, perceived relative income, financial security, social deprivation, standard of
living, and affordability. Nevertheless, some authors may argue that objective
measures of income such as: affordability and standard of living need to be treated
separately to studies that use more subjective measures like financial satisfaction and
financial distress (Havasi, 2013). The meta-analysis of these subgroups (i.e., objective
and subjective measures of financial situation) suggests a slight difference between
them, but did not change the direction of the association.
(2) Another methodological limitation could be the challenge of grouping countries by
their level of development. The country level of development may affect the
association between financial satisfaction and subjective well-being. Thus, we grouped
countries into two sub-groups: developed and developing countries. Nevertheless,
World Bank classification is not without criticism, because of the disparities amongst
countries.
According to the World Bank, developed countries are defined as industrial countries,
advanced economies with high level of Gross National Income (GNI) per capita of
12,736 US dollars per year (estimated in July 2015). In contrast, developing countries
includes countries with low and middle levels of GNI per capita (less than 12,736 US
dollars) (Nielsen, 2011; World_Bank., 2016). For example, while both countries
Poland and United Kingdom are classified by the World Bank as developed nations,
these two countries are economically different (Poland GDP 13,647 US dollars versus
UK GDP 41,787 US dollars, 2013). In terms of technology, Poland could be classified

195
as a second world country alongside China (China GDP 6,807 US dollars, 2013), who
still remains a developing country.
Most of the studies investigating the association between financial satisfaction and
Subjective Well-Being were conducted in developed countries and only 2 studies were
classified as developing countries. This is problematic in terms of the
representativeness for the purpose of global decision-making. More studies are needed
in developing countries.
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CHAPTER 7.
GENERAL DISCUSSION, POLICY IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSION
7.1.Main findings
In recent years, interest in subjective well-being research is growing within the social
sciences, with Economists agreeing that it is time to shift emphasis from measuring economic
production to measuring people’s well-being. In 2009, the Stiglitz’s commission, which was
initiated at the European level to re-examine the economic performance and social progress,
highlighted the need to measure well-being using subjective measures (Stiglitz et al., 2009).
As a result, many developed countries have supported the initiative to measure well-being
using subjective measures. For example, as a response to the Stiglitz’s commission
recommendations, since November 2010, the United Kingdom’s government is committed to
developing broader indicators of well-being at the national level with the involvement of the
Office of National Statistics (ONS) (Dolan et al., 2011). Since that time, therefore, the ONS
and many academics are involved in measuring national well-being and developing
appropriate well-being questions. To encourage further research on subjective well-being, the
United Nations General Assembly has invited countries to think beyond GDP and pursue the
elaboration of additional measures that better capture people’s well-being (Helliwell, Layard,
& Sachs, 2016). The fact is that for many years, wealth, income and GDP per capita have been
associated with social progress and well-being, but strong evidence is suggesting that other
factors rather than GDP per capita matter greatly (Fleche et al., 2011; Helliwell et al.,
2016; Stiglitz et al., 2009). Different institutions have been involved in developing broader
indicators of subjective well-being, and to date, there has been little agreement on what are the
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best predictors of subjective well-being. One of the methodological limitations that make it
difficult to have agreed determinants of subjective well-being is that different factors are
suggested across different well-being frameworks to explain happiness and/or life satisfaction.
Some frameworks focussed on an affective component of well-being (e.g., happiness) while
others used a cognitive component of well-being (e.g., life satisfaction), but research suggests
that both components should be used to explain subjective well-being (Diener et al.,
1999; Kahneman & Deaton, 2010). As an illustration, a study trying to explain the average life
satisfaction of OECD members has suggested a list of determinants of subjective well-being
such as: aggregate income measured by GDP per capita, self-rated health status, employment,
education, environment index, freedom of choice and control, importance of friends, trust in
people, governance measured by corruption perception index, gender, age and marital
status. Public dialogues conducted in the UK by the “What Works Centre for Wellbeing”
have suggested that beyond GDP per capita, there are many key factors affecting people well-
being including feeling safe, being financially comfortable, good physical and mental health,
feeling loved, sense of belonging, positive connections, feeling fulfilled, achievement, control
and choice (WhatWorksWellbeing, 2016). On the other hand, Gallup global well-being has
suggested several determinants of subjective well-being including GDP per capita, healthy life
expectancy at birth, social support, freedom to make a life choice, generosity to donate money
to a charity and perceptions of corruption (Gallup-Healthways, 2015). While there is a strong
evidence suggesting a significant international interest in well-being, less is known about the
strongest correlates of subjective well-being (Fleche et al., 2011; Helliwell et al.,
2016; Stiglitz, Sen, & Fitoussi, 2009). Moreover, the majority of studies into drivers of
subjective well-being have been conducted in developed nations because these countries have
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the financial resources to conduct research and participants are accessible in contrast to
developing nations with poorer infrastructure.
This thesis has provided an original contribution to knowledge by exploring factors
that are strongly associated with subjective well-being using representative samples of nations
(i.e., developed and developing countries from all continents). This approach to using
representative samples of nations has contributed to overcoming the problematic in terms of
the representativeness for the purpose of global decision-making. Also, this research has
contributed to the knowledge by conducting first systematic reviews and meta-analyses of the
correlates of subjective well-being. To know the strongest correlates of subjective well-being
and moderator effects, this research has deliberately undertaken some recommended
precautions by conducting pre-specified subgroup and sensitivity analyses such as: (a)
establishing the zero-order correlations between subjective well-being and factors of interest,
(b) investigating variations between different measures of subjective well-being (i.e.,
happiness and life satisfaction), and examining changes in the relationship between subjective
well-being and factors of interest when (c) multiple items measures were used versus single
item, (d) when studies targeted general population versus people with chronic illness, (e)
random sampling versus convenience sample, and (f) when studies were conducted in
developed versus developing countries.
This study investigated the association between subjective well-being and three key
factors including income inequality, health status, and financial satisfaction. These three key
factors were selected after conducting an empirical investigation in representative samples of
nations. The main findings of the present study is that: (1) subjective well-being is
important to informing policies that support subjective well-being, (2) they might be
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circumstances where income inequality may not be associated with people’s subjective well-
being, (3) health status and financial satisfaction are positively associated with higher
subjective well-being, (4) the association between subjective well-being and each of these two
factors (i.e., health status and financial satisfaction) is medium and further research is required
to identify other strong correlates of subjective well-being, (5) the relationship between
subjective well-being and each of these two factors (i.e., health status and financial
satisfaction) is affected by key operational and methodological factors, (6) life satisfaction
might be preferred to happiness as a measure of subjective well-being because it may better
capture the influence of health status and financial satisfaction, (7) factors associated with
subjective well-being (i.e., happiness, life satisfaction) may have different salience in
developing and developed countries. Our systematic reviews and meta-analyses have provided
evidence that the association between subjective well-being and factors of interest (i.e., health
status, financial satisfaction) does differ significantly with the country levels of development.
As countries develop economically, health improves and people’s income increase (Diener &
Chan, 2011). Thus, health status in developing countries may be associated to a greater degree
with subjective well-being than in developed nations. In addition, Income may provide basic
needs such as foods, health care, shelter, access to health, education and may result in
financial satisfaction being more important for people’s subjective well-being in developing
countries (Newman, Delaney, & Nolan, 2008).
7.2.The association between income inequality and subjective well-being
In recent times, an interest on factors that are associated with subjective well-being is
becoming important because it can inform welfare choices (Greve, 2010). Our findings have
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confirmed that research findings on the role of income inequality in predicting subjective
well-being are controversial because studies have reported negative (Alesina et al.,
2004; Oishi et al., 2011; Wilkinson & Pickett, 2009), positive (Berg & Veenhoven,
2010; Rozer & Kraaykamp, 2013) or no association (Zagorski et al., 2014) between income
inequality and subjective well-being. Moreover, the association between income inequality
and subjective well-being could have different governments’ policy directions and might
divide communities. For example, the recipient of the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic
Sciences, Joseph Stiglitz said: “Those in the 1 percent are walking off with the riches, but in
doing so they have provided nothing but anxiety and insecurity to the 99 percent” ((Stiglitz,
2013), p.12). It is possible that people from low income may perceive less fairness when
national income inequality increases and, as a result, their perception could negatively affect
the happiness of the group (Oishi et al., 2011). Also, income inequality could divide the
community and make people trust others less, and therefore, negatively affect subjective well-
being (Putnam, 2000; Seligman, 1977). During his State of the Union address, President
Obama argued that "it's time to apply the same rules from top to bottom”, and restoring a fair
shot for all is "the defining issue of our time" ((Feller, 2012), p.69). According to the relative
deprivation theory, income inequality may lead to an increase in relative deprivation, which
may decrease people’s subjective well-being (Runciman, 1966; Yitzhaki, 1979). The poor are
more deprived because of their position in the income distribution and, as a result, they
might perceive the world to be unfair and unjust (Oishi et al., 2011).
Previous studies suggest that different country level of development and different
population groups might have different tastes for income inequality (Verme, 2011). The
attitude towards income inequality can be one way or another. From the perspective of
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evolutionary modernization theory, income inequality in low-income groups and developing
countries may positively improve subjective well-being when it is associated with economic
growth which might be regarded as an incentive to work and innovation (Inaba,
2009; Inglehart, 1997). People from low-income groups may tolerate income inequality by
observing other people’s increasingly rapid progression and interpreting this evolution as a
sign that their turn will come soon (Hirschman & Rothschild, 1973; Tomes, 1986). This may
explain why some people may believe that their chance to be successful will come if they still
work hard. By way of contrast, some people in developed nations might take for granted their
access to technology and basic needs, and as a result may perceive income inequality as a
treat (Diener et al., 2013; Greene & Yoon, 2004; Inglehart et al., 2008).
Our systematic review found no association between income inequality and subjective
well-being. Nevertheless, the poor reporting of data in combination with the use of different
analytic approaches precluded any firm conclusions about the direction and strength of the
association between income inequality and subjective well-being. The findings of our
systematic review and meta-analysis suggest that further high-quality research is required to
investigate the relationship between income inequality and subjective well-being, identify the
consequences of income inequality, and identify other strongest correlates of subjective well-
being.
7.3.The association between health status and subjective well-being
Different factors including health status have been associated with subjective well-
being (Fleche et al., 2011; Hicks et al., 2013; Layard et al., 2016). This study found a medium
positive and significant association between health status and subjective well-being. Despite
202
the fact that health status was only moderately associated with greater subjective well-being,
the relationship was robust across people with chronic medical conditions and the general
population. Another important finding is that the association between health status and
subjective well-being was significantly stronger when subjective well-being was
operationalized as life satisfaction as opposed to happiness. In line with previous
studies (Dolan et al., 2008), research exploring the determinants of life satisfaction in OECD
countries found that health status has a major impact on life satisfaction (Fleche et al., 2011).
While a large number of studies are still assessing people’s happiness (Angner et al.,
2013; Doherty & Kelly, 2013; Kahneman & Deaton, 2010), previous studies have reported
that life satisfaction is more stable over time than happiness (Diener et al., 2013; Fleche et al.,
2011). Moreover, life satisfaction scores correlate significantly with physiological variables
that are thought to track positive moods (Urry et al., 2004; van Reekum et al., 2007). Future
studies are needed to investigate why health status is more closely associated with life
satisfaction (Diener et al., 2013) rather than happiness (Diener et al., 2010; Oishi et al., 2011).
This study found that the magnitude of the association between health status and
subjective well-being was higher in developing countries than developed countries. Further
study is needed to investigate whether improving health status in developing countries will
increase subjective well-being more than it will in developed nations. Previous studies
reported a correlation between the country level of development and subjective well-being. A
study conducted in 54 countries found that the average effect size of the link between
economic status and subjective well-being was strongest among low-income developing
countries compared to high-income developing economies (Howell & Howell, 2008). Also, a
correlation between health status and country level of development has been reported (Abbott
203
& Wallace, 2012). Poverty increases the chances of poor health because very poor people live
in poor conditions and struggle to eat, afford the cost of doctors’ fees, a course of drugs, and
transport to reach a health centre. As countries develop economically, health improves, as
measured by mortality rates and average life expectancy (Diener & Chan, 2011). Thus, health
status in developing countries may be associated to a greater degree with subjective well-
being than in developed nations.
Moreover, this study found that the association between health status and subjective
well-being does vary across key measurement characteristics. In future work, it would be
valuable to ensure that quality criteria such as the study design measures (e.g., multiple items
measures instead of single items) are met because higher quality studies elicited higher
correlations. One implication is that multiple items should be used as the first option because
of its better psychometric properties (Fisher et al., 2016; Gardner & Cummings, 1998).
Fleche and colleagues’ study conducted in OECD countries reported that “health status
has a major impact on life satisfaction” (Fleche et al., 2011), p.9. The present research shows
that health status is not related to subjective well-being as strongly as expected. The
implication is that there are other factors that are strongly associated with subjective well-
being beyond health status. Further research is required to see how closely associated are
subjective well-being with other factors such as financial situation.
7.4.The association between financial satisfaction and subjective well-being
To maximise subjective well-being, it is important to identify factors that are strongly
associated with subjective well-being (i.e., happiness and life satisfaction). To date,
researchers have suggested several factors including people’s financial satisfaction (Easterlin,
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2006; Zagorski et al., 2014). Traditionally, net monthly income per head may be presented as
the most objective measure of financial conditions (Diener & Oishi, 2000). Unfortunately,
people are usually not willing to disclose their income, or if they do, they frequently do not
answer honestly (Havasi, 2013). Thus, self-reported of people’s financial situation could be
one of the best measures because they are based on real conditions, and also on the social
comparison (the conditions of other people in society). Subjective measures of people’s
financial situation are also based on the values, desires and expectations of the
respondent (Havasi, 2013).
Our study found that financial satisfaction was positively associated with subjective
well-being. Nevertheless, the association between financial satisfaction and subjective well-
being does differ significantly: (1) whether the financial satisfaction is associated with
happiness or life satisfaction, (2) with country levels of development, (3) whether multiple
items or single item measures are used to assess subjective well-being or financial satisfaction,
and (4) whether the subjective well-being is associated with objective or subjective measures
of financial situation.
The association between financial satisfaction and subjective well-being was medium
but significantly stronger when subjective well-being was operationalized as life satisfaction
as opposed to happiness. In line with previous studies, life satisfaction has been advantaged to
happiness because life satisfaction seems to be more stable over time than happiness (Diener
et al., 2013; Fleche et al., 2011). Another finding is that the magnitude of the association
between financial satisfaction and subjective well-being was different between studies
conducted in developed countries and developing nations. Based on the limited data available
at the time this systematic review was conducted, only two studies were conducted in
205
developing countries (i.e., China and South Africa). Further studies are needed to investigate
whether the level of country development has an impact on the association between financial
satisfaction and subjective well-being. Previous studies have suggested that income may exert
an effect on subjective well-being through financial satisfaction (Ng & Diener, 2014; van
Praag et al., 2003). A study conducted among students in the US suggests that positive attitude
toward financial situation is associated with greater subjective well-being (Xiao et al.,
2009). The positive association between financial satisfaction and subjective well-being could
be universal because both rich and poor aimed to have a standard of living or to live
comfortably (Diener & Diener, 1995; Diener et al., 2013; Ng & Diener, 2014). Nevertheless,
we may extrapolate that financial satisfaction may be strongly associated with subjective well-
being in developing countries than developed nations (Delhey, 2010; Diener & Diener, 1995).
Income may provide basic needs such as foods, health care, shelter, access to education and
may result in financial satisfaction being more important for people’s subjective well-being in
these countries (Newman, Delaney, & Nolan, 2008).
Moreover, previous research has reported that financial satisfaction had a more
powerful impact on life satisfaction among people living in developing countries than did a
sense of freedom of choice, but financial satisfaction became progressively less important
when people moved from developing- to developed- countries (Diener et al., 2013; Greene &
Yoon, 2004). Our empirical study found a small effect size in the relationship between
freedom of choice and happiness, and a medium effect size in the link between freedom of
choice and life satisfaction. Further study (e.g., systematic review and meta-analysis) is
needed to investigate (1) the association between freedom of choice and subjective well-being
and (2) whether life satisfaction is preferred to happiness as a measure of subjective well-
206
being, as it may better capture the influence of freedom of choice.
The association between financial satisfaction and subjective well-being was
significantly stronger when multiple items were used to measure subjective well-being and/or
financial satisfaction. In line with previous studies, multiple items have better psychometric
properties than single-item measures (Fisher et al., 2016; Gardner & Cummings, 1998).
The association between financial satisfaction and subjective well-being was medium
and does differ significantly whether the subjective well-being was associated with objective
or subjective measures of financial situation. In the literature, the term financial satisfaction
has been used interchangeably with the financial situation, affordability and satisfaction with
standard of living as they are presented as an individual’s subjective evaluation of their
financial situation (Ng & Diener, 2014). Nevertheless, in this study, we separated the absolute
measures of income (e.g., affordability and standard of living) from studies that use more
subjective measures (e.g., financial satisfaction and financial distress) (Havasi, 2013). The
magnitude of the correlation was significantly stronger among studies using subjective
measures than it was in studies using objective measures. Further studies need to examine why
the correlation is stronger when more subjective measures of financial situation are used
instead of the absolute measures of financial situation.
Finally, three systematic reviews and meta-analyses were conducted in this thesis and
a robust positive association between subjective well-being and health status, and between
subjective well-being and financial satisfaction, were found. Nevertheless, the association
between subjective well-being and each of these factors was medium. Thus, further research is
required to see how strongly associated other factors are with subjective well-being.
207
7.5.Some policy implications
1. There has been increasing interest around the world and in the UK in particular, to go
beyond GDP and take a wider perspective to the measurement of the subjective well-
being for public policy (Hicks et al., 2013; Stiglitz et al., 2009; WhatWorksWellbeing,
2016).
2. The first recommendation of subjective well-being research is that other factors rather
than GDP per capita matter greatly. Recently, the Stiglitz’s commission, which was
initiated at the European level to re-examine the economic performance and social
progress, has highlighted the need to measure well-being using subjective measures;
“Research has shown that it is possible to collect meaningful and reliable data on
subjective as well as objective well-being. [SWB] should be included in larger-scale
surveys undertaken by official statistical offices” (Stiglitz et al., 2009). The United
Nations General Assembly has invited countries to pursue the elaboration of additional
measures that better capture people’s well-being (Helliwell et al., 2016).
3. Listening to people has helped to know what matters most to people as they go about
their lives (Stiglitz et al., 2009; WhatWorksWellbeing, 2016). In the UK, for example,
the ONS and “What Works Centre for Wellbeing” have contributed through well-
being public dialogues to produce research synthesis and delivery plans on how people
can improve their well-being (Hicks et al., 2013) (WhatWorksWellbeing, 2016). The
chair of “What Works Centre for Wellbeing” emphasise the importance of placing
well-being at the heart of public policy by saying “placing well-being at the heart of
public policy and focusing on the things that really matter to people is not only the
208
civilised way to behave it also helps avoid the fractures in society that can so easily
lead to conflict and anarchy”.
4. At the national level, more needs to be done to encourage large-scale surveys on the
measurement of subjective well-being because it can inform policy makers about what
matters most to people.
5. To improve people’s subjective well-being, it is important to know the strongest
correlates of subjective well-being. Our empirical study and meta-analyses found two
strong correlates of subjective well-being: health status and financial satisfaction. The
association between subjective well-being and each factor (i.e., health status and
financial satisfaction) was robust. Health status and financial satisfaction were
moderately associated with greater subjective well-being.
6. GDP should not be pursued to the point where health status or household’s financial
satisfaction are jeopardised. GDP should not be pursued to the point where the low-
income group lose their place in the economy, people’s opinions and emancipative
values are oppressed. Finally, GDP should not be pursued to the point where social
connections and community cohesion are destroyed, and where ethical standards are
sacrificed.
7. Previous studies have suggested a link between income and financial satisfaction and
subjective well-being. Research reported that external factors like income could exert
strong effects on life satisfaction, with the effect acting via financial satisfaction (Ng &
Diener, 2014; van Praag et al., 2003). Income would provide basic needs such as
foods, health care, access to education and may result in financial satisfaction being
209
more important for people’s subjective well-being in these countries (Delhey,
2010; Newman et al., 2008).
8. Measurement of subjective well-being at the national level is important. Research has
shown that it is possible to collect meaningful and reliable data on subjective well-
being (Helliwell et al., 2016; Stiglitz et al., 2009). Many governments have supported
the idea as, for example, the UK government is committed to developing broader
indicators of well-being at the national level with the involvement of the Office of
National Statistics (ONS) (Dolan et al., 2011). Therefore, other governments across the
globe are encouraged to measure their citizens’ subjective well-being.
9. Finally, health status and financial satisfaction are positively associated with higher
subjective well-being. The association between health status and subjective well-being
and the link between financial satisfaction and subjective well-being are moderate and
further research is required to identify other strong correlates of subjective well-being.
7.6.Conclusion
Improving subjective well-being rather than the GDP is becoming important to the
roles of many governments across the globe and so identifying the strongest correlates of
subjective well-being is vital as a starting point to informing policies that support subjective
well-being. This thesis has investigated the correlates of subjective well-being and meta-
analysed the association between subjective well-being and three correlates including income
inequality, health status, and financial satisfaction.
The main message of the present thesis is that: (1) subjective well-being is
210
important to informing policies that support subjective well-being, (2) there might be
circumstances where income inequality may not be associated with people’s subjective well-
being, (3) health status and financial satisfaction are positively associated with subjective
well-being, (4) life satisfaction might be preferable to happiness as a measure of subjective
well-being because it better captures the influence of health status and financial satisfaction,
(5) government policies that support subjective well-being measures should consider using
self-reported health status and financial satisfaction amongst factors that are correlated with
people’s subjective well-being, (6) the association between health status and subjective well-
being and the link between financial satisfaction and subjective well-being are medium and
further research is required to identify other strongest correlates of subjective well-being, (7)
most studies included in the meta-analyses were cross-sectional; it means researchers could
only examine the association between subjective well-being and key factors, and that causality
cannot be inferred.
These findings highlighted the need for further studies using robust research designs,
such as prospective cohorts to try and gauge causal relationships. Also, these findings
demonstrated that an interdisciplinary approach can advance our knowledge of correlates of
subjective well-being.
211
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9. APPENDICES
Appendix 1.1 Empirical studies on determinants of subjective well-being
Predictor of Authors + Year Main findings Limitations

SWB
(Wilson, 1967) The ‘‘happy person’’ appears to be a Bivariate
p294 young, healthy, well-educated, well-paid, correlations
optimistic, extroverted, religious, married and not
with high self-esteem, worry-free, high representative
job morale, modest aspirations, of either sample
sex and of a wide range of intelligence.
Biological (Lykken & Twin studies suggest that 44% to 52% of Limited to
factors Tellegen, 1996) the variance in well-being is heritable to a developed
significant extent. country - USA
(Lyubomirsky, 40% of people’s happiness come from Cross-
2001; intentional activities or people’s sectional
Lyubomirsky, behaviour, 10% from differences in life studies
2007; circumstances (for example, being rich or
Lyubomirsky & poor, healthy or unhealthy, married or
Layous, 2013) divorced), and 50% genetically
determined.
(Bartels, 2015) A review and meta-analysis of Limited to
heritability studies suggest 36% (34-38) developed
of heritability of wellbeing and 32 % (29- country
35) of heritability for satisfaction with
life.
(Hamer, 1996 ; A close link between happiness and Cross-
Lykken & dopamine and serotonin levels. sectional
Tellegen, 1996). studies
Personality (De Neve, 2011) Higher level of life satisfaction could be Cross-
associated with the serotonin transporter sectional
gene (5-HTTLPR) and optimism studies
There is an association between Cross-
personality and subjective well-being. sectional
studies
(Mueller & Plug, Conscientiousness and openness were Cross-
2006) (Seligman, demonstrated to be more valued in the sectional study
2003) labour market than other personality
traits. People who score high on
agreeableness tend to believe that most
people are trustworthy. Trust is positively
associated to subjective well-being.
(Costa & McCrae, Extraversion and openness are connected Cross-
1980; to positive activities such as expressing sectional
226
Lyubomirsky & gratitude, which is positively associated studies

Layous, 2013). to happiness.
Cultural (Inglehart & People’s historical experiences have Limited to
factors Klingemann, shaped the baseline level of their well- developed
2000). being. The Swiss described themselves as nations
“very satisfied’’ while their counterparts
speaking the same languages in France,
Germany and Italy did not.
GDP per (Easterlin, 1974, Governments in modern society have GDP is not
capita 2005; Stiglitz et assessed their citizens’ well-being based enough to
al., 2009) on objective and observable data such as increase well-
income, wealth and Gross Domestic being.
Product (GDP) For many years, GDP was
presented as one of the major factors
which make people happy.
(Helliwell & GDP does not take into account A lot of
Barrington-Leigh, nonmonetary aspects of well-being such limitations of
2010; Stiglitz et as government subsidies given to the GDP
al., 2009). population when countries are facing
inflation, household childcare, informal
and illegal activities, and the value of
leisure.
Income (Fleche et al., A robust relationship between life OECD
2011b) satisfaction and log income at both the countries
individual and cross
country level
Absolute (Boyce et al., Money can buy happiness because it can Cross-
income 2010). (Jones, be exchanged for goods that will increase sectional study
hypothesis Duncan, & an individual’s utility. Money can help
Twigg, 2004) people to buy foods, clothes and shelter.
(Howell & People living in slums have inadequate
Howell, 2008). access to clean water, to sanitation and
other infrastructures. Consequently,
within the same community richer people
should be happier than poorer people.
(Garratt et al., higher absolute income was associated National
2016) with lower psychological distress, study, UK
demonstrating the importance of material
factors.
Relative (Van Praag, 2011) The evaluation by individuals of their National study
income, Social own situation is partly done by
comparison comparing their own situation with that
and Rank of others, the so-called reference group.
hypothesis
(Boyce et al., The rank hypothesis supports the idea National study
227
2010). that income and happiness area not

directly linked. Increasing an individual’s
income, for example, will only increase
their happiness if ranked position also
increases and if the reference group lose
their ranking position.
Financial (Diener et al., One study conducted across countries Inconsistencie
satisfaction 2013) (Greene & reported that financial satisfaction had a s in findings
Yoon, 2004). more powerful impact on life satisfaction
among people living in developing
countries than did a sense of freedom of
choice, but financial satisfaction became
progressively less important when people
moved from developing- to developed-
countries.
(Ng & Diener, Financial satisfaction is associated to Inconsistencie
2014) subjective well-being and matters to the s in findings
rich and the poor but higher in rich
nations because they want to live
comfortably
Income (Putnam, 2000; Income inequality divides communities USA

inequality & Stiglitz, 2013) when rich get richer and poor staying at
Redistribution the same position or getting poorer.
(Oishi et al., The assumed association between income Inconsistencie
2011; Rozer & inequality and subjective well-being is s
Kraaykamp, not grounded in a solidly-researched
2013; Zagorski et evidence base. Previous studies reported
al., 2014) negative, positive or no association
between income inequality and subjective
well-being.
Corruption (CPI, 2014) The degree of public sector corruption as Cross-

perceived by business people and country sectional
analysts is higher in poor and less happy study.
nations, such as Indonesia, Iraq, and
Uganda.
State of health (Fleche et al., Health status has a major impact on OECD
2011b; Headey, subjective well-being. In general term, countries
2010) health status includes measures of how
active people are, including physical
illness and mental well-being. Previous
studies, for example, have shown how
mental illness, painful chronic conditions
or disability affect people’s subjective
228
well-being.
(Rouxel, Tsakos, A worsening in both oral health measures National study
Chandola, & (oral impacts on daily life and complete
Watt, 2016) tooth loss) was associated with an
increase in depressive symptoms amongst
among older adults in the UK (50 years
and over).
Employment (Fleche et al., Unemployment has a strong negative OECD
status 2011) association with life satisfaction in countries
Austria, Czech Republic, France,
Germany, Italy, Netherlands, and
Switzerland compare to other OECD
countries.
Educational (Dolan et al., Having a higher educational level does Developed
attainment 2008) not have a major direct impact on life nations
satisfaction at the micro level, but is
highly significant and has a relatively
large coefficient in the country-level
regression.
Freedom of (Inglehart et al., a strong association between subjective Cross-national
choice 2008) well-being and free choice study
Trust and (Oishi et al., a positive association between trust and USA
Social capital : 2011) (Putnam, happiness. But trust is affected when rich
friends, family 2000; Stiglitz, get richer and poor staying at the same
2013) position or getting poorer
Leisure (Lyubomirsky & Performing positive activities makes Developed
Layous, 2013) people happier. nations
National pride (Kavetsos, 2012) Previous studies found a positive European
(Morrison et al., association between happiness and Union
2011). national pride; and the identification with countries and
one’s nation-state via national OECD
satisfaction appears to increase subjective
well-being.
Meaning and (Baumeister, Meaning and purpose of life has been 397 adults and
purpose of life Vohs, Aaker, & identified as an important element of online study
Garbinsky, 2013) well-being. The study of Cohen and
(Cohen & Cairns, Cairns found the negative relationship
2012) between high levels of searching for
meaning of life and subjective well-being
(K. Cohen & Cairns, 2012).
Religion (Kim-Prieto & Across countries, a study conducted Among
Diener, 2009) among students from 49 nations studying students.
in the United States, reported an
association between religion and
experience of emotions.
229
(McCullough, Religion is associated with positive affect Christians

Emmons, & and well-being. Gratitude disposition has
Tsang, 2002; been found to be associated with positive
Metzl, 2009) affect and well- being, prosocial
behaviors and traits, and
religiousness/spirituality.
Socio- (Wilson, 1967) ‘‘happy person’’ appears to be a young, Not tested
demographic healthy, well-educated, well-paid, across nations
factors: married with high self-esteem, of either
Gender, sex. Females are happier than men.
Marital status,
Social class,
Age group.
(Clark & Oswald, The curved association between Not tested
2006) (Fleche et subjective well-being and age group has across nations
al., 2011b) been reported.
The effect of age on happiness is
decreasing at the start, but recovers later
(minimum about 40-45).
(Jivraj et al., Higher levels of SWB amongst older Not tested
2014) cohorts compared to younger across nations
counterparts when under similar
circumstances, then a decline in the very
oldest cohorts. It may depends on
different aspect of SWB
230
Appendix 3.1. List of countries, year the survey was conducted, the number of participants, average
happiness and life satisfaction, and country geographical region.
Country (year Happiness Life satisf.

N Region*
surveyed) (1-4) (1-10)
1. Mexico (2012) 2,000 3.613 8.512 LA
2. Uzbekistan (2011) 1,500 3.611 7.888 Asia
3. Qatar (2010) 1,060 3.541 8.013 ME & NA
4. Malaysia (2012) 1,300 3.526 7.133 Asia
5. Ecuador (2013) 1,202 3.5 7.918 LA
6. Colombia (2012) 1,512 3.476 8.388 LA
7.
Trinidad & Tob.(2011) 999 3.412 7.465
LA
8. Philippines (2012) 1,200 3.385 7.335 Asia
9. Sweden (2011) 1,206 3.369 7.62 Western Europe
10. Nigeria (2011) 1,759 3.345 6.262 AfSS
11. Ghana (2012) 1,552 3.339 6.422 AfSS
12. Kuwait (2014) 1,303 3.333 7.209 ME & NA
13. Kyrgyzstan (2011) 1,500 3.319 6.963 EE & FSU
14. Thailand (2013) 1,200 3.312 7.566 Asia
15. Singapore (2012) 1,972 3.304 6.971 Asia
16. Australia (2012) 1,477 3.303 7.382 Australia & NZ
17. Rwanda (2012) 1,527 3.299 6.467 AfSS
18. New Zealand (2011) 841 3.286 7.648 Australia & NZ
19. United States (2011) 2,232 3.263 7.441 North America
20. Brazil (2014) 1,486 3.26 7.85 LA
21. Netherlands (2012) 1,902 3.248 7.492 Western Europe
22. Pakistan (2012) 1,200 3.248 7.478 ME & NA
23. Zimbabwe (2012) 1,500 3.223 6.041 AfSS
24. Libya (2014) 2,131 3.217 7.26 ME & NA
25. Japan (2010) 2,443 3.215 6.911 Asia
26. Kazakhstan (2011) 1,500 3.2 7.254 EE & FSU
27. Uruguay (2011) 1,000 3.186 7.6 LA
28. Turkey (2011) 1,605 3.184 7.272 ME & NA
29. Argentina (2013) 1,030 3.18 7.476 LA
30. Taiwan (2012) 1,238 3.17 6.885 Asia
31. Poland (2012) 966 3.156 7.06 EE & FSU
32. South Africa (2013) 3,531 3.126 6.678 AfSS
33. Hong Kong (2013) 1,000 3.113 6.849 Asia
34. Peru (2012) 1,210 3.107 7.134 LA
231
35. India (2014) 1,581 3.1 5.006 Asia

36. Germany (2013) 2,046 3.09 7.393 Western Europe
37. Cyprus (2011) 1,000 3.085 7.004 EE & FSU
38. Chile (2011) 1,000 3.084 7.269 LA
39. Armenia (2011) 1,100 3.082 5.226 EE & FSU
40. Azerbaijan (2011) 1,002 3.057 6.74 EE & FSU
41. South Korea (2010) 1,200 3.043 6.61 Asia
42. Jordan (2014) 1,200 3.02 6.61 ME & NA
43. Slovenia (2011) 1,069 3.016 7.351 EE & FSU
44. China (2012) 2,300 3.006 6.858 Asia
45. Spain (2011) 1,189 3.002 6.77 Western Europe
46. Lebanon (2013) 1,200 2.945 6.503 ME & NA
47. Algeria (2013) 1,200 2.944 6.301 ME & NA
48. Morocco (2011) 1,200 2.939 5.944 ME & NA
49. Tunisia (2013) 1,205 2.914 5.582 ME & NA
50. Russia (2011) 2,500 2.898 6.126 EE & FSU
51. Bahrain (2014) 1,200 2.882 6.794 ME & NA
52. Estonia (2011) 1,533 2.868 6.2 EE & FSU
53. Yemen (2014) 1,000 2.865 5.887 ME & NA
54. Ukraine (2011) 1,500 2.834 5.898 EE & FSU
55. Palestine (2013) 1,000 2.795 5.622 ME & NA
56. Romania (2012) 1,503 2.769 6.642 EE & FSU
57. Belarus (2011) 1,535 2.762 5.8 EE & FSU
58. Iraq (2012) 1,200 2.744 5.914 ME & NA
59. Egypt (2013) 1,523 1.939 5.01 ME & NA
Number of participants 85,070
Note: WE: Western Europe; EE & FSU: Eastern Europe & Former Soviet Union; NA: North America;
LA: Latin America; AfSS: Africa Sub-Sahara; ME & NA: Middle East & North Africa; the highest
values of happiness are the top. Source: (World-Values-Survey, 2015). *Geographical regions may
be helpful to see changes of subjective well-being across nations; for example, Latin America
region has been reported to be happier than East Europe and former Soviet Union, which have
a similar GDP per capita (Inglehart et al., 2008).
232
Appendix 3.2. Results of the Multilevel Regression Analysis (b) investigating the association
between potentials predictors and subjective well-being (i.e., happiness and life satisfaction) –
Fixed effects with interaction results.
Happiness Life satisfaction
Independent var. Coef. b Std. Err. p value Coef. b Std. Err. p value
Low income scale -.0210757 .0100531 0.036 -.0185626 .0089532 0.038

Middle income scale .0137735 .0089036 0.122 .0210686 .0079295 0.008
High income scale .0187495 .0082897 0.024 .0468923 .0073828 0.000
State of health .3449804 .0355081 0.000 .1331859 .0316233 0.000
Satisfy with financial .1837068 .0317374 0.000 .2019946 .0282651 0.000
sit
Freedom of choice .0941771 .0324269 0.004 .2523585 .0288792 0.000
Meaning of life .0021992 .0031593 0.486 -.0105802 .0028137 0.000
National proud .0840255 .003543 0.000 .0606344 .0031553 0.000
Trust .0267109 .0033113 0.000 .0275855 .002949 0.000
Friends important .0312124 .0033337 0.000 .0101041 .002969 0.001
Family important .0534042 .0032431 0.000 .0267328 .0028883 0.000
Leisure is very .0349994 .0033042 0.000 .0140847 .0029427 0.000
important
Inequality preference -.0009267 .0292057 0.975 .0328106 .0260104 0.207
Full time .0367844 .0218963 0.093 .0099779 .0195007 0.609
Part time .0267412 .0126144 0.034 .004082 .0112343 0.716
Self employed .0230364 .0144188 0.110 -.0018086 .0128413 0.888
retired .0353129 .0150402 0.019 .0011331 .0133947 0.933
House wife .054547 .0166067 0.001 .01981 .0147898 0.180
Students .0354478 .0125696 0.005 .0190376 .0111944 0.089
Unemployed .0500054 .0472113 0.290 .0250111 .0420461 0.552
Other employment cat .0123121 .0068862 0.074 -.0014401 .0061328 0.814
Elementary educ -.0200962 .0371969 0.589 .0412298 .0331273 0.213
Secondary educ -.0274022 .0073835 0.000 -.0112191 .0065757 0.088
University educ -.0307164 .0065163 0.000 -.0094485 .0058034 0.104
Gender (female) .0222075 .0258762 0.391 -.0061107 .0230452 0.791
Married .1260821 .0471838 0.008 .0451858 .0420216 0.282
Together .0133116 .0190554 0.485 .014687 .0169706 0.387
Divorced -.0166271 .0144637 0.250 -.0106667 .0128813 0.408
Separated -.0107431 .0108553 0.322 -.0024684 .0096677 0.798
Widowed -.0218686 .0189793 0.249 -.0033619 .0169029 0.842
Single -.0148773 .0341842 0.663 .0058106 .0304442 0.849
Age 16to24 .0509005 .0328633 0.121 -.0049518 .0292679 0.866
Age 25to34 .034381 .0362419 0.343 -.0251844 .0322768 0.435
Age 35to44 .0187977 .0346026 0.587 -.0329661 .0308168 0.285
Age 45to54 .0193433 .0310397 0.533 -.0228069 .0276438 0.409
233
Age 55to64 .0211367 .0275415 0.443 -.0080071 .0245283 0.744

Age 65andover -.0260093 .0368074 0.480 .0385781 .0327804 0.239
Religious Week attend .0172248 .0155611 0.268 .0404925 .0138586 0.003
Rel. Month attend .0067476 .0105372 0.522 .0271669 .0093844 0.004
Rel. Special days .0013451 .01218 0.912 .0235041 .0108475 0.030
attend
Rel. Year attend -.0021172 .0125226 0.866 .0233969 .0111525 0.036
Never attend -.004068 .0135713 0.764 .0332684 .0120865 0.006
GDP per capita drop drop
Gini coefficient drop drop
Corruption drop drop
Interaction
Gini in HIC drop drop
Gini in MIC drop drop
Gini in LIC drop drop
Attitude to ineq. in HIC .000286 .009476 0.976 -.0051915 .0084392 0.538
Attitude to ineq. in .0058659 .0096161 0.542 .0002631 .008564 0.975
MIC
Attitude to ineq. in LIC .0007208 .0104024 0.945 -.0127173 .0092643 0.170
Financial sat. in HIC -.0090792 .0119858 0.449 .0215957 .0106745 0.043
Financial sat. in MIC -.004815 .0121447 0.692 .0400555 .0108159 0.000
Financial sat. in LIC .0013879 .0130906 0.916 .0618802 .0116584 0.000
State of health in HIC -.1121641 .0392217 0.004 .0341525 .0349306 0.328
State of health in MIC -.0278307 .0395236 0.481 .0308905 .0351994 0.380
State of health in LIC .0232521 .0420083 0.580 .0152616 .0374123 0.683
Freedom in HIC .0144528 .0131108 0.270 -.0215371 .0116764 0.065
Freedom in MIC -.0013195 .0133054 0.921 -.0166925 .0118497 0.159
Freedom in LIC -.0117609 .0143474 0.412 -.0296951 .0127777 0.020
Unemployed in HIC -.135514 .157345 0.389 -.1182741 .1401303 0.399
Unemployed in MIC -.1855263 .1583981 0.241 -.1273723 .1410682 0.367
Unemployed in LIC -.0818446 .161373 0.612 -.0736142 .1437177 0.609
Elementary educ in .0139948 .0822888 0.865 -.1085421 .0732859 0.139
HIC
Elementary educ in -.0017518 .0829153 0.983 -.0871599 .0738438 0.238
MIC
Elementary educ in .0077496 .0866246 0.929 -.0893822 .0771473 0.247
LIC
Female in HIC -.0118703 .0506192 0.815 .0583937 .0450811 0.195
Female in MIC .0080871 .0510749 0.874 .0700106 .0454869 0.124
Female in LIC .0066146 .0554157 0.905 .0723444 .0493528 0.143
Married in HIC -.1587725 .0519388 0.002 .0268053 .0462563 0.562
Married in MIC -.1289283 .0523944 0.014 .0055079 .0466621 0.906
Married in LIC -.2147918 .0569614 0.000 -.064633 .0507294 0.203
Age 65+ in HIC .1795112 .0874465 0.040 -.0825512 .0778793 0.289
234
Age 65+ in MIC .2261295 .0874416 0.010 -.1263072 .0778749 0.105

Age 65+ in LIC .2424474 .1040943 0.020 -.1923057 .0927056 0.038
Intercept .3101018 .1783685 0.082 -.137762 .1588538 0.386
Rho .14441832 .09629778
F 151.33 91.92
N 75476 75476
Note: Level of significance: p< 0.001; p< 0.01; p< 0.05. All variables were standardised to a mean of 0
and standard deviation of 1 in the pooled individual-level sample. Source: (CPI, 2014; Solt, 2014;
World-Bank, 2015; World-Values-Survey, 2015). LIC: Low Income Countries; MIC: Middle Income
Countries; HIC: High Income Countries.
235
Appendix 3.3. Zero-order correlation between happiness, life satisfaction and other
variables
Happiness Life satisfaction

Happiness 1.0000
Life satisfaction 0.4628 1.0000
GDP 0.0807 0.1284
Gini coefficient 0.0626 -0.0068
Low income group -0.1660 -0.2132
Middle income group 0.0495 0.0498
High income group 0.1345 0.1822
State of health 0.3815 0.2844
Full time 0.0327 0.0557
Part time 0.0051ns -0.0018ns
Self employed 0.0267 -0.0113
Retired -0.0621 -0.0238
Housewife -0.0084 -0.0059ns
Students 0.0472 0.0375
Unemployed -0.0497 -0.0782
Other employment -0.0067 -0.0175
Elementary educ -0.0242 -0.0274
Secondary educ 0.0146 -0.0017ns
University educ 0.0442 0.0773
Gender (female) 0.0022ns 0.0112
Married 0.0536 0.0386
Together 0.0329 0.0376
Divorced -0.0661 -0.0573
Separated -0.0244 -0.0151
Widowed -0.0995 -0.0684
Single 0.0116 0.0022ns
Age 16to24 0.0622 0.0382
Age 25to34 0.0294 -0.0059ns
Age 35to44 0.0008ns -0.0079
Age 45to54 -0.0252 -0.0133
Age 55to64 -0.0440 -0.0122
Age 65andover -0.0376 0.0010ns
Financial satisfaction 0.3018 0.4679
Freedom of choice 0.2399 0.3776
Meaning of life 0.0566 0.0151
National pride 0.1733 0.1361
Trust 0.0447 0.0682
Friends important 0.1104 0.0823
Family important 0.1154 0.0796
Leisure important 0.1353 0.1152
236
Inequality Preference 0.0865 0.0831

Rel. Week attend 0.0448 -0.0018ns
Rel. Month attend 0.0147 0.0170
Rel. Special days -0.0242 -0.0190
Rel. Yearly attend -0.0008ns 0.0016ns
Rel. Never attend -0.0518 0.0010ns
Corruption -0.0578 -0.1027
Note: level of significance: p< 0.01, otherwise ns = non-significant. Source: (CPI, 2014; Solt,
2014; World-Bank, 2015; World-Values-Survey, 2015)
237
Appendix 4.1: Screening Process (Income inequality and SWB)
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Appendix 5.1. Screening Process (Health status and SWB)
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Appendix 6.1. Screening Process (Financial satisfaction and SWB)
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THE CORRELATES OF SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEING

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER

FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

IN THE FACULTY OF BIOLOGY, MEDICINE AND HEALTH

KAYONDA HUBERT NGAMABA

SCHOOL OF HEALTH SCIENCES

DIVISION OF PSYCHOLOGY & MENTAL HEALTH

TITLE PAGE ………………………………………………………………………. 1

LIST OF CONTENTS …………………………………………………………….. 2

COPYRIGHT STATEMENT ……………………………………………………… 11

LIST OF TABLES …………………………………………………………………. 14

LIST OF FIGURES ………………………………………………………………... 15

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ……………………………………………………… 17

THE AUTHOR …………………………………………………………………….. 18

1. CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION ………………............................................ 19

1.1.Motivation for subjective well-being research …………………………............ 20

1.1.1. Definition of the concept of subjective well-being ........................................ 20

Figure 1.2. Ryff’s model of psychological well-being …………………………….. 23

1.1.2. The Reliability of subjective well-being measures ………………………… 24

Table 1.1. Commonly used measures of subjective well-being …………………… 27

1.1.3. An increasing need for subjective well-being research ……………………. 28

1.1.4. Subjective well-being over the life course……………….....……………... 31

1.1.5. Set point theory ............................................................................................. 34

1.1.6. Can subjective well-being change? ............................................................... 37

1.2.The conceptual model of subjective well-being …………………..................... 38

1.2.1. Different subjective well-being frameworks.................................................. 38

Figure 1.3. Subjective well-being framework ........................................................... 41

1.2.2. Empirical studies on correlates of subjective well-being: limitations and

further directions ........................................................................................... 42

2. CHAPTER 2 METHODOLOGY …………………………………………... 45

2.2.Methodological approaches ………………………………………………... 45

2.3.Data sources ………………………………………………………………... 46

2.4.Limitations of WVS .. ……………………………………………………… 46

2.5.WVS survey weights ...................................................................................... 47

2.6.Zero order correlations ................................................................................... 48

2.8.Random effects multilevel regression model .................................................. 49

2.9.Systematic reviews and meta-analyses ............................................................ 49

2.10. Reflective pages to link empirical studies .................................................. 51

3. CHAPTER 3. DETERMINANTS OF SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEING IN

REPRESENTATIVE SAMPLES OF NATIONS …………………………... 52

3.3.1. Sources of data ……………………………………………………………. 58

3.3.2. Sample …………………………………………………………………….. 59

3.3.3. Measures …………………………………………………………………… 59

Table 3.1. Descriptive Statistics and measures …………………………………… 60

3.3.4. Analysis ……………………………………………………………………. 67

3.4.1. Descriptive results …………………………………………………………. 68

3.4.2. Multilevel modelling analysis results ……………………………………… 68

association between potentials predictors and subjective well-being (i.e., happiness

and life satisfaction). ……………………………………………………………….. 71

3.6.Limitations and further directions ……………………………………………... 76

3.7.Key points ……………………………………………………………………… 78

3.8.Reflection on “Determinants of subjective well-being in representative

4. CHAPTER 4. INCOME INEQUALITY AND SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEING:

A SYSTEMATIC REVIEW AND META-ANALYSIS………….................... 86

4.3.1. Search strategy and data sources ………………………………………… 95

4.3.2. Study Selection …………………………………………………………… 95

4.3.3. Eligibility criteria …………………………………………………………. 96

4.3.4. Data extraction ……………………………………………………………. 99

4.3.5. Assessment of methodological quality …………………………………… 99

4.3.6. Data synthesis and analysis ……………………………………………… 100

4.4.Results ………………………………………………………………………… 102

4.4.1. Descriptive characteristics of the studies ………………………………… 102

Table 4.1. Characteristics of included studies and quality ratings (Income

inequality and SWB) ……………………………………………………………… 107