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In the summer of 196 at the Isthmian games a herald proclaimed the following:
"The Roman senate and Titus Quinctius consul, having defeated King Philip
and the Macedonians, release as free, without garrisons, subject to no tribute
and in the enjoyment of their ancestral laws [the following peoples]: the
Corinthians, Phocians, Locrians, Euboeans, Phthiotic Achaeans, Magnesians,
Thessalians, and Perrhaebians."2This sensational proclamation,although brief,
is one of the most adept extant applications of Greek liberation propaganda-
and yet it is a Roman declaration.
Historia,BandXLV/3(1996)
C FranzSteinerVerlagWiesbadenGmbH,Sitz Stuttgart
conspicuously absent from the debate and, significantly for our purpose, absent
from Flamininus' pronouncements.
Livy seems to be giving an abbreviated version of the conference or of
Polybius' version of the conference: by his own assertion we get only a
summation ("summa")of Flamininus' demands. With the exception of Philip's
parting exclamation,9 Livy relates the conference in terse oratio obliqua. Per-
haps we should not expect an account of this natureto communicate the rhetoric
of a meeting. On the other hand, there is scarcely any eleutheria language in the
later conference at Nicaea and Thronium either. It is hard to see why Flamini-
nus would have employed liberation slogans at the Aous gorge, abandoned
them at Nicaea, and then picked them up again subsequently.'0 Rather, as our
sources indicate, his posturing at the gorge lacked the refined use of freedom
terminology we find in the IsthmianDeclaration."I Flamininus' education in the
political rhetoric of the Greek mainland was just beginning.
Diodorus Siculus gives an alternate version of the conference at the Aous
gorge, which has been assumed to reflect the Polybian original more accurate-
ly.'2 According to this account, Flamininus demanded that Philip withdraw
from all of Greece, "that it be ungarrisoned and autonomous."13When Philip
declared his willingness to withdraw from only those cities he himself had
captured, Flamininus told him that "he had the following order from the senate:
to liberate not just a part of Greece, but all of it."'14Here we find Flamininus
employing several of the standardterms of Hellenistic eleutheria propaganda:
"ungarrisoned,""autonomous," "liberation."If we accept Diodorus' version,
the Romans were indeed displaying considerable sophistication in the applica-
tion of Greek slogans. Yet, the specificity of the reference to the Thessalians in
Livy seems rather to suggest a Polybian original;'5 whereas aipov'pTlro; and
pursue the war as Roman generals so often were,20 upped the stakes. He was
young, it is true, but fiercely ambitious, clever and independent - and he was
consul. There was incentive for him to press Philip: demands which Philip
could not meet would ensure continuation of the war, something clearly in the
interest of Flamininus' career;2'and throughthis public relations ploy, he could
expect to win support among the Greeks.
Thus we see not a trace of eleutheria rhetoric in Flamininus' or any other
Roman's pronouncementsby the time of the conference at the Aous pass in 198.
Yet it may well be that Flamininus was already beginning to assume control of
the war's policy and propaganda- nothing suggests that the decision to escalate
demands on Philip was not Flamininus'.
After the Romans forced the pass at the Aous, Philip made a hasty retreat
through Thessaly to Macedonia, destroying many of his own cities as he fled,
lest they fall into the hands of the enemy. Although Philip had not yet been
defeated, his position had weakened, and he was willing to negotiate further.In
198 another peace conference was held, this one for 3 days, at Nicaea and
Thronium.22On the first day Flamininus and each of his allies presented their
terms for peace individually. Flamininus' principal condition was that Philip
"withdraw from the whole of Greece."23Except for the Aetolians, who like the
Romans demanded that Philip withdraw from the whole of Greece, all the allies
demanded only personal compensation.24Thus far Polybius' account is brief
and concise. He begins to put flesh on the bones of the debate when he describes
Alexander the Isian's rebuke of Philip for his madness in destroying his own
possessions and for his treachery to the Aetolians (18.3). Polybius reports that
Philip responded to Alexander with comparable vigor (18.4-6). Neither of them
spoke of liberty. Philip then posed the same question he had posed at the
conference at the Aous gorge: whether he was to withdraw only from those
states conquered by himself or from all states in his possession (Polyb. 18.7. 1).
Flamininus remained silent. Aristaenus and Phaeneas were about to reply, but
since the day was drawing to an end, the conference was adjourned. On the
second day of the conference, after a private session with Flamininus, Philip
presented his counterproposals,which fell short of a complete withdrawalfrom
Greece (Polyb. 18.8.6-10). "All those present"rejected Philip's proposals and
remained adamant that he withdraw from Greece entirely.25 The conference
was once again adjourneduntil the next day. On the third day they met on the
beach near Thronium. Philip asked permission to send an embassy to the senate.
Flamininus assured his Greek allies that it was unlikely that the senate would
grant Philip's wishes and argued for the expediency of acceding to Philip's
request (Polyb. 18.9.3-10). "They all quickly assented when they saw that
Flamininus was inclined to refer the matterto the senate."26
In Polybius' account of the three days of conference hardly a trace of
eleutheria sloganeering is to be found. Polybius' editing cannot be responsible,
since the whole account, though abbreviatedin parts, is still long. Some liberty
rhetoric would surely have been retained had it played a prominent role at the
conference, and Polybius would have no reason to suppress such references in
his narrative. What arises from Polybius' account - and this has consequence
for the eventual emergence of eleutheria propaganda- is the united front of the
allies under Flamininus' leadership. Philip's complete withdrawal from Greece
becomes the principal condition of all the allies; all are dissatisfied with
Philip's counterproposals; when Flamininus insists on referring the matter to
the senate they all comply.27
3. Embassies to Rome
Once Philip received permission from Flamininus and the allies to submit his
proposals to the senate, Flamininus proceeded to undermine the proposals. I
will not address Flamininus' intention of prolonging his command here, but
instead how he managed the campaign to ensure the failure of Philip's embassy,
a campaign in which, significantly for our purpose, eleutheria propaganda
played a prominent role.
25 S
cdvro)v &esv xap6vxov ... roito 8 njv 6ndanq beKwpetv t;'EXX68oq, Polyb. 18.9.1.
26 axixii cvyica a0eg&vov 6mcdvclov 6xa6 OELOpETv 6XX6rptov6vra ri;
tov Tirov ovUic
Elrt Trv G yKicTlOV dvabopd;, Polyb. 18.10.1.
27 F. M. Wood, "TheMilitaryandDiplomaticCampaignof T. QuinctiusFlamininusin 198
B. C.," AJP 62 (1941) 278-81, observesFlamininus'assumptionof controlof the Nicaea
conference,readingit as a step towardsrobbingtheGreeksof controlof theirown foreign
policy.
Flamininus and his allies decided to let Philip send an embassy to Rome but
resolved to send their own as well (Polyb. 18.10.2). According to Polybius,
Flamininus had planned the result of the conference at Nicaea; he then arranged
its sequel to his satisfaction as well: "With the outcome of the conference in
accord with Flamininus' intentions and his calculations from the very start, he
at once set about weaving the sequence of his design, carefully seeing to his
own security and creating no advantage for Philip."28Flamininus grantedPhilip
a truce for two months; Macedonian garrisons were to withdraw from Phocis
and Locris; Flamininus saw to it that his own allies would be secure during the
truce (Polyb. 18.10.4-6). "After that he [sc. Flamininus] went about completing
his plan by himself."29He sent Amynander to Rome, expecting him to follow
the instructions of Flamininus' friends in the city, and he sent his legates. The
allies sent their own envoys (Polyb. 18.10.7-11).
It is clear that prior to actually sending the ambassadors,Flamininus and his
allies had been consulting. They would have formed a common policy on how
to approach the senate to ensure either Philip's complete evacuation of Greece
or the continuation of the war. And in fact in Rome the allied representativesall
stressed the same chief point: "that so long as Chalcis, Corinth and Demetrias
were subject to the Macedonian, the Greeks could not even think of liberty.930
The various speeches were so similar that Polybius could conveniently com-
press them into one summary (Polyb. 18.11.3-12). Flamininus' management is
also discernible in the fact that the ambassadorsdid not come before the senate
until his allies and agents in Rome had been assured that his command would be
prorogued (Polyb. 18.11.1-2). Nor does Polybius mean that Flamininus intend-
ed to lobby the senate separately from the Greek ambassadors when he claims
that, "After that, he went about completing his plan by himself." This statement
refers to Flamininus' machinations to keep his command. As such machinations
would compromise his credibility with the Greeks, he was not about to consult
with them concerning these activities. As far as they knew, a united front
orchestrated and directed by Flamininus was being presented to the senate. The
actors need only look to Flamininus' agents for their cues.
What does this reading of the evidence tell us about the state of Roman
eleutheria propaganda at the time of the embassies to Rome? First of all, we
find a high degree of cooperation between Flamininus and his allies in the
28 tovi & ip6ygaro; rC Tir oov icata r6v aivXoyov KaMa voiv KaO Ca'6oi; ?S dtPX8
8laXoRyl(TOivs RPOKc%X(JPIIOTOq, napalL)iKa6 auw)VXi5 Tnq ?ZmNk85 i4V0aive, rd re
KaOavt6v dooakt6jievo; cngeXci)Wcai npoXiia xCotXiinc) notiv ou6kv, Polyb.
18.10.3.
'
29 Xourov a-65t6; a8toa3T6
&' Trpo1cEi?vov ?it?EtXE, Polyb. 18.10.6.
30 zoiTo & ?itteMo5; vrnix?tiv iEt&p6OVvTO'Tl TUVKXTo)a lvTE;, Wu6tttf; XaXKiaoq Kai
TOV5KopivOouc Kai tfS ATuIgTptpi8o;ivn6 T6 MacKF86vixtaTTovwv o0X 0ot6v tto?
"EXXiiva;Evvotav Xaaev bX?u0epia;, Polyb. 18.11.4.
exchangeshedsconsiderablelighton theongoingdialoguebetweenFlamininus
and his Greekallies. Before this time Flamininushad guaranteed,or, rather,
promisedas the accountsays, the Greekstheirliberty,and he had done so in
such a way that made it clear to the Greeksthat this was one of the war's
principalgoals. The fact that the ten commissionerssent to regulateGreek
affairsin the wakeof the warfelt no suchobligation38 suggeststhatthis policy
andpromisewas Flamininus'alone.
In Polybius'accountthereis, moreover,not the slightesthintthatFlamini-
nus and the Aetoliansare talkingat cross purposes;thereis no gap between
Flamininus'and the Greeks' understandingof this powerful slogan. Their
disagreementis overhow to accomplishGreekfreedom,notwhatit entails.The
consul seems to be fully at homein the worldof Greekpoliticaldiscourseand
thoroughlycommittedto it.
The Aetolians,however,werepreparedto demonstrateto the foreigncom-
manderthat the propagandaof libertyis a double-edgedswordimplyingre-
sponsibilitiesas well as advantagesfor its wielder.At Tempe,for the firsttime
in our sources,an ally turnsaboutandaccusesFlamininusof failingto provide
libertyfor the Greeks,andnotjust libertyper se, buta promisedliberty.Clearly
the Aetoliansbelieved the Romanswere obligedto free Greece,and the Ro-
mans could be assuredthat the Greekswould be monitoringtheir progress
towardsfulfillmentof the obligation.
5. The IsthmianDeclaration
Hellenistic eleutheria concepts and buzz words: the word eleutheria itself, the
phrase "subject to their own laws," and the notion "freedom from garrisoning."
Had the senate been studying Greek political terminology? It is more plausible
to see Flamininus' own hand in the document.42Let us not forget his unnamed
friends and agents who had managed things so well on his behalf when the
Greek ambassadors came to Rome after the conference at Nicaea. Again, after
Cynoscephalae, they succeeded in getting Flamininus' peace with Philip rati-
fied despite opposition. The senate voted for the peace "after a good deal of
discussion."43 Desirous of assuming Flamininus' command, M. Claudius Mar-
cellus44 agitatedagainstthe peace,andthe tribalassemblyconvenedonly after
the tribunes Q. Marcius Ralla and C. Atinius Labeo announced that they would
veto any further action unless the matter was referred to the people.45 "The
people ratified the treaty in accordancewith Flamininus' preference."46Flamini-
nus also retained his province and army (Livy 33.25.1 1).
That Flamininus could push his peace through in the face of such strong
resistance indicates that he was capable of shaping the language and substance
of the senatus consultumas well.47 After his victoryover Philip, he was the
Roman on the spot and the only Roman with direct experience of the situation
in Greece and Macedonia. Flamininus let his friends know what the immediate
circumstances requiredand probably even how to phrase the resolution in terms
likely to make friends among the Greeks; then they saw to it that the senate
passed such a senatus consultum.48
Now at last the Romans were forced to confront the problem of what to do
with Philip's former possessions.49 They intended the initial proclamation to
point in a suitable direction but not rashly to attempt too much. Thus the
ultimate fate of many a Greek state and city was left unclear.50Understandably,
the Aetolians could not let this opportunity pass. They noted that certain cities
were not really being set free but were being handed over to the Romans (Polyb.
18.45.1-6) - "it was a change of master, not the liberation of Greece which was
occurring."51Eleutheria was becoming burdensome to Flamininus.52But rather
than slough off the slogan or retrench, he resolved to follow through in an
ambitious liberation of Greece and make liars of the Aetolians. The commis-
sioners opposed him, but he won certain concessions.53
49 Will, Histoire II 165-6.
50 Eckstein, Senate 295-6.
51 yivvrca ge0dpgoat; 8?0o?(v, oVk OXfpoxai TrCv'EAXivov, Polyb. 18.45.6.
52 "T. QuinctiusFlamininusbegriffals ersterRomerdie verandertepolitischeLage, die mit
der Propagierungder griechischen Freiheitsformeldurch Rom entstanden war: Den
Romern war es nicht mehr ohne weiteres m6glich, von den Rechten, die sich aus der
InbesitznahmegriechischerStadte ergaben, nach eigenem ErmessenGebrauchzu ma-
chen. Nachdemsie grundsatzlichallen Griechendie altenFreiheitsrechtezuerkanntbzw.
diesen Eindruckerweckthatten,konntensie von den Griechenimmerdannuntermorali-
schen Druckgesetzt werden,wennsie aus politischenundstrategischenErwagungenvon
diesem Prinzip abwichen," R. Bernhardt,Imperiumund Eleutheria (diss. Hamburg,
1971) 38.
53 TheEuboeancitiesOreusandEretriaprovidea goodexample.Thetencommissionerswanted
to give OreusandEretriaon Euboeato thePergamenekingEumenes(Polyb. 18.47.10;Livy
33.34.10). The cities had been capturedwith Pergamenehelp (Oreus:Livy 31.45. Eretria:
Livy 32.16) andEumeneshadapparentlyrequestedthem.But Flamininusobjected.He was
concernedto preservea crucialaspectof eleutheria,freedomfromoccupationby foreign
kings (J. A. 0. Larsen,"RepresentationandDemocracyin HellenisticFederalism,"CPh40
[1945] 88-91; H. E. Stier, Roms Aufstieg zur Weltmachtund die griechische Welt [Cologne/
Opladen,1957] 145).Thereplacement of one kingwithanother- evena putativegood king-
would undermineFlamininus'eleutheriapropaganda.For Flamininus,the situationwas
particularlydelicatesince the AetolianswerecarefullyandaggressivelymonitoringRoman
fulfillmentof Flamininus'promises.As notedabove,the senatusconsultumbroughtby the
tencommissionersannouncingthe freedomof theGreekshaddoneso in a mannerthatcould
arousesuspicion.The AetoliansobservedthattheRomansseemedto be makinga distinction
betweencities to be set free, all in Asia, andcities to be handedover to the Romans,these
being in Europe.The Europeancities explicitlynamedwerefive in number,Chalcis,Deme-
triasandCorinth,thatis, thethreefetters,andOreusandEretria(Polyb.18.45.5)."Fromthese
facts,"theyclaimed,"itwas easy forall to see thattheRomansweretakingoverthe fettersof
GreecefromPhilipandthatit wasa changeof master,notthe liberationof theGreeks,which
wasoccurring"(Polyb.18.45.6).Accordingto Polybius,"theslanderouschargegrewandwas
believed by some"(18.45.8). Able to wrestbut a smallconcessionon the fettersfromthe
commissionersat this point(theliberationof CorinthwithoutAcrocorinth,Polyb. 18.45.12),
at leastFlamininuscouldpresenttheliberationof OreusandEretriafromroyal(of anystripe)
and Romanoccupationas a tokenof the sincerityof Rome's intentionto liberateGreece.
OreusandEretriathusbecamemembersof a revivedEuboeanLeague.
It has been observed that the language of the Isthmian declaration was inspired
by standardHellenistic eleutheria propaganda55 and that the closest parallel to
the Isthmian declaration (in time and phraseology) is the decree of the Symma-
chy in 220 immediately before the Social War.56 J.-L. Ferrary has in fact
suggested that the Symmachy's decree is the model for Flamininus' Isthmian
declaration.57I agree, in part, though I think we need look more generally to
Philip's propagandaratherthan to just that one decree.
It is in Philip's propaganda that we find precisely the four principal ele-
ments of Flamininus' declaration, that is, liberty, freedom from garrisoning,
freedom from tributeand autonomy/enjoymentof one's own laws.58The decree
of the Symmachy in 220, issued underPhilip's direction, promised that commu-
nities under Aetolian control were to return"to their ancestral form of govern-
ment" (si;S t iacaptc roa XAvreixxaa), be "ungarrisoned,free from tribute, free"
(d4poupiPovu; &Oopokoyiyrou;?XcuOtpou; `vta;), and "in the enjoyment of
their ancestral constitution" (tokXcEi'ats;icat vo'got; XpcogEvou; 0to; iarpiot;,
Polyb. 4.25.7). In 218 Philip tried to win Elean support in the Social War by
promising that they would be "free, ungarrisoned,free from tribute and in the
Frisch's restorations are correct, and it was Antiochus III who took the oath, we
have at least three of four elements of the Isthmian declaration, and possibly all
four.72Yet Flamininus' propagandamay have been responsible for this corre-
spondence. After the Isthmian declaration, the ten commissioners split up and
set off in small groups on various missions. Three of them, P. Lentulus, L.
Terentius and P. Villius were to consult with Antiochus about his relations with
Ptolemy and other matters. The timing of the inscription is telling. Antiochus
was still busy rebuilding Lysimachia when he received the commissioners and
another Roman ambassador, L. Cornelius, there in 196.73Among other things,
L. Cornelius advised the king to leave the autonomous cities alone (Polyb.
18.50.7). Antiochus replied that he, not the Romans, should endow the cities of
Asia with freedom. The treaty with Lysimachia must have been issued about
this time or, more probably, a little later when the physical and political
foundations of the reborn city had been laid. The Roman ambassadors seemed
prepared to bully Antiochus with rhetoric concerning the freedom of Asia.
Antiochus was aware of the sensational proclamation at the Isthmian Games
and, we can be sure, had been informed of the precise phraseology. What had
proved to be a smashing public relations success for Rome could be exploited
by the king as well, and thus Antiochus could use in this treaty the same
eleutheria formula which Flamininus had employed. Besides, what better way
to tell the Romans to keep out of Asia than by using their own propaganda?74
Other Hellenistic monarchs would award or acknowledge some of the four
elements of eleutheria discussed here, but not the entire package (sometimes
democracy is added). For example, it is recorded that Seleucus II awarded
liberty (Oxu0c'pav) and freedom from tribute (ado[po]/IXyirrov) to the Smyr-
naeans,75that he "confirmed the autonomy and democracy of the people [sc. of
7. Epilogue