THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY February 17, 1962

Muslim Caste in Uttar Pradesh

Zarina Ahmad
Muslim social groups share many, though not all, of the attributes of the Hindu castes. Mast of these
attributes were acquired from the Hindus and, although contrary to the spirit of Islam, it has been possible!
to maintain a Muslim society of castelike ranking in India because both the communities, in spite of the
differences of faith, have shared the same economic and political environment.
Orthodox Muslims resent the use of the word caste to describe Muslim social groups. It is disput-
able whether the term caste can be so used, but I believe that the concept of caste can be used with advan-
tage to analyse social stratification among the Muslims,
Even ashraf Muslims (i e, Muslims who claim foreign descent) resemble Hindu castes in many res-
pects. A s h r a f society is socially stratified; it includes endogamous groups, mobility between which is res-
tricted; prohibition on eating and drinking exists; and the groups are organised on a hierarchical scale. In
terms of stratification and social m o b i l i t y the difference between Hindu castes and Muslim social groups is
one of degree and not of kind,
Social groups among the non-Ashrafs (i c, Muslims of Indian origin) approximate even more closely
to Hindu castes. After conversion of Islam the Hindus only accepted a different faith but their mode of living
did not change much, nor did the basic structure of caste society or the internal organisation of the castes.
Even those Muslim social groups which are predominantly or entirely Muslim have incorporated Hindu cus-
toms and usages and, as such, have become an integral part of the Indian society.
[The observations made here, it must be pointed out, are not based on systematic field work but are
derived from my awn experience assisted by whatever literature is available on this subject. This article is pub-
lished with the intention of attracting the attention of fellow sociologists to the much neglected field of Muslim
sociology. Study of the Muslims as a social entity will, no doubt assist in the understanding of Indian
society as a whole,]

THE M u s l i m p o p u l a t i o n of I n d i a F r o m the very beginning of i n g to their class and profession.

represents the m i x t u r e of groups
d r a w n f r o m the indigenous races of
India and f o r e i g n blood f r o m
successive bodies of invaders and
i m m i g r a n t s f r o m the regions beyond
the north-western frontiers. ('Her-
sklot's Islam', (ed) Crooke: 1 9 2 1 ;
7 ) . Even in the case of earlier in-
vaders their racial p u r i t y was lost
by intermarriage and concubinage
w i t h the Hindus. At the same time
the number of modern Muslim
castes that are obviously composed
of converts f r o m H i n d u i s m and the
"number of H i n d u castes, specially
Rajputs, that possess M o h ammad an
branches, make it quite clear that
there must have been many changes
o f r e l i g i o n . Intermarriage^ though
not common, d i d occur. The invad-
i n g M u s l i m armies d i d not always
b r i n g their wives w i t h them and
w h i l e settling i n I n d i a must have
taken wives f r o m the o r i g i n a l in-
habitants. There is reason to beli-
eve t h a t conversion very often took
place in the shape of g r o u p con-
version, that is, often a whole caste
accepted Islam rather t h a n j u s t a
tew members of i t . A l t h o u g h i n d i -
v i d u a l conversion also occured it
was less frequent in the earlier days
o f M u s l i m rule.
Muslim rule in India until the Mug-
hal period the I n d i a n Muslims re-
mained a p a r t i a l l y lndianiscd hete-
rogeneous c o m m u n i t y , centred round
the foreign conquerors who were
very diverse in their r a c i a l stock.
A l t h o u g h this c o m m u n i t y maintained
a certain amount of exclusiveness
f r o m H i n d u s , it was at the same
time very different f r o m the Mus-
lims of other countries. " I s l a m in
India tried to confirm to a r i g i d
u n i f o r m i t y in ideas and actions but
conversion and the i n t r o d u c t i o n of
other communities into Islam
moulded i t s nature no less t h a n
Islam moulded the character of its
recruits". (Yaseen : 1 9 5 8 ) .
Contacts Varied According to Status
The M u s l i m rulers, in order to
keep in check hostile elements, al-
ways had to keep a large a r m y . As
a result the profession of soldiery
was very popular and M u s l i m s were
employed in all capacities — f r o m
commanders to o r d i n a r y soldiers.
M u s l i m s being more or less absorbed
in this profession, handicraft and
agriculture were left to the H i n d u s
and to the converted Muslims. T h i s
d i s t r i b u t i o n of professions can s t i l l
be traced among the present day
M u s l i m s . The contacts between
H i n d u s and Muslims v a r i e d accord-
325
The upper classes suffered more
from jealousy and rivalries, being
dependent entirely upon the favours
of the k i n g . The middle classes,
that is the artisans the intelligent-
sia, and the men of the clerical pro-
fessions were more in contact w i t h
the Hindus as their interests d i d not
clash so m u c h w i t h theirs.
W i t h the break-up of the M u g h a l
E m p i r e and the accession of B r i t i s h
rule this pattern d i d not change
basically since society retained
feudal characteristics, The aristo-
cracy which was centred r o u n d the
k i n g filled some of the h i g h admi-
nistrative posts and many of them,
having Taluqas and Jagirs, main-
tained themselves, as before having
both Hindus and M u s l i m s of the
agricultural and artisan classes
under them as tenants or labourers.
B r i t i s h rule indeed increased the
number of landlords by i n t r o d u c i n g
the revenue system. Under this sys-
tem any one c o u l d own land by
purchase and keep control of it as
he paid a fixed revenue.
Islamic and Non-Islamic : Problem of
Identification
There was a gap of several hun-
d r e d years between the i n t r o d u c t i o n
of I s l a m and its actual acceptance
 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
February 17, 1962
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
b y the b u l k o f the I n d i a n popula-
t i o n . Thus the development of
contacts between H i n d u and M u s l i m
cultures was very gradual. Indeed
it is often difficult to i d e n t i f y what
is Islamic and what is non-Islamic
among M u s l i m practices. T h i s is
very m u c h so in the p a t t e r n of
social s t r a t i f i c a t i o n among the Mus-
l i m s , w h i c h has m a n y attributes of
H i n d u caste system.
T h e structure of free M u s l i m
society in I n d i a does not e x h i b i t
M u s l i m ideals o f social equality. A n
elaborate and effective social strati-
fication has been in practice f r o m
the very e a r l y days of M u s l i m rule
in India.
Dr Ashraf, a h i s t o r i a n describes
the composition of the social classes
d u r i n g the early M u s l i m period i n
I n d i a . " T h e Emperor stood at the
head of the State, the nobles and
the p r i v i l e g e d classes were under
him^ b o t h H i n d u and M u s l i m lower
classes w«re below the n o b i l i t y and
were separated f r o m t h e m " . (Ash-
r a f : 1932)
The n o b i l i t y was a heterogeneous
body a'nd its composition varied
w i t h the r u l i n g dynasty. I n the
beginning a l l of the nobles were
T u r k i s h . Afghans were included
during Mohammad T u g h l a q ' s rule
and the M u g h a l rulers included men
of Mughal origin.
The lower class Muslims were
h a r d l y distinguishable f r o m their
H i n d u counterparts. They were i n
most parts converts, and had not
altered t h e i r position m u c h materi-
ally. U n f o r t u n a t e l y neither D r
A s h r a f nor any other h i s t o r i a n
gives m u c h i n f o r m a t i o n on the social
c o n d i t i o n of the lower class Mus-
l i m s . One can infer f r o m what
l i t t l e i n f o r m a t i o n is available that
conversion d i d not change much an
o r d i n a r y H i n d u ' s environment.
Foreign Ancestry : Invented
Greater honour and respect was
p a i d t o the f o r e i g n r u l i n g and p r i -
vileged classes, t h a n to those of
I n d i a n extraction. People used to
invent foreign ancestry for them-
selves in order to i m p r o v e their
social status. M o h a m m a d Yaseen,
another historian, confirms this
notion of foreign supremacy f o u n d
d u r i n g the M u g h a l p e r i o d . T h e
f o r e i g n r u l i n g and privileged classes
of n o n - I n d i a n e x t r a c t i o n received
more than their due share of honour
and respect and were allowed the
highest claims of social d i s t i n c t i o n .
(Yaseen : 1957 : 20-21) Yaseen
quotes Bernier saying t h a t "nearly
every i n d i v i d u a l w h e n first a d m i t t e d
to the court of the great M u g h a l ,
selected wives f r o m and concubines
f r o m K a s h m i r so that his children
may pass f o r f o r e i g n M u g h a l s " .
(Yaseen : 1957: 2 1 ) . T h i s sense of
s u p e r i o r i t y of f o r e i g n blood is s t i l l
present among the I n d i a n Muslims.
A t present M u s l i m society i n
I n d i a is d i v i d e d into two major
sections, the ashraf and the non-
ashraf. The ashraf who arc them-
selves d i v i d e d i n t o four sections
c l a i m foreign descent w h i l e the non-
ashraf M u s l i m s are a l l regarded to
be of local descent and include nu-
merous menial and artisati castes.
The ashraf are divided i n t o four
classes, Sayyad, Sheikh, M u g h a l ,
and Pathan. A l l ashraf c l a i m fore-
i g n descent and not not i n t c r d i n e or
i n t e r m a r r y w i t h the non-ashraf.
Sayyads
They claim the highest social
status. They say they are the des-
cendants of A l i , son-in-law of the
prophet and the f o u r t h C a l i p h . The
Sayyads are sub-divided i n t o groups
w h i c h tend towards endogamy but
are not endogamous groups in a
strict j u r a l sense. F o u r of these
groups take t h e i r names f r o m the
o r i g i n a l homes f r o m where they
came. They are the Baghdadi
Sayyads ( B a g h d a d ) , Rokhari Say-
yads ( B o k h a r a ) , Sahzwari Sayyads
(Sahzwar i n Khorasan) and T i r -
m i z i Sayyads ( T i r m i z i n Persia).
A p a r t f r o m these four groups, there
are matay other sections who claim
descent f r o m early Caliphs and
Imams. The most i m p o r t a n t of them
are Hussaini, descendants of Husain.
the grand son of the Prophet; A l a v u
descendants of A l i , and eleven sec-
tions who call themselves after the
names of eleven Imams ( A b i d i . Jafri
and N a q u i and so f o r t h ) .
I n the regions o f D e l h i and i n
such p r i n c i p a l seats of M u s l i m
a u t h o r i t y as L u c k n o w there are
families of Sayyads who hold their
status by inheritance f r o m ancestors
w h o rendered services to the M u g -
hal rulers either in the army or the
administration. (Blunt : 1931).
A c c o r d i n g to the D i s t r i c t Gaze-
tteers of U t t a r Pradesh, the Sayyads
327
February 17, 1962
numbered 17,414 at the Census of
1901, or over 10 per cent of the
M u s l i m population i n the Province.
They are more numerous in the dis-
tricts of L u c k n o w than any other
p a r t of the province and about 92
per cent of them are f o u n d in Luck-
now Tahsil. T h e i r presence in
L u c k n o w is directly due to the i n -
fluence of the O u d h c o u r t w h i c h was
the centre of Shia culture, and a
great m a j o r i t y of Sayyads are Shias.
It is interesting to note that
Sheikhs and Sayyads in U t t a r Pra-
desh taken together exceed the
number of Pathans and Mughals by
50 per cent. There has been a ten-
dency to claim a higher t i t l e than
one's o w n .
Sayyads i n t e r m a r r y w i t h Sheikhs
and there is a tendency towards
hypergamy. B u t a Sayyad never
marries a M u g h a l or a Pathan. T h e
same applies to Sheikhs w h o do not
m a r r y Mughals or Pathans either.
Mughals and Pathans i n t e r - m a r r y
w i t h each other.
Sheikh
Sheikh means chief. It is an
A r a b i c t e r m and those who call
themselves Sheikhs claim A r a b des-
cent. The t i t l e of Sheikh is w i d e l y
spread over I n d i a a'nd except in
the Punjab and K a s h m i r , predomi-
nates over other designations.
(Baines; 1912) In the Punjab,
Rajput weavers call themselves
Sheikhs and many of the lower
a g r i c u l t u r a l groups also c l a i m A r a -
bic o r i g i n and give themselves this
t i t l e . (Ibbetson : 1916).
Sheikhs are subdivided i n t o sec-
tions, like Sayyads. M o s t of them
take their names f r o m Caliphs and
religious leaders. The most nume-
rous sub-divisions are: Farooqi,
Q i d w a i , Quraishi and F a r i d i . Inter-
marriage takes place freely between
the different sub-divisions.
Mughal
M u g h a l is used inter-changeably
for M o n g o l . Baines suggests that the
M u g h a l element in the N o r t h is
better defined and those who hold
this title are not probably genuine
Mughals. They claim to he the re-
presentatives of the families brought
to northern I n d i a by the semi-inde-
pendent viceroys of Delhi. (Baines:
1912; 1 4 1 ) . Mughals are for this
reason more numerous in the neigh-
bourhood of Delhi. ( B l u n t : 1931).
A c c o r d i n g to Blunt, most Mughals
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328
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in U t t a r Pradesh settled there after
Baber's conquest i n 1625. ( B l u n t :
1 3 1 ; 1 7 0 ) . B u t t h e i r number i s quite
small, less than a m i l l i o n . T h e most
p r o m i n e n t of them are Chagtai,
Uzbeck, Tajek, T u r k o m a n and Q i z i l .
bash. Chagtai is the T u r k i s h branch
t o w h i c h T i m u r f a m i l y belonged.
Uzbeck represent another Turkish
t r i b e who supplied troops to the
M u g h a l emperors. Qizilbash are
supposed to be the T a r t a r horsemen
f r o m the Caucasus. ( B l u n t : 1931).
Palhuns
T h e w o r d Pathan is a H i n d i cor-
r u p t i o n of the w o r d Pakh-tanu,
meaning those w h o speak Pakhtu
language. It applies to tribes whose
o r i g i n a l home is on or near the
n o r t h w e s t boundaries of I n d i a . Pat-
hans are f o u n d in all parts of U t t a r
Pradesh, except in the h i l l districts.
They are most numerous in Rohil-
k h a n d , A l l a h a b a d and O u d h districts.
A b o u t h a l f of all Pathans belong
to f o u r tribes of Yusuf Z a i , L o d i ,
G h o r i and K a k a r .
Y u s u f Zais consider themselves to
be descended f r o m the I n d o - A r y a n
Kandharis who served Babers
army, The Lodis are the descendants
of Tajeks. Ghoris are probably a
h y b r i d race, a m i x t u r e of A r a b and
Kandharis. ( B l u n t : 1931). Kakars
belong to a small group of tribes
from Ismail.
Muslim Caste-Ranking
O r t h o d o x Muslims resent the w o r d
caste being used for the M u s l i m
social groups. It can be disputed
whether the t e r m caste can be so
used, but I believe that the concept
of caste can be used w i t h advantage
to analyse social stratification among
the M u s l i m s . A comparison of H i n -
du caste usages and practices w i t h
the practices among the M u s l i m
social groups may throw some l i g h t
on the character of these groups.
M u s l i m social groups share many of
the attributes of the H i n d u caste
system although not all. Most of
these attributes, were acquired f r o m
the H i n d u s , and, although contrary
to the s p i r i t of I s l a m , it has been
possible to m a i n t a i n a M u s l i m socie-
ty of caste-like r a n k i n g in I n d i a be-
cause, in spite of the differences of
f a i t h , b o t h the communities share
the same economic and p o l i t i c a l
environment.
L e t us consider a few defini-
tions of caste. Senart defines
caste as a "Corporate group
exclusively and in theory at least
rigorously hereditary", (Senart :
1930; 2 0 ) . Risely defines caste in
more d e t a i l " A caste m a y b e de-
fined as a collection of families or
groups of families bearing a com-
m o n name, c l a i m i n g common des-
cent f r o m a mythological ancestor,
h u m a n or d i v i n e ; professing to
follow the same hereditary c a l l i n g ;
and regarded by those who are
competent to give an opinion as
f o r m i n g a single homogeneous com-
m u n i t y . The name generally denotes
or is associated w i t h a specific occu-
p a t i o n . A caste is almost always i n -
variably endogamous in the sense
that a number of the larger circle
denoted by the c o m m o n name may
not m a r r y outside of the circle b u t
w i t h i n that circle there are usually
a number of smaller circles each of
w h i c h is also endogamous". ( R i s l e y :
1908; 6)
K r o e b e r gives yet another defini-
t i o n of caste. A c c o r d i n g to h i m , "A
caste may be defined as an endoga-
mous and hereditary subdivision of
an ethnic unit occupying a position
of superior or i n f e r i o r rank of soci-
al esteem in comparison w i t h other
such sub-divisions" ( K r o e b e r : 1 9 5 1 ;
255).
A c c o r d i n g to the above definitions,
( a ) caste is endogamous, ( b ) castes
follow a certain profession, (c) caste
membership is hereditary, and ( d )
castes are arranged in a hierarchy.
Mobility Not Totally Restricted
It is a p o p u l a r belief that caste
is r i g i d and unchanging, and that
the caste system is completely de-
v o i d of social m o b i l i t y . Kecent re-
searches in this field have shown
that although social m o b i l i t y is res-
tricted and slower than it is in other
socially stratified societies, the H i n d u
caste system is not completely w i t h -
out m o b i l i t y . B o t h i n d i v i d u a l s and
groups can move although not very
frequently.
Instances of i n d i v i d u a l s r i s i n g
into higher castes either by their
own efforts or alongside others are
k n o w n and so are cases of f a l l i n g
into lower castes. " U n d e r H i n d u
rulers persons were sometimes pro-
moted by the Rajah f r o m one caste
to another. This power was exercis-
ed by the Rajah of Cochin, who
often raised men f r o m lower castes
to the rank of Nayars. A f o r m e r
Rajah of Talcher in O r r i s a compell.
ed his Chasa subjects to a d m i t cer-
tain goalas to t h e i r c o m m u n i t y "
( G h u r y e : 1932; 4 1 ) .
329
February 17, 1962
A n i m p o r t a n t a t t r i b u t e o f the
caste system is its hierarchy. Accord-
i n g to P r o f Srinivas the notions of
dharma and karma have greatly
strengthened the idea of hierarchy
w h i c h is so i m p o r t a n t in the caste
system. ( S r i n i v a s : 1953; 23) Dhar-
ma may be defined as p r o p r i e t y ,
socially approved conduct in rela-
t i o n to one's fellow being and to
wards life in general and the super-
natural powers. Kach caste has its
o w n specific dharma, rules of con-
duct to w h i c h each member of the
caste should conform. He must not
t r y to follow the rules a n d conduct
of the dharma of another caste. If
one follows his o w n dhat'ma he w i l l
bo b o r n i n t o a higher caste. T h e
fulfilment of one's caste dharma en-
ables a person to be r e b o r n i n t o a
higher caste in his next life until
he is born a B r a h m a n and then
unites w i t h the God. T h e chain of
r e b i r t h is called the karma.
A n d here lies an i m p o r t a n t p o i n t
of difference between H i n d u castes
and the M u s l i m social groups. T h e
concepts of dharma and karma are
not found among M u s l i m s . Since
every M u s l i m is b o r n equal in the
eyes of God. a M u s l i m can find no
refuge in religion to j u s t i f y the
practice of social inequality. It is
possible that the lack of the concept
of dharma makes M u s l i m social
groups slightly more fluid than the
H i n d u castes.
' Sanskritisation', Too
One of the effective means of
raising one's social status among
the Muslims is the i m i t a t i o n of
higher class practices. It works some,
what like " S a n s k r i t i s a t i o n " in the
sense P r o f Srinivas uses i t . ( S r i n i -
vas: 19531. But it must be accom-
panied by the economic betterment
erf the f a m i l y concerned. As soon
as a lower class M u s l i m makes
money, he puts his women in pur-
dah (a practice observed only by
the ashrafs), starts going to the
communal prayers in the mosque
and goes to Mecca f o r p i l g r i m a g e . A
H a j i (one w h o has visited Mecca)
is respected whatever caste he may
belong to. But an ashraf w i l l not
fiive a daughter in marriage to a
H a j i of lower caste, however res-
pectable he may have become.
Another characteristic of the
H i n d u caste system is the concept
of r i t u a l p u r i t y and i m p u r i t y of the
castes. These notions have both a
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330
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physical a n d a religious connots-
t i o n . Each caste has a certain qua-
l i t y o f r i t u a l p u r i t y but both i n d i v i -
duals and groups can lose this p u r i -
ty in a number' of ways. One of the
ways in w h i c h r i t u a l status can be
lowered is by eating food cooked
hy certain castes. A d i s t i n c t i o n is
made between food cooked w i t h
water called kachcha and food
cooked w i t h ghee (clarified b u t t e r )
called pakka.
D e a t h is p o l l u t i n g . Thus occupa-
tions associated w i t h death are also
p o l l u t i n g , and physical contact w i t h
one belonging to such an occupation
can pollute the i n d i v i d u a l . H u m a n
emissions are p o l l u t i n g and profes-
sions associated w i t h them are s i m i -
l a r l y p o l l u t i n g . T h u s a bhangi
(sweeper) is i m p u r e because he
deals w i t h h u m a n refuse. A dhobi
(washerman) is i m p u r e since he
washes clothes stained w i t h blood.
Caste Taboos
A m o n g the M u s l i m s there is no
permanent o r g r o u p p o l l u t i o n . B u t
i n d i v i d u a l p o l l u t i o n is observed.
One becomes i m p u r e in certain phy-
sical conditions, a n d by touching
certain objects, but p o l l u t i o n cannot
be transferred f r o m one person to
another. W o m e n are polluted d u r i n g
t h e i r m o n t h l y periods and for 4 0
days after c h i l d - b i r t h . T h e place
the c h i l d is b o r n in is also polluted
f o r 40 days. B o t h men and women
are polluted when they have been
w i t h each other. T o get r i d o f the
p o l l u t i o n one has to 'take bath. W h i l e
in the state of p o l l u t i o n one must
n o t touch a n y t h i n g sacred. One must
not offer prayers or read the Q u r a n .
One must not enter the mosque or
any shrine, one must not eat any
f o o d w h i c h has been to the mosque
or a shrine or on w h i c h fateha
(verses of Q u r a n ) have been recit-
ed. (Beven-Jones: 1 9 4 1 ) .
C e r t a i n animals are also p o l l u t i n g .
A d o g can pollute an i n d i v i d u a l . If
a dog touches any vessel that vessel
is polluted, a n d must be washed
t h o r o u g h l y seven times before it is
considered f i t f o r use. I f a n a n i -
mal falls into the w e l l or pot of
water or food, it becomes p o l l u t e d .
Caste status among the H i n d u s is
expressed t h r o u g h regulations on
e a t i n g and d r i n k i n g . I n n o r t h e r n
I n d i a Brahmans and Rajputs do not
fake pakka food f r o m those below
the Jate and the Gujars. T h e y in
t u r n d o n o t take f o o d f r o m the
menial castes, the Brahmans refuse
kaehcha f o o d f r o m the Rajputs,
thus demonstrating t h e i r s u p e r i o r i t y
over a l l
M a y e r has made a detailed study
of the hierarchical aspect of caste
i n R a m k h e r i village o f M a l w a . Here
the K h a t i s do not take kachcha 'from
the Bhilalas, and the Bhilalas do not
eat f r o m the Khatis. B u t many
castes take pakka food f r o m the
K h a t i s and d r i n k f r o m their water
pots, but do not do so f r o m the
Bhilalas. Bhilalas claim to be equal
to K h a t i s and so Tefuse kachcha
food f r o m them. ( M a y e r : 1 9 5 6 ) . I n
Bisipara v i l l a g e o f O r r i s a studied
by Bailey a r i s i n g caste of distillers
refuses to take food f r o m the h i g h -
er w a r r i o r caste of the village.
(Bailey: 1957).
A m o n g the ashraf M u s l i m s ideally
speaking there are no restrictions on
t a k i n g food f r o m each other al-
though social m o b i l i t y is so restrict-
ed between Sheikhs and Sayyads on
the one hand and the Mughals and
Pathans on the other that h a r d l y
any c o m m u n a l eating and d r i n k i n g
takes place between them. The ash-
raf and non-ashraf castes do not cat
or d r i n k together at a l l . There are
no r i t u a l sanctions against it but
the social distance is so great that
it does not happen. The non-ashraf
serving castes, while eating d u r i n g
their hours of service at the ashraf
house, have to eat in a separate
place not seen by their ashraf mas-
ters. W i t h i n the non-ashraf castes
themsalvos. rules operate a p p r o x i -
m a t i n g to those f o l l o w e d by their
H i n d u counterparts.
The f o l l o w i n g i n c i d e n t took place
in a village in L u c k n o w d i s t r i c t . A
manihar ( B a n g l e seller) woman
came back to the village after a long
absence. W h i l e away her husband
had established a flourishing busi-
ness. On her r e t u r n to the village,
d i e went to an ashraf wedding and,
avoiding the host's attention, sat on
a table where ashraf ladies were sit-
t i n g to have their meal. Being
dressed in expensive clothes she was
first not recognised as a manihar
woman. B u t i n the m i d d l e o f the
meal one of the ashraf ladies recog-
nised her and a l l the ashraf ladies
at once stood up and refused to sit
at the same table w i t h the manihar
woman. It caused a l o t of embar-
rassment, but the manihar lady had
331
February 17, 1962
to sit a n d eat on the floor. There
is another example of a dhoban
(washer-woman) m a r r i e d as second
wife to an ashraf l a n d l o r d . She was
a M u s l i m , b u t her o r i g i n as a dho-
ban was never forgotten. Being a
m i l d and well manneed lady she
was after some years admitted to the
ashraf g a t h e r i n g b u t o n l y as an
observer. She was never allowed to
take p a r t in any r i t u a l s and always
had to retire before meal time.
Social Elevation by Matrimony
A m o n g the Muslims marriage
outside one's social g r o u p is restrict-
ed, in the same way as eating and
drinking. To get an ashraf w i f e is
one of the ways of raising one's so-
cial status, A very recent example
comes to my m i n d . In a village in
eastern U t t a r Pradesh, w h i c h was
inhabited mostly by M u s l i m land-
lords, a new f a m i l y came to settle
down. They were soon k n o w n to
have been julahas (weaver) in an-
other village. They b u i l t a b i g house
and had a b i g business in b r i c k
m a n u f a c t u r i n g . T h e i r sons were sent
to t o w n f o r education and women
were p u t in strict purdah. T h e i r
ciders used to go to the village mos-
que. for their prayers. ( M a n y peo-
ple are casual about a t t e n d i n g the
mosque. The p o i n t here is that the
julahas made it a p o i n t of attending
mosque so that they could take
advantage of the convention of fra-
t e r n i t y and equality w h i c h has to be
observed by all those present, what-
ever their status).
For quite a while they were iso-
lated. Ashraf families d i d not want
to meet them on account of their
being julaha o r i g i n and they them-
selves d i d not like to establish any
relations w i t h the village julahas as
they were anxious to get accepted
into the ashraf society on account
of their wealth. A n d they railed
themselves Sheikh, The stories of
their wealth were around the village
and a couple of liberal ashrafs ac-
cepted their constant invitations.
A f t e r g e t t i n g a l i t t l e encouragement
they took a very d a r i n g step, and
sent a proposal for their son's mar-
riage to an ashruf g i r l . This caused
great resentment among the ashraf
families. A f t e r l o n g arguments and
m u c h persuasion the girl's parents
showed some willingness as the boy
h i m s e l f was well educated and pro-
m i s i n g . The negotiations went on
f o r a year and in the end the match
February 17, 1962 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

332
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
was settled. T h e w e d d i n g took place
w i t h such p o m p and show as the
village h a d not seen f o r years. The
wedding was performed in accor-
dance w i t h ashraf r i t u a l s and i n v i t a -
tions and sweetmeats f r o m the boy's
side, sent to all those who belonged
to that village, no matter where in
I n d i a they lived. The purpose was to
announce the fact that they had
m a r r i e d an ashraf g i r l . The ashrajs
were very annoyed and the social
pressure put upon the new pair was
so great that they decided to live
i n t o w n permanently. But within
a generation or two. these facts will
be forgotten and they w i l l become
genuine Sheikhs.
Differences—Only of Degree
I have t r i e d to show f r o m this
discussion that groups among ashraf
M u s l i m s resemble H i n d u castes in
many respects, M u s l i m ashraf so-
ciety is socially s t r a t i f i e d ; it includes
e'ndogamous groups, m o b i l i t y be-
tween w h i c h is restricted; p r o h i b i -
t i o n on eating and d r i n k i n g is ap-
p l i e d ; and these groups are organised
on a hierarchical scale. The main
difference between the H i n d u castes
and these M u s l i m 'castes' is that
M u s l i m castes have no r i t u a l signifi-
cance. It is precisely this notion of
r i t u a l p u r i t y and i m p u r i t y , and the
doctrine of karma and dharma which
differentiates H i n d u castes f r o m the
M u s l i m social groups. Hut in terms
of stratification and social mobility
the difference is one of degree and
not of k i n d .
The M u s l i m castes of Indian
o r i g i n ( t h e n o n - a s h r a f ) approximate
even more closely to their H i n d u
counterparts than the ashraf Alter
conversion to Islam these castes only
accepted a different f a i t h but their
mode of l i v i n g d i d not change much.
The m a j o r i t y of them being ignor-
ant and illiterate d i d not realise the
significance of islam and to them
change of religion meant substitut-
i n g allah for paramatma and cele-
b r a t i n g a few M u s l i m festivals to-
gether w i t h some Hindu ones.
Ibbelson tells Us about M u s l i m con-
verts in Punjab, w h i c h is also true
of U t t a r Pradesh. He says " A s a
fact in east Punjab conversion bad
absolutely no effect on the caste of
the convert. The M o h a m m a d a n Raj-
put, G u j a r or Jat is for all social,
p o l i t i c a l , t r i b a l and administrative
purposes exactly as much a Rajput.
Gujar or Jat as his H i n d u brother.
H i s social customs are unaltered, his
rules of marriage and inheritance
are unchanged, and almost the only
difference is that he ( M u s l i m ) shaves
his scalp lock and the upper part of
his moustache repeats tile Moham-
madan creed in the mosque and adds
Mussalman to the H i n d u wedding
ceremonies." (Ibbetson: 1916; 14).
Politico-Economic Hierarchy
In the H i n d u caste system there
are two types of hierarchy, one r i t u a l
(discussed above) and the other
politico-economic expressed in the
notion of 'dominant caste'. Accord-
ing to Prof Srinivas. "A caste may
be said to be dominant when it pre-
dominates numerically over the other
castes and when it also wields pre-
ponderant economic and political
power." I. Srinivas: 1 9 5 7 ) .
A dominant, caste at a village level
may or may not be Brahman. The
facts demonstrate the i m p o r t a n t po-
sition of caste who have p o l i t i c a l
and economic power in their hands.
In Kishan G a r h i . a village in Uttar
Pradesh studied by Mekim M a r r i o t t ;
Brahmans and Jats owned all the
land. .Now Brahmans are becoming
wealthy and challenging the p o l i t i c a l
power of the Jats, In another village
of Ram k h e r a . in Uttar Pradesh Jats
held nearly all the land in the villa-
ges and held the political power. In
another village of M o d h o p u r in L'ttar
Pradesh the Jats held 70 per cent of
the village land and controlled both
village and district panchayats. The
situation i ^ very similar i n other
regions. In the Orrisa village of
Bisipara the w a r r i o r caste and Boad
distillers hold most of the land. The
warrior caste has been holding the
political power in the village but is
now a c q u i r i n g new wealth, ( B a i l e y :
1957)
In these villages the dominant
caste dispenses justice and acts as
the final court of justice both in
inter-caste and intra-caste disputes,
which were often not settled in the
caste panchayat. They have more
or less complete control of the eco-
nomic destinies of the village, be-
cause they hold most of the land.
By the fact that the dominant caste
holds most of the land it also con-
trols the food supply of the village
and thus receives the services of the
menial castes of the village.
Feudal Structure Allowed to Persist
This feudal structure of I n d i a n
society has persisted over many years
and was not interfered w i t h by the
333
February 17, 1962
M u s l i m rulers of I n d i a . T h e y re-
placed some of the d o m i n a n t castes
by M u s l i m nobles by a w a r d i n g
them Taluqas (fiefs') and laud. As
a result of this, the status relation-
ship of different castes at the village
level remained the same both for the
Hindus and the Muslims. Dr Hardy
sums it up most accurately, " b o t h
( T u r k s and Mughals) substituted
one group of revenue collectors and
m i l i t a r y chiefs for another, changing
the men at the top of the social
pyramid without dislodging the
pyramid i t s e l f . (Hardy: 1958)
Blunt d i v i d e d the M u s l i m occu-
pational castes (these castes include
menial and artisan castes) of U P
into three broad categories: firstly,
those which are entirely M u s l i m s ;
secondly, those which are predomi-
nantly M u s l i m and t h i r d l y , those
which are predominantly H i n d u w i t h
onlv a few M u s l i m branches.
Under the first category ( w h o l l y
M u s l i m ) Blunt includes these castes;
Atashbaz. Baidgar. Bhand, Bhati-
yata. Bhishti. Biloch. Bisati. D a f a l i .
Dogar. Caddi Gandhi. Gara Ghoga.
Ghosi. H u r k i y a I r a q i . Jhojha Jula-
ha. K a n m a i , khnazada khumara,
k i n g a r i v a , Lalkhana. M i r a s i , Nau-
M u s l i m . N i y a r i y a . Pankhiya Qlan-
dar. Qassab. Kanghar and T u r k .
In the second category (predo-
minantly M u s l i m ) B l u n t includes.
Churihar. Darzi Dhuniya kunjra,
Manihar. Men or M e w a t i . Kangrcz,
SaigaIgar and Tawaif.
The t h i r d category (predominantly
H i n d u ) includes. A h i r . Baghban
B a h i l i y a . Baujara. Barhai. D h o h i .
Horn. Goriya Gujar. H a l w a i . Jat,
k a h a r . k u m h a r . Lobar. M a l i , M a i -
lah. M o c h i , Nai Nat. Rajput. Sonar,
and T e l i .
Neither Blunt nor the Census Re-
ports give any details about the
customs and status of these M u s l i m
castes. C r o o k e d account of 'Caste
and Tribes in N o r t h Western Pro-
vinees of A g r a and O u d h ' is more
comprehensive but his i n f o r m a t i o n
does not always agree w i t h that of
Blunt. Some of the castes listed by
Crooke are missing in Rlunfs
account, and others listed by Blunt
arc missing in Crooke's account.
Blunt has deliberately omitted
a number of castes like. H i j r a .
k u n e r a , Lakhera. k a b a r i y a Nal-
band. N a n b a i . Qalaigar. Rangsaz,
and Habshi on account of their be-
i n g purely occupational.
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
There is some discrepancy in
B l u n t ' s accounts. On the one hand
he discards a few M u s l i m castes
listed above, because they are occu-
pational and on the other hand he
includes a few castes w h i c h are
p u r e l y occupational. He does not
seem to f o l l o w any u n i f o r m c r i t e r i o n
for determining 'purely occupa-
tional" castes.
No Regular Pattern of Assimilation
B l u n t has p u t the M u s l i m castes
in three categories. A n d this imme-
diately suggests the f o l l o w i n g ques-
t i o n . Do the castes in these cate-
gories differ in their use of H i n d u
or M u s l i m customs? A r e those
M u s l i m castes w h i c h are composed
of entirely M u s l i m branches nearer
to the Quranic pattern or even
nearer to the pattern set by the
ashraf M u s l i m s ? Do those castes
w h i c h have p r e d o m i n a n t l y H i n d u
branches have more Hindu customs
than M u s l i m ?
For this purpose I shall take one
or two castes f r o m each category and
compare their religious beliefs and
marriage customs. Of the castes
w h i c h arc entirely M u s l i m I take the
I r a q i first. Crooke says t h a t the
Iraqis are a caste of M o h a m m a d a n
K a l w a r s and profess to take their
name f r o m the country of I r a q . They
sometimes call themselves R a n k i . It
is p o p u l a r l y said that they have no-
t h i n g to do w i t h I r a q and that they
are called I r a q i because they deal
w i t h araq (sprituous l i q u o r ) and
I r a q i is said to be really the cor-
ruption of araqi. T h e M i r z a p u r
Iraqis have a panehayat, but other
Iraqis do not have a panehayat.
They are d i v i d e d irtto sections but
these sections do not regulate the
choice of a spouse. W i d o w marriage
is avowed only w i t h the permission
of the council. Levi rate is permit-
ted b u t restricted. O n l y the young-
er brother of the late husband may
m a r r y his w i d o w . A daughter never
inherits f r o m her father unless he
has made a provision in his life-time,
T h e i r marriage rituals resemble
those of H i n d u s , They p e r f o r m o
ceremony called matmangar which
is also p e r f o r m e d by the low caste
H i n d u s . Blunt says that I r a q i s fol-
low the rules of hypergamy and for-
b i d cousin marriage. I t i s not k n o w n
that the caste status of the I r a q i s is,
and, i f they follow hypergamy, t o
w h i c h caste they give their women.
They profess to be Sunni M u s l i m s .
They do not i n t e r - m a r r y w i t h the
Shias. Iraqis worship the Goddess
Bhawani, a H i n d u d e i t y and offer
blood sacrifice a at the graves of their
saints, a practice quite contrary to
Quranic ideals.
The Caste of Bhishtis is composed
entirely of Muslims. They follow a
m i x t u r e of H i n d u and M u s l i m cus*
toms. The Bhishtis are a purely
occupational caste of water carriers,
and include members of other caste
sub-divisions. They have a large
number of exogamous groups. They
have a t r i b a l council. They do not
take food f r o m the menial castes.
They allowr w i d o w marriage and
divorce only w i t h Council's permis-
sion. They worship their mashak
(leather water bap) in which they
carry water f r o m house to house and
b u r n incense in front of it on F r i -
days.
Similur Marriage Rituals
Dhuniyas arc a caste who have
predominantly Muslim branches.
Dhuniyas are the caste of cotton
carders. The H i n d u dhuniyas claim
to have Rajput o r i g i n . B u t M u s l i m
dhuniyas take their names f r o m a
saint named K h w a j a Matisur, who
is believed to have bought the dhuni-
yas w i t h h i m f r o m Constantinople.
"They collect sacred earth at wed-
dings and carry out whole niprht
watch and there is a distinct sur-
vival of marriage by capture, in the
observance by w h i c h the bride, when
bridegroom arrives at the house for
the marriage, is furnished w i t h a
small stick w i t h w h i c h she gives h i m
two or three slght blows on his head
as he enters the doors" (Crooke :
1886: 297) This recalls an ashraf
custom. A m o n g them this r i t u a l of
h i t t i n g the bridegroom is performed
w i t h a slight difference that it is not
the bride herself but her voimeer
sister who makes the 'attack'. (Whe-
ther this custom is a survival of
marriage by capture, as Crooke says,
is. of course, debatable.)
I now come to the last category
of M u s l i m castes which have larger
H i n d u sections and small number of
M u s l i m sections. Gujars are one
example. T h e y are a caste of cow-
herds. B l u n t reports that Gujars
"were apparently converts to Islam
at various times." Some of them
s t i l l m a i n t a i n t h e i r H i n d u sections
335
February 17, 1962
and regulate their marriages by them
as their H i n d u brethren do. Three
hundred and eighty gotras of the
M u s l i m branch of Gujars are report-
ed by the Census of 1891. M u s l i m
Gujars are mostly Sunnis and do
not i n t e r - m a r r y w i t h the Shias.
Betrothal ia celebrated on a lucky
day fixed by a Brahman and fathers
of the betrothed exchange cups of
spirits. W h e n the wedding proces-
sion arrives at the bride's house a
H i n d u r i t e duar ka char is perform-
ed and then the mehr is fixed and the
Qazi ( p r i e s t ) performs the nikah.
W h e n the b r i d e arrives at the house
of her husband her mother-in-law
performs a H i n d u ceremony of para-
clian. She waves a hand over her
head to scare the evil spirits, and
then takes her i n t o the household
chapel (deoghar) where she worships
the guardian deities of the f a m i l y .
It appears f o r m the above account
that all castes, whether entirely Mus-
l i m , predominantly M u s l i m or pre-
d o m i n a n t l y H i n d u share more or less
the same m i x t u r e of H i n d u and
M u s l i m caste usages and beliefs. At
least there does n o t emerge any re-
gular pattern of assimilating H i n d u
and Islamic cultures. Conversion to
Islam d i d not change either the
basic structure of the caste society
or the internal organisation of the
castes themselves. Even those castes
w h i c h arc p r e d o m i n a n t l y or entirely
M u s l i m have incorporated H i n d u
customs and usages and as such have
become an integral part of the
I n d i a n society.
References
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Bevan-Jones, V R & L 1914 'Woman
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Blum. E A H 1931 'The Caste Sys-
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Crooke. W (Ed) 1921 .'Islam in
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Crooke, W 1886 'Tribes and Castes
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