THE BULLETIN OF

THE AUSTRALIAN CENTRE

FOR EGYPTOLOGY

VOLUME 23 ▪ 2012
 Editor Dr Susanne Binder

Editorial Board Professor Heike Behlmer, Göttingen

Assoc. Professor Colin A. Hope
Professor Naguib Kanawati
Professor E. Christiana Köhler, Vienna
Dr Ann McFarlane
Assoc. Professor Boyo Ockinga
Dr Yann Tristant

The articles in this journal are peer reviewed.

All rights reserved

ISSN: 1035-7254

Copyright 2012
The Australian Centre for Egyptology
(A Division of the Macquarie University Ancient Cultures Research Centre)
Macquarie University, Sydney NSW 2109, Australia

Printed by
Ligare Book Printers, 138 Bonds Road, Riverwood NSW 2210, Australia
www.ligare.com.au
 CONTENTS
BACE 23 (2012)

Editorial Foreword 5

Biˀr Biḫīt: Preliminary Report Victor Ghica

on the 2012 Field Season Yann Tristant 7

The Eighteenth Dynasty Banquet:

a Portal to the Gods Mary Hartley 25

Hathor in 'Spheres of Belonging':

The Goddess in Non-royal Tombs of
New Kingdom Thebes Alice McClymont 45

Reconsidering the Term 'Eldest Son /

Eldest Daughter' and Inheritance
in the Old Kingdom Kim McCorquodale 71

A Ramesside Funerary Stela in the Anne Morrison

South Australian Museum Michael O'Donoghue 89

The Decipherment of Hieroglyphs

and Richard Lepsius Wolfgang Schenkel 105

3
 EDITORIAL FOREWORD

The field season of 2011/12 saw three teams from Macquarie University return
to the various projects: Naguib Kanawati continued the epigraphic recording of
the tombs in Meir, Boyo Ockinga and the Macquarie Theban Tombs Project
conducted a study season in TT 233, and Yann Tristant and Victor Ghica
continued their survey-work in the Wadi Araba under the auspices of the French
Institute (IFAO). A preliminary report on aspects of the latter work is included in
this Bulletin. Further, Naguib Kanawati and his team conducted a mid-year
season in June/July 2012 recording the wall-scenes in the tomb of Khnumhotep II
at Beni Hassan. In the same period, Yann Tristant conducted excavations at
Early Dynastic Cemetery M at Abu Rawash on behalf of the IFAO. To the
team's surprise, they uncovered the oldest boat known from ancient Egypt,
dating to the reign of King Den (c. 2950 BCE). This sensational find means that
further seasons are now in the planning stages.

In August, we welcomed Ian Shaw (University of Liverpool) and Cornelius von

Pilgrim (Director of the Swiss Institute for Architectural and Archaeological
Research in Egypt / Schweizerisches Institut für Ägyptische Bauforschung und
Altertumskunde) as the Janet Gale Visiting Scholars for 2012. They had a tight
schedule of lectures in Perth, Adelaide, Melbourne (Monash University) and at
Macquarie University. The theme for our symposium, "The Town in Ancient
Egypt: Insights from recent Settlement Archaeology", drew a large audience,
enthused by the presentations and discussions on "Digging the desert margins:
quarrying and mining settlements in the Old and Middle Kingdoms" and "Lifting
the veil: new work at the Gurob harem palace in the Fayum, Egypt" by Ian Shaw,
and "Change and continuity in the town of Elephantine" and "What lies beneath:
salvage excavations of the Swiss-Egyptian Mission in the town of Aswan" by
Cornelius von Pilgrim. Mrs Janet Gale's continuing generous support for the
Australian Centre for Egyptology and this annual event is gratefully appreciated.
We congratulate Ronika Power on the completion of her doctoral thesis and her
new position at The Leverhulme Centre for Human Evolutionary Studies
Biological Anthropology Division in the Department of Archaeology and
Anthropology at the University of Cambridge.
Egyptologists and Copticists from Macquarie University presented papers at
various conferences in 2012: Linda Evans at the annual meeting of the American
Research Centre in Providence (R.I.) in April, Boyo Ockinga and Susanne
Binder in Brisbane at the Ancient History Study Day at the University of
Queensland, Yann Tristant at Paris (Société française d'égyptologie) and the
universities of Strasbourg and Sydney; Malcolm Choat, Victor Ghica and

5
 BACE 23 (2012)

Jennifer Cromwell as well as several postgraduate students (Richard Burchfield,

Korshi Dosoo, Antonia St Damiana, Matthew Underwood) presented at the
International Association of Coptic Studies 10th Congress in Rome in September.
In September this year, we continued the tradition begun in 2011 to foster
students in the early stages of independent research at the Egyptology Forum No.
2, which saw very promising work by six students, some currently in the final
year of their BA Honours others after the completion of their MA or in the early
stages of their PhD projects (Bonnie Clark, John Burn, Emma Magro, Brenan
Dew, Ellen Ryan, Robert Persson). On this occasion, Kees van der Spek
(Canberra) joined us with a keynote address on "Fieldwork in the territory of
others: Social Anthropology in the Theban Necropolis".
The Centre for Archaeology and Ancient History at Monash University did not
undertake fieldwork in Dakhleh during the 2011/12 season as a result of the
political situation in Egypt. At the 7th International Conference of the Dakhla
Oasis Project in Leiden in June, however, papers were presented by Colin Hope,
Gillian Bowen, Amy Pettman, James Gill and Paul Kucera, as well as by Victor
Ghica (Macquarie University). Changes to staffing can be reported on: the
Centre bid farewell to Elizabeth Bloxam who had been lecturer in Egyptian
Archaeology for 18 months, and welcomed Eva Anagnostou-Laoutides convener
of Classics at Monash, who transferred from another part of the university.
In the course of the year, lectures where presented to the Egyptology Society of
Victoria by Elizabeth Bloxam on her work in the Wadi Hammamat, Emmeline
Healey on Akhenaten's army, and the afternoon of talks with Cornelius van
Pilgrim and Ian Shaw, who also delivered a seminar for postgraduate students.
Colin Hope delivered talks in connection with various exhibitions: at the
Melbourne Museum for "The Wonders of Ancient Mesopotamia" touring from
the British Museum (May – October 2012) as well as to the local Iraqi
community; at the Queensland Museum in Brisbane, he spoke in conjunction
with "Mummy: Secrets of the Tomb" (April – October 2012), another exhibition
from the British Museum. He is currently also working with the museum on
fragments newly-identified as part of a mid-Eighteenth Dynasty Book of the
Dead, major other pieces of which are housed in the British Museum,
Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York and the Boston Museum of Fine
Arts. The Queensland Museum fragments were identified by John Taylor
(British Museum) during his work with the museum on the current exhibition.
BACE could not be produced without the assistance of numerous people, and I
would like to thank the reviewers, as well as Leonie Donovan, Joyce Swinton,
and Mary Hartley for their tireless support which makes the timely publication of
BACE possible.
Susanne Binder Macquarie University, November 2012

6
 HATHOR IN 'SPHERES OF BELONGING':
THE GODDESS IN NON-ROYAL TOMBS OF NEW
KINGDOM THEBES
Alice McClymont
Macquarie University

The study of ancient Egyptian mortuary beliefs, and indeed, ancient Egyptian
religion in general, is often problematised by the apparent multiplicity of its
elements – the gods, their roles and their significance for the individual. The
following paper is an attempt to provide some clarity on the part of one of
these elements, the goddess Hathor, within a particular area of ancient
Egyptian religion, namely private mortuary belief, through a theological
interpretation of the evidence, in the form of decoration and inscriptions from
New Kingdom tombs at Thebes.
I proceed under the conception of the afterlife as a community of gods with
which the individual was integrated upon death. This is the interpretation
established by Jan Assmann, who sees the divine realm as one constructed by
"constellations" of interactive deities.1 My approach is as thus: to identify the
varying ways in which a single deity, in this case Hathor, can be depicted and
designated (her "divine presence"),2 as a result of her association with a network
of deities and practices (her "sphere of belonging").3 In this way, I hope to not
only contribute to the understanding of Hathor's role as a mortuary goddess, but,
more specifically, of her relationships with other deities of this realm, and of the
significance that this has for the mortuary experience of the tomb owner.

Corpus and Methodology

The data analysed is restricted to Hathor's occurrence in anthropomorphic
form: the intention was to focus on this goddess in her capacity as a person,
albeit a divine one. Assuredly, the reason behind capturing the identity of a
deity in image is not for mere aesthetic reasons. By representing a divine
character in human form, they are accorded with a personality, and can then be,
as Assmann argues, accepted into a constellative sphere of belonging.4 Within
private tomb decoration, the portrayal of Hathor in this way incorporates her
into three specific spheres of divine interaction, which I have termed: the
sphere of the 'Underworld' in association with necropolis deities and funerary
practices; the sphere of the 'Interworld' in association with the king, both living
and deified; and the sphere of the 'Overworld' in association with cosmic and

45
 BACE 23 (2012)

solar deities and the solar cycle. These spheres are examined in turn, in order to
deconstruct Hathor's role as a mortuary deity and her interactions with other
gods who share this designation within the context of the private Theban tombs
of the New Kingdom.

Assmann distinguishes three dimensions in which a god can be encountered:

the cultic (the accepted forms in which a deity is worshipped), the
verbal/mythic (the types of texts in which a god can feature and the ways in
which they can be referred to), and the cosmic (the actions which a god
undertakes as a member of a constellation).5 In the context of the Theban
necropolis, there are a total of 73 instances from 56 tombs, in which the
anthropomorphic Hathor can be encountered in the company of Underworld
deities, solar deities or a sovereign, or in the act of a specific constellative role
related to these spheres (see Table 1). This pictorial information can be
supplemented by textual data in the form of titles and epithets of the goddess.
Hence, it is through the analysis of both image and text, the cultic and verbal
modes of Hathor's appearance, that her cosmic dimension will be defined.

Of course, not every instance of Hathor has been published and not every
published scene is accessible, nor can her identity always be confirmed. Thus,
the parameters of this study have not been limited further by dynasty or
location, but instead desire to reveal the diachronic presence of the goddess
across the Theban necropolis throughout the New Kingdom period.

A) Hathor in the Underworld

We begin on the lowest tier of the ancient Egyptian conception of the universe: the
Underworld. This sphere is represented in those scenes and texts which describe
the deceased's journey in the afterlife and the gods which facilitate this transition.
Hathor's appearance within this Underworld sphere comprises her most
common portrayal in private Theban tomb decoration, with a total of 51
different instances from the decoration of 40 tombs. 36 of these portray the
goddess with Osiris, 11 with the god Anubis and five with the Goddess of the
West. Six further scenes have been identified in which Hathor herself takes 
on the role of the Goddess of the West within the funeral procession. When
appearing with a god, Hathor is usually involved in an offering scene in
which she assumes a subordinate role, and she is frequently shown wearing
the crown of the West.
Where preserved, the titles given to Hathor in these scenes are not restricted to
identifying her as an Underworld deity, but instead can be categorised into
three different areas of significance which reflect the totality of spheres in
which Hathor is involved:
46
 MCCLYMONT, HATHOR IN 'SPHERES OF BELONGING'

 Titles referring to Hathor's relationship with the necropolis: e.g. variants

of Hr.yt-tp smy.t "chieftainess of the desert necropolis"; variants of Hnw.t
imnt.t "mistress of the west"; and variants of Hnw.t tA Dsr "mistress of the
sacred land"
 Titles associating her with the sky and solar cycle: e.g. nb.t p.t "lady of the
sky"
 Titles suggesting her dominion over both the physical and divine worlds:
e.g. Hnw.t tA.wy "mistress of the Two Lands" and Hnw.t nTr.w "mistress of
the gods".

Analysis
(1) Hathor and Osiris
Hathor's association with Osiris is both the oldest and most prominent
partnership in the Theban tombs.6 TT 217 [49]7 (Figure 1) displays a typical
offering scene, in which the goddess is shown behind Osiris, her hands upon
his shoulders in a gesture of support.8 N. de Garis Davies wrote, rather
romantically, of this scene: "As in his mortal existence (Osiris) owes his
happiness to woman's devotion, for Hathor watches over and supports him…".9
Indeed, their positioning in these scenes mirrors those which portray the tomb
owner and his wife before their own offering table, and this parallel is repeated
in private tomb statuary also.10
In this context, Hathor is essentially fulfilling the role of Isis, the traditional
consort of Osiris and mother of Horus. This latter status is already present in
the very name of the goddess, @w.t-@r.w "the house (or domain) of Horus", yet
it is made more explicit within mortuary texts from the Old Kingdom
onwards.11 As the mother of Horus (originally identified with the deceased
king, and then the individual),12 Hathor's maternal aspect gives the deceased
sustenance and protection throughout his afterlife journey in the Underworld.13
Rather than competing with Isis for this role, however, this apparent
multiplicity can be explained by the notion of "complementarity", whereby
variations within Egyptian religious belief are not mutually exclusive, but
contributory.14 Consequently, those scenes in which Hathor and Isis appear
together [38, 54] may be seen as attempts to further increase the mortuary
security of the deceased through a dual representation of maternal protection.

(2) Hathor and Anubis

The development of the textual tradition which establishes Hathor's
relationship to Osiris is complemented by the evolution of her cultic ties to the
Theban necropolis. References to the goddess are encountered in the area from
at least as early as the Old Kingdom onwards,15 and span the entire region of 
47
 BACE 23 (2012)

Figure 1. Hathor with Osiris: TT 217 [49] after N. de Garis Davies,

Two Ramesside Tombs at Thebes, pl. 24.

Figure 2. Tomb owner and son received by Hathor and Goddess of the West:
TT 233 [51] courtesy of Boyo Ockinga (Macquarie Theban Tombs Project).

48
 MCCLYMONT, HATHOR IN 'SPHERES OF BELONGING'

western Thebes, from Thoth Hill in the north to Deir el-Medina and the Valley
of the Queens in the south.16 Her place in the popular religion of the inhabitants
of western Thebes was perhaps stimulated by the royal preoccupation with the
goddess, her cult being incorporated into the mortuary temples of Mentuhotep
II,17 Hatshepsut18 and Thutmose III19 at Deir el-Bahari. At the temple of
Hatshepsut, Hathor shares this cultic space with the god Anubis.20 This pairing
appears to have been transferred to the private realm in the later Eighteenth
Dynasty with their emblematic depiction together in the decorative friezes in
many tombs,21 followed by their portrayal in offering scenes (at least as early
as the reign of Amenhotep II, e.g. TT 162 [18]).
In addition to these occurrences, the pair maintains a more interactive
relationship with the deceased through those scenes which show Hathor and
Anubis together, receiving and guiding the tomb owner upon his entrance to
the afterlife.22 This function of the gods can also be recognised, as Assmann
argues, in tomb inscriptions, such as a formulaic text from TT 41:
An offering which the king gives to Amun-Re, lord of the thrones of
the two lands, foremost of Ipet-sut; Atum-Horakhty; Osiris,
foremost of the Westerners; Isis the Great, mother of the god;
Hathor, chieftainess of the desert necropolis and Anubis, lord of
the sacred land….23
By grouping the deities in this text into pairs, Assmann similarly identified
three spheres of mortuary experience: the Oberwelt gods Amun-Re and Atum-
Horakhty, Osiris and Isis of the cosmic Unterwelt, and Anubis and Hathor,
cultic deities of the Nekropole.24 Note that Assmann distinguishes here
between the 'necropolis' and the Underworld. In the current study, these two
spheres have been merged, as Hathor's relationship to the necropolis and to
Anubis can be seen to contribute to her role of assisting the deceased in the
Underworld. Depicting or referring to the constellation of Hathor and Anubis
within the tomb thus enhances its "interface" function, as a place which enables
the transfiguration and transition of the deceased from one world to the next.25

(3) Hathor and the Goddess of the West

This interpretation also functions for the relationship between Hathor and the
Goddess of the West, a relationship which exists in our corpus on two
simultaneous levels, namely cooperation and assimilation. In regards to the
former, in TT 233 [51], (Figure 2), for instance, the goddesses receive the tomb
owner together, with Hathor labelled nb.t imnt.t ("lady of the west") physically
embracing him, while the Goddess of the West performs the nini gesture,26
amplifying the deceased's welcome into the afterlife. Yet, in a greater number
of examples, Hathor herself takes on the persona of the Goddess of the West, in

49
 BACE 23 (2012)

Figure 3. Hathor offers a menat to Amenhotep III: TT 91 [12]

after A. Radwan, Die Darstellungen des regierenden Königs, pl. 19.

Figure 4. Amenhotep III, Hathor and Queen Tiye during sed-festival celebrations:
TT 192 [22] after Epigraphic Survey, The Tomb of Kheruef:
Theban Tomb 192 (Chicago, 1980) pl. 26.

50
 MCCLYMONT, HATHOR IN 'SPHERES OF BELONGING'

receiving the funeral procession or sporting the characteristic crown, and these
occurrences are almost always accompanied by titles specifically relating the
goddess to the burial place, such as Hr.yt-tp smy.t (imnt.yt) ("chieftainess of the
(western) desert necropolis") and nb.t imnt.t ("lady of the west"), which take
precedence over other titles such as nb.t p.t ("lady of the sky"). The invocation
of Hathor in this way should not suggest her as a replacement of the Goddess
of the West, but rather an integration of both their functions. Either as a pair or
combined entity, they provide greater effectualness for the needs of the
deceased.

Synthesis
It is a stipulation of Assmann's definition of a "sphere of belonging" that the
deities involved are interactive.27 Hathor's interactions with Osiris, Anubis and
the Goddess of the West, when viewed in sum, thus enable her two-fold role as
an Underworld goddess: firstly, to assist the tomb owner in his integration into
the necropolis, and subsequently, the realm of the Underworld; and secondly,
to provide protection for the deceased throughout his journey there. The former
is allowed by Hathor's pairing with Anubis and the Goddess of the West –
relationships which build upon her own independent association with the area
of western Thebes. The latter is a result of the goddess' maternal relationship to
Horus/the deceased, as made explicit through the corpus of mortuary texts, and
implicit through her common depiction with Osiris.

B) Hathor in the Interworld

As far as Hathor is associated with the categorically mortuary figures of Osiris,
Anubis and the Goddess of the West, her role within the private tomb is easily
identified. In this second sphere, however, we are examining the portrayal of
Hathor together with the figure of the king. At first glance, the appearance of
the king would seem curious, given the context of the private realm. It was
through exploring this issue that the definition of this sphere as an intermediary
one was developed. As a god on earth, the Egyptian king resides in a sphere
which intersects those of the living and the divine: an Interworld. By
portraying a relationship with the king, the tomb owner signifies to visitors his
elevation to this sphere, both during life and after death. In effect, the presence
of the king has a dual function for the tomb owner, holding both a social
significance, in regards to the worldly memorial of the deceased, and a
mortuary significance, for their other-worldly existence. The role Hathor plays
in this sphere will now be discussed.

51
 BACE 23 (2012)

There are 15 instances, from 12 tombs, which depict Hathor with either a living
or deceased ruler. In 10 scenes, the goddess is found with the contemporary king,
eight of which date to Eighteenth Dynasty prior to the Amarna period. In five
scenes, Hathor is accompanied by the deified ruler Amenhotep I and/or his
mother Ahmose Nefertari, four of which date to the post-Amarna period.
While just under half of these scenes present readable text, it can be noted that
Hathor's most common designation within this sphere appears to be Hr.yt-tp
WAs.t ("chieftainess of Thebes"), a title which does not so much signify her
association with the land of the dead, but rather with the land of the living.28

Analysis
(1) Hathor and Deified Rulers
The presence of Amenhotep I and Ahmose Nefertari is easily explained when
considering their mortuary cult status: this mother-and-son team acted as
posthumous protectors for the inhabitants of western Thebes, both the living
and the dead, and as such, are frequently invoked in private tombs.29 Yet, in the
scenes analysed in our context, Amenhotep I and Ahmose Nefertari are never
the primary objects of worship for the tomb owner; rather, they act in support
of deities such as Osiris, Anubis and Re-Horakhty.30 Furthermore, when their
occurrence is assessed chronologically (a limited presence before the Amarna
period, absence in the Amarna period, and re-emphasis in the post-Amarna
period),31 it would seem to mirror the general trend for the depiction of the
divine within private tombs.32 In our discussion, the couple should therefore be
considered on the same terms as other deities who feature in tomb decoration.
Their mortuary significance for the tomb owner stems from their ties to the
Theban necropolis, as exemplified in TT 219 [57], where they join Hathor and
Osiris before the Western mountain as nb.w nHH, "lords of eternity". As part of
this constellation, the figures of Amenhotep I and Ahmose Nefertari contribute
more to the sphere of the Underworld, than that of the Interworld.

(2) Hathor and Contemporary Rulers

The Interworld is instead exemplified by the depiction of contemporary kings:
those who reigned during the lifetime of the tomb owner. The relationship
between Hathor and the ruler is well established away from the mortuary
context: as mother of Horus, who is equated with the living king, Hathor is thus
also responsible for the nurturing and protection of the pharaoh. This is often
symbolised by Hathor's representations as a cow: either nourishing the king
with her life-giving milk,33 or shielding him between her forelegs.34
Within the context of the non-royal tomb, the maternal relationship between
the anthropomorphic Hathor and the living king is manifested through gestures
52
 MCCLYMONT, HATHOR IN 'SPHERES OF BELONGING'

that convey these activities. In two scenes from TT 91 [12 / 13] (Figure 3), we
find Hathor before the king, offering to him a menat. This item has been
understood to represent various qualities associated with motherhood, not only
the granting of sustenance and protection,35 but also of birth and by extension
rebirth.36 The latter notion is particularly important for the mortuary context
and for the regeneration of the deceased in the afterlife, and adds another
characteristic to the mother-goddess Hathor. This is demonstrated by one scene
from TT 192 [22] (Figure 4) which forms part of a sequence depicting
Amenhotep III's sed-festival, the celebration enacting the symbolic rebirth of
the king into his office.37 By involving Hathor in this ritual, E. F. Wente
argues, her progenitive ability as a mother-goddess actually enables the
renaissance of the king.38
While in the Underworld sphere, it was her association with other divinities
which enabled Hathor to interact with the deceased, whereas, here, in the
Interworld sphere it is the symbolic significance of the goddess which validates the
king's mortuary role for the private realm. By alluding to this ritual within the
decoration of his tomb, the deceased can share in the royal renewal of life – a
process which Wente terms a "democratisation of Hathoric jubilee symbolism".39

Synthesis
If we return to the idea of the two-fold function of the Interworld sphere, in
addition to ensuring the tomb owner's renewal in the afterlife, the portrayal of
the king also serves to promote his status to the living. Assmann argues that,
upon death, the tomb owner was not simply transferred into the afterlife sphere
of belonging, but maintained contact with the constellation of living society
through his burial place and thereby fulfilled the "memory" function of the
tomb.40 As such, the depiction of the deceased's interaction with the king can
be considered a proclamation of status to those visiting his tomb, and hence, it
often occurs in the area of the Blickpunktbild, i.e. those sections of the walls
which are most conspicuous and in full view when entering the tomb (e.g. [3 / 7
/ 8 / 12 / 13 / 16]).41 In regards to the sphere of the Underworld, the significance
of portraying the Underworld deities to effectively incorporate the individual into
this sphere upon death has been discussed above. Likewise, the portrayal of the
king in non-royal tombs not only reveals the tomb owner's situation in life, but
also his wishes for the afterlife: an eternity in the sphere of the king.42

We need to understand this idea by the concept of the "democratisation of the

afterlife", the process by which private persons gained access to royal mortuary
prerogatives. Through several developments, such as the "sacralisation" of the
private tomb43 and the diffusion of royal mortuary texts for private use,44 the
mortuary experience of the king, in joining the gods, has been absorbed into

53
 BACE 23 (2012)

the expectations of the individual. The king's journey to the afterlife is now that
of the individual, and Hathor becomes mother-goddess to all. Yet, unlike the
Underworld sphere, Hathor's relationship to the deceased in the Interworld
remains indirect, with the king serving as the intermediary between the
individual and the divine.

C) Hathor in the Overworld

We have so far witnessed two alternate mortuary opportunities for the
deceased: an afterlife with Osiris, or an eternity with the king. Now, we rise
once more to the sphere of the Overworld, in which death was conceived as a
cosmological process; the setting and rising of the sun symbolising the demise
and rebirth of the individual. Hathor's incorporation into this sphere is not only
based on her personal interaction with the sun-god, but also on her conceptual
association with the cosmos through various solar icons.
The Overworld sphere is represented in a total of 19 scenes from 18 tombs, 14 of
which portray Hathor in the company of the sun-god, in his various
manifestations. Most common is Re-Horakhty, followed by Amun-Re and Atum,
as well as the falcon-god Horus. The remaining five scenes depict Hathor in
association with icons such as the sun barque, the sun orb and the uraeus.
Hathor's most common titles in this sphere are those of nb.t p.t ("lady of the
sky") and Hnw.t tA.wy ("mistress of the two lands"), which are mostly combined
in the title string and demonstrate both the cosmic and earthly aspects of
Hathor. The former, nb.t p.t, appears to be the single most frequent title for the
goddess in private tomb decoration.

Analysis
(1) Hathor and the Sun-God
Through a quantitative comparison of the material from each sphere, it is
apparent that Hathor's association with the cosmic and solar realm is not her
most prominent sphere of belonging; however, it is certainly the most
pronounced in the textual tradition. Hathor is identified in the mortuary
literature from the Old Kingdom onwards as a companion of the sun-god, his
"Eye" and his daughter.45 This direct relationship between two divinities is
exemplified in our data by a number of offering scenes which follow the same
construction as those of the previous spheres, with Hathor in a supportive role
behind the sun-god [33 / 37 / 54 / 63 / 67 / 68 / 70]. In a scene from TT 194
[53] (Figure 5), however, we find Hathor before the sun-god Amun-Re, playing
the sistrum, a symbol of both pacification and procreation.46 This image is
parallel to those earlier scenes which depicted Hathor presenting the menat to the
king, and repeats the basic concept which we saw in the Interworld, namely,
54
 MCCLYMONT, HATHOR IN 'SPHERES OF BELONGING'

Hathor acting this time as the facilitator of the god's rebirth. It follows then that
just as the individual could partake in this progenitive power of the goddess in
her relationship with the king, so could he also benefit from Hathor's cosmic role
in the Overworld, and this is reflected in the corpus of mortuary texts: just as
Hathor could receive the dead in the Underworld, so she could greet him as he
entered the sky.47

(2) Hathor and Solar Icons

This relationship between Hathor and the sun-god is also expressed through the
use of certain icons within the tomb decoration, namely, the solar orb, the uraeus
and the solar barque. Assmann argues that icons, the archetypal representations
of divine action, are the germ from which mythical discourse grows: they
represent the fundamental aspect of the divine from which a narrative can
develop, and thus explicit acceptance into a sphere of belonging.48
In our corpus, Hathor appears with the solar orb in two scenes: in TT 266 [64]
breastfeeding a child, and in TT 9 [72] with the orb in the arms of Nut, a
pictorial explanation of the cyclical journey of the sun. This association is
demonstrated in various tomb inscriptions, which designate Hathor as nbw m
wbn m p.t "the Golden One rising in the sky",49 ir.t Ra.w im.yt itn⸗f "the Eye of
Re who is in his orb",50 and nbw ir.t Ra.w "the Golden One, the Eye of Re".51
Identified here as the orb itself and thus the body of the sun, Hathor is absorbed
into the cyclical journey, and becomes the location where the king, upon death,
unites with the sun-god.
The solar orb is complemented by the symbol of the uraeus, both physically,
when they occur together as components of Hathor's characteristic crown, and
also conceptually. In TT 65 [66] (Figure 6), we find the goddess wielding two
uraeus-sceptres towards the barques of Amun-Re, and the words:
I have come before you that I might unite with your perfection,
I having saved you through my protection;
my two arms are over you …
By this action, Hathor defends the sun-god, through the protective power of the
uraei.52 Thus, in the solar orb and the uraeus, we can again read the two distinct
maternal responsibilities of Hathor's, rebirth and protection.
The last icon, the solar barque, represents the transport of the sun-god during
his cyclical journey across the sky, and Hathor, as a member of the crew,
becomes an interactive part of this "cosmic drama" of renewal.53 Again,
Hathor's association with this icon appears both in image and text. In TT 373
[56] (Figure 7), for example, Hathor is shown positioned at the prow of the
night barque, guiding the nocturnal vessel as it travels through the realm of
55
 BACE 23 (2012)

Osiris.54 This role is supported textually by a number of designations for the

goddess, such as those from TT 41, which refer to her as nb.t nmt.t m wiA n(.y)
HH.w "lady who strides out in the Barque of Millions"55 and nb.t xai.w m wiA
n(.y) HH.w "lady of appearances in the Barque of Millions".56 This name of the
barque, which may be expanded to "Barque of Millions of Years", implicates
the goddess in the mechanisms of time. In the same tomb, Hathor is also
known as nb.t nHH iri.t D.t "lady of nHH-time, creator of D.t-time".57 In
encompassing both these aspects of time, change and permanence / the
transformative and the cyclical,58 this title is a fitting designation for Hathor as
a mortuary goddess, who assists in both the transfiguration of the deceased into
the afterlife, and his renewal each day in the solar cycle. The desire of the
deceased to join this cosmic drama and board the barque is expressed in the
heading for Chapter 100 of the Book of the Dead: "Roll for initiating a blessed
one and causing that he embark in the Barque of Re and his train".59

Synthesis
The representation of this daily cycle of the sun as the journey of the sun-god
within the barque is a mythological system. Assmann categorises myth as part
of the verbal "dimension of divine presence", and he argues furthermore that
myth is also an expression of reality, being a mode of encounter with the gods,
through their personification and contextualisation with human experiences and
actions.60 By representing the characters and elements of the Overworld
through mythic icons, individuals can comprehend their mortuary future
through recognisable processes, such as the setting and rising of the sun, or the
crossing from one bank to the other.
While the maternal relationship between the sun-god and Hathor is not made
explicit within the above material, the protective and procreative features of her
character are still present through both the icons that are associated with her
and the identification of the king, as the son of Hathor, with the sun-god. As in
the Underworld and Interworld, Hathor's relationships which occur on the
divine plane are transferred to the context of the private tomb. In brief, at the
rebirth of the deceased into the afterlife, they are received into the cosmos by
Hathor, who then, facilitates the deceased's union with the sun-god and their
integration into the solar cycle, just as she did for the king.

Conclusions
Across each of our spheres – Underworld, Interworld and Overworld –
Hathor's role as a mortuary goddess has been established, first and foremost, by
her characterisation as a mother-goddess. In the Underworld, this facilitates her
partnership with Osiris, through Horus; in the Interworld, it amounts to her
protection of the king; and in the Overworld, it incorporates her into the eternal
56
 MCCLYMONT, HATHOR IN 'SPHERES OF BELONGING'

solar cycle. But, when turning to her significance for the tomb owner, there
were several distinctions to make: while in the Underworld, there is a direct
physical relationship between the goddess and the deceased, in the Inter- and
Overworlds, the protective and procreative functions of Hathor are reserved for
the benefit of the king and sun-god. It was only by incorporating these divine
relationships into the tomb decoration that the individual could also partake in
these aspects of Hathor's mortuary role, through the democratisation of mortuary
experience. This observation can be taken a step further: while, in the Interworld
and Overworld, it was Hathor who enabled her companions (the king and the
sun-god) to act for the deceased, in the Underworld, it is she herself who is made
to function through her relationship and identification with the Underworld
deities. This has everything to do with the status of the accompanying gods
themselves, Osiris, Anubis and the Goddess of the West being well established as
private mortuary deities for the people; the king and the sun-god, by contrast,
only gradually came to gain significance in the mortuary belief of the individual.
Either direct or indirect, Hathor's relationship with the individual, as represented
in the scenes and inscriptions within the non-royal New Kingdom tombs at
Thebes, attests to a change in his numinous experience upon death, whereby
interaction of the divine becomes interaction with the divine.
The concept of multiplicity, derived from H. Frankfort's "multiplicity of
approaches",61 the phrase developed to explain the often conflicting features of
ancient Egyptian religion, is reflected here also in our study of the goddess
Hathor: there is multiplicity in the portrayal of Hathor herself, in her varied
appearance and titles; there is multiplicity in the way she is shown to interact
with other deities, playing either a supportive or cooperative role; and there is
multiplicity in the manner by which she functions for the individual, having
both direct and indirect relationships with the deceased.
The main interest in conducting this study was not the goddess Hathor, but
rather the idea of conceptualising her as an interactive deity. By considering
gods in terms of their function and by viewing them as agents who contribute
to a larger, more encompassing, 'sphere (or spheres) of belonging', we can
attempt a reconstruction of the ancient Egyptian worldview, a view which
extends from the sphere of the individual as a member of their present society,
to the sphere of the sun and its cosmic dimension.

57
 BACE 23 (2012)
Table 1. Overview of Scenes analysed: Hathor in ‘Spheres of Belonging’
# Tomb Date Sphere Image
18th Dynasty
1 TT 130 T lll U TO and wife adore Osiris and Hathor
Funeral procession to Hathor
2 TT 343 I. TIII U
3 TT 92 T III - A II I TO presents gi s to Amenhotep II and Hathor [unfinished]
4 U Osiris and Hathor receive funeral procession
TT 96 T III - A II TO and wife offer to Osiris and Hathor (crown of the West)
5 U

Anubis, Goddess of the West and Hathor in 3 registers, to the right of

6 U
Osiris
TT 89 T III - A II TO presents foreign tribute to Amenhotep III and Hathor
7 I

8 TT 76 T IV I TO offers to Thutmose IV and Hathor [damaged]

9 TT 295 T IV U TO and family offer to Osiris and Hathor [damaged]
(L) Anubis before Osiris and goddess (crown of the West)
10 U/O
TT 69 T IV - A III (R) Re-Horakhty and goddess (crown of Hathor)
11 U Hathor (crown of the West) receives funeral procession
12 I TO, fan bearers and Hathor offer to Amenhotep III
TT 91 T IV - A III
13 I TO, fan bearers and Hathor offer to Thutmose IV
14 TT 175 T IV - A III U Goddess (crown of Hathor) and goddess (crown of the West)
TO and wife adore Osiris and Hathor (crown of the West)
15 TT 247 T IV - A III U

16 TT 58
A III
I TO and priest before Amenhotep III and Hathor
reused 19-20
TO and wife offer to Osiris, goddess (crown of Hathor) and Ahmose
17 TT 161 A III U/I
Nefertari [damaged]
Anubis and Hathor receive funeral procession [damaged]
18 TT 162 A III U

TO adores Osiris and Hathor [damaged]

19 TT 249 A III U
Hathor (crown of the West) receives funeral procession
20 TT 55 A III - A IV U

(R) Amenhotep IV and Tiye offer to Atum and Hathor

21 I/O
TT 192 I. A III - A IV
TO and officials rewarded before Amenhotep III, Hathor and Tiye
22 I
Post-Amarna Period
TO and family offer to Osiris and Hathor [damaged]
23 U
TT 291 l. Am - H (L) Father of TO offers to Osiris and Anubis
24 U (R) TO offers to Hathor (crown of the West)

25 U TO before Osiris and Hathor

TT 49 Tut – Ay - H TO and wife offer to Osiris and Hathor (crown of the West)
26 U
TO and wife offer to Osiris and Hathor
27 TT 338 Tut - H U

58
 MCCLYMONT, HATHOR IN 'SPHERES OF BELONGING'

Text Reference #

Unavailable PM I:12, 245 (8) I 1

Hr.(y)t-tp smy.t imnt.(y)t PM I:12, 410 (10) “Western goddess”; Guksch (1978) 29,
2
Chie ainess of the western desert necropolis pl. 20 (sc. 14, text 13f)
Unavailable PM I:12, 188 (7)-(8); Baud (1935) 141–43, fig. 63 3
Unavailable PM I:12, 199 (18); Scho no. 5326 4
Hr.(y)t-tp smy.t imnt.(y)t nb.t p.t Hnw.t tA Dsr PM I:12, 201 (33)-(34) “Western Hathor”; Virey (1899)
Chie ainess of the western desert necropolis, Lady 132, fig. 12 5
of the sky, Mistress of the sacred land
PM I:12, 181 (3); No. and Ni. de G. Davies (1940) 132;
Unavailable 6
Pinch-Brock / Shaw (1997) 175–76, fig. 5
nb.t Hr.yt-tp WAs.t Di=s anx wAs Lady, Chie ainess of PM I:12, 182 (15); Pinch-Brock / Shaw (1997) 175–76, 7
Thebes, in that she gives life and dominion fig. 5
Hr<.yt-tp> WAs.t Chie ainess of Thebes PM I:12, 150 (5); Scho nos. 3693, 5257 8
Not preserved PM I:12, 377 (2) “goddess”; Hegazy / Tosi (1983) 15, pl. 3 9
PM I:12, 137 (6) I; Campbell (1910) 94, pl. facing 92;
Not completed 10
Wegner (1933) 95, pl. XIVb
Unavailable PM I:12, 138; (9) I-II “Western goddess”; Campbell (1910) 94 11
Hr.yt-tp WAs.t Chie ainess of Thebes PM I:12, 185 (3); Radwan (1969) pl. XX; Scho no. 6789 12
Hr.yt-tp WAs.t Chie ainess of Thebes PM I:12, 187 (5); Radwan (1969) pl. XIX 13
Not completed PM I:12, 281 (5) II; Scho no. 7327 14
Hr.(y)t-tp smy.t Hnw.t? nTr.w Chie ainess of the 2
PM I:1 , 333 (3) I “Western Hathor”; Scho no. 7343 15
desert necropolis, Mistress? of the gods
Unavailable PM I:12, 119 (5) 16
Not preserved PM I:12, 275 (6); Manniche (1986) 67, fig. 13;
17
Werbrouck / van de Walle (1929) pl. facing 8
Hr.(y)t-tp smy.t Hnw.t /// im (.y?) Xr.t-nTr Chie ainess PM I:12, 276 (7) I-II; Davies, Ni. (1963) 16, pl. XVII
of the desert necropolis, mistress ... who is in? the 18
necropolis
Not preserved PM I:12, 335 (2) I; Manniche (1988) 47-50, figs. 48-50;
19
Scho no. 8008
Hr.(y)t-tp smy.t nb.t p.t Hnw.t mH.(y)t Chie ainess of PM I:12, 108 (5) “Western goddess”; Davies (1941) 22,
the desert necropolis, Lady of the sky, mistress of pl. XXII 20
the north wind
Hr.yt-tp WAs.t Chie ainess of Thebes PM I:12, 298 (2); Davies (1923a) 134, pl. XXII; Davies
(1923b) 44, fig. 5; Epigraphic Survey (1980) 33, pl. 9; 21
Fakhry (1943) 459; Steindorff (1936) pl. 12a
nb.t Iwn.t Di=s anx wAs Lady of Dendera, in that PM I:12, 299 (6); Epigraphic Survey (1980) 42, pls. 25-26;
22
she gives life and dominion Fakhry (1943) 489, pl. XL

nb.t imnt.t Lady of the West PM I:12, 274 (2) I; Bruyère / Kuentz (1926) 20-24, pl. VI;
23
Scho nos. 3596, 4872
nb(.t) imnt.t Lady of the West PM I:12, 274 (4) I; Bruyère / Kuentz (1926) 28-29, pls. X-XI;
Maspero (1883) 133, no. XXI; Orcur (1855) 33, no. 42; 24
Turin Mus. 1619
Unavailable PM I:12, 91 (3); Davies, (1933) 50 25
Unavailable PM I:12, 93 (11); Davies (1933) 4-5, pl. XXX; Pereyra /
26
Fantechi / Zingarelli (2007) 1489, fig. 2
Hr.yt-tp WAs.t /// Chie ainess of Thebes… PM I:12, 406; Finds: Stela I; Maspero (1883) 142, no. VIII;
27
Turin Mus. 1579

59
 BACE 23 (2012)
Table 1. Overview of Scenes analysed: Hathor in ‘Spheres of Belonging’ (continued)
# Tomb Date Sphere Image
TO and wife adore Osiris and Hathor (crown of the West)
28 U
TO before Osiris and goddess (crown of Hathor) [damaged]
29 TT 41 H-SI U
TO and wife adore Hathor and tomb [damaged]
30 U
TO and wife adore Re-Horakhty and Hathor, in separate registers
31 O
TT 255 H-SI
TO adores Ennead led by Atum
32 O
TO and family offer to Re-Horakhty-Atum, Amenhotep I, goddess
33 TT 19 R I - S I - R II U/I/O
(crown of Hathor) and goddess (crown of the West)
34 TT 265 S I - R II U (L) TO adores Osiris and Hathor
35 U TO and wife offer to Anubis and Hathor
36
TT 292 S I - R II U TO adores Osiris and Hathor
TO and wife offer to Amun-Re, Hathor, Khnum, Satet and Anuket
37 O
38 U TO and family before Osiris, Isis and Hathor

TT 2 e. R II TO and wife offer to Anubis and Hathor (crown of the West)

39 U

40 U Osiris and Hathor receive funeral procession

TT 10 e. R II
41 I Ramses II, Paser (TT 106) and Ramose (TT 7) before Ptah and Hathor
42 TT 263 e. R II U TO offers to Osiris and Hathor
43 TT 360 e. R II U TO and wife adore Osiris and Hathor (crown of the West)
44 TT 387 e. R II U TO and wife? led by Anubis and Hathor
TO and family before Anubis, Hathor, Amenhotep I and Ahmose
45 TT 4 R II U/I
Nefertari
46 U TO before Osiris and Hathor
47 TT 157 R II U TO before Osiris and Hathor
48 O (R) TO and wife adore Hathor and Horus
TO and family offer to Osiris and Hathor (crown of the West)
49 TT 217 R II U
50 TT 218 R II O Hathor and baboon adore bark of Re
TO and son received by Hathor and Goddess of the West
51 TT 233 R II U
52 TT 133 l. R II? U TO and family before Osiris and Hathor
Hathor playing the sistrum before Amun-Re, Mut and Khonsu
53 TT 194 l. R II O

(L) Brother and TO and family offers to Re-Horakhty, Ptah, Hathor,

Amenhotep I and Ahmose Nefertari
54 TT 210 l. R II U/I/O
(R) TO and family offer to Osiris, Horus, Isis (crown of Hathor), Hathor
(crown of the West) and Ptah
(L) TO and wife adore Osiris and Hathor (crown of the West) [damaged]
55 TT 296 l. R II U
TO before two barks of Amun-Re, with Hathor at the prow of the
56 TT 373 l. R II O
second
TO and wife offer to Osiris, Amenhotep I, goddess and Ahmose
57 TT 219 l. R II - M U/I
Nefertari

60
 MCCLYMONT, HATHOR IN 'SPHERES OF BELONGING'

Text Reference #
nb(.t) imnt.t Lady of the West PM I:12, 79 (13) I; Assmann (1991) 87, pls. 38, XXXVI (scene 66,
28
text 106)
Not preserved PM I:12, 79 (16) II “goddess”; Assmann (1991) 109, pls. 41,
29
LVIa (sc. 99)
nb<.t p.t> Lady of the sky PM I:12, 81 Pillar A (b); Assmann (1991) 18, pls. 44, XXXVIIIb
30
(scene 115, text 139)
nb(.t) p.t Hnw.t tA.wy Lady of the sky, Mistress of PM I:12, 339 (2) I, 2; Baud / Drioton (1928) 14-15, 35 (no.
31
the two lands 21b), fig. 9
nb(.t) p.t Hnw.t tA.wy nb(.t) /// Lady of the sky, PM I:12, 339 (2) I, 3; Baud / Drioton (1928) 15-16, 37,
32
Mistress of the two lands, Lady… inscrip on no. 22 e., fig. 10
Not preserved PM I:12, 34 (6) I; Foucart (1935) pls. XXIII-XXIV
33
2
Unavailable PM I:1 , 346 (5) II 34
Unavailable PM I:12, 375 (5) I; Bruyère (1926) 67 35
(L) nb.t /// Lady… (R) Hnw.t /// Mistress… PM I:12, 375 (7); Bruyère 67-8 36
Hnw.t imnt.t nb.t p.t Hnw.t tA.wy Mistress of the PM I:12, 375 (4) I; Bruyère 68
37
West, Lady of the sky, Mistress of the two lands
Unavailable PM I:12, 6 (7) I 38
Hr.yt-tp WAs.t nb.t p.t Hnw.t nTr.w nb.w ir.t Ra.w PM I:12, 8 (22) 3 “Western Hathor”; Bruyère (1952) 34,
im(.yt) itn=f Chie ainess of Thebes, Lady of the sky, 45, pl. VI (scene V) 39
Mistress of all the gods, the eye of Re who is in his orb
Unavailable PM I:12, 21 10 (5) 40
Unavailable PM I:12, 21 (6) 41
Unavailable PM I:12, 345 (10) I 42
Unavailable PM I:12, 435 (11)-(12) 43
Unavailable PM I:12, 439 (2) II 44
Hr.yt-tp WAs.t nb.t p.t Hnw.t imnt.t Chie ainess of 2
PM I:1 , 4 (7) II, p. 11; Černý (1927) 174, pl. IV, fig. 1 45
Thebes, Lady of the sky, Mistress of the West
Unavailable PM I:12, 267 (3) 46
Unavailable PM I:12, 267 (5) 47
Unavailable PM I:12, 268 (22) 48
prob. hr.yt-tp smy.t imnt.yt Chie ainess of the
PM I:12, 316 (4); Davies, Nor. (1927) 42, pl. XXIV 49
western desert necropolis
2
Unavailable PM I:1 , 319 (5) I 50
nb.t imnt.t Lady of the West PM I:12, 329 (1) I (son as “wife”); Davies, Ni. (1938) 39 (son 51
as “wife”); Tracing: Macquarie Theban Tombs Project
Unavailable PM I:12, 249 (3) I; Davies, Ni. / Gardiner (1948) 51 52
iri.t sSS(.t) n Hr=k nfr Imn.w nb nb.w (in) @w.t-@r.w PM I:12, 301 (8) I;
Playing the sistrum to your beau ful face, Amun, Seyfried (1995) 51, pl. XXX (sc. 29, text 67) 53
lord of lords, by Hathor.
Hnw.t tA Dsr Mistress of the sacred land
nb.t imnt.t nb(.t) p.t PM I:12, 307 (1); Bruyère (1928) 17, fig. 12;
Lady of the West, Lady of the sky Černý (1927) 175, pl. VI, fig. 1; Černý (1949) 84
54

nb.t imnt.t Hnw.t im.y-wr.t PM I:12, 378 (3) “Western Hathor”;

55
Lady of the West, Mistress of the West side Feucht (1985) 87, scene 28, text 120, . XXXII
@w.t-@r.w m HA.t wiA Ra.w Hathor at the prow of PM I:12, 433 (1);
56
the barque of Re Seyfried (1990) 40, fig. 39, pl. III (scene 7.2, text 15.2)
Not preserved PM I:12, 321 (8) I; Bruyère (1928) 82, fig. 57;
57
Černý (1927) 175, pl. VII; Maystre (1936) scene 41, pl. VII

61
 BACE 23 (2012)
Table 1. Overview of Scenes analysed: Hathor in ‘Spheres of Belonging’ (continued)
# Tomb Date Sphere Image
58 TT 274 l. R II - M U TO and wife before Osiris and Hathor
59 U Three men before Osiris and Hathor
60 TT 216 l. R II - S II U TO offers to Osiris and Hathor
61 U Anubis and Hathor
TO and family adore Anubis and Hathor (crown of the West) [damaged]
62 TT 211 S II - Si U
63 TT 115 19 O TO and wife before Re-Horakhty, Maat and Hathor
64 TT 266 l. 19 - e. 20 O TO adores Hathor and arms of Nut holding sun orb in the mountain
65 TT 408 19 - 20 U (L) TO and wife offer to Osiris and Hathor
Ramses IX offers to bark of Amun-Re carried by priests, followed by
Hathor [superimposed on figure of Osiris]
R IX
66 TT 65 I/O
(orig. Hat.)

67 TT 105 20 O TO and family offering before Re-Horakhty, Hathor and Maat

TO and wife adore Re-Horakhty, Atum-Khepri, Osiris and Hathor
68 TT 134 20 U/O
[damaged]
69 TT 272 20 U TO before Osiris and Hathor
70 TT 273 20 O TO and family adore Re-Horakhty and Hathor
Son of TO adores Osiris, Thoth, Hathor, Re-Horakhty, Selket, Anubis and
71 TT 3 Ram. U/O
Wepwawet
72 TT 9 Ram. O TO offers to sun orb and horizon orb before Hathor, nursing a child
TO and wife before Osiris and Hathor
73 TT A. 17 Ram. /20? U

Figure 5 Hathor playing the sistrum before Amun-Re, Mut and Khonsu: TT 194 [53]
after K.-J. Seyfried, Das Grab des Amonmose TT 373, pl. 30. .

62
 MCCLYMONT, HATHOR IN 'SPHERES OF BELONGING'

Text Reference #
Unavailable PM I:12, 352 58
Unavailable PM I:12, 313 (6) (7) (8) II 59
Unavailable PM I:12, 314 (18) 60
Unavailable PM I:12, 314 (21); Bruyère (1925) 37-38 61
nb.t /// Lady… PM I:12, 307 (1) [“Western Hathor”]; Bruyère (1952) 77,
62
83, pl. XXV
Unavailable PM I:12, 233 (3); Baud (1935) 157-8, pl. XXIV 63
Unavailable PM I:12, 347 (5) 64
Unavailable PM I:12, 446 (1) Muhammed (1966) 408 65
@w.t-@r.w nb.t (tA) Dsr Mw.t <Hr.yt>-ib Isr.w Mri.t- PM I:12, 130 (3); Scho no. 6702
sgr Hr.yt-ib Msq.t MH.t-Wr.t msi.t-Ra.w Hathor, Lady
of the (sacred) land, Mut, who is in the midst of
Isheru, Meretseger, who is in the midst of Mesket, 66
Mehet-Weret, born of Re
Xr it⸗s Imn.w-Ra.w nb ns.wt tA.wy before her father
Amun-Re, lord of the thrones of the Two Lands
Unavailable PM I:12, 219; (2) 67
Not preserved PM I:12, 249 (1) II; El-Bialy / Goyon (1995) 125, 128, fig. 2,
68
pls. XXVII A-B, XXVIII
Unavailable PM I:12, 315 (5) I 69
Unavailable PM I:12, 351 (7) I-III 70
Hr.yt-tp WAs.t nb.t p.t Hnw.t tA.wy Chie ainess of PM I:12, 10 ceiling; Campbell (1912) 192-3; Zivie (1979)
71
Thebes, Lady of the sky, Mistress of the Two Lands 36-7, pls. 10, 14.
Unavailable PM I:12, 18 (1) II 72
nb.t (tA) Dsr Hnw.t nTr.w nb.w Lady of the sacred PM I:12, 452 Manniche, p. 53, fig. 30
73
land, Mistress of all the gods

Key:
A Amenhotep; Am Amarna; e. early; Hat. Hatshepsut; Hor. Horemheb; l. late; Mer. Merenptah;
Ram. Ramesside; R Ramesses; S Se ; Si Siptah; T Thutmose; TO tomb owner; Tut. Tutankhamun; # corpus number.

1
J. Assmann, The Search for God in Ancient Egypt, trans. D. Lorton (Ithaca /
London, 2001) 6, 12, 68–90, 80, 159; J. Assmann, Ägypten: Theologie und
Frömmigkeit einer frühen Hochkultur (Stuttgart, 1984) 22.
2
Assmann, Search for God, 6: "By 'divine presence', I understand a culturally formed
and specifically determined area of experience in which specific spheres and roles
are ascribed to deities and humans so that they can encounter and communicate with
one another …"; Assmann, Theologie und Frömmigkeit, 14–15 ("Gottesnähe").
3
This is the term used to designate these individual "spheres and roles" (see n. 2) to
which deities can belong; the constellative networks of divine interaction. For
examples, see Assmann, Search for God, 37–38, 51, 101, 106, 207; Assmann,
Theologie und Frömmigkeit, 47 ("Sphäre des Seinigen").
4
Assmann, Search for God, 101–02, 159–60.
5
Assmann, Search for God 7–10.
6
See Table 1, corpus number [1]: TT 130 dated to the reign of Thutmose III; M. Abdul-
Qader Muhammed, The Development of the Funerary Beliefs and Practices Displayed
63
 BACE 23 (2012)

in the Private Tombs of the New Kingdom at Thebes (Cairo, 1966) 236: the author
cites the reign of Amenhotep II as the time of their first appearance together.
7
The numbers in square brackets refer to the corpus of scenes analysed for this study
as summarised in Table 1.
8
R.H. Wilkinson, Symbol & Magic in Egyptian Art (London, 1994) 197.
9
N. de Garis Davies, Two Ramesside Tombs at Thebes (New York, 1927) 42.
10
B. Porter / R.L.B. Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian
Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Painting: I. The Theban Necropolis. Part 1. Private
Tombs (Oxford, 21994) 8 (TT 2 (16)); 347 (TT 266 (8)).
11
R.O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts (Oxford, 1969): PT 303 § 466:
"Are you Horus, son of Osiris? Are you the god, the eldest one, the son of Hathor?";
see also R.O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts I–III (Warminster, 1973):
CT 334 (IV, 180, 183), CT 362 (V, 18), CT 484 (VI, 54–56), CT 563 (VI, 162);
T.G. Allen, Book of the Dead or Going Forth by Day: Ideas of the ancient
Egyptians concerning the hereafter as expressed in their own terms (Chicago,
1974): BD 151c (§ S2), BD 166 (§ S1).
12
CT 1 (I, 1–4): "Here begins the book of vindicating a man in the realm of the dead. Ho
N! You are the Lion, you are the Double Lion, you are Horus, Protector of his father …"
13
These actions are made explicit in later mortuary texts, by direct references to
Hathor supplying the deceased with clothing and provisions: for example, CT 44 (I,
290), CT 47 (I, 204), CT 68 (I, 258), BD 82 (§Sc); and more symbolically through
her depiction as the nourishing tree-goddess: for example, CT 164 (III, 1), CT 199
(III, 124), CT 225 (III, 236–40), CT 542 (VI, 137–38), CT 772 (VI, 406); BD 51 (§
S2), BD 68 (§ S4), BD 82 (§Sc).
14
E. Hornung, Conceptions of God in Ancient Egypt: The One and the Many, trans. J.
Baines (Ithaca, 1982) 241, following J. A. Wilson, "Egypt" in: H. Frankfort et al.,
Before Philosophy: The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man. An Essay on
Speculative Thought in the Ancient Near East (Chicago, 1946) 53–54. This
assimilation between the two goddesses is expressed in CT 334, IV, 181–82: first
"…the awe of me is before me as the Sistrum-player, the son of Hathor" then "…my
mother Isis conceived me…", and again, first "I sucked from my mother Isis…",
then "I am a youth, the son of Hathor…".
15
The first mention of Hathor in the Theban necropolis occurs in TT 186 (Sixth
Dynasty-First Intermediate Period), where the wife of the tomb owner is designated
as Hm(.t)-nTr @w.t-Hr.w nb.t iwn.t "priestess of Hathor, lady of Dendera": P.E.
Newberry, "A Sixth Dynasty Tomb at Thebes" in: Annales du Service des Antiquités
de l'Égypte 4 (1903) 98; M. Saleh, Three Old Kingdom Tombs at Thebes (Mainz,
1977) 24. For a summary of this early attachment between Hathor and Thebes, see
S. Allam, Beiträge zum Hathorkult (bis zum Ende des Mittleren Reiches) (Munich,
1963) 58.
16
Evidence for a Middle Kingdom cult to Hathor on Thoth Hill is presented by R.
Pudleiner, "Hathor on the Thoth Hill", MDAIK 57 (2001) 244. At Deir el-Medina,
private worship of the goddess is attested through votive objects and chapels: G.
Pinch, Votive Offerings to Hathor (Oxford, 1993) esp. 3–25; summarised in G.
Pinch, "Offerings to Hathor", Folklore 93:2 (1982) esp. 139; A.I. Sadek, Popular
64
 MCCLYMONT, HATHOR IN 'SPHERES OF BELONGING'

Religion in Egypt during the New Kingdom (Hildesheim, 1988) 52–65, 114–15,
while the grotto at the rear of the Valley of the Queens is associated with the icon of
the Hathor-cow emerging from the mountain to drink from the papyrus marsh: G.
Andreu et al., Les artistes de Pharaon: Deir el-Médineh et la Vallée des Rois (Paris,
2002) 241; C. Desroches Noblecourt, "Le Message de la Grotte Sacrée" in: Les
Dossiers d'Archéologie 149–50 (1990) 10–15; C. Leblanc, Ta Set Neferou: Une
nécropole de Thèbes-Ouest et son histoire. I: Géographie – Toponyme historique de
l'exploration scientifique du site (Cairo, 1989) 12; P. Vernus, "La grotte de la Vallée
des Reines dans la piété personnelle des ouvriers de la tombe (BM 278)" in: R.J.
Demarée / A. Egberts (eds.), Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD: A Tribute
to Jac J. Janssen (Leiden, 2000) 335–36.
17
D. Arnold, Der Tempel des Königs Mentuhotep von Deir el-Bahari. I: Architektur
und Deutung (Mainz, 1974) 83–84; D. Arnold, The Temple of Mentuhotep at Deir el
Bahari (New York, 1979) 19, n. 61, 43.
18
E. Naville, The Temple of Deir el Bahari. Part IV: The Shrine of Hathor and the
Southern Hall of Offerings (London, 1901) esp. 1–6.
19
J. Lipínska, Deir el-Bahari II. The Temple of Tuthmosis III: Architecture (Warsaw,
1977) esp. 38–45. On further evidence for the cult of Hathor at this temple, see
Arnold, Temple of Mentuhotep, 29.
20
Chapel of Anubis at Deir el-Bahari: E. Naville in The Temple of Deir el Bahari. Part
II: The Ebony Shrine. Northern Half of the Middle Platform (London, 1896) 8–11.
21
PM I2/1, passim: TT 45, 51, 58, 148, 149, 159, 166, 178, 206, 221, 255, 371, 373,
399, 409.
22
For example, J. Assmann, Das Grab des Amenemope TT 41 (Mainz, 1991) 87, pl.
44 (scene 66, text 106); 111–12, pl. 42 (scene 102; the identity of this goddess,
however, cannot be confirmed).
23
Assmann, Amenemope, 23, text 1.
24
Assmann, Amenemope, 23.
25
In J. Assmann, "The Ramesside tomb and the construction of sacred space" in: N.
Strudwick / J.H. Taylor (eds.), The Theban Necropolis: Past, Present and Future
(London, 2003) 45–49, the writer identifies five tomb "functions", those of secrecy,
memory, interface, cult and temple.
26
On the meaning of the nini gesture, see B. Dominicus, Gesten und Gebärden in
Darstellungen des Alten und Mittleren Reiches (Heidelberg, 1993) 38–58 and W.
Westendorf, "Die Nini-Begrüßung" in: U. Verhoeven / E. Graefe (eds.), Religion und
Philosophie im Alten Ägypten: Festgabe für Philippe Derchain zu seinem 65.
Geburtstag am 24. Juli 1991 (Leuven, 1991) 251–61. Westendorf analyses the nini
gesture in the royal context and defines it as a greeting by the mother-goddess to her
"returning" (deceased) son, the king, while Dominicus, incorporating data from later
periods and various contexts, including private tombs, sees the outstretched hands as
the sign of welcome, while the additional water lines could convey aspects of libation,
cleansing, movement or, perhaps, a reading for the speech n(=i) n(=i) "to me, to me".
27
Assmann, Search for God, 102: "Deities are persons not only to the extent that they
make themselves understood through speech and are thus open to understanding,
but also insofar as they act. And the concept of a deity who acts already presupposes
65
 BACE 23 (2012)

integration into the constellation of a 'sphere of belonging'."

28
This title is attributed to the Hathor-cow in the Eighteenth Dynasty, where it appears
in the temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari. The cult was revived at Deir el-Medina
under Ramses II, with the title found on both monuments of state religion, namely the
khenu-chapel in the vicinity of the village, and of personal piety, namely private votive
stelae. On the latter, the title refers to both the anthropomorphic and cow forms of the
goddess: K. Exell, "The senior scribe Ramose (1) and the cult of the king: a social and
historical reading of some private votive stelae from Deir el-Medina in the reign of
Ramesses II", in: R.J. Dann (ed.), Current research in Egyptology 2004: Proceedings
of the fifth annual symposium which took place at the University of Durham January
2004 (Oxford, 2006) 53–54, 57.
29
Černý, "Le culte d'Aménophis Ier chez les ouvriers de la nécropole thébaine" in:
Bulletin de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale 27 (1927) 160, 176, 196–97;
M. Gitton, L'épouse du dieu Ahmes Néfertary: Documents sur sa vie et son culte
posthume (Paris, 1975) 45–91; F.-J. Schmitz, Amenophis I.: Versuch einer
Darstellung der Regierungszeit eines ägyptischen Herrschers der frühen 18.
Dynastie (Hildesheim, 1978) 207–08, 233.
30
Černý makes a similar observation through his analysis, in that Amenhotep I is almost
always depicted in the company of other gods, either alone or with the queen mother:
Černý, in: BIFAO 27 (1927) 162.
31
G. Hollender, Amenophis I. und Ahmes Nefertari: Untersuchungen zur Entwicklung
ihres posthumen Kultes anhand der Privatgräber der thebanischen Nekropole (New
York, 2009) 153–54.
32
Assmann, in: Strudwick / Taylor, The Theban Necropolis, 49; A. Dodson / S. Ikram
(eds.), The Tomb in Ancient Egypt: Royal and Private Sepulchres from the Early
Dynastic Period to the Romans (London, 2008) 252; Muhammed, Development of
Funerary Beliefs, 263–66.
33
For example, in Naville, The Temple of Deir el Bahari IV, 4, pls. XCI, CV, we find
a representation of this suckling motif in the Hathor shrine of the mortuary temple
of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari. In the vicinity, we find a text which makes the
purpose of this action clear: "Said by Hathor, the protectress of Thebes, the divine
cow, the divine mother, the lady of the sky, the queen of the gods, who looks at her
Horus, who licks the Horus she brought forth…thy mouth is replete with my milk,
life and stability is in it, intelligence is in it, abundance is in it…". This scene is
known only once in the private context, in TT 106 (Seti I – Ramses II). In G.
Marohn, "Ein wiedergefundenes Relieffragment aus dem Grab des Veziers Paser
(TT 106)" in: Göttinger Miszellen 149 (1995) 63–66, the writer interprets this
inclusion as a possible combination of Ramesside archaism of Eighteenth Dynasty
themes, and an expression of the tomb owner's relationship to the king.
34
Fifteen instances of this motif are recorded in PM I2/1, passim, both in the form of
wall scenes and statuary: TT 2, 4, 19, 23, 49, 216, 285, 298, 326, 341, 377, 387,
389. The cow-statue of Hathor from the shrine of Thutmose III at Deir el-Bahari
presents these actions simultaneously, with the king appearing both at the front of
the cow and under its belly: E. Naville, "La Vache de Deir-el-Bahari" in: Gazette
des beaux-arts 3/38 (1907) figs. on pp. 267, 269. We can also see that this latter
66
 MCCLYMONT, HATHOR IN 'SPHERES OF BELONGING'

motif is not restricted to the king: E. Blumenthal, Kuhgöttin und Gottkönig:

Frömmigkeit und Staatstreue auf der Stele Leipzig Ägyptisches Museum 5141
(Leipzig, 2000) presents a Ramesside votive stela, showing the owner, Penbuy, in
the protection of the Hathor-cow.
35
In W. Guglielmi, "Das große Menit mit den Köpfen von Schu und Tefnut im
Ruhrlandmuseum Essen" in: G. Moers / H. Behlmer / K. Demuß / K. Widmaier
(eds.), jn.t Dr.w: Festschrift für Friedrich Junge, I (Göttingen, 2006) 287-312, the
author describes the proffering of the menat as a gesture of being heard and the
granting of a favour. This can be combined with the symbolic reading of the menat
itself as an item of protection: H. Bonnet, Reallexikon der ägyptischen
Religionsgeschichte (Berlin, 1952) 450; E. Staehelin, "Menit" in W. Helck / E. Otto
/ W. Westendorf (eds.), Lexikon der Ägyptologie IV (Wiesbaden, 1982) 52–53. See
also K. Sethe, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Zweiter Band: Historisch-Biographische
Urkunden (Leipzig, 1906) IV, 287.8: an inscription from the Speos Artemidos of
Hatshepsut: mni.t xr=t iri.t sA=t "a menat before you, making your protection".
36
P. Barguet, "L'origine et la signification du contrepoids du collier-menat" in:
Bulletin de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale 52 (1953) 103–11; C.
Cannuyer, "Aton, nourrice dans le sein, succédané des maîtresses de la ménat" in:
Göttinger Miszellen 157 (1997) 11–14. Both writers draw on the interpretation of
the menat counterpoise as a representation of the feminine form, and thereby a
symbol of reproduction. Whether applied to the contexts of mortuary (Barguet) or
solar (Cannuyer) religion, this reproductive aspect translates to rebirth.
37
See E.F. Wente, "Translations of the Texts" in: The Epigraphic Survey, The Tomb
of Kheruef: Theban Tomb 192 (Chicago, 1980) 41–65, pls. 24–63; E.F. Wente,
"Hathor at the Jubilee" in: G.E. Kadish (ed.), Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson,
September 12, 1969 (Chicago, 1969) 89.
38
Wente, in: Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson, 90.
39
Wente, in: Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson, 89–90.
40
See note 21.
41
This term was first applied to temple decoration in D. Arnold, Wandrelief und
Raumfunktion in ägyptischen Tempeln des neuen Reiches (Berlin, 1962) 128, and
then transferred to the context of the private tomb by B. Engelmann-vonCarnap, Die
Struktur des thebanischen Beamtenfriedhofs in der ersten Hälfte der 18. Dynastie:
Analyse von Position, Grundrißgestaltung und Bildprogramm der Gräber, ADAIK
15 (Berlin, 1999) 379, 410–17. The content of the Blickpunktbild is seen as the most
significant for the tomb owner; the instances of his life or afterlife which he
particularly wished to promote to visitors; see also M. Fitzenreiter, Totenverehrung
und soziale Repräsentation im thebanischen Beamtengrab der 18. Dynastie, SAGA
22 (Heidelberg, 1995) 105; M. Hartwig, Tomb Painting and Identity in Ancient
Thebes, 1419–1372 BCE, Monumenta Aegyptiaca 10 (Brussels, 2004) 17, 35, 51;
M.K. Hartwig, "Style and Visual Rhetoric in Theban Tomb Painting" in: Z. Hawass
/ L. Pinch Brock (eds.), Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-First Century:
Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists, Cairo, 2000.
Vol. 2: History, Religion (Cairo / New York, 2003) 298–307; M. Wegner,

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 BACE 23 (2012)

"Stilentwicklung der Thebanischen Beamtengräber" in: Mitteilungen des Deutschen

Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 4 (1933) 95.
42
This duality is discussed by S. Binder in relation to scenes which show the tomb
owner receiving and wearing the Gold of Honour: S. Binder, The Gold of Honour in
New Kingdom Egypt, Australian Centre for Egyptology Reports 8 (Oxford, 2008)
269–71. By portraying this event, the tomb owner is commemorating the honour of
being acknowledged by the king during his lifetime. In addition, depictions of the
tomb owner wearing the Gold of Honour in scenes of the afterlife and before Osiris,
who is king of the netherworld and associated with the deceased pharaoh, express
the hope that this status will continue into the next world. See also Hartwig, in:
Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-First Century 2, 301, 305.
43
The development of the tomb as a "temple" for the deceased to access the gods is
outlined in J. Assmann, "Geheimnis, Gedächtnis und Gottesnähe: zum
Strukturwandel der Grabsemantik und der Diesseits-Jenseitsbeziehungen im Neuen
Reich" in: J. Assmann / E. Dziobek / H. Guksch / F. Kampp (eds.), Thebanische
Beamtennekropolen: neue Perspektiven archäologischer Forschung. Inter-
nationales Symposium, Heidelberg, 9.–13.6.1993, SAGA 12 (Heidelberg, 1995)
281–93; J. Assmann, "Priorität und Interesse: Das Problem der Ramessidischen
Beamtengräber" in: J. Assmann / G. Burkard / V. Davies (eds.), Problems and
Priorities in Egyptian Archaeology, Studies in Egyptology (London / New York,
1987) 31–41; Assmann, in: Strudwick / Taylor, The Theban Necropolis, 46–51.
44
A review of this process of "democratisation" of mortuary texts is provided by K.
Koch, Geschichte der Ägyptischen Religion: Von den Pyramiden bis zu den Mysterien
der Isis (Stuttgart / Berlin / Köln, 1993) 209–30, esp. 228–29. See also J. Assmann,
Death and Salvation in Ancient Egypt, trans. D. Lorton (Ithaca / London, 2005)
147–48; S. Morenz, Egyptian Religion, trans. A.E. Keep (London, 1973) 204, 208.
45
In linguistic terms, we can see the coupling of these gods through both juxtaposition of
their names, as in CT 497 (VI, 79), CT 498 (VI, 80–81), CT 499 (VI, 83), CT 500 (VI,
84), CT 506 (VI, 91); BD 188 (S1), BD 91 (S); and through simile, as in CT 45 (I,
192) and CT 161 (I, 261). More descriptive statements of their relationship can be
found in BD 186B (§ S1), wherein she is the "great one, lady of the sky, mistress of all
the gods, whom Re-Horakhty-Atum joins at his beautiful setting; lady of the headland
of Manu that receives her father Re at his setting", and in CT 331 (IV, 172), wherein
Hathor is "the female messenger of the Sole Lord", a possible reference to her status as
the Eye of the god, whom he sends forth to do his will, as in the mythical text, The
Destruction of Mankind: "Then they said unto His Majesty, 'Send out your Eye that it
may smite them for you, those who have conspired so wickedly. No eye is capable as
it to smite them for you. May it descend in the form of Hathor'.": E.F. Wente, "The
Book of the Heavenly Cow" in: W.K. Simpson (ed.), The Literature of Ancient Egypt:
An Anthology of Stories, Instructions, Stelae, Autobiographies, and Poetry (New
Haven / London, 2003) 290–91.
46
Bonnet, Reallexikon, 718; C. Ziegler, "Sistrum" in: W. Helck / E. Otto / W.
Westendorf (eds.), Lexikon der Ägyptologie V (Wiesbaden, 1984) 960.
47
This conception is first alluded to in PT 335 (§ 546), through the association of the
goddess with other cosmic deities ("HoZ happy are those who see me adorned with my
68
 MCCLYMONT, HATHOR IN 'SPHERES OF BELONGING'

fillet from the brow of Re! My kilt which is on me is Hathor, my plume is a falcon's
plume, and indeed I will ascend to the sky among my brethren the gods") and then
continued CT 44 (I, 181: "may you ascend and see Hathor") and similar in CT 398 (V,
159), CT 427 (V, 273), CT 482 (VI, 48), CT 710 (VI, 341) and CT 769 (VI, 403).
48
Assmann, Search for God, 111–12.
49
Epigraphic Survey, The Tomb of Kheruef: Theban Tomb 192 (Chicago, 1980) pl. 39–40.
50
See Table 1, no. 39 (TT 2).
51
K.-J. Seyfried, Das Grab des Djehutiemhab, TT 194 (Mainz, 1995) 70, text 119, pl.
XXXV.
52
This understanding of the uraeus is demonstrated, again, in a text from Speos
Artemidos: Urk. IV 286.14–16: "I place your terror in all lands, I rear up between
your eyebrows, My flames are fire against your enemies". See A. Roberts, Hathor
Rising: The Power of the Goddess in Ancient Egypt (Rochester, 1997) 46.
53
Assmann, Search for God, 69, 81.
54
J. Assmann, Egyptian Solar Religion in the New Kingdom: Re, Amun and the Crisis
of Polytheism (London / New York, 1995) 57–65; Bonnet, Reallexikon, 738–39;
K.A. Kitchen, "Barke" in: Lexikon der Ägyptologie I (Wiesbaden, 1975) 619–20.
55
Assmann, Amenemope, 82 (text 98).
56
Assmann, Amenemope, 132 (text 189).
57
Assmann, Amenemope, 131 (text 186).
58
Assmann, Search for God, 109, also "virtuality" and "resultativity"; and again, in
Assmann, Egyptian Solar Religion, 80, "endless time" and "invariable permanence".
59
BD 100 (P1).
60
Assmann, Search for God, 8, 112.
61
H. Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian Religion: An Interpretation (New York, 1948) 4.

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 BACE 23 (2012)

Figure 6. Hathor with uraeus-sceptres behind the barque of Amun-Re: TT 65 [66] after
Nina de Garis Davies in Wilkinson, Egyptian Wall Paintings, 154 (no. 36.4.2)

Figure 7. Hathor at the prow of the barque of Re: TT 373 [56]

after K.-J. Seyfried, Das Grab des Amonmose TT 373, pl. 3, fig. 39.

70