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87
1978, VII, No. 1-2 pp. 87-103
J.W. BASTIEN*
A b s t r a c t : Andeans have employed metaphors to their land and communities since Inca times.
The author explains the mountain/body metaphor of Qollahuaya Andeans in Kaata, Bolivia.
These Indians live in low, central and high communities on Mount Kaata. These communities are
united not only bu resource and spouse exchange but also by their understanding of Mount Kaata
according to the anatomical paradigm of a human body. This metaphor is expressed in legends,
names of place, earth-shrines, and rituals. The properties of this central symbol are: (1)
completeness- (2) stratification; (3) telluric; and (4) metaphorical. The mountain/body metaphor
indicates another component of the ayllu: it shows how metaphor provides cultural unification for
diverse agricultural levels and different communities in the Andes. The ayllu consists of symbolic
as well as social and economic structures. (Symbolic anthropology, verticality, dominant symbol,
and ayllu).
INTRODUCTION
' " L a t i n American Studies Program of Cornell University funded research for this paper. I comple-
ted this paper at Tulane University where the National Endowment fort the Humanities provided
me with a grant during 1976 and 1977.1 am indebted to these institutions, as well as to Professors
Don Robertson and Arden King of Tulane.
AYLLU KAATA
The Indians of Mount Kaata, however, claim their territory is an ayllu and a
canton: the call it Ayllu Kaata and Canton Santa Rosa de Kaata Kaatans have
MOUNTAIN/BODY METAPHOR IN THE ANDES 89
historical, social, and cultural reasons for claiming their land is an ayllu and
canton. According to parish records (1777-1794), ayllus of colonial times were
Amarete, Chari, Chullina, Chajaya, Inca, Kaata, Kamata and Upinhuaya. The
political centers of these ayllus were Charazani and Curva, two cities (pue-
blos) built by the Spaniards for religious and political administration of this
region. Charazani and Curva absorbed ayllus Chari, Chullina, and Kaata into
their economic and political jurisdiction by the eighteenth century. Except for a
period of brief autonomy during the political rule of the Movimiento Nacional
Revolucionario from 1953 to 1964 (see Carter 1965: 9-14). The Indians of
Kaata remained part of Canton Charazani, where provincial officials then and
now decide matters for Kaatans. Moreover, these officials manage the stores
and oper.- te the trucks which Kaatans need for purchasing and exchanging
goods. In >rief, political and economic movements tried to destroy the integrity
of Ayllu K i a t a and to subordinate it to Charazani.
Nonetheless, Kaatans insist their mountain has political and social auto-
nomy because traditionally they have thought of their land as an ayllu. Accor-
ding to Qoilahuayas, ayllu means a vertical territory divided into high, center
and low ecological zones, usually with communities settled at each level and
separated from the other ayllus by rivers. Ayllu Kaata, for example, has three
major corimmunities of Ninokorin, Kaata, and Apacheta. Near the base of
Mount Kaata, Ninokorin (11,000 feet) rests on the lower fields of the mountain
(see Figure 1). Ninokorin has 80 families. The northern and southern slopes
of Mount Kaata ascend abruptly from the gorges of the Ayllu and Huruku rivers
(10,500 feet), and between these altitudes narrow riparian stripes produce
corn, wheat, barley, peas and beans. Lunlaya, Quiabaya, Chipuico, and
Jatichulaya are also scattered along both river banks; each settlement has
about ten f imilies. The four settlements are economically and politically inde-
pendent of each other; yet they comprise a single cultural part of Mount Kaata.
Moreover, they are agriculturally, socially and symbolically the lower people of
Mount Kaata as the term Ninokorin means Lower Son.
and politically independent of each other; yet they comprise a single cultural
part of Mount Kaata. Moreover, they are agriculturally, socially and symbolica-
lly the lower people of Mount Kaata as the term Ninokorin means Lower Son.
The people of Ninokorin and Kaata speak Quechua, and those of Apa-
cheta speak Aymara. The communities differ in settlement and subsistance
patterns. The communities live far apart; from Ninokorin to Kaata is a two-hour
climb and from Kaata to Apacheta takes z full day.
These ritualists can best circulate blood and fat, because they live where the
vital organs of the mountain produce these charged symbols of life and power
Kaata's symbolic position does not mean, however, that communities outside
of ayllu Kaata conceive of it as being the center of the universe, or think of
Kaata as the heart and bowels of the body universe, but that Kaatans' concep
tion of their ayllu, according to three levels and a human anatomical paradigm,
places Kaata community at the center and the inside of the whole.
From the center of the mountain, the slopes slant up to form the moun
tain's chest (kinre). The right breat is Tit Hill (Nuno Orgo); its knob is shaped
like a nipple. The highlands are the head (uma). Bunchgrass grows near the
summit of the mountain, as hair on the head. The llamas graze on this grass,
and their wool resembles human hair. As new hair grows after cutting so do
llama wool and bunchgrass continually arise in the highlands. Similar to the
regeneration of human hair, llamas originate in the highland lakes, or its eye
(riawi), according to Kaatans' belief. The sun dies into these eyes of the
highlands, but from the reflections within the lake come all living creatures. The
lake's reflections (ilia) are the animals and people returning from inside the
earth.
Animals and people originate from and return to the head of the mountain
It is the place of origin and return, like the human head which is the point of
entry and exit for the inner self. The dead travel by underground waterways to
the mountain's head (uma pacha) from where they can arise to the land of the
living. The living emerge from the eyes of the mountain, journey across ils
head, chest, trunk, and legs, and die in the lowlands. They are buried and
return with the sun to the uma pacha, point of origin and return.
Apachetans' home near the summit of the mountain qualifies them to be
the ritualists of the lakes and the dead. These highland herders travel to Kaal a
and Ninokorin for the Feast with the Dead. After praying for the dead and
receiving bread, they carry the dead's food to the highlands. A highland herder
feeds Lake Pachaqota a llama fetus during the major herding ritual of / I I
Colors. Kaatan diviners assist Apachetans in this ritual by prophesying from
guinea pigs, and Ninokorins bring chicha (corn beer) to the highlands.
Wayra Wisqani (Door of the Wind), a cavity within the earth from which air
arises, is the mouth. Whenever it rains too much, mountain ritualists feed a
llama heart into Wayra Wisqani so that its breath will blow the rain clouds
away.
Flowing from the summit, the Chari and Kunochayuh rivers, form the mak i
(hand to elbow) of Mount Kaata. The right arm is ayllu Chari and the left arm is
allyu Upinhuaya. Although Chari and Upinhuaya have formed ayllus, Kaatans
still consider them as parts of their ayllu, and they participate in Mount Kaata's
rituals. Upinhuayan women are the major ritualists for dispelling misfortun
and inflicting curses. During the Misfortune Mass, Rosinta Garcia washed a rat
fetus into the Kunochayuh River so as to remove sickness from the Ya
BASTEIN
I - MOUNTAIN/BODY METAPHOR
The people of Ninokorin, Kaata and Apacheta are also united because
they are part of a mountain/body metaphor. These Indians name the places of
the mountain according to their position within the human body, and these
places set far apart on Mount Kaata, are organically united.
The anatomical paradigm for ayllu Kaata does not correspond entirely to
geography, ecological zones and communities. The metaphor involves imagi-
nation, ability to understand meanings of Andean languages, embellishment
by oral tradition, and, most of all, the external application of the metaphor in
ritual. The following interpretations of the mountain Kbody metaphor were
derived from analysis of marriage and settlement pa'terns, ethnohistorical
documents, native informants, and participation in thirte >n rituals (see Bastien
1973).
The Inca Kings divided the Empire into four districts, according to the cardinal points, the
whole of which they called Tawantinsuyo, which means the four parts of the world. The center was
Cuzco, which, in the Peruvian language, means the navel of the world. This name was well
chosen, since Peru is long and narrow like the human body, and Cuzco is situated in the middle of
its belly... (ed. 1961: 5 7 ) . . . the inhabitants of Upper-Cuzco were to be considered as the elder,
and those of Lower-Cruzco as the younger brothers. Indeed, gt was as it is in the case of a living
body, in which there always exists a difference between the .right hand and left hands.
All the cities and all the villages in our empire were subsequently divided in this way into upper
and lower lineages, as well as into upper and lower districts (ed. 1961:45).
MOUNTAIN/BODY METAPHOR IN THE ANDES 89
The communities and land compose the parts of Mount Kaata's body, and
they form the mountain's inner self, which is like a center whose axis simulta-
neously touches every point. The points suspend the axis and yet are always
in touch with the center. Apacheta, Kaata, and Ninokorin are different levels on
the mountain body, and their position is wahat constitutes the mountain's inner
self. The inner self then gives its life to the parts.
Blood and fat empower the body: blood (yawar) is the life principle and fat
(wira) is the power principle. The are different bloods - strong, weak, frighte-
ned, and dried up. Qollahuaya medicine mean always feel the sick person's
pulse to determine the type of blood. They prescribe distinct herbs for each
type; for example, a person with strong blood (violent temper) may drink mate
of Luriwichu to dilute or weaken the blood. Juan Wilka, a Kaatan curei
diagnoses Elsa Yanahuaya's blood: "Your blood is water; go to the doctor ti
have it removed and new blood injected". Elsa feared that a landslide hac.
taken her blood and replaced it with water. Landslides, floods, and turbulent
streams wash the land away; and water, instead of blood, flowing through the
body is associated with loss of land - as well as death. The association is that
Kaatans refer to their ancestral line as blood neighbors (yawar masikuna) an<'
that blood is a symbol of claim to land. An important gesture of the agricultural
ritual is to sprinkle the earth with blood, vitalizaintg the land with the animals
principle of life as well as ratifying a kinship relationship with the mountair
body.
The most important part is the heart (songo). It pumps the blood through
the body. The heart is thought, intentions, and emotions. Sonqos are sad>
happy, and sick; and to determine the heart of another person, the diviner
places a guinea pig's mouth next to the person's heart to read its content. The
person's heart is symbolically transferred to the pig's heart, which is then read
revealing the type of heart in the person.
Fat (wira) empowers the body, and the bowels produce the fat Wiragocha
(sea of fat) was the name of an important divinity and emperor. The powerful
Spaniards were called Wiraqocha, and today Kaatans call white people by the
same name. The bowels include the liver, pancreas, kidneys, stomach, and
intestines. At the planting ritual of New Earth Sarito, the major ritualist of Ayllu
Kaata, reads the llama's heart and bowels to determine the agricultural life
(blood) and political power (fat) of the ayllu (see Bastien 1973:160-218).
Kaata is the viscera of the mountain body (see Figure 2). Its central lands
yield potatoes and oca, root plants, grown inside the earth, just as the viscera
gives vitality and power to the person. The hamlets are joined together as are
the vital organs surrounding the heart: Kaatapata, the oldest and highest of
these hamlets, form the liver where the ayllu's central chapel is located, and
the secretaries (the dominant political leaders for the entire ayllu) constitute
the heart. The eight large rotative fields fold like thick layers of fat aroun'J Kaata
community.
Kaata's place on the mountain geographically qualifies its people to be
the major ritualists for the aylly body, the Qollahuaya area, and the Andes.
BASTEIN
Mount Kaata's lower fields are the chaqi (foot to knee) and the indenta-
tions on the river are the sillu (toenails). The long narrow fields run parallel to
the rivers descending on them. The left leg is Ninokorin (eighty families) and
the right is Quiabaya (fifteen families). The sillu are at the periphery of Mount
Kaata where it joins at its lowest points with ayllus Chari and Upinhuaya. The
two small settlements of Silij (four families) and Jatichulaya (three families) are
the left toenails, and Lunlaya (fifteen families) forms the toenails. Many more
sillu, however, naturally arise every time the rivers subside after flooding.
The lower fields produce corn, and corn is fermented into chicha. Chicha
is the sacred drink of the Andes, although it has more recently been replaced
by sugarcane alcohol. The mountain and its people drink chicha during all
rit ial occasions. Nihokorin's people take care of the lower fields, not only by
ac 'iculture, but also by ritual to guarantee abundant corn for the mountain. The
lo\ i/er peoples annually feed their shrines at the feast of Corn Planting, which is
similar to New Earth. Apachetans contribute a llama and Kaatans bring blood
and fat to the corn planting ritual at Ninokorin.
The mountain as a human body is a way Kaatans think about their ayllu.
They love metaphors between people and nature, and the association may be
rei emblance of parts, similar use, or identical words. Uma, for example,
means head in Quechua and water in Aymara. This double meaning fits their
syi ibolic understanding of Apacheta. Kaatans are alive to the multiple inter-
- pretations of behavior, words, and natural phenomenon. They compared my
beard to the rays of the sun, but they were also associating it with heart,
because I was always confusing heart (songo) for beard (sonk'a). They later
explained, howerver, that I had spoken correctly, since Kaatan pictographs
depict the sun with a beard for its rays and a heart for its center.
II - EARTH SHRINES
The Great Shrine (Jatun Junch'a). associated with the liver and Kaata,
\ lies in the hamlet of Kaatapata. This is also the major shrine of the mountain,
because of its central location and physiography. Kaatapata rests on a spur,
which rises from the slopes and resembles a small mountain. The Great
A Y L L U SHRINES AND ANATOMY OF THE MOUNTAIN'S BODY
BASTEIN
Shrine is nourished atlthe rite of Chosen Field; it is also the site of a mock battle
(tinku) between the elders and clowns of Carnival. The clowns, who sprinkle
people with water, are symbolically put to death by the elders slinging ripe fruit
at them. Usually the youth join the clowns in open conflict with the adults, and
sometimes both groups rally against the women, who invade the courtyard
with cornstalks, beating the males to the ground.
Similar ritual battles are fought in other places; the Aymaras of the
Bolivian altiplano, for example, wage theatrical warfare between the upper and
lower divisions of the community. Tinku emphasizes the importance of con-
trasting pairs, and in the Andes almost everything is understood in juxtaposi-
tion to its opposite (Duviols 1974). Earth-shrines are also interpreted accor-
ding to binary opposition. Chaqam ta and Pachaqota, for instance, correspond
to life and death, and each term t <plains the other; moreover, each leads to
the other.
only to a degree can ritualists use the concrete symbol for their corporeal
lineal and communal needs. Although community Kaata, for example, divides
itself in three levels according to the mountain ^body metaphor, it does not
become the mountain nor the body, which are the dominant symbol, which
possesses considerable autonomy with regard to the aims of the rituals in
which it appears.
Victor Turner (1967:30) lists the properties of the dominant symbol of the
Ndembu as: (1) condensation; (2) unification of disparate meanings in a single
symbolic formation; and (3) polarization of meaning. Ndembu and Andean
dominant symbols share the similar property of being polysemic. The moun
tain/body metaphor however, reflects the complexity of Andean civilization by
leveled shrines on the mountains, which distinguish specific meanings rathe
than condense diverse meanings. The mountain, which refers to complete
ness by its wholeness, alo has many-layered references associated with a
specialization and a particular people, who live there.
BASTEIN
Kaatans do not understand inner self as distinct from outer self; conse-
quently, the gap between experiences of self and experiences of the world is
narrowed. The ecological order of land and nature can more readily be a
metaphor for their personal and social order, and vice versa.
Most Andeans live on mountains with similar ecological orders, which are
the basic metaphors for themselves and their society. It is in this sense that the
mountain/body is a dominant symbol for the Andes, which unifies its demo-
graphic and ecological diversity.
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