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Apocalypse Then: Prophecy and the Making of the Modern World, by Arthur H. Williamson (Westport, CT: Praeger, ; pp. . .).
This is, in many ways, quite a disappointing book. It seems intended to
accompany—or to have grown out of—a North American university course on the contribution of apocalyptic culture to Western Civilisation. Nonetheless, Apocalypse Then falls between two stools: often too sophisticated for its target audience of undergraduates and general readers, yet at times too superficial to convince consistently the expert. Consequently it is neither textbook nor specialist work. Trying too hard on occasions to please students—‘no graduate students need apply’ (p. ), ‘no sacred Cliff Notes’ (p. ), ‘turn up at seminars, drop in at academic cocktail parties’ (p. ), ‘music, dancing, and, oh yes seminars and lectures’ (p. )—Williamson has several deft one-liners that are almost counterbalanced in equal measure by some jarring turns of phrase. Thus, on the one hand, he writes that Jesus ‘clearly did not anticipate a new faith, much less a church’ (p. ); that Protestantism was ‘so resolutely text- based, so emphatically a religion of the Word’ (p. ); that ‘a world without the apocalypse remained a world without a master narrative’ (p. ): but, on the other hand, Charles Stuart’s trial and execution ‘resulted from his bottomless, truly Nixonian duplicity’ (p. ), allegations of Quaker female public nudity EHR, cxxv. (Oct. ) B O O K R EV I EW S are reduced to ‘chicks up front!’ (p. ), the Quaker leader James Nayler’s female followers are ‘groupies’ (p. ), while even the élite priest-scientists of Tommaso Campanella’s utopian City of the Sun like to ‘have a good shag’ on rare occasions (p. ). Then there are the constant generalisations which appear destined to be cut and pasted unquestioningly into essays. For it must be said that at the heart of Williamson’s book are a number of problematic claims emanating from his central assertion that apocalyptic culture has been the midwife of modernity. Accordingly, he maintains that the apocalypse underwrote the sixteenth- century Reformation, the seventeenth-century British Revolution and the eighteenth-century American Revolution, as well as proving ‘a crucial catalyst in the emergence of liberal values, political democracy, and even modern science’ (p. ). This argument is developed in ten chapters, beginning with an overview of prophecy, eschatology and the apocalypse in ancient Judaism, the
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inter-testamental and medieval period, all the way through to late fifteenth- century Florence. Here Williamson is at his weakest, and, despite good use of illustrations, makes several statements that can be considered at best dubious or at worst bizarre. Chapter Two examines the revival of apocalyptic thought during the Reformation when, in Williamson’s view, apocalyptic expectations ‘reached into the European mainstream intellectually, socially, culturally’ for ‘the first time in more than a millennium’ (p. ). He is particularly strong on the Scottish contribution, notably George Buchanan and his humanist successors. Next, Williamson turns to Habsburg dreams of a Last World Empire and their counterpoint in English, Scottish and Dutch colonial projects. Linking commercial republicanism with apocalyptic preoccupations, he suggests that religious, political and economic liberties ‘melded together as a common cause’ upon apocalyptic foundations to herald the birth of a new world (p. ). His fourth chapter on prophecy and nature discusses early modern utopian writing, particularly Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis and Campanella’s City of the Sun, together with the scepticism of Michel de Montaigne, witchcraft—especially in France and Scotland—and demonology. Underpinning it is the contention that ‘the apocalypse changed magic from an individual quest for private gnosis to a community quest for open discovery and the shared integration of multiple insights’ (p. ). Chapter Five focuses upon the British Revolutions of the mid-seventeenth century. According to Williamson, ‘modern notions of civil liberty—freedom of the press, religious toleration, freedom of assembly—largely arose in the modern world through these events’ (p. ). This is an old and some would say Whiggish view. What is unusual is Williamson’s belief that the apocalypse ‘proved integral to each of these developments’ and ‘made all of them possible’ (p. ). Moreover, Williamson states that the Digger Gerrard Winstanley was influenced by the German mystic Jacob Boehme, although this remains unproven (p. ). Again, in the following chapter on prophecy and science, he insists that ‘[John] Locke did not share [Isaac] Newton’s religious convictions at all’ (p. ), which is puzzling, as recent research has demonstrated Locke’s sympathy for many religious and political views espoused by anti-trinitarians. The remainder of this chapter concentrates on Thomas Burnet’s Sacred Theory of the Earth (–), situating it persuasively as a work of apocalyptic proto- geology which has parallels with ideas held by modern Creationists. Next, Williamson turns his attention to Quakers, Jews and ‘other subversives’. EHR, cxxv. (Oct. ) B O O K R EV I EW S Contrasting the ‘wholesome, kind-hearted man on the Quaker Oats package’ with the Quakers’ ‘well-founded’ image—at least in the eyes of their critics—as ‘an ecstatic counterculture, a living denial . . . of all order, even civic life’ (p. ), he informs us that they called themselves the Society of Friends, though this was rare before (early Quakers generally declared themselves to be Children of Light). More space is given to Jewish messianic movements, particularly the exploits of Sabbatai Sevi, together with the Amsterdam Rabbi Menasseh ben Israel and his attempt in to secure the readmission of Jews to England after a supposed absence of years. Chapter Eight looks at prominent Enlightenment thinkers such as Diderot, Voltaire and Condorcet. Undeterred by their apparent lack of interest in the apocalypse, Williamson nonetheless emphasises Condorcet’s belief in progress, which is envisaged as a rational substitute. Having touched on the Cambridge Platonists, but only named ‘bizarre Britons’ such as Richard Brothers and Joanne Southcott—William Blake is later mentioned only in passing, the
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Swedish polymath and mystic Emanuel Swedenborg omitted entirely—he asserts that ‘the apocalypse not only created modernity, it also survived it’ (p. ). This contention is justified by pointing towards the development of ‘civil millennialism’ in eighteenth-century North America (p. ), regarded here as offering an historical vision that reached a crescendo in the s. Though the French Revolution is treated too briefly, there is an interesting discussion of Napoleon’s convening of the Grand Jewish Sanhedrin in . Attention is also given to the second Great Awakening, the American Civil War and, in the last chapter, the Bolshevik Revolution and the American civil-rights movement— including Martin Luther King’s memorable ‘I have a dream’ speech, which, Williamson believes, drew on Daniel’s interpretation of Nebuchadnezzar’s dream (Daniel ). Williamson therefore advances a bold, provocative and wide-ranging thesis in Apocalypse Then. Despite concerning himself less with theological aspects of his subject, more with discerning larger political and cultural patterns (pp. –), and despite being sometimes wide of the mark, he has nevertheless written a lively work which will stimulate student discussions. ARIEL HESSAYON doi:./ehr/ceq Goldsmiths, University of London