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The symbolic content of Borromini's S. Ivo alla Sapienza is ex- incomprehensible conceits. A re-evaluation of S. Ivo, based on
amined in the light of documents of the period, particularly the the documents of the period, will serve not only to clarify the
construction documents in the Archivio di Stato in Rome. This meaning of the architectural and decorative symbolism of the
material makes a significant contribution toward resolving ques- chapel but will also allow a broad reassessmentof the nature of
tions related to iconographic elements in the groundplan, spiral Borromini's symbolic language.
tower, and interior stucco decoration of the chapel. The deter- Borromini had not yet finished his work as Bernini's assistant
mining factors for the symbolic meaning of the imagery of S. Ivo at Palazzo Barberiniwhen in I632, through the intervention of
are shown to be the iconography of the saint, the ceremonial Cardinal Francesco Barberini,he was appointed architect of the
functions of the chapel, and the changing patronage of three Roman Archiginnasio, the chief secular institution of learning in
popes. S. Ivo serves as a case study for Borromini's introduction the city.' Urban VIII was especially interested in the welfare of
of symbolic elements into the fabric and decoration of his works, the Archiginnasio, later known as the University,which had been
demonstrating that the nature of that imagery-seen in its I7th- founded by Boniface VIII (1294-1303) and given its permanent
century context-is not esoteric and that our view of Borromini seat by Leo X (I5 13-I 52I).2 This edifice had remained without
as a speculative thinker in architectureis exaggerated and anach- a proper chapel or library facility.3Borromini'stask was to con-
ronistic.
294
-.. -
. ,
*w^ I-
_- !
Fig. z. Andrea Sacchi, Divine Wisdom, Palazzo Barberini,Rome,
I629-I63I. Detail of ceiling fresco (G. F. N.).
Fig. i. Francesco Borromini, S. Ivo alla Sapienza, Rome, 1643-1660
(G. F. N.).
i,. - t .,
'
i'. ' 1: : ?
?a.
*
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" -: i* Fig.
Fig. 3. Borromini, S. Ivo.
3 Borromini, Detail of
Ivo.Detail
i:11~
*::
;/ *
ir ;;!0groundplan drawing, ca. 1642,
: : : Archivio di Stato di Roma (author).
suggested by the very name of the institution, which as early as erbs (9:I-z) has been carefully drawn in block letters: SAPI-
the mid-I6th century was commonly known as La Sapienza.9 ENTIA AEDIFICAVITSIBI DOMUM / EXCEDIT COLUM-
This popular designation was given official sanction by the ad- NAS SEPTUM / PROPOSUIT MENSAM SUAM ("Wisdom
monitory inscription Sixtus V had placed over the main entrance hath built herself a house, / she hath hewn her out seven pillars. /
to the cortile begun by Pirro Ligorio: SIXTUSV. PONT. MAX. She hath set forth her table"). Borromini has pencilled in the
INITIUM SAPIENTIAE EST TIMOR DOMINI.10 As they intended location of each of the three inscriptions: "on the frieze
passed through that portal, those who came to study at the of the door," "on the frieze of the columns," and "on the pedes-
Sapienza were thereby reminded of the elementary Christian tal of the statue." In the apse, behind the altar, the architect has
truth that the fear of the Lord, i.e. the practice of religion, is the indicated the seven columns of an exedra, in accordancewith the
beginning of wisdom. Borrominiintended to continue this theme biblical text. In the center of the chapel groundplan the architect
in the new Archiginnasio chapel, which was originally to be has drawn a sun, recalling the biblical passage "she [Widom] is
dedicated to Divine Wisdom. the brightness of eternal light... she is more beautiful than the
The earliest design for S. Ivo, as the chapel was ultimately sun" (Wisdom 7:26, 29). Like Sacchi's figure of Divine Wisdom
dedicated,11is a presentation drawing of the groundplan, dating this attributealso refersto the Barberini.Lest this message escape
prior to mid-i64z, now in the Archivio di Stato in Rome (Fig. the viewer the sun is surroundedwith bees, which, like the bees
3).12 In the upper left corner the following quotation from Prov- on the throne in the Palazzo Barberinifresco, establish the asso-
ciation between the Barberiniand Divine Wisdom.
This interpretation is confirmed by the marble plaque on the
9. Spano, 23. south facade of the Sapienza, which served as precedent for
io. Del Piazzo, 280-281. The present plaque reads simply: INITIUM Borromini's symbolic device. The plaque commemorates Urban
SAPIENTIAETIMOR DOMINI (Ecclesiasticus I: 6).
VIII's patronage of part of the Sapienza prior to Borromini's
Subsequent biblical references are taken from the Douay-Rheims
translation of the Vulgate. involvement with the building, and was already in place in 1630
i. The dedication ceremony took place on 13 November 660. Av- (Fig. 4).13Here the sun is surroundedby Barberinilaurel, and, as
viso of 13 November i660, Vatican Library,Vat. Lat. 8529, published old prints and the repairsin the wall above the impresashow, the
by E. Rossi, "Roma ignorata," Roma, xvII, 1939, 321. Until this time
the construction documents generally refer to the chapel as the "Cap- Barberini coat-of-arms was originally located above it. The in-
pella della Sapienza"or the "Chiesa dello Studio." For the history of the scription gives the meaning of the image: URBAN VIII / PONT.
chapel proper and some of the functions held in it see N. Ratti, Notizie
della chiesa interna dell'archiginnasio romano, Rome, I833. Pollak, i,
159-I62, has published a few documents related to S. Ivo and to the
original Archiginnasio chapel founded by Leo X. For this earlier chapel,
located on the ground floor at the western end of the north wing of the I3. P. Poulsson, "The Iconography of Francesco Borromini's Church
Sapienza, see Wasserman, 502. of S. Ivo alla Sapienza in Rome," Thesis, University of Oslo, Norway,
iz. Archivio di Stato di Roma, Universita 198, fasc. 122; Del Piazzo, 1976, I4-16. For the contract for the plaque see Archivio di Stato di
152-I53. Roma, Universita i , fol. Io.
ri.JI
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Fig. 4. Impresaof Urban VIII and InscriptionPlaque. Sapienza, south Fig. 5. Borromini, S. Ivo. Detail of dome and lantern tower from cortile
facade, ca. I630 (author). (author).
The Groundplan
an allegory of wisdom.15 They differ widely, however, with re- 1974, 73-79; P. Poulsson, "The Iconography of Francesco Borromini's
Church of S. Ivo alla Sapienza in Rome," Thesis, University of Oslo,
gard to the readingof the symbolic elements and the exact nature
of the wisdom the artist and patrons sought to express in the Norway, I976; L. Steinberg, Borromini's San Carlo alle Quattro Fon-
tane, New York, 1977, 374-396; M. Malmanger, "Form as Ideology:
architecturalform and decoration of the building. Herein lies the The Spire of Sant'Ivo alla Sapienza," Acta, Institutum Romanum Nor-
crux of the debate surroundingthe symbolic meaning of S. Ivo: vegiae, vIII, 1978, 237-249. In his recent monograph on Borromini
There are three points of focus: the groundplan, the lantern Anthony Blunt has synthesized many of the above interpretations into
one: A. Blunt, Borromini, London, 1979, II-I2z8.
tower, and the interior stucco decoration. i6. See, for example, the comments in Steinberg, 374-375.
I7. "Architectura mirabili, Apis volantis (gentile id fuit symbolum)
speciem imitante." F. Macedo, Archigymnasi romanae sapientiae ...,
I5. The most important studies, listed in chronological order, are: P. Rome, i66I, 12. For Macedo see Carafa, II, 476-477.
Portoghesi, "Borromini decoratore," Bollettino d'Arte, XL, 1955, 28- 18. Cartari was also Papal Archivist and, in 1647, became deacon of
29, Borromini nella cultura europea, Rome, 1964,49-52, 180-84, and the College of ConsistorialAdvocates, about which he wrote a biograph-
Borromini, architettura come linguaggio, Milan, I967, I49-I58; H. ical history: C. Cartari, Advocatorum sacri consistorii syllabum . . .,
Ost, "Borrominis r6mische Universitatskirche S. Ivo alla Sapienza," Rome, i656. Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, Rome, 1960-, xx,
Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichte, xxx, 1967, 101-142; E. Battisti, "II 783-786.
simbolismo in Borromini," in Studi sul Borromini, Rome, 1967, I, 23 1- I9. "Nella fabrica della Chiesa, che si principi6 in Tempo di Urbano
303; Marcello Fagiolo dell'Arco, "Sant'Ivo, 'Domus Sapientiae,'" in Ottavo, e percci6 e quasi in forma d'Api..." Archivio di Stato di Roma,
Studi sul Borromini, Rome, 1967, 151-165; P. du Prey, "Solomonic Universita I09, fol. i66. Cited by Poulsson, i8.
Symbolism in Borromini's Church of S. Ivo alla Sapienza," Zeitschrift 20. "Si fond6 nell'impresa ponteficia dell'Ape Barberini,la quale con
fir Kunstgeschichte,xxxi, 1968, 216-232; Maurizio Fagiolo dell'Arco, l'apertura delle quattro ali, e con la testa e corpo forma una figura
"Francesco Borromini" (critical review of recently published material), essagone...." F. Martinelli, "Roma ornata dall'architettura,pittura e
Storia dell'Arte, I-II, 1969, 200-205, "La Sapienza di Borromini: un scultura," Biblioteca Casanatense, Rome, ms. 4984, fol. 275r. This
progetto per il Palazzo dell'Universita," Storia dell'Arte, xxxvIII-XL, work has been published by C. D'Onofrio, Roma nel seicento, Florence,
1980, 343-35 ; W. Hauptman, "'Luceat Lux Vestra Coram Homini- 1969. For verification of Borromini's intervention with the manuscript
bus': A New Source for the Spire of Borromini's S. Ivo," JSAH, xxxIII, see Thelen, 1967, I, 99, n. I.
theimagein thelanternvault.Thebeeestablishesboththeshape
of the interiorwall and the structuralsystemof the dome-the
fourwings,head,and abdomenconformingto the six lobesof
the plan,with the six radiatinglegscorresponding to the ribsof
the dome.The authenticityof the engraveddesignas a genuine
representation of the architect'sintentionsat an earlypoint in
the constructionis confirmedby the statementof Borromini's
nephewthat an engravingof the groundplanof S. Ivohad been
madeby DomenicoBarriere,basedon drawingsBorrominihad
givenhim.21The engravingof the groundplanwouldhavebeen
amongthe plates ultimatelyobtainedand publishedby Gian-
nini.22The pedigreeof the bee in the groundplanof S. Ivo is,
therefore,a longanddistinguished one.23
Nevertheless,in the groundplanin the Archiviodi Stato(Fig.
3)-the earliestof all thedrawings-the sunratherthanthe bee
is at thecenter.Unlikethebeein theengraving,however,thesun
with the six surrounding beesis not to be understoodas partof
theactualdecorationof thechapel.Neitherthewindowsnorany
otherpartof the domestructureis drawnon the floorplan.The
sun and beesin the Archiviodi Statodrawingdo not reflectthe
architect'sdecorativeintentionsforthechapelbutserveratheras
ornamentandiconographickeyforthe drawingitself-a draw-
ingto be presentedto thepatronsforapproval.
The geometryof the groundplan,too, has an importantsym-
bolicfunction.An hexagonalconfiguration becomesapparentif
we imaginelinesconnectingthe abdomensof the bees (Fig.8). Fig. 8. Borromini, S. Ivo. Detail of groundplan drawing with
superimposed hexagon (author).
Thisimaginaryhexagonechoesthoseof thesubsidiarychapelsat
the fourcornersof the building.PlateX of the Operaindicates
thatBorrominialso intendedto piercethe domewith six hexa- that bee cells are hexagonal and that Martinelli emphasized the
gonalwindows.Eventhe lanternwas to be six-sided.Recalling abstract geometric quality of the bee as "an hexagonal figure,"24
we realize that the abstract conception of the bee as a six-sided
shape must have been the genesis of the groundplan of S. Ivo.
21. Biblioteca Nazionale di Firenze, Codex Magliabecchianus, in. This is verified by the groundplan in the Archivio di Stato in
II.II0, fols, I7or-I7Iv. See F. Baldinucci, Notizie de'professori del which the impressions of erased lines indicate that the matrix of
disegno . . ., ed. F. Ranalli, Florence, 1847, vII, 114-120. This en- the groundplan is a regular hexagon, which Martinelli notes is
graving, along with many others made by Barriere at Borromini's re- "counted among the most perfect forms by the practitioners of
quest, was in nephew Bernardo'spossession at the time the manuscript
was written in I685. D. de Bernardi Ferrero, L'Opera di Francesco architecture."25It will be helpful to view the drawing with the
Borromini nella letteratura artistica e nelle incisioni dell'eta barocca, original lines of the hexagon redrawn (Fig. 8). Borromini erased
Turin, I967, 37, attributes plate X of S. Giannini, Opera del caval. the lines of the hexagon when he sought to transformthe design
Francesco Boromino..., Rome, 1720, to Barriereon stylistic grounds as
well. The differencein the renderingof the bee in the engraving from the from a working drawing into one suitable for presentation.
Borromini autograph bee in the Archivio di Stato groundplan drawing is Every other autograph drawing of the groundplan of S. Ivo in-
accounted for by the fact that Barriereoften re-drew Borromini's origi- cludes the lines of this principal hexagon.26They even appear in
nals. Moreover, in the engraving the wings of the insect are depicted
the floor tiling, as executed in I66z, where the six bays are
open, as though flying (Macedo's "apis volantis"), in order that the
various parts might correspond to the six lobes of the groundplan.
For the Borromini-Barrierepublication enterprise of I66o and its
relationship to Giannini's plates, see J. Connors, Borromini and the 24. Martinelli, fol. 275r.
Roman Oratory: Style and Society, Cambridge,Mass., I980, 266-269, 25. Ibid., fol. 275v.
285-288. 26. Albertina 499, 500, 500, I. 509. The widely held supposition that
22. About plate X Giannini says: "Contiene la pianta intiera di tutta the groundplan of S. Ivo consists of two superimposed equilateral tri-
la sopradetta chiesa secondo la prima idea, e disegno del detto Cavalier angles seems to be based on a plate from the Opera which shows a
Boromino." Opera, preface. second triangle superimposed over the single inverted one appearing in
23. Poulsson, I7-19, too, recognizes the bee symbolism with refer- the autograph drawings. This second triangle is an I8th-century ad-
ence to statements by Cartari,Macedo, and Martinelli. dition.
demarcated from the central space by lines of gray marble.27 The the groundplan of S. Ivo. Cartari tersely noted that the chapel
hexagon is not simply a fanciful overlay onto the abstract struc- had the form of a bee because "it was begun in the time of Urban
ture of the groundplan but is rather its geometric core.28 VIII." On one level this refers simply to Barberini patronage of
Borromini's use of heraldic symbolism also fulfilled a practical the chapel. But heraldry was taken seriously by both Borromini
function. The bee imagery not only served to acknowledge the and his patrons. An element from the coat-of-arms, such as the
Barberini but also to flatter them in a way that would help ini- Barberini bee, was considered to embody the moral qualities of
tiate and maintain their patronage of the chapel.29 Borromini the family and individual.31
must have been quite aware that his appointment as architect of An enormous body of sycophantic literature of an allegorical
the Sapienza did not mean that the construction of the chapel and pseudo-scientific nature published during the reign of Urban
was assured. Indeed, during the more than ten years that passed VIII has as its starting point the three Barberini bees and other
before work commenced, the architect had ample time to reflect personal imprese of the pope.32 The authors of these works, who
upon the fate of Giacomo della Porta's design for the chapel.30 In were called the "bees of Urban,"33 repeatedly asserted that the
this uncertain setting the groundplan in the Archivio di Stato bee and its products, honey and wax, were symbols of Divine
must be seen as a presentation drawing prepared as a proposal Wisdom.34 This literature was not without a scholarly founda-
for patronage. This accounts for the enticing sun and bee imag- tion, for no less an authority than Vergil in the fourth book of the
ery and the biblical inscriptions with their clear allusion to the Georgics had said, "some have taught that bees have received a
iconography of the pope and his nephews. share of the divine intelligence, and a draught of heavenly
Establishing the authenticity of the bee imagery is essential for ether."35 Macedo's statement that the bee was "a symbol of the
understanding the much-debated iconographic significance of ancients"36 must refer to Vergil's passage. Bee symbolism is also
sanctioned by a venerable Christian tradition. Among relevant
scriptural citations are Wisdom's own words from Ecclesiasticus:
27. See L. Benevolo, "I1 tema geometrico di S. Ivo alla Sapienza," "For my spirit is sweet above honey: and my inheritance above
Quaderni dell'Istituto di Storia dell'Architettura,III, 1953, figs. 22, 25,
and "I1problema dei pavimenti borrominiani in bianco e nero." Qua- honey and the honeycomb" (24:27). Ambrose's reference to the
derni dell'Istituto di Storia dell'Architettura,xIII, 1956, 9-I2.
28. Hexagons and other honeycomb-like configurations are exceed-
ingly common in Barberini buildings. A groundplan of an early project 3I. A. Cellonese, Specchio simbolico overo delle armi gentilitie,
for Palazzo Barberini, attributed to Pietro da Cortona, consists of a Naples, 1667, 46: "Li corpi dell'Armi sono Imprese Simboliche, cioe
network of octagons. Wittkower, 1973, 234-235. The design has also Imagine scolpite, o pur dipinte nelli Scudi: le quali altro mostrano alla
been attributed to Borromini. K. Noehles, "Pietro da Cortona," Ency- vista, & altro all'intelletto significano. E come che Simboli, alle virtudi
clopedia of World Art, London, 1966, xi, cols. 360-364. In a similar della Famiglia alludono."
vein Pietro Ferrerio's engraving of the palace groundplan indicates an 32. See, for example, the following works dedicated to various mem-
unusually prominent hexagonal cistern at the base of the square stair- bers of the Barberini family: I. Bracci, La occulta corrispondenza tra
case. P. Ferrerio, Palazzi di Roma de' piu celebri architetti . . . , Rome, l'arme, e'l cognome de'Barberini, Rome, I623-an etymological study
I655, pl. 8. An engraving of 163 1 commemorating the construction of demonstrating six reasons why bees were called "barbare" by the an-
the palace includes along with numerous curiosities of Barberiniiconog- cients; F. Cesi, "Apiarium," Rome, I625-a quasi-scientific work con-
raphy a groundplan of the building, not as it was built, but as it was sisting of a wealth of lore related to the origins, manners, physical parts,
ideally conceived by the author of the engraving, one Orazio Busini. The and history of the bee; M. Greuter, "Melissographia..." Rome, 1625-
geometric configuration superimposed over the plan consists of a circle, an engraving with a microscopic analysis of the three heraldic Barberini
triangle, and square all inscribed within a hexagon. To judge from the bees and various amputated bee parts; C. Giarda, Apis religiosa . . .
inscriptions, the harmonious proportions of the plan are based upon a Milan, 1625-the community of the beehive is seen as the image of the
Christological interpretation of Plato's Timaeus. Vatican Library, perfect religious society; F. da Belvedered'Iesi, Symboliche conclusioni,
Stamp. Barb. x. I. 3 I, fol. 25. For all that is known about Busini, and an Ancona, I628-ten engraved emblems with various Barberini imprese
illustration of the engraving, see P. Waddy, "Palazzo Barberini: Early and lengthy explanations; C. M. Monaldo, "Apiarium," Vatican Li-
Projects," Dissertation, New York University, 1973, 158-I65. In a brary, Barb. Lat. 2 I 3-numerous original drawings of bee emblems in
forthcoming study of the fresco decoration of Palazzo Barberini I will praise of the Barberini. Pastor hypothesized that this phenomenon-
fully analyze this engraving. The Casino Barberini at Palestrina (ca. which we might designate with the neologism "apimania"-began in
i650), by Francesco Contini, consists of an hexagonal superstructure 1628 with the publication of F. Bracciolini'sepic poem on the election of
resting on a triangularpodium. As in S. Ivo, a hexagon is at the core of an Urban VIII (L'Elettione di Urbano Papa VIII, Rome, 1628), since that
equilateral triangle. P. Portoghesi, Roma barocca, trans. B. L. La Penta, work had some bee images at the ends of the cantos. L. von Pastor, The
Cambridge, Mass., 1970, 278, fig. 463. See also Fagiolo-Carandini, II, History of the Popes, trans. E. Graf, 40 vols., London, 1923-53, xxIx,
fig. 88. These examples demonstrate that Borromini's bee-hexagon 429-430. This literary genre was parallel to the proliferation of bees in
groundplan at S. Ivo was not merely the caprice of a fantastical imagina- the visual arts. Gregorio Leti reported in 1667 that more than Io,ooo
tion but, on the contrary, belonged to a tradition established under painted and sculpted bees had been counted in Rome and the Papal
Barberinipatronage. States. G. Leti, IInepotismo di Roma, 2 vols., Amsterdam, 1667, I, 228.
29. Connors has perceptively pointed to Borromini's use of opulence 33. L. Allacci, Apes urbanae, sive de viris illustribus, Rome, 1633.
at S. Carlo alle Quattro Fontane as a "lure" for aristocraticpatronage. J. 34. Belvedered'Iesi, i6-2o.
Connors, review of L. Steinberg, Borromini's S. Carlo alle Quattro Fon- 35. Publius Vergilius Maro, Georgics, trans. H. Rushton, in The Loeb
tane, in JSAH, xxxvIII, 1979, 285. Classical Library,London, I930, 219-227.
30. Wasserman, 501-5 0. 36. Macedo, 12.
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early stage of the design represented by the drawing in the Ar- dom naturally occurred to the architect and his patrons. A simi-
chivio di Stato the intended dedication of the chapel-to judge lar iconographic programappears in the fresco decoration of the
from the inscription-was to Divine Wisdom. Following the family chapel of Palazzo Barberiniand the adjoining reception
Pauline text-"We preach Christcrucified..., the power of God room with Sacchi's fresco. Pietro da Cortona's image of the
and the wisdom of God" (I Corinthians i :zI-4)-the image of crucified Christ (1631-1632) on the altar wall of the palace
Divine Wisdom is the crucifiedChrist. chapel was painted as the New Testament counterpart to Sac-
It has been logically suggested that the statue might have been chi's Old Testament allegorical personification of Divine Wis-
a direct representationof Divine Wisdom,49but given the lack of dom representedon the ceiling of the preceding room.50At pre-
any tradition for statues of this Old Testament personification, cisely what point the dedication of the new Archiginnasio chapel
least of all as an altarpiece, a statue of Christ crucified would to Divine Wisdom was dropped is uncertain, but after the death
have been more appropriate. A remnant of this Christological of the Barberini Pope in 1644 the wisdom iconography as an
program appears in the stucco medallions with the chi rho lo- element pleasing to the patron would have been less significant.
cated above the drum windows on the exterior of the chapel (Fig.
The Lantern Tower
o0).
The association between a crucified Christ and Divine Wis- Most iconographicanalysesof S. Ivo have been directedtoward
the helical tower with its flamingterminusrising above the dome
lantern (Figs. I-I I). This tower has become the conundrum of
ing statues of SS. Mark and Francis, is by Girolamo Campagna (1589-
90). The originalvisualrelationshipbetweenthe Christfigureand the Seicento studies. Eight major interpretations of the meaning of
columnsof the exedrawas disruptedin I679-I680 when a massive the tower have been published since the tercentenaryof Borro-
Baroquetabernaclewas erectedon the altar.W. Timofiewitsch,Giro- mini's death in i967.51 All of them relate the tower to the theme
lamoCampagna,Munich,I972, 253-254, figs.44-45. Figure9 repro-
ducesTimofiewitsch's photomontagereconstruction of the originalal-
targroup. 50. Scott, 35-37.
49. Fagiolio dell'Arco, I967. 51. Portoghesi, Linguaggio, 157; Ost, 127-134; Battisti, 262-265;
of Divine Wisdom, as established by the location of the chapel One particularly persistent type of interpretation is based on
within the Sapienza and by the quotation from Proverbs on the themes of secular learning and refers to Ripa's allegorical repre-
Archivio di Stato drawing. Scholars, however, sharply divide on sentation of Philosophy. In the I603 edition of Ripa's handbook
the nature of that wisdom. Philosophy is depicted with her robe divided by a spiraling flight
The interpretations can be placed into three main groups: of stairs, and the figure of Intellect is represented with a flaming
those based on scripturalpassages from the Old Testament Wis- crown symbolizing "the natural desire to know."66 Following
dom Literature,52those which begin with a visual prototype of a this theory, the tower of S. Ivo thus consists of a combination of
theological nature,53 and those offering prototypes related to two elements, the spiral steps and the flaming crown, both of
secular learning.54All interpretationstake as their starting point which refer to the educative function of the Archiginnasio.67
and focus the spiral form of the tower, assuming it to have, as There is also the tradition of the Tower of Grammar or the
Wittkower said, "an emblematic meaning."55 Tower of Wisdom, which is based on the Boethian principle that
In a pioneering article on Borromini, Paolo Portoghesi ob- the student must pass through seven successive stages repre-
served that the tower of S. Ivo is ornamented with jewels and sented by the seven Liberal Arts in order to ascend to the summit
consists of three complete turns around a central core. He there- of learning, which is Philosophy.68 Such a humanistic interpre-
fore interpreted the tower as the three crowns of the papal tiara tation of S. Ivo has a long history. In his book on bells and bell
transformed into a continuous spiraling band.56Portoghesi also towers published in i 806 Francesco Cancellieri commented that
hypothesized that the formal idea for the spiral came from na- the flames atop the spire of S. Ivo "allude to the effect of the
ture-from a spiral sea conch Borromini is known to have pos- sciences which illuminate those who cultivate them."69 This no-
sessed.57In his subsequent monograph on Borromini, Portoghesi tion was repeated by Moroni in I857,70 and, at the end of the
emphasized the spiral walkway of the tower as a space to be Igth century, by Francis M. Crawford who saw the tower as a
metaphorically traversed by man.58 He read the steps of the realistic representation of the "arduous path of learning."71
exterior dome vault and the walkway of the spiral as the difficult The number and variety of the sources and meanings put forth
path along which man is led to Divine Wisdom, symbolized by in the interpretations of the iconography of S. Ivo indicate a
the flaming crown at the apex. Portoghesi's apparently intuitive persistent uncertainty about the symbolic elements of the tower.
interpretation, however, has not found general acceptance in the There has, however, been no attempt to establish what terms
subsequent literature,as evidenced in the myriad prototypes sug- were used by contemporaries to describe the tower, and no sig-
gested for the tower: the Old Testament Pillar of Fire,59 the nificant use has been made of the construction documents in the
Tower of Babel,60 the Lighthouse of Alexandria,61 the Pillar of Archivio di Stato.72 This material contains the key to the mean-
the Universal Church,62 Dante's Mount of Purgatory,63 an ing of the spiral tower. It indicates that the iconography of S. Ivo
Augsburg table clock,64 and even Mount Olympus.65 is dependent on one fundamental theological truth. Wisdom is a
gift of God. It is a spiritual condition, not an intellectual quality.
Furthermore, the chief attribute of wisdom is charity, symbol-
Fagiolo dell'Arco, 1967, 156-157; Hauptman, 73-79; Poulsson, 36-
ized by flames, and the papal charity manifested in patronage of
38; Steinberg, 394-396; and Malmanger, 245-246.
52. Portoghesi, 1955, 28-29, I964, 49-52, Linguaggio, 149-158; the Sapienza exemplifies the highest wisdom.
Malmanger, 237-249. At the death of Innocent X in 65 5 the chapel was essentially
53. Ost, 101-142; Hauptman, 73-79; Steinberg, 374-396; Pouls-
complete on the exterior but remained unfinished inside. At this
son, 36, 57-58.
54. Battisti, 263-265; Fagiolo dell'Arco, I967, I56. stage Martinelli likened it to a "body without a soul, the inside
55. Wittkower, 1973, 2Io. lacking ornaments and religion."73 A papal avviso dated i6 June
56. Portoghesi, 1955, 28.
57. Ibid. The conch is recorded in the inventory of Borromini's pos-
sessions taken at the time of his death. See Portoghesi, 1964, 385-400;
Del Piazzo, 167, 169. 66. C. Ripa, Iconologia, Rome, I603, 164, 238.
58. Portoghesi, Linguaggio, 157. 67. Battisti, 263-265; Fagiolo dell'Arco, I967, 56.
59. Malmanger, 245. 68. For a similar "ascent" theory see M. Rivosecchi, "Dinamismo
60. W. Born, "Spiral Towers in Europe and Their Oriental Proto- ascensionale nella architettura del Borromini," Studi sul Borromini,
types," Gazette des Beaux-Arts, ser. 6, xxiv, 1943, 234, 244; Ost, Rome, 1967, II, i22: "... Borromini vi ha ideato e atuato il Tempio del
I27-134. sapere umano, sempre in ansia di ascesa."
6I. R. Wittkower, "Un libro di schizzi di Filippo Juvarra a Chats- 69. F. Cancellieri, Le due nuove campane di Campidoglio, Rome,
worth," Bollettino della Societa Piemontese di Archeologia e di Belle I806, I77.
Arti, III, 1949, I06; Hauptman, 73-79. 70. Moroni, LXXXV, 43.
62. Steinberg, 393-396. 7I. F. M. Crawford, Ave Roma Immortalis, London, 1898, 326.
63. Poulsson, 36, 57-58. Poulsson's study is particularlyvaluable for 72. Poulsson made use of some of the material but specifically rejected
the critique of the literatureon the iconography of the chapel. its value for establishing the iconographic significance of the tower.
64. Born, 244-245. Poulsson, 91, 131.
65. Battisti, 264, n. 26. 73. Martinelli, 276r-277r.
Fig. z1. Giacomo Lippi, Catafalque of Gregory XV, St. Peter's, Rome,
1623. Engraving by 0. Gatti, Rorne, Gabinetto Nazionale delle Stampe allecoronechegiraattornoa tuttastradaqualevana diminuire
...," fols.
(author). 44v-45r. Albertina 51o (Fig. iI) shows the spiral still without its jew-
elled decoration.This omissionPortoghesiadducesto the "practical
necessity of simplification." Portoghesi, 1968, 5 I. Albertina 5 I I repre-
of that same year informs that Alexander VII had ordered the sentsa somewhatlaterphasein thedevelopment
of thetowerdesign(ca.
completion of the chapel.74Preparatoryto recommencing con- 1649-1652), but is unfinished, with only two of the mounted pearls
indicated on the spiral. Ibid., pl. LI.
struction Borromini was ordered by the then Rector of the Ar-
77. "Per tanto disegnata l'Ape sodetta col fondamento, sollev6 la
chiginnasio, Carlo Montecatini, to make a complete survey fabrica con angoli e linee in varie forme et ordini correspondenti l'un
(misura e stima) of the work accomplished up to that date. This all'altro, assottigliandola a guisa di padiglione sin all'imboccatura della
lanterna, la quale nel di fuori si trasforma in un tempietto, o torre, cinta
document, dated 22 July 65 5 and signed by the architect and di loggia incoronata a chiocciola, et in essa una commoda scala per salire
his assistant, FrancescoRighi, is with the materialin the Archivio sin alla Croce, la quale viene nascosta agli occhi de reguardantidall'or-
di Stato.75It consists of a complete description of the chapel, as namento che a guisa di corona, cinge dette loggia per tutta la chiocciola."
of that date, written in the words of the architect and his assis- Martinelli, 275v-276r.
78. In the upper right corner of a cross-section drawing of the tower
tant. The entries relatedto the spiraltower mention "jewels"and Borromini has written: "Si risolve di redurre tutte tre le girate...."
refer to the spiral as "crowns."76The context in which these Albertina 510 (Fig. i ).
79. Portoghesi, 1955, 28.
80. For the heraldic use of the tiara, see D. L. Galbreath, Papal Her-
74. Vatican Library,Barb. Lat. 6367, at "z6 Giugno I655." aldry, Cambridge, 1930, I7-26.
75. Archivio di Stato di Roma, Universita 198, fasc. 123. This docu- 81. 0. Berendsen, "The Italian Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century
ment was first cited by Thelen, 1961, 298, n. 58. Also see Del Piazzo, Catafalques," Dissertation, New York University, 1961, 129-131,
233. 196-198.
76. Archivio di Stato di Roma, Universita 198, fasc. 123: "Per L'ag- 8z. The catafalque was designed by Giacomo Lippi and engraved by
getto rustico bozza e stucca delle facce che recingono le gioie delle corone 0. Gatti. Rome, Gabinetto Nazionale delle Stampe.
...," fol. 43v; "Per aggetto rustico bozza e stucca dell'imbasamento 83. For an engraving of the catafalque, see G. Alitino, Relatione
orbicolato di sotto le requadramentidelle corone che recingeattorno ...," dell'ultima malatia, e della morte della felice e s.ta memoria di Papa
fol. 44r; "Perla mura rusticacon l'aggettobozza e stucca delle gioie e fiori Innocentio Decimo ..., Rome, i655, 8. Also, F. F. Mancini, Compendio
no. 22 nelli requadramentiche forma fregiaturaalle corone ...," fol. 44v; della vita, et gloriose attioni del sommo pontefice Innocentio Decimo
"Per la mura aggetto bozza e stucca delle gioie e ornamenti che fan i razzi . ., [Rome], [i655], 7-8.
, /
II,
(/
4 *
ajC.:
?Y
i
A1'
spired by Moschetti's rather awkward design, Borromini knew general maintenance without the necessity of erecting scaffold-
of it since both architects were members of the committee to ing-a practicalconvenience not provided in a design such as the
which the project was submitted on 9 October i645.90 The two one for the St. Peter's campanili.93
architects were drawing upon a common current tradition of The spiral form of the lantern tower also emerged logically
papal structurestopped with the pontifical crown. from the idea of the spire as a tiara, for spiralityis inherent to the
Borromini's great novelty was to make the bands of the three symbolic essence of the papal triple crown. The crowns in the
crowns into a single continuous one. This extraordinaryinnova- tiara represent the,three spheres of papal authority-priestly,
tion has three explanations. The spiralhas a practicalvalue. As is royal, and imperial.94Taken together, they assert the universal-
evident from the wording of entries in the I655 misura e stima, ity of papal sovereignty.95The tiara is therefore a symbol of the
Borromini intended the spiral frieze of jewels to serve as a "para-
93. Access up to the base of the spiral is provided through a hollow
pet" for a walkway circlingup to the top of the spire.91Martinelli pier of the lantern tempietto.
calls the spiral "a commodious stairway for climbing up to the 94. B. Sirch, Der Ursprung der bischoflichen Mitra und pipstlichen
Tiara, St. Ottilien, 1975, i66, I8o-i8I.
cross."92 This allowed easy access for purposes of repair and
95. "Tres potestates, hoc est imperatoriam, regiam, & sacerdotalem,
plenariam scilicet, & uni-versalemtotius orbis auctoritatem." A. Rocca,
go. F. Ehrle,"Dallecartee dai disegnidi VirgilioSpada(d. i66z) Thesaurus pontificarum sacrarumque antiquitatem necnon rituum
(Codd. Vaticana lat. Iz57 e I 258)," Atti della Pontificia Accademia praxium ac caeremoniarum... znd ed., Rome, 1745, II, 178. This was
Romana di Archeologia, ser. III, mem. ii, I9z8, 21-28, esp. 22, n. o05. also the opinion of G. Leti [G. Lunadoro], Relazione della corte di
9g. "Muro della corona che fa parapetto che gira attorno a detto Roma, Rome, 1728, zz6: "Urbano V fu il primiero, che usasse la corona
finimento e lascia detta strada per poner salir alla corona che sta su la tripartita, chiamata tiara, per dimostrare, che il sommo pontefice ha la
sommita...." Archivio di Stato di Roma, Universita I98, fasc. 123, fol. potenza ponteficale, imperiale, e reale ...." Leti's book was first pub-
42v. lished in 1635, and this interpretation seems to have been prevalent in
92. Martinelli, z76r. the 17th century.
WK, Pg ~ + ~
. I Ii ,
Fig. 16. Moschetti, Detail of project for the campanili of St. Peter's
(Vatican Library). Fig. 17. Borromini, S. Ivo. Lanterntower (G. F. N.).
C A R I T A.
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Fig. I9. Ripa, Charity. Iconologia, Rome, I603, 74 (author).
Fig. 29. Clemente Maioli, Triumph of Religion, Ceiling fresco, Biblio- The emblems above the round-headed windows of the chapel
teca Alessandrina, Rome, i660-i665 (BibliothecaHertziana).
(Fig. 30)-the wreath, crown, palm fronds, and lilies-are sym-
bols of Christian virtue, martyrdom, and immortality.l34They
mente Maioli (i66o-i665)131 depicts Religion-not Wisdom- recall in hieroglyphic fashion for the worshipper the rewards
holding sway over the Four Evangelists and the Fathers of the attained by Sts. Fortunatus and Alexander, the two martyrs
Church (Fig. z9). The Evangelists and Church Fathers, pens whose remains had just been buried beneath the altar of the
poised, look upward toward Religion and the dove of the Holy chapel.135 But these objects are also symbols of wisdom and the
Spirit for inspiration. Matthew's angel, on the left, carries a scroll wise man.136The Chigi oak wreath that encircles the central
to remind the viewer to "seek ye therefore first the kingdom of elements thereby alludes to the wisdom of Alexander VII and
God, and his justice" (Matthew 6:33).132 As in the chapel, doc- establishes an emblematic association between the martyred
trine takes precedence over learning. Along the cornice at the saints buried in the chapel and the papal patron. Thus, the two
lower edge of the fresco are the three Theological Virtues. These types of emblems above the windows reiteratethe two principal
are the virtues which, like Borromini's "true wisdom," are in- themes of the chapel iconography-wisdom and charity-and
fused in man rather than acquired through intellectual effort.133 link them with the papal patron and the saints to whom the
They are gifts of God and represent precisely those virtues that
cannot be obtained through book learning but are characteristic I34. L. Reau, Iconographie de l'art chretien, 3 vols., Paris, I955-
of the highest wisdom. Of the three, Charity is placed foremost in I959, I, 425; E. Kirschbaum, Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, 8
vols., Freiburg, I968-I976, III, cols. oo-10z2.
conformity with St. Paul's dictum (I Corinthians 13:13). Like the I35. The remains of St. Fortunatus were transferred from the old
symbolism of Borromini's chapel the adjacent library fresco es- Archiginnasio chapel and the relics of St. Alexander were donated by
tablishes that the practice of religion and the Christian virtues Alexander VII. Ratti, 6, 30. These two martyr-saintsalso appear carry-
constitute true wisdom. ing palm fronds on the right side of the upper registerof the altar paint-
ing. See the preparatorydrawing (Uffizi, Sant. 3022) illustrated in Tem-
pesta et al., fig. 8z. St. Fortunatus is representedas a young priest and St.
I3I. Del Piazzo, I40--I4. To judge from the artist's request for the Alexander is the Roman centurion just below. Bibliotheca sanctorum, I,
inscription in the fresco, Carlo Cartari seems to have helped with the cols. 770-776, v, cols. 978-979.
program of the painting. Archivio di Stato di Roma, Universita I09, Borromini had already used a similar configuration of elements
io8r, II8r; E. Re, Biblioteca Alessandrina, Rome, 1945, 9-II. The (crown, palms, lilies) in reference to another martyr, St. Cecilia, in the
iconography, however, closely follows Ripa's entry for Religione. Ripa, pediment above the main portal of the Oratorio dei Filippini. Connors,
I618, 441. I980, 223. An engraved illustration of the portal is contained in S.
132. "Quaerite primum regnum dei et iustitiam eius." The tablets Giannini ed., Opus architectonicum equitis FrancisciBorromini, Rome,
held by the putto to the right of Religion are inscribed with the Ten 1725, pl. VII.
Commandments. I36. Ecclesiasticus 1:22; 24:18; 39:19. See also the remarks of Por-
133. Aquinas, Ia, 2ae, 62, I; Vacant, xv, pt. 2, col. 2782. toghesi, Linguaggio, 156- 57.
principal statement of Borromini's S. Ivo as an allegory of wis- and is attained through mental exercise rather than as a divine
dom. Despite its location in an institution of secular learning, S. gift. It places the emphasis on man rather than God.
Ivo has nothing of the symbolism of secular wisdom. Quite the Even in the ceiling fresco of the library of the Archiginnasio,
opposite, it stands as an admonition to heed that which is the where an iconography of secularlearningmight most logically be
true wisdom, not mundane knowledge, but religion and the fear expected, the main figure is not Wisdom, but rather Religion.
of God. 153 Where the iconography of wisdom does appear at the Sapienza,
The idea that the spiral tower of the chapel could represent in the chapel, it has no connection with book learningor intellec-
anything like the "arduous path of learning" suggests a secu- tual endeavor. Borromini's S. Ivo rising within the cortile of the
larized post-Enlightenment understanding of the nature of wis- Archiginnasio is like a memento mori within a flatteringportrait.
dom. Such wisdom rests at the summit of worldly achievement. It serves not to exhort the viewer to attain worldly wisdom, but
It is a humanistic rather than a Counter-Reformational notion rather to remind him that "the wisdom of this world is foolish-
ness with God."154