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Critical Issues on Campus: Sexual Assault

Oklahoma State University

Holly Loberg
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Critical Issues on Campus: Sexual Assault

The United States Department of Justice Office on Violence Against Women (2018)

legally defines sexual assault as “any nonconsensual sexual act… including when the victim

lacks capacity to consent.” The largest point of interest here lies in the lacking of consent,

which is the main focus of the critical issue of sexual assault in college. Overall,

"approximately 20-25% of women are sexually assaulted in college" (Holland & Cortina,

2017, p. 50). Of these cases, around half of them involve some form of alcohol use from one

or all parties involved (Gross, Winslett, Roberts, & Gohm, 2006). When alcohol is involved in

a case of sexual assault, consent cannot occur (Gross et al., 2006).

Different Perspectives

For Sexual Assault as a Critical Issue

Many individuals who look at sexual assault as a critical issue on campus need not

look far to prove their point. Sexual assault becomes a critical issue partly due to at the rate of

sexual assault on college campuses and the consequences of sexual assault for the individuals

who have experienced it as victims or survivors (Holland & Cortina, 2017). Statistically, 1 in

4 women during their time in college, are sexually assaulted (Holland & Cortina, 2017). In

other words, 20-25% of those who identify as women and attend college will be sexually

assaulted at least once during their years of attendance (Holland & Cortina, 2017). Once that

statistic is clear, it is helpful to look at women in college versus those who are not in college,

which is when the perspective becomes much more iron-clad (Holland & Cortina, 2017).

Women who are in college between the ages of 18-24 are 3 times more likely to experience

sexual assault than other women (Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network, 2017). Much of
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the time, those claiming this issue is critical for college campuses rely just on those two

statistics to prove their point.

However, there is more that could be considered. Victims and survivors face

consequences from being sexually assaulted. Many of these consequences are combinations of

psychological, educational, and physical (Holland & Cortina, 2017). To begin, many

individuals who have experienced sexual assault while in college have psychological

problems including Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), anxiety, depression, and issues

trusting others (Holland & Cortina, 2017). Furthermore, many sexual assault survivors end up

experiencing significant negative impacts on their educational wellbeing due to their

perpetrator being in their classes, or simply at their institutions as a whole (Holland &

Cortina, 2017). Finally, sexual assault victims can experience major physical consequences

from the assault itself, such as wounds, pregnancy, and so much more (Holland & Cortina,

2017).

Research Supporting this Perspective

Majority of the research about sexual assault being a critical issue on campus supports

it, especially statistically and effectually. Overall, many individuals experience sexual assault

while in college, especially those identifying as women or as sexual- and gender-minoritized

individuals (Coulter & Rankin, 2017). Furthermore, the research also looks into when these

assaults are happening and the short-term and long-term effects (Mengo & Black, 2015; Rape,

Abuse and Incest National Network, 2017).

Research supporting sexual assault being a critical issue on campus focuses on how much

more prevalent sexual assault is on a college campus as compared to anywhere else in society.

This is specifically proven when looking at the rate at which males, females, and sexual- and
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gender-minoritized individuals experience sexual assault on a college campus in comparison to

their non-college attending peers (Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network, 2017). Male

students attending college between the ages of 18-24 are 78% more likely to experience sexual

assault than those in the same age category who do not attend college (Rape, Abuse and Incest

National Network, 2017). Female students between the ages of 18-24 attending college, on the

other hand, are over 300% more likely to experience sexual assault than their non-college

attending peers (Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network, 2017). Finally, those who are sexual-

and gender-minoritized are 21% more likely to be sexually assaulted in college than if they did

not attend college (Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network, 2017). The last number may

appear low at first glance, but it is sadly due to the fact that many individuals within the

LGBTQ+ community experience sexual assault on a regular basis as compared to their non-

LGBTQ+ counterparts (Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network, 2017).

All in all, 20-25% of women experience sexual assault in college and it is the most

pervasive crime that occurs on campuses (Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network, 2017). The

pervasiveness of sexual assault on campus has to do with many coinciding factors including

scheduling and living spaces. Overall, those in college have a very set schedule, including their

class and work schedule, making them easy to find at any given point in a day (Lisak, Gardinier,

Nicksa & Cote, 2010). In addition, their living quarters are typically very easy to find and

gain entry to, even with the security systems most campus residence halls put into place

(Lisak et al., 2010). The ease of entry typically has to do with the fact that, majority of the

time, sexual assault perpetrators are people that the sexual assault victim trusts, including

acquaintances, friends, or partners (Lisak et al., 2010; Rape, Abuse and Incest National

Network, 2017).
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Due to this, many individuals in college experience sexual assault, which has, in turn,

made it a critical issue on our college campuses in majority of the research. These individuals

experiencing sexual assault are also experiencing short- and long-term effects. These effects can

range from physical, emotional, educational, and psychological with many having lasting

consequences (Mengo & Black, 2015).

Individuals who experience sexual assault can run the gamut on responses and effects

(Mengo & Black, 2015). One of the major factors that contribute to negative, short- and long-

term effects lies in the perpetrator (Gross et al., 2006). As noted previously, sexual assault

perpetrators tend to be individuals who the victim of sexual assault already knows (Gross et

al., 2006; Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network, 2017). This can cause lasting trust issues

for individuals because someone that they know was capable of committing sexual assault

against them (Mengo & Black, 2015).

Furthermore, individuals who have experienced sexual assault can experience negative

effects on their educational wellbeing (Holland & Cortina, 2017). Students that have

experienced sexual assault during their time in college may give up on their studies or focus

far too hard on their studies, resulting in a negative life balance that can be very detrimental to

their success and a college or university (Holland & Cortina, 2017). Educational detriment is

especially prevalent for sexual assault victims that are in their first-year of college and did or

do not receive adequate psychological and physical care after the sexual assault (Holland &

Cortina, 2017). Due to all of these factors, individuals who have experienced sexual assault

while in college are far more likely to leave their college or university than any other

population on campus, especially when experiencing educational detriment (Holland &

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Cortina, 2017; Mengo & Black, 2015). With all of this noted, the dropout rate for those who

have experienced sexual assault is around 34%, whereas the overall university dropout rate

sits around 30% (Mengo & Black, 2015).

Each of these points show that statistically and effectually, majority of the research is

backing the claim that sexual assault is a critical issue on campus. All in all, research in general

tends to agree that there is still much to do in regards to sexual assault on campus and our

response to it (Gross et al., 2006).

Research Refuting this Perspective

Of all the research found for sexual assault on campus, each research article did not

refute the view that sexual assault is a critical issue on campus (Gross et al., 2006; Holland &

Cortina, 2017; Mengo & Black, 2015) . Many areas, including the United States government,

see sexual assault as a critical issue across the United States and specifically in our colleges

and universities (Office on Violence Against Women, 2018). There are points within the

United States government that show points of being against sexual assault as a critical issue

on campus, which will be discussed later in the paper (United States Department of

Education, 2018). Due to this, much of the policy that surrounds sexual assault focuses on

institutions’ reporting of sexual assault to accurately display the severity of this critical issue

(Office on Violence Against Women, 2018).

Against Sexual Assault as a Critical Issue

On the other side of whether sexual assault is a critical issue are individuals, and groups

of thought, who focus on why sexual assault on campus is not an issue of concern. Those who

are in this camp of thought typically focus on the reporting side of sexual assault. The focus on

reporting ranges from false reporting, to underreporting, to late reporting, and anywhere in
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between (Gross et al., 2006; Lisak et al., 2010; Spencer, Mallory, Toews, Stith & Wood, 2017).

Furthermore, those who do not feel sexual assault is a critical issue on campus, or in the United

States as a whole, also look at sexual drive of men and campus safety (Gross et al., 2006;

Spencer et al., 2017).

The reporting perspective looks at multiple different avenues of reporting, but one of the

most common issues of the reporting perspective focuses on false reporting (Lisak et al., 2010).

In specific, false reporting looks at whether the crime in question was attempted or committed in

this given situation (Lisak et al., 2010). In other words, false reporting means that there is

evidence to prove that the assault did not occur (Lisak et al., 2010). This perspective looks at

how easy it is to believe something when it could just as easily be a false report (Lisak et al.,

2010). The implications for this focus on a sexual assault victim’s level of support in a given

situation (Lisak et al., 2010). The level of support and trust an individual who has experienced

sexual assault perceives in a given situation can result in a better prognosis for their short- and

long-term effects (Gross et al., 2006; Lisak et al., 2010).

The other area within the reporting perspective looks at how individuals who have

purportedly been sexually assaulted, but never reported (Spencer et al., 2017). In this

perspective, individuals and groups of thought wonder and question how sexual assault can be

such a critical issue if there is no one reporting? (Spencer et al., 2017). Said differently, why

would people not report if it was actually happening so frequently and if it were actually a big

deal? (Spencer et al., 2017). This perspective focuses on how reporting can help, but people are

not doing it (Spencer et al., 2017).

The last two of the perspectives on sexual assault not being a critical issue on campuses

go hand in hand. These two perspectives focus on men’s sexual arousal and campus safety,
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which, on the surface, look as though they do not go together (Gross et al., 2006; Spencer et al.,

2017). To begin, this perspective looks at how a man’s level of sexual arousal cannot be

quenched without sex or “getting off” (Gross et al., 2006). This perspective says that, if a man

must get out his pent up sexual frustration, it should not be considered rape at every turn,

especially if consent was originally there (Gross et al., 2006). Due to this, reports of sexual

assault on campus are typically not actually sexual assault because the man just needed to get his

sexual frustration out with someone he knew well enough to do so with (Gross et al., 2006).

This means that campuses are actually safer than the reports of sexual assault actually appear to

be because people are “crying wolf” far too frequently (Gross et al., 2006; Spencer et al., 2017).

Research Supporting this Perspective

As stated previously in the refutation of the “for” side of sexual assault being a critical

issue on campus, there is not much research to support the perspective that sexual assault is

not a critical issue on campus. Overall, much of the scholarly research proves how large of a

critical issue sexual assault on campus is. The main area that supports this perspective looks

as a very recent retraction by the Secretary of Education, Betsy DeVos (United States

Department of Education, 2018).

In 2017, Secretary DeVos retracted the Obama-Era version of Title IX (United States

Department of Education, 2018). The main difference between the Obama-Era and the now

current versions of Title IX rest in the support that sexual assault victims and their accused

perpetrators receive when going through a sexual harassment case (United States Department

of Education, 2018). With the current version of Title IX, the scope of sexual harassment has

decreased alongside the scope of sexual harassment cases that colleges and universities are

required to conduct cases on (United States Department of Education, 2018). Furthermore, the
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current version of Title IX under Secretary DeVos allows all of those involved to cross-

examine one another, but only through their advisors (United States Department of Education,

2018).

Overall, the rescinding of the Obama-Era Title IX provisions provide tangential support

for sexual assault not being a critical issue on campus (United States Department of Education,

2018). Each of the points that Secretary DeVos makes point to her doing this to support

everyone in the process to allow for a fair grievance process, however, it also releases much

of the mandated support methods given to survivors (United States Department of Education,

2018).

Research Refuting this Perspective

There is some research that refutes the perspective that sexual assault is not a critical

issue, however, most of this perspective in general is not focused on as it is so statistically

proven to be false (Lisak et al., 2010). Specifically in regards to false reporting, it has been

shown that this is a false perspective (Lisak et al., 2010). Overall, two to ten percent of sexual

assaults reported are false reports, which is statistically the same as any other false allegations

(Lisak et al., 2010).

Furthermore, the false reporting perspective on sexual assault not being a critical issue on

campus relies heavily on victim blaming stereotypes (Lisak et al., 2010). This viewpoint is held

in multiple areas of the United States and results in the low likelihood that sexual assault victims

will report the crime they have endured (Lisak et al., 2010). Therefore, the main refutation of the

perspective that sexual assault is not a critical issue focuses on the incorrect viewpoint of false

reporting as shown in research (Lisak et al., 2010).

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Another area that refutes the perspective that sexual assault is not a critical issue is

that, as noted previously, sexual assault perpetrators tend to be individuals who the victim of

sexual assault already knows (Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network, 2017). Altogether,

39% of sexual assaults are committed by an acquaintance, 33% are committed by current or

former partners, and 2.5% are committed by a relative (Rape, Abuse and Incest National

Network, 2017). These statistics show that almost ¾ of the sexual assaults that occur are by

someone the individual knows, making it a large concern for individuals, especially on campus(

Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network, 2017).

Next Steps for Administrators

The next steps for high level college administrators focuses on increasing sexual

assault reporting numbers all while decreasing sexual assaults, which is a double-edged sword

(Banyard, 2014). The overall goal is to have fewer sexual assaults on campus, but, to do that,

sexual assault first must be a more prominent issue (Banyard, 2014). In other words, there

needs to be more reports first, then the number can be reduced over time.

The first goal for administrators should be looking at inclusion and safety programs.

Specifically, it has been shown that sexual- and/or gender-minority individuals experience

sexual assault at a much greater rate that those who are not (Coulter & Rankin, 2017).

Therefore, many high level administrators need to work toward creating or looking for

programs that help to create a sense of safety and inclusion on campus (Coulter & Rankin,

2017). For instance, the Safe Space/Zone program creates an area in which individuals can

talk about issues relating to sexuality, gender, and more (Coulter & Rankin, 2017). The

training that goes with the certification for this program also focuses on how individuals can
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be allies for sexual- and gender-minority individuals, especially when they are going through

crises such as sexual assault (Coulter & Rankin, 2017).

Furthermore, high level administrators need to be looking at active ways to raise

awareness of sexual assault on campus (Banyard, 2014). It is important to be able to allow the

increase in sexual assault reports mentioned previously because, if more people understand

sexual assault, then more people can report cases that they were unaware of being considered

sexual assault previously (Banyard, 2014). In addition, to gain more awareness, opportunities

for active learning about sexual assault are incredibly important (Banyard, 2014). Some

different ways that administrators can look at creating active learning about sexual assault are

through “social marketing campaigns, academic classes, online training, interactive theater,”

and so much more (Banyard, 2014, p. 340). These areas of active learning need to be time

sensitive for everyone, including those who have experienced sexual assault, those who have

been accused of perpetrating sexual assault, and those who act as bystanders (Banyard, 2014).

Altogether, research shows that any deal of education needs to focus on the bystanders

as they make up the largest swath of individuals on campus (Banyard, 2014; Lisak et al.,

2010). With this in mind, administrators would do well to provide educational programs of some

kind to this grouping (Banyard, 2014; Lisak et al., 2010). If education is done in bystander

intervention, individuals are more likely to stand-up against perceived sexual assault in the

moment rather than be an inactive bystander in a given situation (Banyard, 2014; Lisak et al.,

2010).

The final piece that high level administrators need to be looking at is the retention and

level of support that individuals who have experienced sexual assault are receiving (Mengo &

Black, 2015). This focuses in on how individuals are being supported even after they do
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report. Retention and support are important because those who have been sexually assaulted

are far more likely to leave a university or college after their experience of sexual assault

(Mengo & Black, 2015). This typically occurs because individuals do not feel supported

and/or they are not being truly listened to (Mengo & Black, 2015).

My Perspective

My perspective on this has not changed much since researching the topic. Fortunately,

I have already done a lengthy amount of research on topics similar to this and am strongly

passionate about viewing this as a critical issue on campus. Overall, I find that sexual assault

is something that is governmentally considered a critical issue, especially when looking at

Title IX, the Clery Act, and the Violence Against Women Act (Office on Violence Against

Women, 2018).

With the recent change in Title IX provisions from Secretary DeVos, I find that there

are now areas of growth that must be done for sexual assault survivors and the support given

to them (United States Department of Education, 2018). Though the Obama-Era additions to

Title IX were not perfect, there are areas in which this addition exceled in comparision to the

now current rendition of Title IX (United States Department of Education, 2018). My

perspective focuses on the amount of support individuals who have experienced sexual assault

receive and their likelihood of being successful while in college. With this in mind, I find that it

is important to look at the areas in which students who have experienced sexual assault need to

be supported and what areas are currently lacking for them. Most of these areas appear to be

centered around the level of trust and belief given (Gross et al., 2006). The retraction of the

Obama-Era Title IX provisions comes a slew of support that can be pulled back from sexual

assault survivors (United States Department of Education, 2018). This is incredibly

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worrisome as support is one of the major factors leading to an individual who has expereinced

sexual assault’s desire to stay at an institution and not feel betrayed by it (Stader & Williams-

Cunningham, 2017).

Furthermore, I find that sexual assault has been viewed as a departmental and campus

issue. In other words, it is looked at as the job of the Title IX Coordinator and the department

that Title IX Coordinators fall into (Wiersma-Mosley & DiLoreto, 2018). I believe that this is

an entire campus issue rather than just a few individuals on the campus finding it to be an

issue, such as the Title IX Coordinators (Wiersma-Mosley & DiLoreto, 2018).

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