When Is an Orchestra Not an Orchestra?

Author(s): Neal Zaslaw

Source: Early Music, Vol. 16, No. 4 (Nov., 1988), pp. 483-495
Published by: Oxford University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3127324
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Neal Zaslaw

When is an Orchestra not an Orchestra?

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Our are found to be non-orchestral, but the underlying

knowled
seriously premise-that something called 'the orchestra'
mu was
Charles Burney. The good doctor had done his functioning by the beginning of the 17th century-
homework and, therefore, he knew the printed score ofhas remained unquestioned.'
Monteverdi's Orfeo. When he saw at the beginning of We must begin with definitions, for how can
that score the list of 33 instruments, including the'orchestra' be discussed unless we agree on what it is?
indications '2 little violins in the French manner', '10 Since so many of us grew up listening to, playing in, or
viole da brazzo', '3 bass gambas' and '2 contrabass studying orchestras and orchestral music, the exercise
viols', he thought he knew that 'the orchestra' must of defining 'orchestra' may (at first blush) seem
have been in existence by 1607. Despite two centuriespedantic or superfluous, yet a satisfactory working
of research since Burney's History of Music, his viewdefinition proves difficult to come by.
has never been seriously challenged. To be sure, from Martin Staehelin's recent etymological investigation
time to time individual pieces or isolated repertories of the word 'orchestra'2 is a convenient starting point.

EARLY MUSIC NOVEMBER 1988 483

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Staehelin gives five primary definitions, in chrono- centuries, or what is, with dangerous inexactitude,
logical order of their appearance: customarily called 'The Baroque Orchestra'. Here,
then, are eight characteristics that must be included in
(1) the original meaning: the place in ancient Greek
any such definition of 'orchestra':
and Roman theatres in which the dancers or actors
performed; 1. The ensemble was based on bowed stringed
(2) a 16th-century French humanistic usage: the part of instruments of the violin family, although bass or
Roman theatres reserved for senators; contrabass members of the viol family may be present.
(3) a usage from the early 17th century onward: the Thus, for instance, there were one or two bass viols in
place in a theatre, in a concert room, or (veryLully's opera orchestra,5 and later the contrabass viol
occasionally) in a church reserved for the instru- earned a place in many orchestras. In contrast to
mentalists-what we now call in the theatre the violin-dominated orchestras, large Renaissance instru-
'orchestra pit'; mental ensembles were usually based on wind
(4) from the late 17th century onward: the group instruments
of and plucked strings, even though bowed
instrumentalists who occupy the place called strings often took part too.
'orchestra' in the previous definition;
2. The violins, violas, cellos and double basses were
(5) from the late 18th century onward: the size and
usually doubled or multiplied, but not equally. That is,
nature of the instrumental group.
when 'amplification' was needed in large venues,
whereas it had been a Renaissance consort tradition to
For present purposes the first two definitions are of
add roughly equally to all parts, it was nearly always
little interest. The third, the place where the instru-
the practice in the 'orchestra' for the violins to be
mentalists are placed, is also of limited interest here,
multiplied more than the other instruments. Depending
except for a caution: when an historical document
on the style of the music and local performing
states that something happened 'in the orchestra',
traditions, there was an attempt to adjust the balance
there is often no way of knowing whether the place or
by using carefully considered numbers in each
the ensemble is meant, which is undoubtedly why the
department of the string section. Differences in
one gradually came to stand for the other. The fourth
doubling practice reflected, in a general way, dif-
and fifth definitions are the ones we must reckon with:
ferences in musical textures and social function:
that is to say, the instrumentalists themselves and
consort music was usually contrapuntally conceived;
their instruments. What, then, are the necessary and
orchestral music was chordally conceived and treb
sufficient conditions that mast exist before we should
dominated; consort music was frequently intended fo
be willing to call an assemblage of instruments and
private (often smaller) venues; orchestral music w
instrumentalists an 'orchestra'?
primarily intended for public (often larger) ones
Specifically rejected in this attempted definition is
Applying Bukofzer's concept of the characteristi
the ethnomusicological use of the term 'orchestra',
Baroque creation and transfer of musical idioms,6 w
which embraces any large grouping of instruments
see that polyphonically conceived consort music d
and instrumentalists, as when one speaks of an
not become orchestral when its parts were doubled o
Indonesian gamelan 'orchestra', the 'orchestra' of a
tripled, while treble-dominated (or treble-bass polar-
Renaissance intermedio, or even the 'orchestras' of the
ized) orchestral music maintained something of it
Old Testament.3 And then, there is the primitive way of
specifically orchestral character on those occasion
counting that goes: one-two-three-four-MANY, which
when it was performed one to a part.7
seems sometimes to have a musical parallel in the
sequence: solo-duet-trio-quartet-quintet-sextet- 3. In orchestras instruments other than the strings ma
septet-octet-nonet-CHAMBER ORCHESTRA.4 This is un-sometimes have been doubled, sometimes not. In the
satisfactory. In defining 'orchestra', I am interested Lully tradition (and in works descended from th
tradition, as, for instance, in the orchestral suites o
only in a specific European art-music tradition of large
instrumental ensembles arising in the second half of Muffat, Telemann and Bach, and in Handel's Fireworks
the 17th century and continuing, with striking Music and Water Music) the massed oboes and
modifications, into the 20th century. And (for present bassoons were a survival from Renaissance consort
purposes) I should like to limit my definition to earlyinstrumentation, in which the winds were as likely as,
orchestras: that is, orchestras of the 17th and 18th or perhaps more likely than, the strings to be

4 84 EARLY MUSIC NOVEMBER 1988

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 2 A performance o
December 1740 to open the new opera
house in Turin, showing the opera
orchestra. Painting by Pietro Domenico
Olivero (Turin, Museo civico d'arte antica)

i ?i

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-IN

Of

....... ......

multiplied. On the other hand, in large orchestras large-scale

that Renaissance music mostly varied from one
Mozart and Haydn would have heard, the doubling occasion
of to another. Thus, although there is certainly
the winds in the tuttis was to preserve the balanceno such thing as'The Baroque Orchestra', it may make
when string sections grew beyond a certain size. sense
(The to speak of Lully's orchestra, Handel's London
motivations for and results of these two wind- orchestra, a Roman orchestra, a Viennese orchestra
doubling traditions were, therefore, quite distinct, and
and so on--always making allowance for change over
should not be confused.)8 time.

5. Inand
4. In orchestral music of a given time, place the early orchestra the bass line did not
necessarily
repertory, the instrumentation was usually not ad hoc, sound in both 8' and 16' registers, or, at
least, it did not do so in Lully's orchestra, which used
but tended, with some flexibility, to be standardized
from piece to piece, from occasion to occasion, and
only 8' instruments.9 This raises interesting questions.
even from composer to composer. By contrast, For instance, should the orchestral suites of Bach,
although there were undoubtedly some favouritewhich are said to be written in the French orchestral
combinations of instruments, the instrumentation of style, be played without 16' instruments? (The same

EARLY MUSIC NOVEMBER 1988 485

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 It'4'

. . . ........1 I l'-

ji

3 Church orchestra; passe-partout title-page by Giovanni Chiari, Florence, mid-18th century (Milan, Civica raccolta di stampe
Bertarelli)

question must be raised for the earliest Italian functioned well without strong leadership of some
orchestral music, for the 'violone' designated an kind.12
8' In the absence of a conductor, there was
instrument during most of the 17th century even always a leader, a continuo player, a soloist, or a
though it could signify a 16' one in the 18th director elsewhere in the orchestra.
century) 10 (b) Unison bowing. In the 20th century Leopold
Stokowski insisted that his string players should not
6. In the early orchestra chordal continuo instruments
bow together ('free bowing'), in order to create a
may or may not have realized the bass line. Evidence is
seamless web of tone, akin to the result of staggered
accumulating, for instance, that dance music was
breathing in a choir. No one ever suggested that,
often played without chordal instruments, not only in
therefore, the groups that he led were not orchestras.
French operas but in Italian and English ones as well."1
The anecdotes about Lully's or Corelli's apparently
This too may bear on the performance of Bach's and
Handel's orchestral suites and other similar music.
innovative abilities to get string players to bow in
unison"3 can have only one meaning: unison bowing
7. To be considered an orchestra, must an instrumental was not usually found in string bands of their time.
ensemble: (a) have strongly centralized leadership, The invention of uniform bowing appears to coincide
(b) bow in unison, (c) refrain from adding freely with the rise of the orchestra and was perhaps seen as
improvized ornamentation? a necessary condition of its early existence. Later,
(a) Strongly centralized leadership. There have been when the concept 'orchestra' was firmly established,
many conductorless orchestras, but none that has the uniform bowing might sometimes be dispensed

486 EARLY MUSIC NOVEMBER 1988

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with while leaving the institution still recognizable
and fully functional.
(c) Suppression of improvized ornamentation. An
impressive body of evidence suggests that improvized
ornamentation was heard in many orchestras in all
parts of Europe in the 18th century. On the other hand,
the deliberate suppression of improvization, like the
imposition of uniform bowing, was closely connected
to the birth and flourishing of 'the orchestra'.14 .'A 1'. 1: Pfl

Thus the answers to the questions posed above are ii 1 i :1o i

(a) yes, (b) no, (c) maybe.
! ie
8. Finally, while there were in the 18th century what we
'i W : is: 141(
call pick-up orchestras, the orchestra was more often a
i 1p:
permanent organization, frequently with a name or
title, a hierarchical administrative structure and
relatively fixed personnel and instrumentation. The
instrumental ensembles of the Renaissance festivals

were more often ad hoc groups.

Hence, according to the definition proposed, an
'orchestra' will have:

(a) Bowed strings of the violin family;

(b) strings multiplied unequally, with violins pre-
dominating;
(c) instrumentation relatively stable for a given time,
place and repertory;
(d) its 8' bass line usually, but not always, doubled in
the 16' register;
(e) chordal continuo instrument(s) frequently, but not
4 Chamber music in the secon
always, present;
by Johann Ernst Mansfeld (V
(f) orchestral discipline; Nationalbibliotek)
(g) usually a fixed identity and structure.
conceived music with al
If we are willing to accept this list of defining equally. The English st
characteristics of orchestras, and if we are willing to Interregnum, and the B
use the word 'orchestra' not in the ethnomusicological budget cuts in 1597 an
sense of 'any large ensemble of instrumentalists' but orchestra was born in Paris and Versailles.
rather to indicate an institution peculiar to large-scale The models for the earliest orchestras were the
Western art-music of the 18th, 19th and 20th 'petite bande' (also known as the 'petits violons' or the
centuries, then'the orchestra' first appeared no'violons earlier du cabinet'), which came under Lully's control
than the second half of the 17th century. Renaissance no later than 1656; and the 'grande bande' (or 'vingt-
festival ensembles were not orchestral; the instru- quatre violons du roy'), which came under his control
mental groups in Gabrieli's cori spezzati works were in not1664.15 Lully's innovations--stable membership
orchestral; the instrumental groups of early and mid- and instrumentation; strong central leadership, per-
17th century Florentine, Venetian and Roman opera mitting uniform bowing, precise ensemble and the
were not orchestral; nor was any of Schiitz's musicsuppression
in of improvized ornamentation; a homo-
Dresden or elsewhere orchestral. phonic, treble-dominated repertory; and completely
The ancestors of'the orchestra' were the court string redesigned woodwind instruments16--led to a revol-
bands of England, Bavaria and France (and other
ution in musical practice. His orchestra was famous
similar groups); these bands-originally Renaissance
fbr its premier coup d'archet-the players actually all
began precisely together!" (The clear implication is
manifestations-were designed for polyphonically

EARLY MUSIC NOVEMBER 1988 487

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that for some other repertories, beginning precisely regarded it as essential to the ensemble of a band, that their
together was not important; or-put another way- bows should all move exactly together, all up, or all down; so
beginning exactly together would have been less of a that at his rehearsals, which constantly preceded every
public performance of his concertos, he would immediately
spectacle in an ensemble consisting mainly of winds
stop the band if he discovered one irregular bow.20
and plucked strings than in one with 24 bows.)
Lully's innovations, doubtless sped on their way by
The tradition of basing oratorios, church music,
the general vogue at European courts to imitate the
dramatic music and concerts on massed strings with a
splendours of Versailles, were quickly adopted in
relatively small continuo group and few winds arose in
Italian- and German-speaking lands. They were
Rome in the mid-1670s, at about the time that Corelli
carried to German-speaking lands by half a dozen
was beginning his career there as an obscure
musicians, all born between 1646 and 1660, who
violinist.21
either worked directly with Lully in Paris or at least had
In Florence the French novelty was experimented
the opportunity to observe him in action: Georg Bleyer
with in 1664 in the performance of a Serenata fatta in
(1647-after 1694), Johann Fischer (1646-cl716),
Firenze la sera della Nascita del Sermo Principe Sposo
Johann Sigismund Kusser (1650-1727), Rupert Ignaz
Cosmo di Toscana il 14 d'Agosto 1662, perhaps composed
Mayr (1646-1712), Georg Muffat (1653-1704) and
by Marcantonio Cesti. A prefatory note to the
Agostino Steffani (1654-1728).18 These six men
manuscript of the work records that
belonged to the generation of Bach's and Handel's
teachers and parents. The sinfonias were doubled following the practice of
The Lfibeck organist and composer Dietrich Buxte- concerts in France, that is, with six violins, four alto violas,
hude (d.1707) belonged to the same generation. four tenor violas, four bass violas, a contrabass, a high-
Although he never visited Paris, he knew of, and in his pitched spinet, and a large spinet, one theorbo and one
famous Abendmusik performances made use of, the archlute.
artistic innovations emanating from the French The vocal solos, duets, and trios were accompanied by a
capital. The following account nicely conveys the spinet with two stops, with the theorbo, and with the
novelty of the idea: contrabass, and the eight-part choruses with (besides the
just mentioned instruments) a bass viola and the little
spinet, and with all of them together.22
... diminutions and variations give rise from time to time to
a manifest piece of foolishness, in those cases when two
The date of the arrival of 'the orchestra' can be
singers sing one part simultaneously (which practice one
often follows in capella, thereby making a single sound so documented in many other musical centres. For
much the more penetrating) and when two instrumentalists instance, not long after the Restoration in 1660,
double the same violin part (as indeed I believe that in even Charles II, who had been educated at the French court,
the smallest towns they have at least two violins on a part, or arranged to have his own 24 violins.23 In Venice,
lacking that they double a violin with an oboe, to create a however, the opera houses did not (as has been
more robust sound). Anyone who is offended by this should incorrectly asserted)24 introduce massed strings some-
just once hear the incomparable Mr Buxtehude of Lfibeck time between 1665 and 1683; the Frenchman St Didier,
perform; he has the strings manned not by two or three, but who visited Venice in the late 1670s and attended an
by fully twenty, thirty and even more persons; however, all
opera, recorded with disappointment in his diary, 'The
these instrumentalists must not change or add any note or
symphony is of little importance inspiring melancholy
dot to what he writes down for them, etc. (Indeed, they must
be and sound then as alike as it was in 2 Chronicles, rather than gaiety. It is composed of lutes, theorboes
V: 13.)19 and harpsichords, which accompany the voices with
marvellous exactness.'25 Iconographic evidence from
As for Italy, Corelli's pupil Geminiani, after stating the decades after St Didier's disappointment suggests
Corelli's debt to Lully, reported an account of his that Venetian opera was slow to become fully
master as an orchestra leader at Rome. He speaks of orchestral.26 At San Marco in Venice, however, the
Corelli's change apparently was under way in the late 1670s or
early 1680s; and by 1685 the capella had gone from a
handful of wind and continuo instruments to an
... nice management of his band, the uncommon accuracy
ensemble of 34, including 28 strings."27 At Dresden
of whose performance, gave the concertos an amazing
Italian opera house was opened in 1667, but it was
effect; and that, even to the eye as well as the ear[; for] Corelli

488 EARLY MUSIC NOVEMBER 1988

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Kunsthandwerk)

only a cross-fertilization
until around 1680 that a large number of of French
stringwith Italian
player
appear, and in 1685 six French violinists
practices--apparently were
from the hired.28
mid- 1670s-that
created the synthesis now commonly called 'the
In Vienna in 1680-which is the earliest date for
which the precise instrumentation is known-the
Baroque orchestra'. For in Italy the role of the wind
instruments
court orchestra had 13 strings out of 19 positions. The was diminished, the number of violins
strings were divided: ten violins (and violas) was
andincreased,
three the number of violas decreased and the
cellos. If it is not clear from these figures 16'what
double bass eventually added to the bottom part.
tradition is represented, the characteristic string Bach and Handel belonged to only the second or
balance found in Vienna in 1701 is unmistakably third generation of musicians to compose for 'the
orchestral; 16 violins (and violas), 2 violas da gamba, 4 orchestra'. 'The orchestra' was, therefore, a thoroughly
cellos and 2 double basses, or 24 out of 34 instruments.29 modern institution for Bach and Handel, which they
It is possible to document this shift in other cities as discovered as they moved out into the world from their
well.30 provincial places of birth.

Neal Zaslaw is Professor of Music at Cornell University, his

Musical, iconographic, archival and literary evidence
forthcoming books include a study of Mozart's
suggests that much church, chamber and theatre
symphonies.
music of the 17th and early 18th centuries, which in
recent times has been routinely accepted as 'orches- This paper has benefitted from suggestions by Eleanor
tral', was originally conceived of either in the Selfridge-Field Stephen Bonta and Tharald Borgir, as well
Renaissance consort tradition or in another non-
as from the work of the following graduate students at
Cornell
orchestral tradition belonging to the Baroque University who in the autumn of 1984 were
period,
which may be called the 'concertante-continuo' members of my Performance Practice Seminar studying the
tradition. Fundamental features of 'the orchestra' are
early orchestra: George Barth, Ruth Bingham, Sandra
found in Lully's groups from the mid-1660s, but it Mangsen
was and Trevor Stephenson.

EARLY MUSIC NOVEMBER 1988 489

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 1C. Burney, A General History of Music from the Earliest Ages to the on Lully's Orchestra', Jean-Baptiste Lully and the Music of the French
Present Period (London 2/1789, ed. F. Mercer, 1935/R1957), ii, p.519. Baroque, ed. J. Hajdu Heyer (Cambridge, 1988), pp.99-112.
Burney's rival, John Hawkins, knew better. Reproducing the same 16On Lully's reform of the woodwind instruments, see B. Haynes,
list from Orfeo, he commented, 'no accompaniment of a whole 'Lully and the rise of the oboe as seen in works of art', EM, xvi/3 (Aug
orchestra was required but the airs performed by the several singers 1988), p.324.
were sustained by instruments of various kinds assigned to each 17Lully did not invent the premier coup d'archet, for which the
characer respectively in the dramatis personae.': J. Hawkins, A 'vingt-quatre violons du roy' were already famous before his arrival
on the scene. See Zaslaw, 'Lully's Orchestra'.
General History of the Science and Practice of Music (London, 1853/
R1963), ii, p.525. The confusion is reflected in the use of the word 18B. Champigneulle, 'L'influence de Lully hors de France', Revue
'orchestra' in the titles of seven articles cited below under musicale, xxii (1946), pp.26-35; R. Pfeiffer, 'Der franz6sische,
Monteverdi in the bibliography. While the present insbesondere article wasLullysche
at Orchesterstil und sein Walten in der
proof-stage, an excellent essay appeared explaining deutschen preciselyMusikkultur
why des ausgehenden 17. Jahrhunderts', Der
the instruments of Orfeo do not constitute an orchestra. See Einfluss der franzdsischen Musih auf die Komponisten der ersten H'lfte
T. F. Kelley, '"Orfeo da Camera": estimating performing forces in des 18. Jahrhunderts (Magdeburg, 1981), pp.15-21, especially 17-18
early opera', Historical Performance, i (Spring 1988), pp.3-9. 19M. H. Fuhrmann, Musicalischer-Trichter (Berlin, 1706), pp.77-8. 2
2M. Staehelin, 'Orchester', Handwdrterbuch der musicalischen Chronicles, V: 13 (Authorized Version) reads: 'It came even to pass,
Terminologie, ed. H. H. Eggebrecht, (Wiesbaden, 1971-) as the trumpeters and singers were as one, to make one sound to be
3As, for instance, in N. Broder, 'The Beginnings of the Orchestra',heard in praising and thanking the Lord; and when they lifted up
JAMS, xiii (1960), pp.174-80 their voice with trumpets and cymbals and instruments of musick,
4As, for instance, in Darius Milhaud's one-on-a-part chamber and praised the Lord, saying, For he is good; for his mercy endureth
symphonies. for ever: that then the house was filled with a cloud, even the house
SM. Pincherle, 'L'interpretazione orchestrale di Lulli', Lorchestra, of the Lord.'
ed. G. Barbera (Florence, 1954), pp.139-52; J. Eppelsheim, Das- 20Burney, History, ii, 442-3. Geminiani was reporting Alessandro
Orchester in den Werhen Jean-Baptiste Lullys (Tutzing, 1961); J. de Scarlatti's reaction to Corelli. For other anecdotes about Corelli's

La Gorce, 'L'Acad6mie Royale de Musique en 1704, d'apr6s des supposed indebtedness to Lully, see J. Spitzer, 'The Birth of the
documents inedites conserv6s dans les Archives Nationales', Revue Orchestra in Rome-an Iconographic Study', The Italian Violin School
de musicologie, lxv (1979), pp.160-91. See also N. Zaslaw, 'Lully'sto the Time of Corelli, ed. N. Zaslaw (in preparation).
Orchestra', Proceedings of the Colloque Lully, 14-18 September 1987 ed. 21G. Dixon, 'The Origins of the Roman "Colossal Baroque" ', PRMA,
H. Schneider and J. de La Gorce (Heidelberg, in preparation). cvi (1980), pp.115-28; S. Mangsen, 'Corelli, Muffat, and the
6M. Bukofzer, Music in the Baroque Era (New York, 1947), "Colossal" Orchestra in Seventeenth-Century Rome' (paper delivered
pp.13-16 at the Canadian University Music Society, Montreal, 2 June
7One-on-a-part performances of 'orchestral' music-arias, con- 1985)
certos and symphonies-was not uncommon in the first two-thirds 22E. Wellesz, 'Zwei Studien zur Geschichte der Oper im XVII
of the eighteenth century, judging by iconographical evidence. See, Jahrhundert, i: Die Serenata von Cesti', Sammelbdnde der Inter-
for instance, four illustrations in W. Salmen, Haus- und Kammer- nationalen Musihgesellschaft, xv (1913-14), p.124-54; Borgir, Basso
Continuo, pp.33-4
musih: Privates Musizieren im gesellschaftlichen Wandel zwischen 1600
and 1900, Musikgeschichte in Bildern, iv/3 (Leipzig, 1969), pp.81,23H. C. de Lafontaine, The King's Musick A Transcript of Records
102-3. Relating to Music and Musicians (1460-1700) (London, 1909); E.
8See N. Zaslaw, 'Toward the Revival of the Classical Orchestra',
Halfpenny, 'The "Entertainment" of Charles II', ML xxxvii (1957),
PRMA, ciii (1976-7), pp.158-87, especially pp.170-84 pp.32-44; W. K. Ford, 'The Chapel Royal at the Restoration', Monthly
Musical Record, xv (1960), pp.99-106; A. Ashbee, Lists of Payments to
9See n.5 above, and E. Borrel, Interpretation de la musiquefrangaise
(de Lully d la Revolution) (Paris, 1934/R1975), p.46. the King's Musich in the Reign of Charles II (1660-1685) (Snodland, Kent,
1981)
10S. Bonta, 'From Violone to Violoncello: a Question of Strings?',
24Eleanor Selfridge-Field, in a personal communication, informs
Journal of the American Musical Instrument Society, iii (1977), pp.64-99;
me that
T. Borgir, The Performance of the Basso Continuo in Italian Baroque this mistaken idea arose from a report of 40 instrumentalists
Music
(Ann Arbor, 1987), pp.71-81 in a performance of a Venetian carnival opera, published in the
"France: G. Sadler, 'The Role of the Keyboard Continuo inMercure French galant (April 1679), pp.75-94. This referred not to the opera
Opera 1673-1776', EM, viii (1980), pp.148-57; England: P. Holman, orchestra, however, but to a specially lavish scene for which 40
'Reluctant Continuo', EM, ix (1981), pp.75-8. Italy: M.-T. Bouquet, extras had been hired to play on the stage. See E. Selfridge-Field,
Storia del Teatro regio di Torino (Turin, 1976), p.177. Palade Veneta: Writings on Music in Venetian Society 1650-1750
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Pierre, C., Histoire du concert spirituel: 1725-1790 (Paris, 1975)
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Germany ----, Studien zur Geschichte der italienischen Oper im 17.
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of Saarbriicken, 1971) musicale italiana, i (1894), pp.7-38; ii (1895), pp.666-71
Samuel, H.E., 'Michael Praetorius on Concertato Style', Weaver, R. L., 'The Orchestra in Early Italian Opera', JAMS,
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pp.95-109 see also Caldara, Cavalli, Corelli, Monteverdi, Torelli, Vivaldi
see also Austria, Bach, Handel, Lully, Schiitz
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Dresden Enrico, E., The Orchestra at San Petronio in the Baroque Era
(Washington, D.C., 1976)
Fiirstenau, M., Beitrige zur Geschichte der hioniglich sdchsischen
musihalischen Kapelle (Dresden, 1849) Gambassi, O., 'Origine, statuti e ordinamenti del Concerto
--- -, Zur Geschichte derMusih und des Theaters am Hofe zu Palatino della Signoria di Bologna', Nuova rivista musicale
Dresden (Dresden, 1861-2/R1971) italiana, xviii (1984), pp.261-83, 469-502, 631-42
Hausswald, G., ed., Dresdner Kapellbuch (Dresden, 1948) ----, La cappella musicale di S. Petronio: maestr~ organisti,

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Schnoebelen, A., 'The Concerted Mass at San Petronio in
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Bologna, ca. 1660-1730: a Documentary and Analytical
Bouquet, M.-T., Musique et musiciens cd Turin de 1648 a 1775
Study' (diss., U. of Illinois, 1966)
'Performance Practices at San Petronio in the
(Turin, 1968)

.----, Storia del Teatro regio di Torino, i (Turin, 1976)

Baroque', Acta musicologica, xli (1969), pp.37-55
Suess, J., 'Observations on the Accademia Filarmonica of Venice

Bologna in the 17th Century and the Rise of a Local Arnold, D., 'Orchestras in 18th-Century Venice', GSJ, xix
Tradition of Instumental Music', Quadrivium, viii (1967), (1966), pp.3-19
pp.51-62 Ellero, G. et al, Arte e musica all'Ospedaletto. schede d'archivio
see also Torelli sull'attivitd musicale degli ospedali dei Derelitti e dei
Mendicanti di Venezia (sec. XVI-XVIII (Venice, 1978)
Florence
Holmes, W. C., 'Venetian Theaters during Vivaldi's Era',
Ghisi, F., 'Ballet Entertainments in Pitti Palace, Florence,
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Cavalli' (diss., U. of California, Los Angeles, 1979)
Hammond, F., 'Musicians at the Medici Court in the Mid-
Petrobelli, P., 'L'Ermiona di Pio Enea degli Obizzi e gli primi
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69
musicale, iii (1965), pp.125-41
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Francesco Gasparini (1661-1727). Atti del primo convengo
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internazionale, ed. F. della Seta and F. Piperno (Florence,
Naples
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Selfridge-Field, E., Venetian Instrumental Musicfrom Gabrieli to
Fabris, D., 'Strumenti di corde, musici e congregazioni a
Vivaldi (New York, 1975)
Napoli alla meta del seicento', Note darchivio per la storia
Tarr, E. H., Thomas Walker,' "Bellici carmi, festivo fragor":
musicale (1983), N.S.i, pp.63-110
die Verwendung der Trompete in der italienischen Oper
Prota-Giurleo, U., La grande orchestra del R. Teatro San Carlo nel
settecento (da documenti inediti) (Naples, 1927) des 17. Jahrhunderts', Hamburger Jahrbuch fiir Musih-
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generazione', Note d'archivio per la storia musicale (1983),
pp.139-208, esp. pp.162, 198 Worsthorne, S. T., Venetian Opera in the 17th Century (Oxford,
Dixon, G., 'The origins of the Roman "colossal Baroque"', 1954/R1968)
PRMA, cvi (1980), pp. 115-28 see also Monteverdi, Vivaldi
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Sousa, F. de, 'A Musica orquestral portuguesa no seculo
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1660's and 1670's', JAMS, xxi (1968), pp.168-80 XVIII', Bracara Augusta, xxxi-xxxii (1977-8), pp.405-12
Kirkendale, U., 'The Ruspoli Documents on Handel', JAMS,
xx (1967), pp.222-73
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unter Arcangello Corelli', Analecta musicologica, v (1968),
pp. 104-77 Bach

.-----, 'Die "Giustificazioni della Casa Pamphilj" Adam,

als W., 'Zur Besetzung des Bach-Orchesters', Die Musih,
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Monalto, L., Un mecenate in Roma Barocca: il cardinale Buxtehude

Benedetto Pamphili (1653-1730) (Florence, 1955), esp.

Karstlidt, G., Die Extraordinairen' Abdendmusihen Dietrich
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musik Dietrich Buxtehudes', Beitrdge zur Musihgeschichte
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Nordeuropas: Kurt Gudewill zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. U. Lullys (Tutzing, 1961)
Haensel (Wolfenbiittel and Zurich, 1978), pp.110-21 Harris, S., 'Lully, Corelli, Muffat and the 18th-Century
Snyder, K., Dieterich Buxtehude: Organist in Luibech (New York,
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Pfeiffer, R., 'Der franz5sische, insbesondere Lullysche
Orchesterstil und sein Walten in der deutschen Musik-
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kultur des ausgehenden 17. Jahrhunderts', Der Einfluss
derfranz6sischen Musih auf die Komponisten der ersten Hdlfte
Kirkendale, U., Antonio Caldara" sein Leben und seine venezianisch-
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1981, Studien zur Auffiihrungspraxis und Interpretation
Campra von Instrumentalmusik des 18. Jahrhunderts, xvi
Barthelemy, M., 'L'orchestre et l'orchestration des oeuvres de
(Magdeburg, 1981), pp.15-21
Campra', Revue musicale, ccxxvi (1955), pp.97-104 Pincherle, M., 'L'interpretazione orchestrale di Lulli',
see also France
L'orchestra, ed. G. Barbera (Florence, 1954), pp.139-52
Prunieres, H., 'Les petits violons de Lully', L'echo musicale,
Cavalli
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Lully, 14-18 September 1987, ed. J. de La Gorce and H.
Leppard, R., 'Cavalli's Operas', PRMA, xciii (1966-7), pp.67-76
see also Italy, Venice Schneider (Heidelberg, in preparation)
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Corelli

Cavicchi, A., 'Una sinfonia inedita di Arcangelo Corelli nello

Monteverdi

stile del concerto grosso venticinque anni prima dell'

Arnold, D., 'L'incoronazione di Poppea and its Orchestral
opera VI', Chigiana, xx (1963), pp.43-55 Requirements', MT, civ (1963), pp.176-8
Piperno, F., 'Anfione in Campidoglio: presenza Corelliana Beat,
alle J. E., 'Monteverdi and the Orchestra of his Time', The
feste per i concorsi dell'Accademia del Disegno di San Monteverdi Companion, ed. D. Arnold and N. Fortune
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Luca', Quaderni della Rivista italiana musicale, vii (1982)
pp.151-208, esp. pp.167-208 Boyden, D., 'Monteverdi's violini piccoli alla francese and viole
Spitzer, J., 'The Birth of the Orchestra in Rome-an da brazzo', Annales musicologiques, vi (1958-63), pp.387-
Iconographic Study', The Italian Violin School to the Time of401
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see Italy, Venice [Florence], ii (1943) pp.86-104

Handel ---. -, 'Notes concernant l'instrumentation de l'Orfeo de

Claudio Monteverdi', Congresso internazionale sul tema
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ML, zum 60. Geburtstag (Regensburg, 1962), pp.187-92
Iv (1974), pp. 172-8 Redlich, H., 'Das Orchester Cl. Monteverdis/Monteverdi's
Fekete, Z., 'Handel und die Aufftihrungspraxis', Osterreich-
Orchestra', Musica viva [Brussels] (April 1936)
ische Musihzeitschrift, ii (1947), pp.286-8 'Monteverdi e l'orchestra', L'orchestra, ed.
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Lully Muffat
Cooper, K., and J. Zsako, 'Georg Muffat's Observations on the Kolneder, W., Georg Muffat zur Auffiihrungspraxis (Strasbourg,
Lully Style of Performance', MQ, liii (1967), pp.220-45 1970)

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see also Corelli, Lully Muraro, and E. Povoledo (Venice, 1975), pp.137-45;
trans. as 'The Orchestra and the Stage in Renaissance
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1976), pp.61-75
Sadler, G., 'Rameau and the Orchestra', PRMA, cviii (1981-2),
pp.47-68 Sandberger, A., Beitrdge zur Geschichte der bayerischen
Hofhapelle unter Orlando di Lasso (Leipzig, 1895)
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Inventory of 1738', EM, xi (1983), pp.453-67 Thesiger, S., 'The Orchestra of Sir John Davies and the Image
see also France of the Dance', Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld
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Heller, K., 'Zwei "Vivaldi-Orchester" in Dresden und Venedig',Mozart-Jahrbuch (1967), pp.229-43
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EARLY MUSIC NOVEMBER 1988 495

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