Chapter; 1: THE JAGANNATH TEMPLE AT PURI.

Section: 01:
INTRODUCTION:
Puri, a quaint township on the East Coast of India, has been renowned for

being the seat of Lord Jagannath - one of the incarnations of Lord Vishnu, the

preserver God of the Holy Trinity. For ages, the Temple has attracted devotees

and pilgrims, from all over India in great numbers, to seek and acquire merit,

purity and expiation.

The present temple complex of Lord Jagannath at Puri was constructed

after 1135 A.D. by the Ganga King Anantavarman Chodagangadeva (1078-1147)

on the ruins of an earlier temple built by the Kesari King, Yayati Kesari1. The

Temple has survived the ravages of time and the onslaught of different

adversities, primarily because of the serious religious esteem with which it has

been regarded for over nine centuries. The Temple, having always occupied a

significant position in the religious life of the Hindus over a considerable period

of time, has therefore also played an eminent role in influencing contemporary

religion, moral philosophies, economic and social environment - interpretations,

opinions, and practices, not only particularly in the region in vicinity but across

the world.

The principles of any religious tradition perhaps do not grow on their own;

rather, they evolve over a period of time, depending on the efforts of the

(reflective members of the) society that provides patronage to the religion

concerned. Such efforts are for sure, collectively interactive; the process of this

evolution is therefore built upon a myriad of factors established and examined by

many hours of deliberations, observations, opinions, events and consequences,

1
and finally, political and social conditions. In search of more appropriate ideas,

changes were continually made, and further demands were forwarded to effect

more changes. Sometimes these efforts were even deliberate and calculative (as in

cases of all other religions) to make the tradition more compatible with the pan-

Indian Hindu philosophy. The obvious consequence of such a process has thus

led to an incorporation and amalgamation of various components and parameters

from diverse sources.

In the specific context of the Temple of Lord Jagannath and practice of

religious faith in Hindu society and, in a larger context of the Hindu religion

itself, the role of the ‘ Sevayats ’ or the Servitors of God so to say, is unique among

all the classes and categories of workers involved; conferred with no unusual skill,

opulence or gift, they are saddled with the (un)fortunate right by heredity to serve

the Lord and worship on behalf of others; for this reason, they evoke instinctively

the images of an era long passed when the proponents of ‘market economy’ were

so to say, yet to come out of the woods. This researcher makes no claim to the

status of a profound devotee; however, one cannot help feeling empathy towards

these Servitors of God, whose commitment and belief continue to play a major

role in sustaining the status, image and position of the Temple and the allied

religious institution. They have survived and emerged as the most faithful and the

truest upholders of this enigmatic religious tradition, not withstanding various

social, economic and political dynamics for over nine centuries; one can only

marvel at the fact that they continue to believe in the Temple, purportedly

designed as a symbol of universal brotherhood and synthesis of diverse religious

trends, and continue to execute the responsibilities and tasks assigned to them

from the hoary past. It is with these considerations therefore that the present

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 ^ ’fFV—________ i.=r====i=^_____ ____________ :^=^%

work attempts to study the Sevayats - their position in the Temple and the

society, their relationship with the greater society and their own impression of the

influence of contemporary trends in modern society in their way of life. It would

be pertinent to clarify that presentation of the complete phenomenon of Lord

Jagannath and the Temple as a whole is not the intention of this study; also, it

neither makes an effort to judge the validity, veracity and efficacy of the

traditions, beliefs and rituals nor does it challenge or question the legitimization

of the practices. Some unintended tension between empathy and academic

detachment may have filtered through, but the study maintains the distance

necessary throughout, concentrating on the complex social life revolving around

the temple, upholding the traditional institution for centuries together. The study

intends as well, to examine the nature of response among the community of

Sevayats in reciprocation of the contemporaiy factors of change in greater society.

It seeks to find, beneath the surface of specific cultural style and context, the

organization of the Sevayats, the functional discipline of their social structure and

it’s continuity in the future.

In the following sections it will be pertinent to briefly examine the

Jagannath Temple as it has emerged over last nine hundred years.

Section: 02:
Cultural Dynamics and the Jagannath Temple at Puri

The objective of this section is to recapitulate briefly the emergence and

evolution of culture of the Temple, under the influence of various external and

internal forces of change related to society, religion, philosophy, trade, politics

and governance, where the present study is located. The purpose again is to

enhance the comprehensiveness of background of the main premise of the

3
 ^PC*Z1..—......TT........................ ........~ ....

present exercise; there never was and is any attempt to venture specifically into

spheres of Religion, Scriptures, Archaeology or Indology, although secondary

reference may be made to outline the present extent of knowledge.

The antiquity of Puri as a sacred place of pilgrimage was established even

before the present shrine of Lord Jagannath was constructed in the 12th century.

This is evident from the following.

□ Satyendra Patnaik found, “...in the Bhaumakara period (for two centuries from 736AD)

we come across the names of Purusottama and Balabhadra for the first time in the

records. The discovery of a stone slab depicting the Car Festival further strengthens this

contention”2.

□ ‘The Sarasvati-Temple Inscription of Maihar’ of erstwhile Madhya Pradesh clearly

presents, according to Dr. D.C Sarkar and V.S. Subramanyam, that “the god

(Purusottama) was enjoying the same celebrity as in early as the middle of the 10th

century and probably even some time earlier”3.

□ From distant places like Madhya Pradesh and Gaya, pilgrims visited the place4.

□ The ‘Vedi’ on which the Pandavas prayed on to acquire divine prowess, mentioned in the

tirth yatra section of ‘Vana Parva’, the Mahabharata, is supposed to have been a place of

worship in Puri as clarified by ICC.Mishra. He also pointed further to three dilapidated

temples on the Mahendra hill, which according to local tradition were constructed by the

PandavasS.

□ According to one of the debatable theories proposed by many researchers, the Chinese

traveler Hiuen Tsang referred to Puri when he talks of ‘Uchang - na\ His visits to India

were during 630-44 A.D when Harsha-vardhana (606-47 A.D) was the king of Kanauj6.

□ Historically, it is held to be true that Shankaracharya (788-820 AD) had come to Puri and

played a vital role in consolidating Hindu faith and reinvigorating the influence of

Brahmins in this area?

4
 However, it must be mentioned that researchers have agonized to establish

the essential and authentic historicity of the tradition. But present researcher

feels that it is not right to equate tradition with antiquity as because a tradition is

not necessarily less compelling if its origin does not go back to the distant past.

The following pages may establish the basis of this feeling.

Hindu sacred centers, by tradition, have classical shape, like Varanasi, in

the shape of a ‘half moon’, Viraja Kshetra (Jajpur, Orrisa), in the shape of a ‘bada’

etc. Similarly, Puri is considered as Shankha (Conch) Kshetra, drawing parallel to

the holy conch of Lord Vishnu8.

“What is most characteristic of such cities, according to Wheatley? is the

“cosmo-magical” thought and symbolism they represent. Such symbolism

presupposes a strong parallelism between heaven and earth. Duplicating the

divine order, the city draws forth the power of that order into the cities and the

kingdoms of the earth”10.

According to Starza11, in the Puranas, “Puri was imagined to be a massive

conch full of sand, from the sea. Diameter of its largest symbolic circle was ten

miles long and the Shankha Kshetra was four miles wide, extending right up to

the seabed. It commenced from the Mango Forest at the top of the conch on the

Western extremity of the town to the Nilkantha shrine on the front tip in the

southeast. The tirth is traditionally divided into three geographical sections

consisting of the head of the Shankha, the middle which is known as antarvedi

and the tip, which stretches beyond the silted-up estuary to the Balagandi. The

circumference of the inner symbolic circle around the Rohini well and the banyan

tree on the Blue Mountain covers a distance of two miles and stretches from the

sanctuary of Kapalamoeana on the west to that of the Goddess Ardhasani in the

middle of the Shankha Kshetra, the Rohini Kunda on the Blue Mountain and that

of Manika near the Kapalamocana shrine. The antarvedi is as holy as the heart of

Vishnu itself and is said to give mukti to all mortals. It is guarded by eight Saktis

and Sivas who stay in the eight directions of the city. Mangla lives under the

Vatamula tree, while Vimala resides in the western part of the inner enclosure of

the Jagannath Temple. Behind the conch-shell dwells Sarva Mangla, while

towards the north stay both Arddhasini and Lamba. Kalaratri Legend relates that

when Rudra saw the eight manifestations of the Devi he prayed for similar

divisions of his own being. Hence, Visnu himself remaining at the center, setup

the eight sambhus: Kapalamocana, Ksetrapala, Jameswara, Markandeya, Isana,

Vilvesa, Nilkantha and Vatesa.”

“According to Tantric philosophy, the Sankha Kshetra is made up of seven

concentric folds. The inner most or first fold, as the navel of the Kshetra is the

seat of the divine platform on which Lord Jagannath with his elder brother Lord

Balabhadra and their sister Goddess Shubhadra are installed. The second fold...is

hexagonal in shape and provides the seats for four goddesses of power (Bimala,

Kamala, Sarbamangala, and Uttarai), two tirthas (Rohini kunda and Pranito daka

kunda), two sacred trees (Kalpapadapaaud and Salmalitaru), Garuda (the vehicle

of Lord Vishnu) and the top of the Nilgiri Hill which is convex like the back of a

tortoise. The third fold...is the central part of the lotus-like structure having eight

petals, each inlaid with a Shiva and a goddess...these deities are responsible for

watching and guarding the first fold having the Supreme Lord of the Sacred

Complex. The fourth fold...forms the convex surface of the temple precinct

(Mahakurma) and the inner compound wall. The fifth fold...is the seat of eight

Sivas and eight goddesses...in charge of watch and ward functions of the sacred

6
complex. The sixth fold...includes the noted five tirthas and the four original

monastic seats of Ashram. The five tirthas are: Manikarnika (a Shiva temple),

Swetaganga (a tank), Indradyumna (the tank and the temple of Indradyumna),

Markanda, Mahodadhi (the sea). The four ashrams are: Angira in the east, Pandu

in the west, Markandeya in the north, and Brigu in the south. The seventh fold,

which is the outermost zone, consists of the sentries (Nilkantheswara, Narasingh,

Ardhasosani, Bileswar, Lokeswar, Kapileswar) of the Sankha Kshetra and two

pilgrim centers (Chakratirtha, Sargadwara)... Of all the sacred centers located in

different parts of the country Puri is considered to be the most holy and therefore

regarded as heaven on earth. It is the abode of the Supreme Spirit (Narayan),

which is installed in the great temple of Jagannath in the form of the wooden idol

and by having his darshan a person, becomes free or is released from the bondage

and the effects of Action (Karma). Therefore, Puri is outside the jurisdiction of

Yam raja and Yameswar... For these reasons Puri is looked upon as the supreme

pilgrim center (Tirthraj) among all pilgrim centers in India...if a person dies in

Puri he is released for good from the cycle of births and gets himself merged in

the body of the Almighty”12.

Nothing specific has been found from archeological and epigraphical

sources about the Jagannath Temple tradition at Puri before 10th century AD.

“The entire early period of 600 years from the 04th century to the beginning of the

10th century AD...has as yet not yielded inscriptional references in any part of

Orissa or Kalinga that could provide the slightest clue to the existence of a

Purusottama - kshetra in Orissa or of a Purusottama temple on sea shore”^.

The stone inscriptions of Kalindindi grant of the eastern Chalukya king

Rajaraja I (of mid 11th cen.), Nagpur stone inscriptions (of 1104 AD), Pujaripali
 ■*^^**f"

inscription (end of 11th cen. approx.), and Maihar stone inscription (unknown),

according to von. Steitencron1*, corroborate the tradition that the Purusottama

temple, constructed by Yayati I, existed since the middle of 11th cen. K.C.Mishra1^

is of course of the view that Yayati II was the founder of Purusottama Temple at

Puri. According to O.M.Starza16, unlike Bhubaneswara, during Somavamsi reign,

Puri was not a center of artistic creativity though culture flourished there too.

Somavamsi’s were absolute in their silence, in their 160-year rule, about anything

on this subject. Yet, it is a fact that a widely known Purusottama temple existed in

Puri, within their kingdom. The case may be that the conquering Somavamsi king

Yayati, in order to legitimize his rule in this region, and to connect ritually to his

homeland, constructed the Purusottama temple in Puri, although they continued

to worship Lord Shiva primarily - their original ‘Kula’. This explains the neglect

and the ruin of the temple.

Following the same principle, Anantavaram Chodagangadeva (1077-1147)

took up the construction of the present shrine of Jagannath at Puri after 1135 A.D

on the ruins of the earlier temple. Though Shaiva in personal faith, Chonganga

exhibited foresight and religious inclusiveness. More with an eye for socio­

political acceptance and consideration, he harnessed eo-existential tendencies;

and started his reign basing on rising Vishnuism that was making inroads in the

region from south and west. “The conviction that Chodagangadeva completed the

temple is based on the evidence of two inscriptional passages. One of them occurs

for the first time in the Dasgoba copperplate grant of Rajaraja III ...issued in 1198

A.D... The second inscriptional passage contained in the same record, refers to

the coronation of Jatesvara Kamarnava VII (1147-1156)... This argument however,

which has been repeated over and over again, is based on a wrong translation of

8
the text... This verse does not contain any hint of the completion of Codaganga’s

Purusottama temple, nor does it say that Kamarnava was crowned at Puri...

Gangesvara certainly started building the great temple, but he probably did not

live to see its completion. The Utkalakhanda of Skanda Purana mentions the

‘garba pratistha’ of the temple... The Utkalakhanda tell us that this was not yet

completed when the king...died. Since the text also seems to indicate that the

progress on the temple construction was slow after Codaganga’s death, it seems

likely that the temple was indeed completed towards the end of the reign of

Anangabhimall. The mukhasala must have been added still later, possibly by

Rajaraja or Anangabhimalll. The Natamandapa was added after 13th cen. and

Bhogamandapa was an addition of the 15th cen... It has to be noted that the great

temple is mentioned for the first time in the Dasagoba copper plate grant of

Rajarajalll, son of Anangabhimall. This also strengthens our view that

Anangabhimall probably completed and consecrated the main temple tower...”1?

K.N. Mahapatra18 has pointed out traces of Buddhist element in the

worship of Jagannath. Various factors have been highlighted to establish this

position.

□ First, in the work 'Jananasiddhi' by Indrabhuti, the king of Uddiyana of 8th Cen. A.D. who

was the founder of the Vajrayana system of Buddhism, Jagannath of Puri supposedly can

be identified to Jagannath, a manifestation of Buddha.

□ The Car Festival of Lord Jagannath has been identified with the Tooth Festival of the

Buddhists.

□ Third, the disregard of jati, dharma and commensality barrier in ease of Mahaprasad of

Lord Jagannath also has been credited to the Buddhist practices and ethos.

□ Subhadra has been identified with Sangha, and Balaram with Dharma, in order to

maintain consonance with the concept of identifying Lord Jagannath with Buddha.
 □ Kailash Chandra Singha1^ has argued that the fact that the eastern gate (the Lions Gate),

is the main entrance of the temple, proves the Buddhist origin further. It is relevant that

in Hindu temples, the main doors are usually located in the south or the west while the

main doors to Buddhist stupas are always in the east".

□ The 'ratnabedi' where the three idols stand is considered a stupa.

□ Finally, the existence of a temple without openings within the Jagannath Temple precinct

and the Bauddha Bijaya painting in the Lakshmi temple are also presumed to accentuate

the Buddhist connection to this cultural tradition.

It is assumed that by 7th to 8th Centuries A.D, Buddhism got overrun by

Vaishnavism; the domination was perpetuated and Buddhism got assimilated

more and more into Brahminism under the influence of Shankaracharya, by 9th

Centuiy AD. Rajendralal Mitra in this regard states, “ Looking moreover to the

history of Buddhism in other parts of India and the way in which the Buddhist

doctrine of the identity of the human soul with the divinity was appropriated by

some of the Vedantists, the Buddist belief of the sanctity of the bo tree made a

part of the Hindu religion; the Buddhist repugnance to animal sacrifices taken up

by the Vaishnavas; and the Buddhist practices appropriated for Hindu usage; it is

impossible to resist the conclusion that Puri was like Gaya, a place of Buddhist

sanctity and gradually converted to Hinduism” 2°. In this regard O.M.Starza21

review the views of various people, like ACunningham, A.Coomarswamy,

J.Stevenson, H.K.Mahatab and J.W.Laidley who were convinced of the admixture

of Buddhism and Brahmanism in the Jagannath tradition, and concludes that,

“...there is no evidences to support the belief that the great temple of Puri

occupies a former Buddhist site. Nor do any of the manifestations of the cult of

Jagannath, such as the great car festival, the icon with the supposed relic of

Krsna, the absence of caste rules in the temple, or the identification of the God
 - ---------------i—~~~;--------------------l-==:----------------- ;—1^--------------------- ^==*r% -

with the Buddha Avatara of Vishnu, suffice to establish a Buddhist origin of the

worship of Jagannath.”

Dr. Nilakamtha Das22, advocates contrary to above, a supposedly Jaina

origin of Jagannath. He connected the Nilamadhava legend to what he called

Kalinga Jina that can be "explained as Nila (black, nothingness) Ma (Mother,

creative energy) and Dhava (White, Le., the phenomenal universe). Some other

reasoning forwarded are summarized below.

□ The ‘natha’ affix of Jagannath is also common to the names of many Jaina Tirthankaras.

□ The famous 22 steps of the temple are said to symbolically represent the 22 Jaina

Tirthankaras.

O The Jaina Kaibalya is supposed to be the pseudonym for Mahaprasada23.

However, reverting to O.M.Starza2*, “...the general paucity of evidence

makes it difficult or even impossible to assess the degree to which Jainism

influenced the cult of Jagannath at Puri. Conceivably it did so during several

different periods through contacts between Jainas and the worshippers of

Jagannath. However, in any case it is clear that the Jagannath cult was not Jaina

in origin.”

D.C.Sircar2s is of the view that Lord Jagannath, like many deities of India

(Venkateswara Balaji of Urupati, Minakshi at Madurai, Kamakhya in Assam, to

name a few), has an aboriginal origin. The tribal origin of the Jagannath tradition

is pretty emphatic and clear. The Hinduized uniconical symbols of aboriginals has

shaped the present iconography that cannot be linked to a particular Hindu deity

is farther strengthened by Indradyumna legend. “The idea of Jagannath seems to

have come from ‘Jaganaelo’, the tribal prototype of Jagannath, amongst the

Sabaras, living in the forest tracts of Ganjam, Koraput and Dhenkanal Districts.

They still belive that of all the ten kitungas (Gods), ‘Jaganaelo’ is the greatest and

11
 ■sHSi
s3*

He is therefore, called the Lord of Lords and the Lord of the universe. His wooden

image is found coloured with different colours like red, white and yellow, and he

is affectionately also known as ‘Madala’, meaning a wooden log without any limbs

except the face. It is not unlikely that Jagannath was originally worshipped in the

form of tree by the Austrics or the Proto Australoids and later in the form of

‘Daru’, and still later on in the form of ‘Madala’ which was converted to an

unknown image”26. The presence of Daita and Patimahapatra priests of

Jagannath, who claim tribal descent, till the present day, also point towards the

tribal origin of the tradition. Nevertheless, this connection cannot be so

simplistically explained. Hinduization took place by identifying the tribal deity

with Narasimha, adding a head with arms. This occurrence is nothing unusual as,

since Gupta period, Purusottama, being a title of Vishnu, can be invoked through

Narasimha who also is an ‘avatar’ of Vishnu. Even to this day, Narasimha plays a

vital role during ‘anabasara’ and ‘navakalevara’, rituals connected with the

shaping of the images. Stietencron2? feels that “... there was a period of at least 80

years during which the cult subsisted (till the end of 12th cen.) - if at all - on a

reduced scale. By the end of this period a revival of Purusottama cult could well

have been accompanied by a combination of the cult of the wooden god with that

of the Hindu Purusottama. Such an amalgamation of the two cults out of which

one was living and popular, and the other almost extinct but replete with the

memory of an ancient glory required royal authority and certainly involved the

legitimately aspects... The scenery for such a process of transformation required:

x) A pre-existing Brahmanic Purusottama cult in neglected state;

2) A pre-existing semi tribal cult of a wooden god Bhairava/Narasimha and
3) A conqueror that is powerful monarch and requires legitimization by joining two cults...
 The intention to join them should he attributed to Ananatavarman

Codagangadeva. It was put into practice only in later generation.”

The layout of the sacred inhabitation of Puri, conspicuously show the

‘shaiva’ and ‘shakta’ connection to the temple of Jagannath that lies on a high

land, encompassing which are the Shiva temples. This unusual constellation of

Vishnu and Shiva temples can be understood only in terms of the Shakti

connection. The temple of Vimala within the precincts of the Jagannath temple,

offering of ‘prasada’ of Jagannath first to goddess Vimala, central position of

Subhadra in the sanctum, and the ‘tantric’ tradition of Vimala being shakti of Puri

and Jagannath the corresponding Bhairava, are the pointers indicative of Vimala

being the presiding deity of the place, metamorphosed with the changing times

and conditions28.

In this connection, it is interesting to note the striking similarity between

the iconography of ‘Ekapada Bhairava’ and Jagannath. Stietencron2^ and Starzas®

opine that the transformation occurred under Shaiva auspices, which is even

conceded in Purusottama Mahatmya of Skanda Purana, recorded around 1300

AD. Stietencron further explains that, “when at a later stage the Vaishnavas

accepted the Wooden God; they emphasized only the Narasimha elements while

the Bhairava elements were largely excluded from theology and ritual. This may

partly explain why only the iconography of Jagannath has retained traces of

Bhairava... It is likely that two gods of same shape were simply juxtaposed... In

later Pancaratra interpretation...they became the brothers Balabhadra and

Jagannath... The third image of Puri triad, the image of Subhadra...may have

been related to Bhairava at an early stage. Being his Shakti she stands at his left

side. She retained this position, which is that of the wife of Siva (who changed to
Balabhadra) till today. And till today she is considered as Durga Bhubaneswari

with whose mantra she is worshipped... In the course of the Pancarata re­

interpretation she was renamed as Subhadra and officially considered as the

sister of Balabhadra and Jagannath.”3i K.C.Mishra32 points out in reference to

the stone inscription of Gopinathpur of the time of King Kapilendradeva, “...that

even in the 15th cen. AD, the goddess Subhadra was treated as Bhagavati Durga.”

After Anantavarman Chodagangadeva, vaisnava influence was more

systematically used on the triad of Puri mainly under the influence of Ramanuja,

and was consolidated by the Pancarata system of interpretation connecting Purusottama

with Krishna, Subhadra with Ekanamsha-Durga, and Balabhadra with Samkarsana.

Sudarsana weapon of Vishnu, present with the triad, may have been originally the

‘ehalanti-pratima’ of the early Jagannath-Narshima icon, is interpreted as kriya-

shakti of Vishnu.

In words of G.C. Nayak33, we can say that the significance of shrine of

Jagannath “lie in the fact that it is a successful attempt in the form of an image to

express the reality of the Upanishads which is both nirguna and saguna and in

whom the salvation of mankind rests...Jagannath is a unique expression of the

ultimate reality of the Upanishads, which having a form is at the same time

formless...(it) has the capacity to express the formless in a way which is unique in

the history of mankind.” Mystical analysis of Jagannath also explain the trio as

Purusha, Prakriti and Kala; as Sat , Chit and Ananda; and Prema, Gyana and

Shakti.34 “ it is no wonder that Jagannath being the expression of such reality

has proved himself to be capable of fulfilling the aspirations of varieties of races

and cults through out the ages. And only in this background one can understand
how diverse, antagonistic, and mutually contradictory theories are built and

flourish side by side in connection with one and same reality, i.e. Jagannath.”35

To conclude, the regional tradition of Shri Jagannath Temple at Puri

mirrors the Indian spiritual vision of 'Sanatana Dharam’ and 'Sarva Dharma

Samanwaya Dharma'. It has absorbed and assimilated all those various tenets

that divide the Indians at mundane level, thus envisioning us with the same

Indian spirit that brings samanwaya amongst aboriginal tribalism to Vedic

Hinduism, to Buddhism, to Jainism, to Shakta, Shaiva and Vaishnava mode of

worship, to advaitabad of Shankara to dvaitabad of Ramanuja to the bhakti of

Caitanya.

The identification of Lord Jagannath at Puri with Lord Krishna, though all

along prevalent, was popularized by Caitanya only after 1512A.D. when he visited

Puri. Imprint of Caitanya's philosophy can still be seen in the Temple. The

marginalized and the outcaste among Hindus were accepted by Caitanya,

providing them a relatively secured place in the social order. Caitanya

propounded Vaishnavism attached no importance whatsoever to the socio­

economic backbround of the people in their spiritual tryst. Preaching universal

fraternity, Caitanya emphasized faith on and love for Krishna (Hari), therefore, in

reality denounced caste based orthodoxy. “The possibility is strong, then, in

preaching Vaishnavism to the masses at the time when Brahmanical Hinduism

was under pressure, the Gaudiya Vaishnavas were infact seeking to promulgate

Brahmanical rules of social ethics through a medium with which people of all

classes and social levels could identify’^6. Caitanya as the ‘bhakta’ (devotee) of

Lord Jagannath, in reality, had a lasting enough impact on the Jagannath

tradition at Puri, still evident in the practices - within ‘anandabazar’ (where the
sacred offerings to the Lords are available for the pilgrims), the undefilable

‘mahaprasad’ (sacred offerings to the Lords), the daily ‘Kirtan’ (sacred songs)

where any one can join etc. - has liberated the Temple tradition farther, adapting

its expansion to the changing demographic, political, economic and cultural

features of the society. In fact, Caitanya made the Jagannath Temple more

amnable to the aspiration of the masses by popularizing the identification of Lord

Jagannath with Shri Krishna, thereby utilizing the reach of the latter as a vehicle

for propagating their liberal views, ultimately strengthening the place of the

Jagannath Temple at Puri within the cultural tradition of India.

The tradition of Jagannath Temple at Puri imbibes religiosity, but is

tolerant enough to be sobered with the ideas of different faiths, cultures, religions

and allied influences. The consequence that this tradition imparts is one of

confederation of faiths, united despite diversity, and presenting a tangible beacon

of co - existence and peace.

Section: 03:
The Architecture of The Jagannath Temple at Puri

Hindu temples gained prominence in the socio-architectural landscape of

India during the last two millennia. The practice of construction of freestanding

temples, although prevalent from almost the earliest human civilizations

(Mesopotamia, Egypt, Greece), was integrated into the Hindu culture from 5th

century onwards. Socio - Political Transitions in India from 7th to 13th century

caused smaller regional kingdoms replacing the larger centralized empires.

In course of time, Community life revolved around temple-based

Hinduism. These temples, legitimized the authority of the kings to ‘protect and

preserve religion’, giving rise to a new social order founded on the integration and
osmotic symbiosis of religious ritual and political power. The temples, thriving on

the patronage and largesse of local kings and landlords, were however entrusted

to Brahmins and Priests for the purpose of daily care of the deities and executive

management of devotional worship.

In the period from 7th to the 13th centuiy, India witnessed the erection

and construction of most large and renowned temples. The practice has

continued till date (the ‘rich’ replacing the monarchs) although it suffered a

steady decline after political power shifted to rulers of the Muslim faith, in the

wake of the invasions from the North West of the subcontinent.

It is relevant to note here that the temples in India usually housed a central

deity. The enshrined images were considered to be the embodiment of either one

of the incarnate forms of the Mother Goddess, or those of the two of the Trinity -

Lord Shiva and of Lord Vishnu. A successful pilgrimage to these sacred sites was

recognized both by society and the leaders of the religious faith as a commendable

achievement in the process of spiritual salvation; that the pilgrimages also did not

subject the common devotees to the much harsher conditions of restraint and

discipline of asceticism, made them only more expedient. Quite naturally

therefore, such pilgrimages attained the status of a primary bench - mark in the

overall socio-religious life of the general population.

The architectural design of these Hindu temples did adhere to some

preordained conventions, but gradually they also came to learn, adapt and

assimilate newer and different methods, materials, effects and influences,

corresponding to creative versatility and availability of resources. It would not be

unreasonable to assume that architectural ideas and principles from other distant

countries also percolated in from the experiences and writings of travelers and
ambassadors. The resultant architecture applied to these temples, have given rise

to two distinct forms, one in Northern India and the other in Southern India, with

specifically discrete forms of the temple structure above the sanctum sanctorum.

The North Indian temples have curved spires known as ‘shikhara’, rising

high above the sanctum sanctorum often with vertical banding, and are topped by

an oval form known as ‘amalaka’. Advent of improvement in the technique,

craftsmanship and tools led to augmentation of the temple structure into multiple

spires and smaller temple forms. A pyramidal tower on the other hand, topped

with a crowning dome above the sanctum sanctorum, distinguishes the temples in

the South. The tower above the sanctum sanctorum is understood to be the

symbolic representation of Mount Meru which according to Hindu scriptures is at

the center of the world, and inhabited by the Gods.

The purpose of carving figures and images of divine nature on the external

surfaces of the temples was to induce in the beholders a heightened sense and

spirit of the supernatural atmosphere within the temple so that they could

proceed further inward towards the sanctum sanctorum for contemplation

without distraction about the infinite otherworld.

The sanctum sanctorum in all Hindu temple architecture is commonly

known as the sacred garbha - griha, where the presiding deity is enthroned on a

raised platform, facing the east side inside the tower, clearly identifiable from

outside; the platform is surrounded by a narrow passage for the observance of the

ritual of circumambulation, and are faced by an antechamber and a hall with roof

and pillars. Hindu temples are endowed with social responsibility and they tend

to expand in form and content as new necessities crop up. Therefore, Hindu

temples usually function also as forums of performing arts and sites of

congregation; besides, they house many secondary and subsidiary temples,

permitting concurrent practice of diverse faiths and sects.

Lindsay Jones's Hermeneutics of Sacred Architecture37 claims, ‘...to

understand the architectures, we must come to grips with the religious events and

experiences that swirl around the built forms...sacred architecture represents, in a

distilled and crystallized form, the religious experience of human Mnd, on both a

communal and an individual scale. The difficulty in understanding the religious

experiences associated with architecture is that, though the remnants of

architecture may linger for long periods of time, performances and events that

interact with them are often ephemeral...the events surrounding architecture are

an essential part of their religious construction, a significant part of their meaning

they held for their participants...sacred architectures consists of time, and are also

constitutive of the very experience and evaluation of time for all the participants,

even if they are gone like the winds of time soon afterwards. Many sacred

architectures are more than fossils of past meanings. They continue to be part of

events in historical and social contexts far removed from their long lost origins. In

fact, sacred architectures continue to hold a great allure over time...Since the

origins of the preferences, meanings, thrills and enjoyments of alluring events are

largely unconscious, the understanding of sacred architecture, based on the sense

of rituals that generates it, requires a hermeneutical disposition. That is in order

to apprehend the architecture, together with the events and content which draw

us toward it in the first place, we must also face the factors within us that

empower its appeal. All sacred architecture is two-faced, in this special sense, and

a satisfactory experience and interpretation of ritual architectural events must

engage key issues on both fronts... Jones argues that architecture provides
 '<r‘rr

distinctive experiences of time - not only the time of ritual occasions, but long

histories of interactions between people and their specially built sacred

environments. The special powers that one encounters in architecture range from

creative supernatural beings and universal events of nature to the powers that

under grid political history and the inner forces that shape the self. All these

fundamental influences are revealed and concealed in a special way through

architecture, through the events and relations made possible on account of

architecture. Sacred architecture gathers within and around it a superabundance

of experience that yields a superabundance of interpretation. These experiences

and interpretations are edifying moments of culture, the occasions in which

culture in constructed...(Jones develops) an eleven-point interpretative

framework, or morphology, of ritual-architectural events...intended to engage

ritual-architectural circumstances in an interpretative dialogue...across the

several levels of orientation, commemoration, and presentation in the context of

performance. It covers the way sacred architecture, in ritual events, orients

participants:

1) to the universe itself by presenting a microcosmic replica;

2) to rules, precedents, standards, and conventions displayed in sacred architecture;
3) to stars and heavenly bodies with which sacred architecture is aligned. Regarding the
content of ritual events, sacred architecture commemorates;
4) the deities and the ultimate realities housed or recalled in sacred architecture;
5) the mythical and miraculous episodes in sacred history;
6) social order of authority and economic arrangement legitimated (or sometimes
challenged) in the politics that swirl around sacred architecture;
7) the ancestors and deceased brought to mind in the ritual commemorations held
within sacred architecture;
8) theatre enacted against the backdrop of sacred architecture;
9) contemplation, especially where sacred architecture becomes the focus of meditation
or devotion;
10) offerings of appeasement, aiming to please sacred beings through the very process of
construction;
11) pure sanctuary, a state free from imperfection...

20
 Clearly, Jones intends to establish the framework of ritual-architectural

events that are at the same time forms of human experience in relation to sacred

architecture...there must be a shift from architectural objects to ritual-

architectural occasions if one is to understand the shape of human experience

associated with sacred architecture.’

Diane L. Eck observes that ‘Hinduism is an imaginative, an "image­

making, religious tradition in which the sacred is seen as present in the visible

world - the world we see in multiple images and deities, in sacred places, and in

people. The notion of darshan calls attention as students of Hinduism, to the fact

that India is a visual and visionary culture. God is eminently visible, although

human beings have not always had the refinement of sight to see. Furthermore,

the divine is visible not only in temple and shrine, bit also in the whole continuum

of life - in nature, in people, in birth and growth and death. Although some

Hindus, both philosophers and radical reformers, have always used the terms

"nirguna"(quality-less) and nirakara (formless) to speak of the One Bramha. Yet

the same tradition has simultaneously affirmed that Bramha is also saguna (with

qualities) and that the multitude of "names and forms" of this world are the

exuberant transformations of the One Bramha. Hinduism is sensuous in that it

makes full use of the senses - seeing, touching, smelling, tasting and hearing. One

"sees" the image of the deity (darshan). One "touches" it with one’s hands

(sparsa), and one also "touches" the limbs of one’s own body to establish the

presence of various deities (nyasa). One "hears" the sacred sound of the mantras

(sravana). The ringing of bells, the offering of oil lamps, the presentation of

flowers, the pouring of water and milk, the sipping of sanctified liquid offerings,
the eating of consecrated foods- prasad - these are the basic constituents of

Hindu worship, Puja’s8.

Architecture of temples in Orissa started developing from roughly 6th

Century A.D, concurrent with the emergence of independence and assertiveness

of regional kingdoms in India. The regional kingdoms started declining in the late

twelfth century in the face of constant invasion from North West and particularly

after Prithviraj Chawhan lost to Muhammad Ghori in 1192. They were followed by

a clutch of Mohammedan monarchs including Rutubuddin Ai Bak, Sher Shah and

Altamas till the Moghul dynasty was founded in 1526 and actually consolidated

from 1556.

The temple of Lord Jagannath was built in the early twelfth century when

the faculties of architecture and artistic creativity had reached as explained

earlier, a quite matured peak in terms of knowledge and skills. The Temple was

therefore constructed with a lot of care and attention. It may have been originally

conceived with three chambers, along with the miniature subsidiary shrines

(Parsva-Devatas) on the three outer sides of the temple, but later additions have

enlarged the structure to a significant extent. Today, it occupies an area of over

4, 00,000 square feet, surrounded by a fortified wall about 20 feet high. The

Temple complex contains about 120 temples and shrines. It also appears to have

the highest tower among all temples in Orissa (214 ft. 8 inches from the road

level). The complex has four gates and two very big concentric walls (Prakaras or

Avaranas) and thus is a Dvi-avarana shrine. The outer wall is uneven in height,

varying from 20 ft to 24 ft; it is equipped with serrated battlements on top,

designed to prevent possible attack and destruction by invaders. In architectural

terms the temple of Jagannath at Puri has Pancharatha form that had had its

craftsmanship perfected in Orissa by that time.

A brief objective description of the Temple architecture follows as given by

Jagabandhu Padhi39. ‘The temple consists of four structures called:

1. the vimana or bada deula (sanctum sanctorum),

2. the Jagamohana or mukhasala (the porch),
3. the Natamandira (the audience hall), and
4. the Bhogamandapa (the hall for residuary offerings) built in a row in an axial alignment in
east-west direction.

The temple faces the east. The Vimana is constructed in Pancharatha

Rekha (temple containing five pagas or segments, with a curvilinear spire) order.

Out of the five segments the middle one is known as raha, the two flanking pagas

as anuraha and the two corners as kanika...Like a full fledged Orissan Temple, it

has four fold vertical divisions, i.e., the pitha (pedestal), the bada (wall), the gandi

(trunk), and the mastaka (the head).

The temple stands on an elevated pedestal although most of it is sunk

under the surface. The visible portion shows three richly carved moldings. The

bada comprises a panchanga, or in other words, five elements known as pabhaga

(foot), lower jangha (shin), bandhana (bond), upper jangha and baranda.

The pabhaga consists of five usual moldings connected with vertical bands

in each paga of the bada. These five moldings are known in the architectural texts

as khura, kumbha, pata, kani and basanta in ascending order. The khura is

shaped like a horse hoof and contains inverted leaf designs with dotted borders.

In each paga it has a kirita design and figures of royal personnel. The lower

portion of khura has been decorated with banalata designs and other types scroll

work. The kumbha is designed like pitcher. The kani is plain: but pata and

23
basanta are richly carved. The sculptures friezes of the pata depict procession of

various animals, particularly the animals of war, columns of foot soldiers with

their commanding general sitting in a palanki and giving certain directions...the

vertical band as aforesaid contains rich scroll-work and two female figures one

above the other.

The lower jangha has khakhra-mundis (miniature temples of khakhra

order) in the kanika and anuraha pagas. The khakhra-mundis of kanika pagas

contain seated figures of eight Dikpalas (guardian deities), by those of the

anuraha depict seated acaryas (teachers) teacing their disciples. The recesses

within the pagas are covered with different types of Vidalas (figures lion-on-

elephant and lion with elephant trunk rampant on a warrior). The bandhana

consists of three molding joined together at different places by vertical bands

decorated with standing figures of kanyas (maidens). The upper jangha depicts

Pidha-mundis (miniature temples of pidha order) containing various deities

mostly Vaisnavite in character, including the ten incarnations of Visnu. These

recesses also contain figures of Kanyas in such places are shown in the sixteen

postures as prescribed in ‘Silpaprakasa’, an architectural text of Orissa. There is a

close similarity in the decorative plan between lower and upper Jangha, except in

the nature of the mundis and of the figures in the recesses. The size and

decorative programme of the mundis and the figures of Virala and kanyas are

almost equal. The baranda over the upper jangha is made of ten carved moldings

of almost equal size.

The architecture of the Raha paga is different. It contains large niches for

the Parsva-devatas on different sides. The southern niche contains the Varaha

incarnation, the northern niche houses the Trivikrama image and the western
niche shows the Nrisimha form of Visnu. These three images are made of chlorite

and are very exquisitely carved...all the three images have trefoil-shaped designs

in the background.

In front of the three images of side deities, small covered halls with a

sikhara (tower) of Pidha order have been constructed, which are called nisa

temples. These structures are plain and sometimes cover the sculptural beauty of

the temple. The upper portions of the Parsva-devata niches depict dopicha lions

(lions with one front and two hind portions), Naga-nagi pilasters, kanyas and one

central image on each side, which is difficult to recognize due to existence of the

nisa structure.

The gandi or the body of the temple proper consists of ten bhumis or

storeys. At the kanika paga of each bhumi, there is a bhumi amla connected with

six bhumi barandis (courses of stone) and caitya medallions are seen carved on

them at intervals. The anuraha paga of each side is filled with three angasikharas,

i.e., miniature Rekha replicas with rich carvings. In the raha paga, however, there

is a large Vajramastaka at the base, which is a usual feature with most of the

Orissan temples. Above the Vajramastaka upto the height of the gandi, rows of

caitya medallions with intermittent spaces appear with five such medallions in

each row. In the frontal Raha paga (eastern side) there is a bigger angasikhara at

the at the sandhisthala (joint of Vimana and Jagamohana) surmounted with a

projecting gajakranta, i.e., lion-on-elephant. Such gajakrantas also appear on

three other sides in the raha above the Vajramastaka. A smaller projecting lion

also appears on each side of the base of the Gandi. The mastaka consists of the

usual elements of beki (neck), amalaka (an Indian fruit of the same name-a little

flattened), khapuri (skull), kalasa (jar) and ayudha (weapon, i.e., chakra). In the
Beki are inserted four figures of Dopichha lions at each corner, while on the front

sides there are elements of mastaka except that the weapon is called Nilachakra,

the shape of which is peculiar in Orissa as well as its name.

The interior of Vimana is entirely plain. It is called sanctum sanctorum or

garbha griha, and in the middle of the room there is Ratnasimhasana on which

the images of worship have been installed. The throne is about four feet high and

there is a path around its perimeter for circumambulation of the devotees. There

is only one door leading to Jagamohana...

The Jagamohana or mukhasala is a Pidha temple, i.e., a structure with

pyramidal roof. It consists of several pidhas or horizontal platforms receding in

size as they go upwards. The Jagamohana may have originally stood on a pidha or

platform like the Vimana, but it is not visible today, possibly because of later

augmentations and modifications. The bada, again has the five usual

elements...the gandi is made up of thirteen pidhas arranged in two potalas or tiers

of seven in the lower and six in the upper diminishing in size as these proceed

from bottom to top. The kanthi recesses in between the potalas are decorated

with Pidha-mundis, pilasters and images of Madira carini. In each side and in

each of the two potalas, there are miniature Pidha mastakas surmounted by

udyata lions, the lion in the upper tire being larger than that of the lower. The

mastaka consists of the usual elements beki, ghanta, amla beki, amalaka, kalasa

and ayudha, which is a disc.

The roof of Jagamohana stands on foursquare pillars. It has two gates, one

leading to the south and the other to Natamandira. The later is considered as the

main entrance. It is known as Jaya Vijaya gate, but the images of Dvarapalas Jaya

and Vijaya are conspicuous in their absence. The doorframes of both the gates are

26
ornately decorated with different kinds of floral designs and Naga-Nagi figures.

Navagraha figures adorn the upper architraves. Figures of Brahma and Siva on

the southern gate are more prominent. We are tempted to belive that Jaya-Vijaya

gate (main gate of Jagamohana) was reconstructed at the time of the construction

of the present Natamandira.

The Bhogamandapa (earlier natamandira) is a Pidha deula with a high

pedestal. The pedestal consists of five divisions. But the elements do not conform

to the specifications given in the architectural text of Orissa though these are

richly carved. Rather there is a similarity between the structure and the

Natamandira of Konarka temple in Orissa. Depiction of Krishna’s entire life-story

at the top of the pedestal in a row is quite striking. The projections in the bada

portion are not quite prominent, but the profuse ornamentation of bada adds to

the grandeur of the structure. There are figures of Rama abhiseka, rowing of

boats, Jagannatha-Mahisamardini-Sivalinga worship, Siva in Tandava Dance

posture etc., carved in separate chlorite slabs. Besides there are several more

chlorite figures in different places of the bada.

The gandi shows a pidha order with three potalas. The potalas consist of

five, four and three pidhas as we count from the bottom. Huge figures of

projecting lions appear on each potala. The gandi is Pancaratha in plan like that

of Jagamohana. The mastaka is composed of the usual elements except that a

brazen pot is placed on the top of it.

The structure stands on four pillars and the interior is left entirely

undecorated...has a flight of steps in the north. It is believed that a similar flight

existed in the south side too, but due to construction of the gangway from the

kitchen to the Jagamohana, the steps had to be removed subsequently.

27
 The present Natamandira appears to be a relatively later structure

standing on sixteen pillars...Its roof is flat consisting of four layers of stone slabs.

The hall is presently used for offering of prayers. A monolithic pillar with image of

Garuda at the top stands towards the eastern part of the hall. The interior of the

hall is well decorated with different types of stucco images and paintings. Scenes

depicting the kanchi-kavari expedition of Jagannatha and Balabhadra and the ten

incarnations of Vishnu, with an image of Jagannath as the ninth incarnation are

more conspicuous. The hall has two main gates, leading towards the north and

the south besides two subsidiary openings...

Several additions and alterations have been carried out in the temple and

works of such modification seem to have commenced not too far from the date of

original construction of the temple. To the original twin structure of the Vimana

and Jagamohana, the first addition seems to have been the present

Bhogamandapa a little away from the temple; the hall was intended originally for

dance and music. Addition of the hall, presently known as Natamandira was done

subsequently by joining the Jagamohana with the present Bhogamandapa.

Interestingly, the Natamandira is popularly called Jagamohana, because in this

hall the devotees assemble to offer prayers to Jagannatha and no dance and music

are performed at present. It is used as an audience hall, in addition to the original

one. At the time of the construction of the present Natamandira, the original

Jagamohana presumably underwent a lot of changes; some of these were the

removal of the balustraded windows on the south and north, addition on the

north of an extra room (presently ratana bhandara - the store of jewels) and

replacement of the southern window by a door.

28
 Another notable addition is the gangway connecting the Mtchen with the

Jagamohana via the present Bhogamandapa and Natamandira, to facilitate

carrying of food offerings for the deities. The gangway entirely covers up the

southern side of the Bhogamandapa, the original carvings of which are still visible

through its southern door. This is reported to have been constructed by Gajapati

Harekrushna Deva (1716-1720 A.D) of Khurda. Besides, a number of subsidiary

shrines were also constructed within the premises of the temple over the years;

some of those shrines and minor structures partly conceal the northern side of

Bhogamandapa today and one can only be surprised by such lack of planning;

perhaps, some of the modifications may have been necessitated for performance

of certain rituals within the precincts of the temple...

The temple is enclosed by two outer walls, thus forming two enclosed

compounds - the inner and the outer. The outer wall is called Meghanada

Prachira and measures 665 ft by 640 ft; it was so named because it could not be

penetrated by the sound of the waves of the sea. The inner wall, shaped like a

tortoise is therefore known as Kurma Prachira and measures 420 ft by 315 ft.

Four gates on four sides allow ingress/egress to the compound. The main

gate is called the Simha Dvara or the Lions Gate because of the statues of a pair of

lions guarding it. There is propylon at the eastern gate from which starts a flight

of twenty two steps to reach the inner compound wall.

The outer enclosure consists of the kitchen (south east), the Ananda

Bazaar where the edible offerings to the dities are sold (north-east), a couple of

gardens - the koili Vaikuntha and Niladri Vihara, and a few essential structures

like Snana Vedi and subsidiary shrines. These subsidiary shrines are significant

for observance of various protocols of rites and festivals. Devotees

circumambulate the temple within the inner enclosure and seek ‘Darsan’ of the

minor deities in a prescribed sequence, after which they enter the main temple

through the northern entrance of the Natamandira.

The various subsidiary shrines within the inner compound of the Temple

complex are:

i. Patitapabana; 2. Kasi Vishwanath; 3. Sri Satyanarayan; 4. Hari Sahadev; 5. Bata Abakasha

Patitapabana; 6. Bala-mukunda; 7. Kalpabata Tree; 8. Bataganesh; 9. Lokanath Deva; 10.

Jambeswar; 11. Kapala-mochana; 12. Markandeya; 13. Nilakantha; i4.Bata-Mangala; 15.

Indrayani; 16. Ananta Vasudeva; 17. Kuttama Chandi; 18. Surya Yantra Mandir; 19. Kshetrapala;

20. Mukteswar; 21. Muktimandapa; 22. Nrisimha; 23. Jalakrida Mandap; 24. Nata Ganesb; 25.

Rohini Kunda and Chatrubhuja Kaka; 26. Bimala; 27. Benumadhaba; 28. Gopeswar Mahadeva;

29. Sakshigopal; 30. Bhanda Ganesh; 31. Radha Krishna; 32. Bhubaneswari; 33. Neelamadhava;

34. Bedha Kali; 35. Mahalaxmi; 36. Nabagraha; 37. Surya; 38. Badrinarayan; 39. Radhaballava;

40. Dadhivaman; 41. Ramaehandra; 42. Nisha-Baraha; 43, Nisha Bali Vamana; 44. Bali Patala,

The outer compound of the Temple includes the following subsidiary

shrine:

(In the north side of the Temple) 1. Baikuntheswara; 2. Koili Baikuntha; 3. Tapasyi Hanuman; 4.

Uttarayani; 5. Sitala; 6. Bedha Lokanath; 7. Aishaneswara. (In the south side of the Temple) 8.

Dakshinadwar Mahadeva; 9. Ramaehandra; 10. Shadabhuja Gouranga; 11. Hiranya Vidama

Nrisimha; 12. Barabhai Hanumana; 13. Laddu Gopal; 14. Purana Sabha; 15. Nrisimha; 16.

Budhimaa, (In the west side of the Temple) 17. Charidham Thakur; 18. Paschimadwar Hanuman;

19. Chakranarayan Deva. (In the east side of the Temple) 20. Shri Ganesh; 21. Anna Purna. Other

places of importance: 1. Niladri Bihar. (Museum); 2. Snana Vedi; 3. Chahani Mandap (Both in

Ananda Bazar) (see http://164.100.x40.22/jagannath/index.htm).

At this point, it becomes a necessity to clarify briefly, the major aspects and

interpretations of the architecture and constructions at the Jagannath Temple.

❖ The Temple - the abode of Lord Jagannath, viewed as the ruler of the universe, is
conceptualized as a fort. It has been provided with four gates, namely the Lions Gate
(Simha Dvara), Horse Gate (Ghotak Dvara), Tiger Gate (Byaghra Dvara) and the Elephant
Gate (Hasti Dvara). The main entrance - Lion Gate is on the east of the Temple,
symbolizing strength. On the southern gate, horses are placed on either side, symbolically
exhibiting military prowess. The Tiger Gate on the west showcases energy. Finally, the
Elephant Gate on the North, indicating prosperity. In consonance to the traditional
Indian practice of drcumambulation (Pradaksin) by the pilgrims where the sacred object
should remain all the time on the right side of the circumambulator, we therefore see the
process of going round the temple from east, to south, to west, and then to north. The
local tradition also says that the four gates of the Temple signify Dharma (East/lion),
Kama (South/Horse), Moksa (West/tiger) and Artha (North/elephant). Lord Jagannath,
the Supreme Master of the universe is also assumed to accord to His devotees the
"Chaturvarga" (dharma, artha, kama, and moksa) through these four gates of the Temple.
According to another school of thought, these gates in different directions of the Temple:
Dharma (East/Lion), Jnana (South/Horse), Vairagya (West/Tiger) and Aisvarya
(North/Elephant). This view claims to find its resonance in the ritual prayer of the
Sevayats, who while worshipping the gates as part of their daily ritual services offer
Pushpanjali to the four gates by saying Dharmaya Svaha, Jnanaya Svaha, Vairagya Svaha,
Aisvarya Svaha.
❖ The second significant aspect relates to the planning of the layout of the Temple on the
lines of a fort; one example is the lofty strong walls; wells dug up in the four comers of the
complex, provided a perennial source of water at the times of siege, ensuring the survival
of the blockaded civilians seeking refuge in the Temple from Mohammedan invaders.
Standing near the Garuda pillar devotees pray to Lord Jagannatha and other deities. The
Garuda pillar believed to house the famous Samantakamani with miraculous curative
power. Pilgrims for this reason are known to embrace the pillar leading to body contact,
and also bathe in the water used for washing the pillar. On the walls of the
Bhogamandapa, laterally behind the Garuda pillar, ten incarnations of Vishnu are
sculpted, peculiarity' of which is that in one incarnation Jagannath and Buddha stand
juxtaposed. In all probability, such identification was under the influence of the
continuous assimilatory attempts of Hinduism. It is interesting to know that the local
Pancaskhas still claim that Lord Jagannath at Nilachala, in the Kalyuga would take birth
as the Buddha.
❖ The sanctum sanctorum or Manikotha where the presiding deities are placed on a raised
platform (known as the Ratnavedi ,16 ft long, 13 ft wide and 4 ft high) which according to
tradition supposedly contains one lac ‘salagramashila’s. According to a tradition, the
temple has been conceived as a yogic purusa. As a yogi has to pass through the eight-fold
of yoga or stages of life, similarly the temple has eight angas (Astanga) such as (from
below to the top) pabhaga, bandhana, jhangha, gandi, garbha, beki, khapuri and kalasa.

31
 *§■ The images worshipped inside the vimana are of two kinds namely, Area images and
Tattva images. In the Temple three kinds of images are found, i.e. dhyana images
following the sastras (Narayana, Ananta, Purusottama, Vimala, Laksmi, Bhuvanesvari),
avarana tattva images following the silpa sastras (Ksetrpala, Tapasvimahavira,
Vaikunthesvara, Patalesvara etc), and decorative images (Gopesvara, Ganga-yamuna,
Jaya-vijaya Ramabhiseka, Yoganarayana). The images of presiding deities (of Jagannath,
Balabhadra and Subhadra) do not conform to the dhyanas as well as to the traditional
iconographic texts in an attempt to symbolically present the Infinite.
<> The Jagannath Temple like many other Hindu temples is located in higher altitudes on
top of hills or raised natural platforms/hillocks as a site of greater spiritual excellence and
appreciation symbolizing the importance of spirituality over worldly life.
The various segments of the temple of Jagannath, as seen above, according to a tradition,
represent different organs of the human body (as garbhagraha or sanctum sanctorum
symbolizes womb and sometimes the human heart). In this way, the Temple epitomizes
God in His supernatural as well as natural. It therefore, symbolically links the mortal
humans to the immortal God, draws the connection between the material plane and the
spiritual plane, and tries to show the obvious and the ideal side by side.
❖ There are relatively few erotic scenes depicted inconspicuously on the outer wall of the
Jagannath Temple. They can be interpreted as the expressions of general exuberance, a
form of thanksgiving to the Gods who created us all. However, it can also be seen to reflect
the concern that one must set aside the worldly temptations upon the threshold of the
Temple. In fact, such carvings simultaneously express a celebration of samsara (worldly)
and a movement toward moksha (otherworldly).
❖ The outward appearance of the Jagannath Temple raises the expectation of meeting with
God. However, the Temple was not designed necessarily with an eye towards maintaining
a harmony with its surroundings; die construction rather seems to be a break in the
continuity, for starkly manifesting the sacred exception. Jagannath Temple is thought to
constitute an opening towards heavenly direction ensuring communication with the Gods,
is the manifest representation of a cosmic pillar and their site is said to be a navel of the
world.

Section- 04:
The Rulers and the Jagannath Temple at Puri

We now progress to a comparison of the administrative and political

circumstances evolving concurrently with the shrine of Lord Jagannath at Puri. It

is interesting to acknowledge that Puri was never considered to be a major

political center of Orissa, and yet it had always played a vital role in the
establishment and legitimization process of political powers of dynasties and

their kings.

Historically and world - wide, religion and other social processes,

particularly the political process, have coexisted through intricate processes and

mechanisms. In the dynamics of the political process, religion is often a crucial

catalyst, especially in a plural society. In response to the stress and strain of

contradictory beliefs and values, the state frequently strives to derive legitimacy

from its subjects through religion, which provides a major form of identity to

both, individuals or groups in society. The Political authority is also compelled, to

recognize apolitical social forces like religion that demarcates and delimits their

sphere of activity. It was therefore not unusual that the Temple of Lord Jagannath

at Puri had also served as a political arena for enrolment of support from various

sections of the society, as well as to resolve social conflicts.

Somavamsi dynasty (of Daksina Kosala/Western Orissa, three Kesari kings

- Yayati, Ananta, and Lalatendu) after their conquest of Central Orissa in the

middle of 10th century, as mentioned in ‘Mandla panji’4°, reinstated Purusottama

in the shrine, which was hidden in Sonepur for about 150 years after Raktabahu’s

invasion, which happened probably in 8th century A.D. W. W. Hunter*1 identifies

Raktabahu with the Greeks, K.C.Panigrahi*2 with Rastrakutas and K.C.Mishra*s

with the Bahu family of Ceylon. The stone inscriptions of Kalindindi grant of the

eastern Chalukya king Rajaraja I (of mid 11th cen.), Nagpur stone inscriptions (of

1104 AD), Pujaripali inscription (end of 11th cen. approx.), and Maihar stone

inscription (unknown), according to von. Steitencron44, corroborates the

tradition that the Purusottama temple, constructed by Yayati I, existed since the

middle of 11th century. K.C. Mishra45 is, of course, of the view that Yayati II was
 ...'r

the founder of Purusottama Temple at Puri. Somavamsi’s could to a large extent

integrate Orissa under their rule. To strengthen their position and smoothen their

reign of more than 160 years, Somavamsi rulers used the Purusottama Tradition

to good effect. In fact, the Somavamsi kings found it politically expedient to

patronize the well-entrenched Purusottama tradition, as it amalgamated the

Brahminic traits with indigenous tradition, and therefore had the acceptance of

the local people as well as could connect ritually to their homeland, that is, with

the indigenous tradition of Western Orissa. This single move allowed the

Somavamsi rulers to defuse significantly the resentment and antagonism in the

region caused by their successful invasion and, to bring about the necessary

integration of Central and Western Orissa*6.

Somavamsi rulers are also reported to have ushered in royal patronage of

art and architecture, and also promoted cultural tolerance in Orissa. However, we

should remember that the Somavamsis were absolutely silent about anything on

this subject, in their 160-year rule. They worshipped Lord Shiva as their primaiy

deity and treated Purusottama as a secondaiy deity (never became their ‘kula’ or

‘sashtra’ deity) in their personal faith. According to O.M.Starza*?, unlike

Bhubaneswara, during Somavamsi reign, Puri was not a center of artistic

creativity though culture flourished there too. This perhaps also explains the

neglect and ruin of the temple in the later years.

The imperial Gangas of Kalinga, under Anantavaraman Chodagangadeva

(1077-1147) conquered Central Orissa to rule for more than three hundred years.

Anantavaraman Chodagangadeva, a Ganga from paternal side and a Chola from

maternal side, starting from his humble principality in Southern Orissa expanded

his kingdom from Godavari river to the south of Orissa to Hoogly river in the

■s=' 34
north of Orissa. ‘Just as Kesaris had been the patron Mngs of Shaivism, and the

rulers before them had been the patrons of Buddhism and Jainism, the Gangas

became the new patron kings of Vaishnavism, which has remained the reigning

religion of the region’48. Following the Somavamsi principle, Anantavaraman

Chodagangadeva (1077-1147) took up the construction of the present shrine of

Jagannath at Puri after 1135 A.D on the ruins of the earlier temple.

“The conviction that Chodagangadeva completed the temple is based on

the evidence of two inscriptional passages. One of them occurs for the first time in

the Dasgoba copperplate grant of Rajaraja III ...issued in 1198 A.D... The second

inscriptional passage contained in the same record, refers to the coronation of

Jatesvara Kamarnava VII (1147-1156)... This argument however, which has been

repeated over and over again, is based on a wrong translation of the text... This

verse does not contain any hint of the completion of Codaganga’s Purusottama

temple, nor does it say that Kamarnava was crowned at Puri... Gangesvara

certainly started building the great temple, but he probably did not live to see its

completion. The Utkalakhanda of Skanda Purana mentions the ‘garba pratistha’

of the temple... The Utkalakhanda tell us that this was not yet completed when

the king...died. Since the text also seems to indicate that the progress on the

temple construction was slow after Codaganga’s death, it seems likely that the

temple was indeed completed towards the end of the reign of Anangabhimall.

The mukhasala must have been added still later, possibly by Rajaraja or

Anangabhimalll. The Natamandapa was added after 13th century and

Bhogamandapa was an addition of the 15th century... It has to be noted that the

great temple is mentioned for the first time in the Dasagoba copper plate grant of
Rajarajalll, son of Anangabhimall. This also strengthens our view that

Anangabhimall probably completed and consecrated the main temple tower...”49

Chodagangadeva, though Shaiva in personal faith, exhibited foresight and

religious inclusiveness perhaps, more with an eye for socio-political acceptance.

He successfully harnessed co-existential tendencies and started his reign on the

back of rising Vishnuism that was making inroads in the region from south and

west. In the words of H. Kulkes°, “Chodaganga’s foremost deed in this respect

was the construction of the monumental temple at Puri. This devotional

reverence for Purusottama aimed both at the stabilization and legitimization of

his royal power over Central Orrisa, which by that time had become the

“domain”(dharma) of the god Purusottama. Chodaganga, thus followed the

tradition of the legendary “outsider" Yayati Kesari who also had erected a temple

for Purusottama after his conquest of Utkal. Like the Somavamsi Kings,

Chodaganga chose for his reverence an autochthonie deity, whose cult was

characterized by strong pre - Brahminic elements and which already in the 11th

century had become famous as the cult of “the country of Orrisa” and of “the

Utkal country at the seashore” ...Chodaganga subsequently elevated his patronage

of Purusottama to clearly an imperial level..., but throughout the 12th century the

God Siva - Madhukesvara at Kalinganagara seems to have remained officially the

state deity of the Gangas... It was only under King Anangabhima III (1211-1238)

that the god Purusottama at Puri became the official state deity of the Ganga

Empire (around 1230 A.D)... The date and circumstances of the dedication of the

Orrisa Empire to the Lord of Puri make it therefore, very probable that

Anangabhima’s ritual policy was not only meant to strengthen the “vertical”

legitimization of his power over Central Orrisa, after Cuttack had become the sole
capital of the Ganga empire. The dedication of the empire to Lord Purusottama

also seems to have been intended to strengthen Anangabhima’s “horizontal”

legitimization in his struggle with other Hindu Rajas for the imperial heritage”.

Narashimha I (1238-1264 A.D) inherited a well organized and well

administered empire from Anangahhima and continued to rule as the ‘rauta’ of

Lord Jagannath, as well as he also reverted to the position of being a ‘devotee of

Shiva’ and ‘son of Durra’ as “during this period the necessity of assimilation of

three cults, saiva, shakta and vaisnava was felt intensely”®1. To emphasize the

sovereignty of the empire, Narashimha I was first to take the title of ‘Gajapati’, as

the kings of North India were known as ‘aswapati’ and the kings of South India

were known as ‘narapati’52. He continued the glorious legacy of Anangabhima by

not only thwarting the Afghan aggression but also penetrated into their area of

influence. It was he who constructed the magnificent Sun temple at Konarks®,

dedicating it to a pan-Indian deity thereby trying to “raise his imperial

legitimization to the All - India level”54. But it must be kept in mind that all

Gajapati rulers were not equally enthusiastic in their zeal as deputies of Lord

Jagannath. For instance, Bhanudeva II was devoted to Lord Jagannath, but this

was not the case with Narashimha IV and Nisanka Bhanu (IV). It was during the

former’s rule (early 14th century) that the title ‘Jagannath’ was used for the first

time for the deity of Puri, later on becoming an exclusive identification for the

same®®.

Kapilendradeva (1435-1467) founded Suravamsa dynasty in the year 1435

A.D by dethroning Nisanka Bhanu (IV), the last Ganga king. He being an usurper,

used Lord Jagannath to the hilt for legitimizing his rein by creating legends,

imaging himself as deity's designate, claiming divine sanction for his every
decision and policy pertaining to administration and politics, ultimately,

consecrating himself as the foremost (adya) servitor of the Lord. “Like

Kapilendra, his successors threatened their opponents with the wrath of

Jagannath and tried to gain the support and curb the influence of the priests, who

seem to have become in the following decades more and more powerful through

immense donations of land and jewellary...Especially King Purusottama (1467-

1497) knew no bounds to bribe the priests after he had snatched away the throne

from his popular elder brother Hamvira” s<\

Prataparudra’s (1497-1540), who succeeded Purusottama, reign was

marked by the ascent of Vaisnavism and by efforts to control the powerful priests

of Jagannath temple. Chaitanya visited Puri during his reign and got royal

patronage of Prataparudra to counter balance the power of the priests. His

minister Govinda Vidyadhara, who usurped the empire, killed successors of

Prataparudra, but from this period the power of the empire started rapidly

declining.

From the end of 15th century, the events of this region become enmeshed in

uncertainty. The region was successively invaded by three powerful and hostile

neighbours (Hussain Shah (1493-1519) of Bengal, Krishnadeva Raya (1509-1529)

of Vijayanagar Empire, and Sultan Quli Qutb Shah of Golkanda), and feudal lords

of the hilly Gadajat tract. The local rulers faced a series of defeats, leading to

steady territorial shrinkage and economic decline. Mukunda Deva (1557-68) of

Eastern Chalukya family (also known as of Bhoi Dynasty) usurped the power

from the weak successors of Prataparudra, was the last independent Hindu king

of Orissa, and temporarily stabilized the empire by entering into a treaty with
Akbar against Sultan Sulaiman of Bengal; he also established Brahmin villages

and was the last king standing independent.

Period that followed after his death was of complete anarchy and

disintegration. This was the time when Kalapahar, a convert Afgan General,

started his invasion and in conformity with the tradition of the erstwhile

Mohammedan invaders, desecrated all the temples, burnt the images of the

deities and plundered their wealth. “During the following 180 years, more than

dozen times the priests of Puri had to hide the renewed images of Jagannath in

the inaccessible mountains of South Orissa or on some islands in Chilka

Lake...According to the tradition recorded in Mandala Panji, the images were

rebuilt, the ‘Brahma padartha’ (as secured by one Bisar Mohanty Pura Nayak

from the half-burnt images of the deities that were thrown by Kalapahar in

Ganges) was brought back from Kujanga, to be put in new images under Lord

Jagannath’s wish, and the deities were consecrated in the temple by

Ramchandradeva of Shudravamsa by 1590. Thus, with the help of this legendary

tradition, “unbroken continuity of Jagannath is maintained as well as it firms-up

the position of the king. In addition, the understanding with the Moghal Empire

and the establishment of five Brahmin ‘sasana’ villages near Puri consolidated

Ramchandradeva’s position... The foundation of the (feudatory) kingdom of

Khurda under Ramachandra (who also took the title of Gajapati) provides an

outstanding example of the legitimization and consolidation of political power

through the possession of a sacred temple-city. It also illustrates a phenomenon

which we find through out the history of India: that a local dynasty deriving its

legitimacy from an older, imperial tradition”57.

39
 Following is the recorded genealogy of the Gajapati kings of Khurda from

1568 ADs8:

♦ Gajapati Ramchandra Dev 1st 1568-1600 AD

♦ Gajapati Purusottam Dev 1600-1621 AD
♦ Gajapati Narasimha Dev 1621-1647 AD
♦ Gajapati Balabhadra Dev 1647-1657 AD
♦ Gajapati Mukunda Dev 1st 1657-1689 AD
♦ Gajapati Didyasingha Dev 1st 1689-1716 AD
♦ Gajapati Harekrishna Dev 1716-1720 AD
♦ Gajapati Gopinath Dev 1720-1727 AD
♦ Gajapati Ramchandra Dev 2nd 1727-1736 AD
♦ Gajapati Birakeshari Dev 1st 1736-1793 AD
♦ Gajapati Didyasingha Dev 2nd 1793-1798 AD
♦ Gajapati Mukunda Dev 2nd 1798-1817 AD
♦ Gajapati Ramchandra Dev 3rd 1817-1855 AD
♦ Gajapati Birakeshari Dev 2nd 1855-1859 AD
♦ Gajapati Didyasingha Dev 3rd 1859-1888 AD
* Gajapati Mukunda Dev 3rd 1888-1927 AD
♦ Gajapati Ramchandra Dev 4th 1927-1957 AD
♦ Gajapati Birakeshari Dev 3rd 1957-1970 AD
♦ Gajapati Didyasingha Dev 4th 1970 AD -contd.

The attitude of the Moghal Empire changed after Akbar, and especially

under Jahangir and Aurangzeb, it became hostile. After Ramehandradeva, under

Narasimha’s reign, “decisive measures and reforms” were introduced,

“compensating the loss of political power”, like ‘Krishnaite rituals’, ‘prohibition of

animal sacrifice for the goddess Vimala’, ‘rigorous hierarchical differentiation of

Brahmins in the sasana villages’, construction of king’s palace in Puri near the

temple, etc., that consolidated his position as well as resulted strong mistrust

about his influence, which probably led to his murder. Ramchandra II,

Mukundadeva, Divyasimhadeva, Padmanabhadeva of Pati and Virakishoredeva,

all of whom had very limited role and power; and were mostly engaged in

40
 ^-—i-.---------------- ^

securing the temple through manipulation, followed him. By 1733, Orissa was a

semi-independent state under the Nawab of Bengal; challenged in 1742 by

Mahratta king of Nagpur, it went finally under Mahratta domination in 1751.

“During their regime the temple of Jagannath was freed from desecration

and depredation... encouraged worship got the ceremonies and festivals properly

observed and introduced new kinds of oblation. In 1755AD, they provided annual

grants from the state revenue through an endowment in the form of an estate

known as Satais Hazari Mahal, yielding an annual income of Rs.27, 000/- for the

maintenance of the temple...made good the deficit between income and

expenditure of the temple...built some new structure in the premises of the

temple...brought the Arana pillar from Konark and placed it in front of the Puri

temple... The Raja of Khurda was representative of the Mahratta Government and

his authority in the temple was very limited. The Mahrattas retained the pilgrim

tax which yielded nearly 9 lakhs of rupees annually...appointed three Pandits to

run the day to day administration...”59 As a classic example of vagaries of politics,

it must be realized that though the Gajapati kings withstood the onslaught under

Islamic rule for about two centuries, yet became a feudatory king under the

Mahratta rule, even losing direct control over the Jagannath temple.

Orissa came under British rale from 1803AD. “As a result of Burton’s visit

to Puri in 1633AD and other later reports, the cult of Jagannath was already well

known in England”60. The British were careful about the sensitivity and the

political value of the temple of Jagannath. In fact they not only protected the

shrine but also “used to make up the difference between receipts and expenditure

of the temple directly”61. They appointed administrators for the supervision of the

temple and continued with the pilgrim tax, earning revenue up to Rs.100000,

41
which was criticized as sanction to idolatry, forcing them to abolish pilgrim tax

and appoint Khurda Raja as superintendent of the temple in 184062. “...the

British Government handed over to him (Khurda Raja) estates in lieu of a fixed

annual payment for his responsibilities. In 1863, the last financial links between

the great shrine and the Government of India were severed”6s. “Thus the status

quo of the temple was fully maintained by the British. Only some new

improvements were made in order to organize and run the temple in a disciplined

manner.”6* They systematically tried to organize the record of the rights of temple

servants; revenue collection and utilization were recorded; for pilgrims’

arrangement of security, lodging, health, and sanitation were made.

From the independence of India in 1947 and till i960, when the King of

Puri (Khurda) supervised the temple administration without any discernible

control of the state government, the governance of the temple was abysmally

poor. Under the Sri Jagannath Temple (Administration) Act, 1952 a special

officer (L.Panda) was appointed by the State Government, for compilation and

preparation of Record of Rights and Duties of the Sevayats; he was to also

recommend measures inter alia to spruce up the management of the temple and

its endowments. The Report^ aptly puts the situation: “The Puri Temple of Lord

Jagannath...is in a sad plight” due to “abject mismanagement...In the absence of

any guidance from the Raja and sufficient contribution from him for the regular

expenses of the Temple, the scheduled and disciplined performance of the Nitis

has suffered beyond imagination and the Raja has practically lost all the control

over the different Sebakas and other temple servants... Economic rivalry and

moral degeneration of the servants and the Sebakas has divested them of all sense
of duty and cooperation. Specific endowments are regularly misapplied and

misappropriated. Strikes amongst various classes are common.”

In pursuance of the said Report, the Government of Orissa enacted the

Orissa Act XI of 1955 (also known as the Sri Jagannath Temple Act 1954) for

taking up the management of the Temple. The Act was duly notified (Law

Department Notification N0.6619, dated 24/10/1960) and brought into force

from October27, i960 by constituting a Statutory Committee. Till then, an A

committee was constituted from time to time under hereditary chairmanship of

the Raja of Puri, for managing the Temple and its endowments. That the king was

unhappy by this enactment is evident from his appeal in the Supreme Court and

obtaining an order granting an ad interim stay to the management of the Temple

by the Statutory Committee. Subsequent to the stay order, the management of the

Temple did revert to the King from November 01, i960, but it was for a very short

period since the Committee again took over the possession and management of

the temple from December27, i960 after the interim stay was vacated.

The Committee took ‘possession’ of the Temple and managed its seva puja

and other affairs with effect from the aforesaid date.

The Statutory Committee constituted under Section 06 of the Act stated

above, composed of twelve members as follows:

• The Raja of Puri (Chairman).

• The Collector of Puri (Ex officio Vice Chairman).
• The Administrator (Ex officio member secretary).
• The Commissioner of Endowments (Ex officio member).
• One person, nominated by the State Government from among persons entitled to
sit on the Mukti Mandap (Member).
• Four persons, nominated by the State Government from among Sevayats of the
Temple (Member).
 • One person, nominated by the State Government representing the Maths and
other religious institutions connected with seva puja or Nitis of the Temple
(Member).
• Two persons, nominated by the State Government not belonging to the last two
categories (Members).
The Committee was empowered to co-opt some members subject to certain

restrictions. For instance, any person who does not profess Hindu religion is not

eligible for membership. All members of the committee other than the Chairman

and the Ex-officio members shall hold office for a period of three years from the

date of notification.

The Act has been recently amended in the year 2004 and presently the

Managing Committee is composed in the following way:

• Gajapati Maharaja of Puri, Chairman;

• Additional Chief Secretary of Govt, of Orissa, Working Chairman;
• Chief Administrator, Shri Jagannath Temple, Puri, Ex-Officio Member- Secretary;
• Collector & D.M., of Puri District, Deputy Chief Administrator, Shri Jagannath Temple,
Puri, Ex-Officio- Member;
• Commissioner of Endowments, Govt, of Orissa, Ex-Officio- Member;
• Additional Secretary, Law Department, Govt, of Orissa, (JTA In-Charge), Ex-Officio-
Member;
• Superintendent of Police, Puri, Ex- Officio Member;
• Superintending Archaeologist, Archaeological Survey of India, Bhubaneswar Circle, Ex-
Officio Member;
• One person to be nominated by the State Government from among the persons entitled to
sit on the Muktimandap, Member;
• Five persons to be nominated by the State Government from among the Sevayats of the
temple, Member;
• One person representing the Maths and other Institutions connected with the Seva- Puja
or nities of the Temple or any Hindu religions / spiritual organization to be nominated by
the State Government, Member;
• Three persons (one of whom shall be Chartered Accountant) from among public.
It may be noted here that person who does not profess the Hindu religion

is not eligible for Membership, irrespective of their rank and profile. The Chief

Administrator of the Jagannath Temple, Puri is to be appointed by the State

Government of Orissa from among Members of the Indian

44
Administrative Service not below the rank of Commissioner. The Chief

Administrative work as the Secretary of the Committee and its Chief Executive

Officer and carries out the decisions of the Committee as per the provisions of the

Act. He is responsible for custody of all records and properties, collections,

dispute resolution and arbitration, coordinating with the various mathas,

maintaining and administering the Records of rights, ultimately facilitating the

smooth functioning of the Temple maintaining the tradition.

Section: 05:
The Economic Dynamics of The Jagannath Temple at Puri

Temples in Indian society are traditionally accorded status on the

strengths of their structural grandeur, sphere of influence in society and their

consequent social, philosophical and political roles. Today, the aspect of Economy

is debatably much more important; for a large reputed temple like that of Lord

Jagannath, which affects the lives of the members of the society in myriad ways,

good economics is a major factor for survival. In the following pages, we take a

look at the Temple Economics.

The culture of the temple has also encouraged artisans in the villages near

Puri to take up the arts and crafts of Pottery, Painting and Wood Carving. A case

in point is the exclusive School of Painting of Lord Jagannath and related

mythology and motifs that has evolved around the Temple and is quite renowned

internationally as the ‘Pata Chitras’. In Sanskrit the word patta means canvas

and chitra is picture. Rich colours, creative motifs and portrayal of pure simple

themes from Hindu mythology form the fulcrum of this art form. The most

repeated themes are of Sri Jagannath, Balabhadra and Subhadra, the divine

triad of Sri Jagannath Patti. The pictures are drawn in a unique style showing
 s=S,_A

expression of feelings and emotions with neat border patterns. The form of

painting also retains its original pre-Islamie character, despite being influenced

by the Kalighat School of Paintings (Bengal) during an indeterminate period.

Their exclusiveness is marked by stylization of forms, the almond-shaped eyes,

the special type of moustache etc.

These paintings combine both folk and religious aspects; they are linked

mainly to the temple at Puri and originally they copied the images of the deities in

the temple. These began as mementos for the devotees visiting the Puri temple

with images of the deities in the temple and slowly the artists began to represent

scenes from Bhagavatapurana, Ramayana etc. The Chitrakars (artists) do not

aim at realism but the human and animal’s forms are stylized, though they do

express feelings through neat patterns and designs. Kalinga’s invasion of Kanchi

was a favorite theme of the artists, who believed Lord Jagannath aided their king

in his war efforts. Still later they began adding themes from day-to-day life of

common people. So in Patta Chitra paintings are as at home painting Krishna

killing Bakasura (demon in disguise) as to Company paintings. Though

traditionally themes from the legends of Krishna are the most preferred, social

themes are quite common now, though stylistically and technically the work

remains the same. As far as possible colours are still produced from natural

sources like plants, roots and stones, though on a purely commercial basis

chemical colours are also used these days. The borders around the main subjects

form an integral part and offer scope for the imagination of the individual artists.

The outline of the figures are first drawn with white, after which the bodies of the

figures are painted with the specific colours meant for them, such as blue or black

for Krishna, yellow for Radha and so on. Then follows the clothes and then the

46
ornaments are coloured. Finally the outlines are drawn with black and decorative

motifs in white. The sense of movement is made possible by the fluid lines, which

make up the figures, which are most often in Dwibhanga or Tribhanga poses; no

one is shown standing straight or static. Another known version of Pattachitra is

the engraving on palm leaves, which are generally illustrations for manuscripts.

In this type of painting, the picture is drawn with a stylus on the palm leaf; when

black colour is applied on the leaf, the fluid gets into the engraved lines; rest of

the colour on the leaf is wiped off, leaving the design in sharp black lines against

the light background of the palm leaf. These days Pattachitra is also painted on

tussar silk, used as wall hangings as well.66

‘Another form of living and active tradition of art and craft popular all over

the world, originating from Orissa is known as Applique', a French term, is a

technique by which the decorative effect is obtained by superposing patches of

coloured fabrics on a basic fabric, the edges of the patches being sewn in a

particular form. The largest concentration of applique craftsmen are based in

Pipli, they are also there in Puri, Khallikote, Parlakhemundi and Boudh areas.

As with many other handicrafts of Orissa, the roots of the applique

art/craft form are intertwined with the rituals and traditions of the Jagannath

Temple at Puri. The applique items are mainly used during processions of the

deities in their various ritual outings (Yatras). The applique work in its colourful

best is most prominent in the cloth cover of the three chariots of the presiding

deities in which they travel every year during the Ratha Yatra or Car Festival. As

per tradition, the colour schemes of the three covers are predetermined.

The craft is traditionally practiced by a caste of professional tailors, known

as 'Daqis'. As with others services of the Lord, darji seva or the supply of applique

47
items is rendered by the caste members in return for which they receive certain

portion of the daily offering, 'bhog' from the temple. It is interesting to note that

the craftsmen are socially well organized and there are close family relationships

between the craftsmen of Puri and Pipli. They also have annual meetings of

craftsmen to resolve social and related problems. The traditional items made of

applique patterns and associated with religious functions are canopies, locally

called 'chanduas', Chhati, a sort of big umbrella with a long wooden handle.

Tarasa, a heart-shaped wooden piece covered by applique cloth and supported by

a long wooden pole, both these items being carried before the deities in their

ceremonial processions. 'Jhalar' another popular item is a sort of frill, which is

used as a border to canopies and also independently used as decorative pieces.

The basic material for applique is cloth. The base cloth is usually coloured. Some

of the specially prepared motifs have exclusive embroidery work and some have

mirror work.’6?

The temple of Lord Jagannath exercises a great influence on the economy

of Puri and its neighborhood. It continues in fact to be the largest industry at Puri

even today, on which the inhabitants are directly or indirectly dependent Some of

the more relevant pointers are summarized below.68

□ Census, 1988 conducted by SJTAC indicates the total population of the Sevayat
community to be 6962.
□ The same exercise cited above, found 878 persons (other than Sevayats) who were
gainfully employed and were dependent on temple for their livelihood, selling lamps,
incense, wicks and similar sundry articles of worship within the premises of the temple.
□ The temple administration, in the year 2000, estimably spent
Rs.41, 30,000/- as rewards to the Sevayats. This reflects the direct/primary dependence
on the Temple.
□ The local hotel industry, with a daily accommodation of 6395 on offer, gains substantially
from the pilgrims and devotees although such people are now being called “Tourists’ more
and more. According to figures available, 920698 tourists out of the total inflow of
1719788 stayed in hotels in the year 1998.

48
 s~%

□ There is a vast network of smaller industries and private enterprises like Restaurants,
Caf^s and Shops selling edibles all over the area, who are also dependent on visitors
(largely devotees) for their sustenance and survival.
□ Small shops and stalls selling a miscellany - souvenirs, bangles, toys, seashells and
conchs, curios and handicrafts are also dependent largely on the visitors to Puri. It is
estimated that there are about 1100 small shop holders, who trade from cabins near the
Temple on Grand Road while another 200 ply their ware on the beach.
□ About 150 photographers are employed solely for catering to visitors.
□ There are about 300 establishments further earning their livelihood from the beach.
□ For improvement and renovation of the Temple, on-going project worth Rupees Three
crore Seventy-four lakhs has been undertaken by Puri-Konarak Development Authority
for Ministry of Urban Development, Govt, of India.

Lord Jagannath was gifted many land parcels (devottar) by his wealthier

devotees; consequently, the temple was the largest landlord till the Land Reform

Measures in 1974. The property still under the temple’s control estimably

generated revenue of INR 1, 22, 50,000/- in 1999-2000. Landed properties

presently held by the Temple is as follows69:

♦ Own occupied lands of the Temple: A.6,812,811

♦ 27 Hazari - Khurda Ekhrajat Mahals:
a) In possession of Maths & other Institutions: A33,495.667
b) In possession of Sevayats & specified persons: A 41,589.850
c) In possession of others outside the State: A. 301.290
In the economy of Puri, the temple places the largest demand for services

and materials, and in return makes the largest expenses. An approximation of the

scale of expenditure is evident below from:

a) The Income and Expenditure (in Rupees) of the Temple during

the financial years 1990/91 to 1994/95.70

1990-91 1991-92 1992-93 1993-94 1994-95

Balance of the 6,88,795 22,92,737 9,47,768 (-)2, 80,315 1, 38,111

Previous Year
Receipt 1,76,02,878 1,68,64,686 1, 73,62,029 2, 84,10,277 2, 07,66,607

Total 1,82,91,673 1,91,57,423 1, 83,09,797 2, 81,29,962 2, 09,04,718

Expenditure 1,59.98,936 1,82,09,655 1,85,90,112 2, 79,91,851 2, 18,66,219

Balance 22,92,737 9,47,768 C-)2, 80,315 1, 38,111 (-)09,61,501

49
 b) The Budgetary Estimates, 1999 - 2000.
a) Rewards to Sevaks INR41,30,000/-
b) Establishment INR 2,31,45,000/-
c) Administration INR15, 000/-
d) Contingencies INR18, 00,000/-
e) Works INR 25, 20,000/-
f) Niti INR74, 95,000/-
g) General and Miscellaneous INR 35,75,000/-
h) Corpus/Other Capital Fund A/ C INR l, 21,50,000/-
i) Total INR 5,48,30,000/-

The cultural tradition of the Jagannath Temple at Puri, that includes

various facets, reflects that all along the Temple has been an active part of the

society, with synergies for various processes in the society. The Jagannath Temple

at Puri as an institution refutes the Weberian thesis on Indian religion. Taken as a

whole, the Temple not only acted as a provider for the large number of people,

but it allowed development of free subsidiary enterprise, in and around the

region. As briefly seen above, the Jagannath Temple at Puri was all along a big

enterprise itself. Consumption pattern conditioned by the Temple also was

oriented to products that promoted agriculture and handicrafts. The distribution

pattern adopted by the Temple, pre-determining the needs, the return and the

demand, engendered a sense of security and stability among the people who were

engaged in the Temple directly or were dependent on the Temple for their

enterprise to flourish. The Jagannath Temple at Puri influenced the economic

processes of production, distribution and consumption in the region,

demonstrating a multidimensional concern for the economic order of the region

to flourish.

50
 Temples have contributed to the employment of architects, artisans,

sculptors, and laborers. The shrines and icons have given peace to the frustrated

minds. Music, dance and fine arts programs including religious and musical

discourses staged in the temples have encouraged musicians, dancers, dramatists,

artists and religious scholars. The granaries of temples were used to feed the

hungry, and temple buildings have provided shelters to both scholars and

students. Some temples were equipped to provide medical services to the sick,

elderly, and disabled. Thus, temples have provided a variety of religious and

social services and reinforced economic and social welfare of the Indian society.

Section: 06:
The Daily Rituals and Festivals of
The Jagannath Temple at Puri.

This section, as a preliminary introduction to the nature and scope of

activities and role of Sevayats in Jagannath Temple, deals with the rites and

rituals that are undertaken daily, and the festivals held from time to time

centering around the central deities in the Jagannath Temple at Puri.

Religion, as we all realize, is not restricted only to abstract belief and faith,

but also has a manifest side that include activities and actions. Rituals are a

‘process’ of religious ‘practices’. Though giving a specific definition of ritual is a

difficult task, if not impossible, in context of Jagannath Temple and for the

purpose of this study we may find it useful to see a few attempts towards defining

the term. According to Raymond Firth?1, “ritual may be defined as a kind of

patterned activity oriented towards control of human affairs, primarily symbolic

in character with non-empirical referent, and as a rule socially sanctioned. When

we are speaking of religious ritual in particular, the non-empirical referent is

ordinarily a god or other spiritual being or super-human force such as Mona” For

Victor Turner?2 ritual refers to “formal behaviour prescribed for occasions not

given over to technological routine that have reference to beliefs in mystical (or

non-empirical) beings of powers.” More specifically to the context of Jagannath

temple at Puri, Manorama Mishra?3 suggests that, “in the Temple of Lord

Jagannath rituals are called ‘niti’ which are the modes of services required to be

performed by the sevakas. These are akin to the ‘niti’ or the ‘karmakanda’ of the

Hindu religious tradition, where each religious rite or practice is supposed to

fulfill the purpose of a religious performance, like ‘yajna’. So by ritual, we mean

the performance or the activities in the temple which go on daily or periodically

or seasonally to fulfill certain symbolic activities of the deities.”

Malory Nye?4 discusses in detail about the social relevance of

rituals. For him, ‘ritual involves some special behaviour and special ideas and

symbols’, which ‘has some sense of meaning and purpose, even if that meaning is

not immediately obvious’. Thus, rituals with their ‘latent meaningfulness... have

meanings beyond the actions themselves’, and are not instrumental acts

‘performed primarily for their practical value’, rather are ‘expressive

actions...done to express certain ideas, or maybe to act out in symbolic form (i.e.

through abstract representations) ideas or wishes that cannot be achieved on an

instrumental level’. Therefore, ritual and its symbolism is not to be understood in

terms of ‘what a symbol or a ritual actually means, but how meanings are

constructed and manipulated as people participate within certain context...

(What) sorts of transformations that are brought about by a ritual... (and what

type of) view of the world gets communicated to the participant by taking part in
the ritual...its meaning are dependent on specific context, who is involved, how

they perform the actions, and what meanings they choose to impose.’

With the above perspective in mind, we should look at the rites and rituals

that are performed in the Jagannath Temple at Puri75.

^ “Dwarphita & Mangal Alati” (around 5 A.M Opening of the door and Morning Prayer):
The door opens early in the morning in the presence of the five specific type of Sevayats
after verification of the "seal" given by a particular Sevayat in the last night. Then sanctum
sanctorum is ceremoniously purified (Bhitar Sodha). Soon after, sacred lamps are offered to the
deities ("Mangal Alati"). These rituals are normally performed before sunrise, however in the month
of October-November (11th day of bright fortnight in Aswin to the full moon day of Kartik). Types of
Sevayats involved who perform here are: Temple Watchman; Pratihari; Bitarchha Mahapatra;
Muduli; Akhanda Mekap; Mekap; Khataseja Mekap; Suarbadu; Khuntia; Garabadu; Balita
Sevak; Pasupalak.
©■ “Mailarn” (around 6 A.M. Change of attire of the deities): At this time the clothes, flowers,
Tulasi leaves of the deities worn on the previous night are removed, and after which new clothes
known as "Tadap”and "Uttariya"are worn by the deities. Types of Sevayats involved who perform
here are: Pasupalak (three nos.); Khuntia; Changada Mekap; Dhoba (a Brahmin Sevayat works as
washer man, washes the clothes of the deities).
% “Abakash” (around 6.30 A.M. Daily Ablution of the deities): Purifying rites like brushing of
teeth, bathing is done according to the astrological details of the day. Types of Sevayats involved
who perform here are: Pasupalak; Suarabadu; Paniapata; Khatuli Sevak; Darpania;
Mukhapakhala Pratihari; Mukhapakhala Pasupalak; Anala Ghatuari; Bhandar Mekap;
Mahabhoi; KhuriNayak (Astrologer).
©' “Para Mailam” (around 6 45 A.M. Change of attire of the deities after daily ablution): At this
time deities change their clothes for second time and wear another set of clothes. Types of Sevayats
involved who perform here are: Pasupalak; Akhanda Mekap; Changada Mekap; Dhoba;
Suarabadu.
“Sahanamela” (around 8A.M. for about an hour deities give audience to the pilgrims): This is
not a part of the rituals, but an hour is spent to facilitate pilgrims to go up to "Ratnavedi” in the
sanctum sanctorum for Daishan, without any fees. On certain festive days, this is held after
“Sandhya dhupa” (Evening Puja or Sandhya Alati in the month of Kartik) and after “Sakaldhupa” (in
the month of Pausha). At times this darshan is not allowed at all for performance certain special
rituals of the deities. Types of Sevayats involved who perform here are: Pasupalak; Khuntia;
Mekap; Tadau Karan; Gochhikar; Pratihari; Suarabadu; Temple Police; (and An officer of
Temple Administration).
^ “Besha Lagi” (around 9 A.M dressing and Decoration of the deities): The deities are again
dressed and decorated as per specified costume and ornaments varying from day-to-day, month to
month. Types of Sevayats involved who perform here are Pasupalak.
Rosh Homa, Surya Puja, and Dwarpal Puja (around 10 A.M Kindling ceremonial
fire in the kitchen for cooking the Bhog, sun worship near “Mukti Mandap”, Worship of the door
guardians named Jaya and Vijaya on the entrance of the Jagamohan of the Temple): Types of
Sevayats involved who perform Rosh Homa are: Dhopakhalia; Deula Purohita; Pujapanda; Nikap.
Types of Sevayats involved who perform Surya Puja are Patribadu; Deula Purohita; Pujapanda;
Nikap. Types of Sevayats involved who perform Dwarpal Puja are: Patribadu; Pujapanda; Nikap.
“Gopala Ballava Bhog” (around 11 A.M Pre-Breakfast offering of fruits & Milk
Preperations to the deities): The deities are offered light appetizers like sweet popcorn (Khei),
Khualadus, Coconuts sweets (Kora), Ripe banana, Curd, chipped coconuts etc. Puja is performed
in a brief manner with pancha upachar only. Types of Sevayats involved who perform here are:
Suda Suar; Ballabh Jogonia; Charcha Paika; Suarabadu; Patribadu; Garabadu; Mahasuar;
Pradhani; Pujapanda.
% “Sakala Dhupa” (Around 12 Noon Morning cooked food breakfast offering): This is an
elaborate Puja performed with 16 Upachars or Sodasha Upachars, where the deities are offered

53
 M-

cooked food like Rice, Kanika, Khechudi, Green leaves, Cakes etc. The local names of the Bhog are
Pitha Puli, Hansakeli, Kanti, Enduri ,Matha Puli, Kakatua Jhili, Bundia, Kawdali Bhaja, Ada
Pachedi (ginger tonic) etc. The cost of the ‘Dhoop Pujas’ and ‘Ballavs’ are now borne by the Temple
Administration (previously by Raja-Superintendent of the Temple) and is also known as “Raja
Bhoga” or “Kotha Bhoga”. Types of Sevayats involved who perform here are: Suarabadu;
Dhukudidwara Pratihari; Paniapata; Pradhani; Pujapanda; Pratihari; Mahasuar; Pantibadu;
Rosa Paika; Patribadu; Garabadu; Changada Mekap; Muduli; Chandan Ghatuari;
Parikhyabadu; Mekap; Khuntia; Parichha; Mahari; Madeli; Employees ofJhadu Math; Hadap
Nayak; Bidiya Jogonia; Sudasuar; Purana Panda; Gochhikar; Dakshina Dwar Pratihari; Dwari
Nayak; Ghantua; Baijayanti.
©' “Mailam & Bhoga Mandap” (Around 1230 P.M Change of Attire and Cooked Bhog
Offering to deities): After ‘Sakala Dhupa’ the Deities change their clothes and again the deities are
offered Puja (with Pancha Upachars) and huge quantities of Bhog at Bhog Mandap (the yard
behind the Garuda pillar of Jagamohan). This bhog is mainly prepared to meet the need of different
Mathas and for sale to the public. According to the demand, Bhogamandap Puja is held twice or
thrice a day i.e. after ‘Madhyanha Dhoop’ and ‘Sandhya Dhup’. Types of Sevayats involved who
perform here are Pasupalak; Changada Mekap; Mekap; Bhogmandap Pratihari; Suarabadu;
Suara; Mahasuar; Mekap Khuntia; Patribadu; Garabadu; Pujapanda.
© “Madhyanna Dhupa” (Around 130 P.M Afternoon food offering for Lunch): Puja
performed with Sodasa Upachar (though thirty-six types of cooked items are specified but now only
twenty-four types are offered) of the deities in the afternoon. The Bhoga is followed by ‘arati’ and
recitation of ‘puran’. Types of Sevayats involved who perform here are all those types of Sevayats
who performed in the 'Bhoga Mandap’ rituals and Pratihari; Suarabadu; Paniapata; Ghantua;
Purana Panda.
© “Madhyanha Pahudha” (Around 230PM for half an hour, Siesta of the deities): After
change of dress, offering of lights and preparation bed, the deities can retire for rest. However,
siesta of the deities is possible if the rituals have been performed on scheduled time. Most of the
days, therefore, this ritual are not performed. Types of Sevayats involved who perform here are
Suarabadu; Pasupalak; Khuntia; Changada Mekap; Khataseja Mekap; Pratihari; Bada Dwar
Pratihari; Muduli.
©■ “Pahuda Phita and Sandhya Alati” (Around 600PM, Change of Dress and waving of
sacred light): Types of Sevayats involved who perform here are: Bitarchha Mahapatra; Mekap;
Akhanda Mekap; Muduli; Khataseja Mekap; Pasupalak; Garabadu; Talichha Mahapatra;
Khuntia.
# “Sandhya Dhupa with Jaya Mangal Alati” (Around 700 PM Evening offering):
Bhog are offered to the deities in the same manner like Sakala and Madhyan Dhupa but only
sixteen items are offered in the form of cakes and rice. After Puja again lamp offering is made which
is called as “Jaya Mangala Alati”. Types of Sevayats involved who perform here are all those types of
Sevayats who performed in the ‘Madhyanna Dhupa’.
© “Mailam and Chandana Lagi” (Around 10 PM The deities change attire and are
besmeared with sandal paste mixed with champhor, keshar and Kasturi): Types of Sevayats
involved who perform here are: Suarabadu; Pasupalak; Ghantuari; Muduli; Mekap; Pratihari;
Garabadu; Hadap Nayak; Khuntia.
© “Bada Sinhar Besha” (Around 11 PM The deities are decorated with special dress): The
deities are decorated with flowers and Baralagi Patta (eight pairs of patta vastra made of countiy
silk on which slokas of Gita Govinda have been embroidered), recitation of Gita Govind is done.
Types of Sevayats involved who perform here are: Changada Mekap; Pasupalak.
%> “Bada Sinhar Dhup” (Around 1130PM Days last Bhog offering to the deities): Puja is
offered with pancha upachar where Pakhal (watered rice), Kawdali bada, Khir, Kanji, curd etc. are
offered (instead of 12 items now a days only five items are offered). There is no ‘arati’ after this
offering. Types of Sevayats involved who perform here are: same as other Dhup ofthe day.
© “Khata Seja Lagi and Pahuda Muda” (Around 1230PM Deities retire for the day):
With offerings of flower, betel, camphor arati and green coconuts, and singing of Gita Govind, the
deities symbolically retire. “Sayan Thakura” (idol of half Narayan and half Lakshmi) is placed near
the ‘Ratnavedi’. The doors of the sanctum sanctorum are then closed and sealed. Then purification
rites of the entire Temple complex takes place, no visitors or outsiders are allowed to remain inside
the Temple, and finally the main outer doors of the Temple are closed. Types of Sevayats involved
who perform here are: Muduli; Badadwara Pratihari; Khataseja Mekap; Suarbadu; Bhandar

54
 Mekap; Pasupalak; Akhanda Mekap; Hadap Nayak; Khuntia; Pratihari; Talichha Mahapatra;
Garabadu.
It may be noted here that on specific festive days, additional rituals are

performed, as a result the timing, routine and schedule is altered. Further, it

should be remembered that number of rituals held and its content vary from time

to time, depending on the Temple Administration, the time schedule and

availability of the resources. The various rituals and festivals celebrated

throughout the year are?6:

1. Snana yatra
2. Anasara Ritual
3. Netrotsava & Navajagaran Darshan
4. Rath yatra
5. Sayana Ekadashi
6. Garuda Sayana
7. Niladri Vije
8. Karkat Samkranti or Dakshinayana Bandapana
9. Chitalagi Amabasya
10. Badi Nrisimha Vije (Ritual introduced in the early 20* Century by the Manager of the
Temple)
11. Jhulan (Ekadasi) Yatra (celebration of this festival is not very ancient)
12. Gamha Purnima or Balabhadra Janma
13. Rahurekha Lagi
14. Sri Krishna Janma (starts on Bhadra Krishna Saptami and continues till Janmastami)
15. NandaUtsava
16. Krishna Lila
17. Krisna-Balaram Vesha (This ritual was introduced after 1948)
18. Satapuri Ghenana
19. Saptapuri Amabasya
20. Ganesh Chaturthi Puja
21. Rishi Panchami Brata
22. Parswa Parivartan Ekadasi
23. Sri Bamam janma
24. Indradhwaja Puja
25. Anant Chaturdashi
26. Bhadra Purnima
27. 16 Days Puja of Maa Vimala
28. Dwitiya Osa
29. Dasahara
30. Radha-Damodar Puja
31. Kumar Purnima
32. Hari Utthapan Ekadashi
33. Garuda Utthapan
 34- Sarata Rahasa
35. Dol Govind Abhishek
36. Garbhana Samkranti
37. Nabanna
38. Chhad Khai
39. Prathamastami
40. Dipa Daan and Pitri Shradha
41. OdhonaSasthi
42. Pandu Purnima
43. Pahili Bhog
44. Bakul Amabasya
45. Pushyabhishek
46. Nabank
47. Makar Samkranti
48. Basant Panchami
49. Benta
50. Teel Saptami
51. Bhaimi Ekadasi
52. Gaja Uddharana
53. Shivaratri
54. Dol Yatra and Dol Purnima
55. AgniUtsav
56. Hori
57. Chaitra Gundicha
58. Ashokastami
59. Ramlila
60. Damanaka Parva
61. Rama Abhisheka
62. MahaVishubh Samkranti
63. Akshya Tritiya
64. Chandan Yatra
65. Niladri Mahodaya
66. Bhitara Chandan
67. Rajendra Abhisheka
68. Rukmini Vibaha
69. JyashthaShuWaTrayodasi
70. Bankalagi or Srimukha Sringar (weekly either on Wednesday or Thursday)
71. Gurubar Niti (weekly on Thursday)
72. Ekadashi (fortnightly)
73. Amabasya (Monthly)
74. Nakshyatra Bandapana (Monthly)
75. Navakalevar (usually once in 19 years and occasionally once in 08 years)

It may be noted here that, Puri being an important religious centre in India

attracted sadhus and saints of various doctrine and sects or order, through out

56
the ages, and all most all of them established their own muths (monasteries of

various order). According to Jagabandhu Padhi77, traditional records state that there

are more than 752 muths in Puri where as British Administrator L. S. S. O’Malley

records it to over 70 in numbers. S. N. Sarangfrs records 133 numbers of muths

categorized into twenty-four types/orders in Puri. Nityananda Patnaik79 divided

these Muths into ten categories on the basis of their origin and sect:

1. Ashram - Angira, Pandu, Markandeya, Bhrigu - rishis who visited Puri at the time of
construction of the Temple;
2. Khairat and Ranjangila, or Angila Muths (established by the Gajapati Kings though
affiliated to various sects);
3. Dasanami (established by the Sankara school of sadhus);
4. C atuh-s ampradaya Vaisnavas (established by the Ramanuj and Ramanadi, Madhava,
Vishnuswami, and NimbarM);
5. Goudiya Vaishnava (established by Achinta Veda);
6. Utkal Vaisnava;
7. Nanak;
8. Kabir;
9. Muths of modern sects;
10. Muths established by service castes, wealthy persons, and ruling families.
For the purpose of our study, though mention may be made of those muths

that are ritually connected with the Temple. These muths were established with

the help of the then king of Puri (and also some rich persons) who endowed lands

(mainly from Amritmonohi - the lands in the name of Lord Jagannath) and

property on which they could sustain themselves. Muths of such nature are the

following table80:

Table: 1.1 Muths in Puri & their Function

Name of the Muths Functions performed in the Temple

Bada Jhadu Muth Sweep (he Karma Beda Courtyard

Sana Jhadu Muth Sweep the Jagamohana

 '•^fs

Sunagosain Muth To clean the Suna well and Simhasana

Recite Ramayana, Sing devotional song daily at the time of

Bada Chhata Muth Mangala Arati and BadaSringara; at the time ofBaladhup (only in
the month ofKartik)
Propagation among pilgrims the essentialphilosophy and
Chhaunichhatra Muth greatness ofLord Jagannath .

Give religious advice and indoctrination to the visiting Kings and

Chhauni Muth theirfamily members

Recitation from Puranic texts andpreaching the philosophy ofthe

Puranasabha Muth religious tradition of the Temple

Supply strands from Banana Leaves to make garlands for the

Kadalipatuka Muth deities

Keep in stock Ghee (clarified butter) and molassesfor Temple use,

Kothbhog Muth bought out ofthe incomefrom the Temple; oversee the
management ofcooking ofBhogfor the deities

Kalitilak Muth Supply oftilak to the Vaisnavas ofChatuh Sampradaya

Inform the general public as well as the Temple officials about

Dagara Muth breach (ifany) in ritual performance or religious principle in Seva
Puja ofdeities in the Temple

For understanding the nature of rituals and rites in Jagannath Temple, G.

C. Tripathy81 gives detail of it, where he states: "The basic idea behind the

Hinduistic Puja - which, in its substance, is the same for worship of all the

deities, also irrespective of the fact whether they are worshipped privately or in

the temple - is subtle and yet simple. The worshipper, first of all, dissolves his

mundane body in meditation in order to create a new, ritualistically pure, divine

body which is endowed with the character and the nature of the deity herself.

Thus assuming the nature of the deity, the worshipper mediates upon the Mantra

of the deity with which he can realize the deity in his heart. He first offers a

mental worship (manasi puja) to the deity conceiving his body as a Yantra for her

and thereafter takes her ‘glow1 (tejas) out of his heart through his prana (=breath)

and places it in the image after having abstractly drawn a Yantra in it. The sum

58
and substance of this ‘external’ worship (bahiryaga) of the saguna (qualified)

aspect of the deity is to treat her as an honourable guest who has just arrived at

the place of the host, the worshipper. Beginning with the offering of a seat, he

proceeds to offer her water for washing the feet and the face, gives refreshment, a

bath, clothes, flowers, inscence, food etc. and finally entertainments. The abstract

glow of the deity is then taken back from the image into the heart where it

originated. The whole ceremony of Puja may thus be divided into the following

eight main rites:

1. Ritual purification and the general ‘deification’ of the worshipper.

2. Assuming the character of the particular aspect or the form of the deity by means of the
placement of letters of her Mantra in various orders, by mediating upon her and by
charging the body with her tejas.
3. Worship of the deity in ones heart with mental offerings.
4. Purification of the utensils and other articles of Puja, of the self as the abode (pitha) of the
deity, of the Mantra and the images of the deity etc., as the preparation for external
worship.
5. The realization of the deity in the heart by means of mediation and Mantra and shifting of
the tejas to the image in the manner as one kindles a lamp with the help of other.
6. Treating the deity present in the image as a respectable guest and honouring her
associates, by means of the 16 upaearas, rajopacaras etc., and begging excuse for
shortcomings.
7. Taking back the deity into the heart and ‘discharging’ the body of the holy power of the
Mantras etc.
8. Accepting the flowers, sandal paste etc., used by the deity and partaking of the remnants
of her food (prasada, i.e. “favour”).

K. C. Mishra82 further explains the mode of worship in the Temple

during which the “formless (nirakara) God of the universe... (is) given some form

(akara)...The worship of Jagannath in the Temple has assumed a very

complicated form in the course of time. Just as the conception about the deities

developed from age, to age, so also the mode of their ritualistic worship has

developed. It appears that there was a progressive assimilation of the

fundamentals of the earlier modes with the later modes of worship...The modes of

59
worship are partly vedic, partly tantric and partly puranic...Even though the

images are seen in four different forms (including Sudarsana) they are treated as

one and the same, and that is why at the time of daily worship three priests

simultaneously perform the rites according to the tradition.

Like the daily rituals in the Temple, in these other rituals and festivals

particular set of Sevayats (of various specialties) perform on these occasions. It is

also evident from above that the Sevayats have to perform continuously in various

rituals and festivals with their own unique requirement. The details of every ritual

are not available, though an indicative text may be found in the ‘Record of

Rights’83, and is passed on from one generation to another. It may be speculated

that such an endeavour has not been undertaken as for the Sevayats it is a closely

guarded secret that they will not part with, for it may allow outsiders to infringe

their monopolistic control over Temple activities, ritual or otherwise. Another

aspect that these rituals signify is a web of reciprocal relationship. Ishita Banerjee

Dube8* argues that, “Ritual specialists offer a set of services to the deities daily;

there are special ones for festivals. The purpose of these services is ‘not to provide

for the needs of the deities, since they have none, but to act as if they had needs in

order to demonstrate respect and devotion for them as their human servants.’ At

the same time, through the continual offering of services, the human servants and

the devotees enter into a reciprocal relation with the deities, and acting ‘as if they

have needs’ actually gets transformed into a belief that the mighty gods do have

needs for which they depend on their devotees.” It may also be added that

through performance of these elaborate rituals in the Temple, the Sevayats

maintain their social position in the hierarchy, and the network of power
relations. Performance of these rituals actually invests them with their position as

Sevayat. Further, by performance of these rituals the Sevayats “legitimize the

authority and power of not only the individual at the centre of the ritual, but also

the wider system of power and control”^ within the Temple as well as in the

greater society. Baidyanath Saraswati86 gives us the humanistic function of

rituals: a means of socialization; a means of social control; a means of acquiring

merit and status; a mode of identification; a means of spiritual advancement; a

mode of non-verbal communication; a mode of social interaction; a mode of

cultivation of excellence; a mode of therapy; a means of occupation; and a way of

life.” This classification of humanistic function may seem overlapping, and may

not seem applicable to each and every ritual performed in the Jagannath Temple,

yet they do help us to contextualize the rituals and see the role that the Sevayats

play in the Temple for the greater society. Now, in the next section, we will turn to

examine the evolution and types of Sevayats present in the Temple.

Section: 07:
The Sevayats (Priests) of The Jagannath Temple at Puri

The purpose of this section is to give a sketch of the evolutionary process

which the Sevayats of Jagannath Temple have treaded and have reached to the

current phase. An attempt will also be made to give brief background information

about the Sevayats on whom this study has been carried out.

Ritual, festival and worship as seen in the last section plays a vital role in a

Hindu temple, and in this dynamic process the ritual functionaries play a vital

role for its goal fulfillment (be it cosmological, ethical, social or legal in its

content). In words of C. J. Fuller8?, “participation in puja plainly expresses and

constructs relationships between powerful deities and their worshippers, and also

61
among worshippers themselves...Moreover, the constitution of social groups as

communities with shared qualities and interest in itself significantly shaped by

their common participation in worship...(and) fundamental to puja is the ideal

achievement of identity between deity and worshipper; it is inherent in the

ritual’s internal sequential logic and it is consolidated by the taking of prasada

afterwards...Through worship, an inferior, less powerful mortal here on earth

potentially transcends the human condition to become one with the deity present

in its image form...simultaneously even if temporarily, (ritual) can also overcome

the relative separation between divinity and humanity.” The Sevayats of

Jagannath Temple in their performance have continued for a very long time to

uphold the goals mentioned above by Fuller. We may now turn to see how the

organization of Sevayats, very complicated in structure and unique in its

principle, took shape in the Jagannath Temple at Puri over the ages.

Suryanarayan Dash88 citing from ‘Mandala Panji’ states that, that that at

the earliest phase only the Daitapati Sevayats were entitled to worship the deities

although they were not Brahmins. Prior to Sankaracharya’s visit, there were five

categories Sevayats8^:

(a) Daita (primary duty was safeguard of the deities);

(b) Acharyas (offered food to the deities);
(c) Brahma (priestly services);
(d) Puspalak (Decoration of deities);
(e) Mahanayak (oversaw the ritual and services in the Temple).

Nityananda Patnaik9° states that post-Shakaracharya visit to Puri led to

proliferation of the existing types of Sevayats further by another eleven new

categories:

(a) Supakar;
(b) Badasuara;

62
 (c) Garabadu
(d) Patribadu;
(e) Chhamukhuntia;
(f) Mekap;
(g) Bimanbadu;
(h) Mahajan
(i) Sudhasuara;
(j) Pratihari;
(k) Amunia Jogania.

The above view is contradicted by K. C. Mishra^, according to whom till

thirteenth century only nine categories of Sevayats functioned corresponding to

the various rituals and functional activities in accordance with local traditions.

These were:

(a) Charuhota
(b) PatraHota
(c) Brahma
(d) Acharya
(e) Pratihari
(f) Puspalaka
(g) Daitas
(h) The Washer Man
(i) The Barber
The royal patronage of Ganga kings to Jagannath temple was designed as

already discussed, to visibly counter balance the power of the erstwhile Shaiva

priests of Bhubaneswar. Their sustained efforts and popular will gradually

enhanced the fame of the shrine at Puri increasing the attraction to devotees. It is

interesting that at that time, a lot of devotees abhorred to see non-Brahmin

priests performing ritual functions for the deities. To dispel the resentment, and

attract acceptance among the masses, new Brahmin priests were appointed at

Puri strengthening the ‘Brahminical elements’. This undermined the influence of

non-Brahmin priests, who, in absence of Pan - Indian recognition, could not

prevent such appointments®2.

63
 Historically, it was King Anangabhima (1211 A.D) who foresaw the need for

an improvement in the administration of the temple; he felt that a system that

could take in its stride the rising importance of the temple and the concomitant

complexities was necessaiy. With this objective in mind, he made endowments of

land and jewelry for the temple, and arranged to introduce a system of “Chattisa

Niyoga” (thirty six types of ritual functionaries) in place of the previous

categories of Sevayats.

The word ‘niyoga’ is derived from the word ‘nijukta’, meaning

appointment93. Niyogas are an association of each category of Sevayats with

distinct duties, organized for effective execution of daily rites and rituals within

the Temple. In return, the Sevayats enjoyed part of the ‘Amrit Manohi’ (debottar

property / rent free lands) and ‘Khei’ (Koth bhog offering), proportionate to their

roles. In course of time, endowments made to the Temple multiplied warranting

greater elaboration of ritual services and worship. This led to a further bifurcation

of the Niyogas. A summary of the results of a few of the exercises about the types

of Niyogas are pertinent to recapitulate.

□ In the exhaustive list of various types of Sevayats prepared under the stewardship of Mr. C,
Grome, the erstwhile Collector of Puri during 1905 -1908, there were 246 types of Sevayats.
□ The Record-of-Rights, prepared by LPanda under Orrisa Act XVI of 1952, specifies 119
categories of Sevaks belonging to the Temple.
□ Traditional palm leaf document called ‘Karmani’M / Karmangiss / Karmanga?6 give us a list of
113 Sevayats to 183 Sevayats.
□ The census of 1988, by SJTAC, mentions 63 types of Sevayats, and 16 types of Sevayats that
have been discontinued.

It is clear from above that the types of seva and Sevayat vary from time to

time, presumably according to Administrative Requirements, Royal Orders, and

Divine Ordination as well as ground realities in society.

 »rV

The temple work includes both ritual services and non-ritual

supplemental services. Thus the appointment of Sevayats also varies according

to their services. Sevas that necessitate ritual specialization like Puja Panda,

Bhittareeha, Mudirastha, etc., though hereditary, entails training and ‘fitness test’

by specialized bodies, on completion of which investiture is done in the

‘saribandha’ function under royal ordination. There are specialized Sevayats, like

Badapanda, niyoga Nayak, who coordinate the activities of various niyogas,

thereby help sort out differences and confusion on those ‘grey’ areas which are

not clearly defined and codified. The nature of ritual services does not allow us to

judge the efficiency and proficiency of the Sevayats, rather the external aspects

like functioning of niyogas, way of life, perception, etc. gives us idea about the

Sevayats. But the Record-of-Rights does provide opportunity to the

Administration to be vigilant about the clearly defined role of the Sevayats,

thereby allowing it to take necessary action, up to the extent of suspension and

replacement of Sevayats, who deviate, or breach or fail. Here it may be mentioned

that, in case of birth and death in the family entailing impurity, the Sevayats are

allowed to temporarily suspend their ritual function and transfer it for the time

being to a suitable replacement under Niyogas arrangement.

“The Sevaks do not receive monthly salary from the temple administration.

On an average seventy-five Sevaks perform ritual services everyday. Each of them

is entitled to get a portion (known as Khei) from the Rajbhog or Kotho bhog

(equivalent to approximately Rs.9000/- daily) of the day. In addition to ‘khei’,

most of the Sevaks are paid daily remuneration, i.e., cash reward (estimated

Rs.41,30,000/- in the year 1999-2000), according to the scales prescribed by the

Managing Committee of the Temple. Some Sevaks get reward in both cash and

65
kind... There is also provision for special cash reward...each year, after Car festival

is over, most of the Sevak association (niyogas) and some individual Sevaks use to

get cash reward from the Temple Administration for their satisfactory seva in the
festival”97.

The Sevayats of different castes, and even assumed tribal background,

regardless of their contemporaneous social rank, were accorded equal status and

importance considering their association and engagement in the Temple. Though

this did not affect their ethos and orthodox lifestyle, this ‘unique’ method of

organization among Sevayats in the Jagannath Temple reflected a virtual

liberalization and imparted a democratic character to the entire organization,

almost comparable to modern organizational management perspective. The

equalization tribal background of Jagannath, assimilated into the Brahmanic

tradition with help of Hindu theological interpretation, is still reflected in the

organizational structure of the Sevayats.

The tribal origin of the Jagannath tradition is pretty emphatic and clear.

The Hinduized uniconical symbols of aboriginal have shaped the present

iconography that cannot be linked to a particular Hindu deity. G.N. Dash in detail

explain the process as to how a popular tribal god was taken over by kings

blending it to orthodox Brhahmanic tradition to entrench their position and

smoothen their reign. "Political function of royal patronage of Hinduized tribal

deities and the construction of huge temple was to legitimize hierarchical Hindu

royal power in the Hindu tribal frontier within a more egalitarian tribal society

and to cope with feudal force of the regional Hindu kingdoms'^8. Further the

presence of Daita, Suddhu Suara and Pati Mahapatra, ritual functionaries of

Jagannath who claim tribal descent, till present day, also points towards the tribal
origin of the tradition. Nevertheless, this connection cannot be so simplistically

explained. Hinduization took place by identifying the tribal deify with Narsimha,

adding a head with arms. This occurrence is nothing unusual as, since Gupta

period, Purusottama, being a title of Vishnu, can be invoked through Narasimha

who is an 'avatar' of Vishnu. Even to this day, the ritual functionaries with tribal

descent have an exclusive performance right during 'anabasara' and 'nava

kalevara'.

Equalizing aspect, irrespective of caste origin, in the organization among

Sevayats in the Jagannath Temple at also reflects a permanent process of social

mobility amongst Hindus that is termed by M.N.Srinivas as Sanskritization.

Equality of status of one and all in the eyes of God is also reflected in case of

‘Mahaprasad’ about which the rules of commensalify, a cardinal feature of Hindu

way of life, do not apply.

In the third chapter we will discuss further the above issues and relevant

facts about the Sevayats of the Temple in detail.

Section: 08:
Purpose of the Study:

Puri, over a millennium, has been important to the population of this

subcontinent due to the location of Sri Jagannath temple there. The current study

is undertaken with the aim to explain the purpose and motivation of the

singularly important human element that upheld this religious institution, their

current situation and future expectations.

This study primarily deals with the Sevayats, who are part of a complex

religious organization, known as the Jagannath Temple, at Puri. As we have seen

earlier this Temple has a long tradition, thus must have adjusted itself to the
changing social, economic and political factors within society, both at the macro

and micro level. In the post independent Indian society, we have witnessed

massive changes in every aspect of our lives. Industrialization, Urbanization,

Secularization, and lastly Globalization have been introducing sweeping changes

in our behavior, interaction pattern, attitude, life style, status, and authority

structure. Yet religious organizations like the Jagannath Temple, at Puri remain

embedded in the Indian way of life. This has been possible for two reasons,

namely, due to the ritual specialists (here the Sevayats), who by effective

execution of daily rites and rituals within the Temple have upheld the faith of the

masses and held them around the holy symbols, and due to the pilgrim’s undying

devotion towards the Gods despite all odds. In this study we have chosen to

examine only the Sevayats, as to how they are functioning under the changing

social conditions and expectations.

The present study does not attempt to understand the substantive

(theological, metaphysical, philosophical) aspects of religion, rather would like to

understand the social content of religious life. Attempt to understand the

meanings and symbolism of the rites and rituals followed by the Sevayats in the

Jagannath temple is beyond the scope of this study, and they are accepted as they

are. The current study also does not aim to take any moral or jural stand, and

therefore does not make any value judgement about the beliefs and practices in

the Temple. Lastly, the study neither endeavours to enquire and prove the claims

of antiquity of the Temple, nor does it restrict itself to its historicity or

provenance. Why the Sevayats are continuing still with their profession intrigues

the researcher, especially now that it is popularly perceived religion and religious

organizations are loosing their relevance in contemporary society. Here their

perception about their performance and life-style vis-a-vis their image taking a

beating progressively in the greater society definitely interests the researcher.

Therefore, how the Sevayats plan to cope with the present times, what options

they are exploring, and how they are devising their future course of action

becomes relevant issues for the study.

In context of the above, the present study endeavor a detailed contextual

analysis of the Sevayats, their conditions and their relationships. In this

investigation the object is to study in depth limited number of events, conditions

and inter-relationships, specifically dealing with the socio-economic background

the Sevayats, group dynamics seen among them, their changing perception about

the organization and profession, and their perception about the changing trends

in the society.

Notes
1. Rajguru, Dr. Satyanarayan. 1992, Inscriptions of the Temples of Puri and Origin of Shri Purushotama
Jagannath, Volume-1, Puri: Sri Jagannath Sanskrit Visvavidyalaya, p. 95-156

2. Patnaik, Satyendra. 1987, Brahmanical Religion in Ancient Orissa, New Delhi: Ashish Publishing
House, p.102

3. Rajguru, Dr. Satyanarayan. 1992, p.96

4. See Starza, O.M. 1997, The Jagannath Temple at Puri. Its architecture, art and cult, Leiden: E J Brill.

5. See Mishra, K.C. 1971, The Cult of Jagannath, Calcutta: Firma KLM, p.06-07

6. Thapar, Romila.1966, A History of India, Volume One, New Delhi: Penguin Books, p. 143-146

7. See Mishra, K.C. 1971, p.151-52

8. See Pani, S. ed., 1984, Jagannath Consciousness, Cuttack: n.p, p.126

9. Wheatley, Paul. 1971, The Pivots of Four Quarters, A Preliminary inquiry into the Origins and Character
of the Ancient Chinese City, Chicago, IL: Aldine

10. See Eck, Diana L. 1987, “The City as a Sacred Centre”, in B Smith and H B Reynolds, Edits. The City
as a Sacred Centre, Essays on six Asian Contexts, E J Brill, p.03

11. Starza, O.M. 1993, p.08-09

12. Patnaik, Nityananda. 1977, Cultural Tradition in Puri, Simla: HAS, p.26-30

13. Eschmann, A. H.Kulke and G.C.Tripathy, eds. 1978, The Cult of Jagannath and the Regional Tradition
of Orissa, Manohar, Delhi, p.15 (Note: Henceforth will be mentioned as CJRTO)
 A

14. see Stietencron, H.v. CJRTO, 1978, p.17-20

15. See Mishra K.C. 1971, p,31-32

16. Starza O.M. 1993, p.4

17. Stietencron, H.v. CJRTO, 1978, p.75-77

18. Mahapatra, K.N: Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. Ill, 1954, p. 07

19. Singha, Kailash Chandra. 1923, Sri Darubrahma, Calcutta: n.p, p.55, as quoted in Banerjee Dube,
Ishita. 2001, Divine Affairs, p. 33

20. Mitra, Rajendraial. 1880, Antiquities of Orissa, Vol II, pg107, As quoted in Sri Jagannath at Puri by
Jagannath Padhi, 2000, Puri: S.G.N. Publications, pg.44

21. Starza O.M. 1993, p. 53-61

22. See Das, Nilakantha. 1958, Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. VII, Part I, p. 01-36; and Banerjee
Dube, 2001, p. 35
23. Patnaik, Himanshu. S. 1994, Lord Jagannath. His temple, Cult and Festivals, Aryan, New Delhi, p. 86

24. Starza O.M. 1993, p.63

25. Sircar, D.C. 1971, Studies in the Religious Life of Ancient and Medieval India, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas,
p. 69-70

26. Patnaik, Satyendra. 1987, p.100

27. Stietencron, H. v. CJRTO, 1978, p.73

28. ibid p.25-27

29. ibid pg. 120-123

30. Starza O.M. 1993, p.06

31. stietencron, H. v. CJRTO, 1978, p.120-123

32. Mishra K.C. 1971, p. 50

33. Nayak, G.C. 1999, (July-September) The Unique Vedantic Synthesis in Jagannath as Lokayata
Bramha and Vaishnavism - A Philosophical Approach, The Quarterly Journal Of The Mythic Society,
Bangalore, p.82

34. See Mohapatra, Gopabandhu. 1981, God in Three Images At Puri, Dharma Puri: Jyoti Pitha, p.27-31

35. Nayak, G.C. 1999, p.83

36. Klaiman, M.H. 1983 (June), Religious Tradition and Religious Revolution: The Case of Vaishnavism in
Bengal, South Asia. Journal of South Asian Studies, Vol.VI, No.1, p.38

37. Jones, Lindsay. 2000, Hermeneutics of Sacred Architecture. Experience, Interpretation, Comparison,
Volume One, Monumental Occasions. Reflections on the Eventfulness of Religious Architecture,
Harvard University Press: Cambridge, Massachusetts, p. XI-XVI

38. Diane L. Eck 1998, Darsan. Seeing the Divine Image in India, 3rd Edition, New York: Columbia
University Press, p.10

39. Padhi, Jagabandhu. 2000, Sri Jagannath at Puri, Puri: SGN Publications, p. 113-122

40. 'Mandla panji’ (recorded almanac consisting of ancient custom and usage pertaining to the Temple)

41. Hunter, W. W. 1872, Orissa, included the book titled Jagannath in Alien Eyes, 2003, edited by N. P.
Tripathy et al, Kolkata: Utkala, p.41-90

70
 #•5

42. Panigrahi, K. C. 1981, History of Orissa, Cuttack: Kitab Mahal, p.21

43. Mishra K.C. 1971, p. 31-32

44. See Stietencron, H. v. CJRTO, 1978, p.17-20

45. Mishra K.C. 1971, p. 31-32

46. Kulke, H.1978, CJRTO, p. 133

47. Starza O.M. 1993, p.04

48. Kalia, Ravi.1994, Bhubaneswar. From a Temple Town to a Capital City, Delhi: OUP, p.24

49. Stietencron, H. v. CJRTO, 1978, p.75-77

50. Kulke, H.1978, CJRTO, p.149-55

51. Mishra K.C. 1971, p. 47

52. Kuike, H.1978, CJRTO, p.201

53. Mishra K.C. 1971, p. 47

54. Kulke, H.1978, CJRTO, p.203

55. Stietencron, H. v. CJRTO, 1978, p.62

56. Kulke, H.1978, CJRTO, p.205-206

57. Kulke, H.1978, CJRTO, p.322-329

58. Sarangi, S. N. 1992, Puri Master Plan and Tourist Spots in and around Jagannath Temple (The Golden
Triangle), Bhubaneswar: S. N. Sarangi, p.29-30

59. Mishra K.C. 1971, p. 63

60. StarzaO.M. 1993, p.148

61. Mishra K.C. 1971, p. 64

62. ibid, p.64

63. Starza O.M. 1993, p.148

64. Mishra K.C. 1971, p. 123

65. Panda, L. 1954, Report of the Special Officer under “The Puri Shri Jagannath Temple (Administration)
Act, 1952”, Orissa Gazette Extraordinary, Cuttack: Govt, of Orissa, p.03

66. See 'Indian Foiklife’, JANUARY 2001A Quarterly News Letter from National Folklore Support Centre,
Chennai, VOLUME 1 ISSUE 4

67. visit www.craftsinindia.com.www.odissi.com.www.puri.nic.in/iaaa.htm.www.welcomeorissa.com for

further details.

68. See Pilgrim Management at Sri Jagannath Dham, Puri, SJRC, 1999, p.24-26

69. See Sarangi, S. N. 1992, p.35 for further details

70. Tripathy, Mohimohan. 1997, A Brief look at Shri Jagannath Temple, Puri:
S. G. N Publication, p.105

71. Firth, Raymond. 1954, Elements of Social Organization, London: Watts & Co, p.222

71
72. Turner, Victor. 1982, From Ritual to Theatre and Back: The Human Seriousness of Play, New York:
PAJ, p.79 as quoted in 'Religion. The Basics, by Malory Nye, 2003, London: Routledge, p.127

73. Mishra, Manorama., Status and Role of Sevakas of Lord Jagannath Puri with special Reference to
Navakalevar and Rathtatra Rirual Complexes, Ph D Diss., Utkal University, Bhubaneswar, 1993, p. 24

74. Nye, Malory. 2003, Religion. The Basics, London: Routledge, p.129-147

75. See htto://164.100.140.22/iaaannath/index.htm: Mishra, Manorama. 1993, p. 32-74; Sarangi, S. N.

1992, p. 46-48

76. Mishra, Manorama. 1993, p. 41-73

77. Jagabandhu Padhi, 2000, p.193

78. Sarangi, S. N. 1992, p. 60-61

79. Patnaik, Nityananda. 2000, Sacred Complex in Orissa (Study of Three Major Aspects of the Sacred
Complex), New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, p.131

80. ibid, p.130

81. Tripathy, G. C. 1978, CJRTO, p.289

82. Mishra K.C. 1971, p.143-144

83. Panda, L. 1954, Report of the Special Officer under “The Puri Shri Jagannath Temple (Administration)
Act, 1952", Orissa Gazette Extraordinary, Cuttack: Govt, of Orissa

84. Banerjee Dube, Ishita. 2001, Divine Affairs. Religion, Pilgrimage, and the State in Colonial and
postcolonial India, Shimla: HAS, p.44

85. Nye, Malory. 2003, p. 145

86. Saraswati, Baidyanath. 1984, The Spectrum of Sacred. Essays on the Religious Tradition of India, New
Delhi: Concept, p.100-103

87. Fuller, C.J. 2004, Hindu Worship, collected in India's Religion, edited by T.N. Madan, New Delhi: OUP,
p. 128-129

88. Dash, Surya Narayan. 1966, Jagannath Mandir O Jagannath Tatwa, Cuttack: Friends' Publishers; See
also ‘A Brief look at Shri Jagannath Temple’, Mahimohan Tripathy, 1997, p.49

89. Patnaik, Nityananda. 2000, p. 234

90. ibid, p. 234

91. Mishra K.C. 1971, p.120-121

92. see Dash, G.N. CJRTO, 1978, p.163

93. See Patnaik, Nityananda. 1977, Cultural Tradition in Puri. Structure and Organization of a Pilgrim
Centre, Shimla: HAS, p.53
94. ibid, p.44

95. See Mishra, Manorama. 1993, p.171-180

96. see Patnaik, Nityananda. 2000, p.270-277

97. Tripathy, Mahimohan. 1997, A Brief Look at Shri Jagannath Temple, Puri: S.G.N. Publication, p.53

98. Stietencron, H. v. CJRTO, 1978, p. 120-123

72
Websites visited for information:

Duri.nic.in/iaaa.htm o www.orissaindia.com
❖ orissaaov.nic.in & www.aeocities.com
■$■
www.iaaannathtemDleDuri.com 4 www.vatin.chawathe.com
o www.temDlenet.com/Orissa/Duri.html www.cultural-heritaae-india.com
■e* www.iaaannathDuri.blessinasonthenet.com www.haides.caltech.edu (for Dhoto)

www.indhistorv.com www. welcomeorissa. com

0 www.temDlenet.com www.orissatourism.aov.in
❖ www.odissi.com ❖ www.insiahtorissa.com/news

<> www.Durionline.com «> www.evervculture.com

<» www.craftsinindia.com ❖ www. sisv.nic.in (Research Dearee.
Research Journal. Research Winq)

www.anaul.nic.in www.cvberorissa.com
www.maDS-india.com •3> orissamatters.com

www.iaaannathDuri.com orissa-swicki.eurekster.com

❖ www.indianoath.ora ■S' www.orissaindia.com

Note: Photographs in the following pages and Maps later on, if not acknowledged

otherwise, have heen taken from the above websites.

73
 s

Jagannath Temple of Puri

 Layout ofthe temple Complex ofLord Jagannath
Taken from Marglin, F. A. 1984, Wives of God King. The Rituals ofthe Devdasis ofPuri, Delhi: OUP

75
 Original Temple (front) ofPurusottam Prior to the Present Grand Structure 76
Taken from Rajguru, Dr. Satyanarayan. 1992, Inscriptions of the Temples ofPuri and Origin ofShri
Purushotama Jagannath, Volume-1, Puri: Sri Jagannath Sanskrit Visvavidyalaya
tN
IN
78
Sculpture on the walls of the Main Temple Tower

79
Pholograph of the icon ofLord Bakibhadra on the Chariot daring Car Festival
Photograph of the icon ofLord Subhadra on the Chariot during Car Festival

81
Photograph of the icon ofLord .Jagannath on the Chariot during Car Festival

82
 Sevayats on top of the Temple Tower
for Changing the ‘Bana' (flag)

‘Samadhi'
(Graveyard) of the
Central Deities with
in the Temple,
necessary during
'Navakalevar'

83
 Kitcher^Rosho^^h^empl^hei^Mah^h^a^^^^^d

Chilka Lake, in and around which the Deities were hidden during Muslim Invasion

84
 ‘Chandcm Yatra ’ when Lord Madhusudan visits Narendra Lake

‘Snan Yatra ’ of the Central deities fifteen days prior to Car festival
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 Pahandi ’ (Lord is brought
out manually bv the Sevayats,
mainly Daitas and Pad
Mahapatras) to board the
chariot for his travel on the
day of Car festival

King Dibya Singha Deb of

Puri on his way to the
chariots with bearers,
other Sevayats, and public
for ‘Ccherapahawra ’

king Dibya Singha

Deb of Puri on the
palanquin for his
travel to the
Chariots at the start
of Car festival

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G tm dicha Temple where Lord Jagannath Visit during Car Festival Designated Tree from which the idol o f Central deities are to be made
during Navakalevar

Sample o f famous Applique work o f Orissa that grew centering around the Temple
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