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ORIENTAL INSTITUTE
LIBRARY
OXFORD UNIVERSITY
FOL D5
305506143R
YV
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ALBERUNI'S INDIA.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE RELIGION, PHILOSOPHY,
LITERATURE, CHRONOLOGY, ASTRONOMY,
CUSTOMS, LAWS AND ASTROLOGY
OF INDIA
ABOUT A. D. 1030.
EDITED
IN THE ARABIC ORIGINAL
BY
EDWARD SACHAU,
PROFESSOR IN THE ROYAL UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN.
LONDON,
TRÜBNEE & C°., LUDGATE HILL.
1887.
eattlngen,
Druck der Dieterich'schen Univ. - Buchdruckerei.
W. Fr. Kaestner.
Preface.
§ 1. Indica Arabica.
An Arabie book on Brahmanical India is a rarity in literature and al
most a contradiction in terms. It seems strange that an author who writes
in the language of the Coran should command sufficient breadth of view to
choose the Hindu world of thought as the favourite object of his studies and
the theme of a book. The early Arabs knew admirably how to spread their
faith sword in hand, how to conquer foreign countries and to colonize many
of them, but they never cared for archaeological researches, for what had
been in those countries before them. And indeed all that Muhammadan au
thors relate about the Antemuhammadan times of Egypt, Syria, Asia Mi
nor, Spain &c., is a mass of confusion and is, with very rare exceptions, to
tally devoid of historic interest. Traditions of this kind have only occasion
ally a special merit of their own by allowing us a glance into the develop
ment of literary fiction and folklore, when the single threads of their web
are unravelled by scholarly sagacity and laid open to inspection. Islam is to
embrace the whole world , and all that was before Islam and all that is not
Islam, is devil's work condemned to all eternity. The less therefore a Mus
lim minds it, the better for his soul.
This ruling tendency of Islam is preeminently illustrated by the deeds
of that Muhammadan prince in whose reign the present book was composed.
The picture which Indian history draws of the great Mahmûd of Ghazna is
all destruction of temples and idols. However, under the shadow of his vic
torious banner there was a quiet scholar at work, a hero in the camp of
spiritual achievements who was not engaged in fighting the Hindus, but in
trying to learn from them, to study Sanskrit and Sanskrit literature and to
translate Sanskrit books into Arabic. Though convinced of the superiority
a2 .
IV
of Islam, he admired the acuteness of the Indian mind and its productions
in art and literature. Acting on the principle that those who want to meet
the Hindus on the battle-ground of intellectual warfare and to deal with
them in the spirit of justice and equanimity, must first learn all that is
peculiar to them in manners and customs as well as in their general modes of
thought, he produced a comprehensive description of Indian civilization, al
ways struggling to grasp its very essence and depicting it with due lights
and shades as an impartial spectator. The title of the book, the awkward
ness of which seems to arise from the punctiliousness of a delicate conscience,
runs as follows : nAn accurate description of. all categories of Hindu thought, as
well those which are admissible as those which must be rejected« i. e. o1^-^' <3' ^^
iJy3w» }\ ¿AJ¿\ j tij+ЯА УЗуЯА Q, чХЦИ U (JpM? (j ¿í^l ^1 QÍ ¿+¿¿
No doubt, much of the subject matter of the book, if not all, was per
fectly new to the Muhammadan readers of the time. But will it be able to
teach something new about India also to the learned Europe of our century
after the unparallelled progress which Sanskrit and Indian studies in general
have made since the days of Sir William Jones? Apart from his own opi
nion, the editor is entitled to state that it was specialists, Sanskrit scholars,
who never wearied in proclaiming the desirability of its being edited and
translated. Ever since a few portions were made known, they have been
largely and conscientiously used by Sanskrit scholars, who never, even when
contradicting the author, denied him the deference due to a first rate autho
rity in historic matters. And we are inclined to believe that the fame and
credit of Albèrûni will greatly increase , after his immortal work has been
now for the first time in its entirety and in the form in which it left his
pen, laid before the learned world.
A clear cut through the different strata of the earth's crust teaches
the geologist its origin, the history of its development, its past, its present
and its future, In a similar way the work of Herodotus, the Germania of
Tacitus and the Indica of Albêrûnî afford as it were a clear cut through the
stratification of the Greek-Oriental. Teutonic and Indian civilizations of their
times. If these authors show us what they found and how they found it, it is
our task to investigate how it had attained to that stage and what was its sub
sequent development. When Tacitus wrote, the Teutonic tribes were still in
very primitive conditions, they had not yet learnt from their Roman masters
the art of making successful wars and of founding large states, and Irish
and other missionaries had not yet appeared among them, to sow the first
seeds of Christian civilization. When Herodotus travelled in the east, the
specific civilizations of both Egypt and Western Asia looked already back
upon a long course ef national development which had extended over nun
dreds and thousands of years, but they were on the eve of entering a period
of decline, which preceded and prepared the way for the sway of the Greek
mind over the Oriental world.
Our Muhammadan author does not, like Tacitus, portray the infancy of
a great nation. At his time the dome of Indian civilization had long ago been
finished both at large and in every detail, its initial stages had long ago
faded away from the memory of the nation. Like Herodotus in Babylonia
and Egypt, Albèrunî found in India an exotic civilization, as strange and
marvellous as it was perfect in its way, but on the eve of being encroached
upon by foreign invaders. The time of Albcruni. that of the great Mahmud
of Ghazna, is the end of the political independence of India, and the inau
guration of Muhammadan rule , in fact the beginning of a historic develop
ment which terminated in the establishment of British rule throughout the
whole of the peninsula. Already before Mahmûd, foreign invaders had con
quered parts of India, but they again had in their turn been conquered by
Indian civilization, so as to become Indians by the same process of assimila
tion by which the Bulgarians, originally a Turkish tribe, have become Sla
vonians and the great tribe of the Ghilzai in Afghanistan, who originally
were Turks, have become Afghans. The Muhammadans, however, remained
in India what they were when they entered. Though adopting the language
of their subjects and many of their customs, they remained in law and reli
gion foreigners to the country. India as sketched by Albèrunî, is India at
the close of its national existence. Its civilization was then essentially Brah-
manical as it had come to be in a protracted struggle with Buddhism. Al
bèrunî does not know Indian Buddhism from personal experience, though it
had not yet entirely withdrawn from India and in some parts was still a po_
litical power.
The literary predecessors of Albêrûni were a Greek diplomatist and
Buddhist pilgrims from China. About 295 B. C. king Seleucus 1. sent Mega-
sthenes as an ambassador to king Sandrocottus or Candragupta in Pàtali-
putra or Patna. The envoy traversed nearly the whole breadth of northern
India and seems to have had access to good sources of information. Unfor
tunately his countrymen were not prepared to do justice to his most excel
lent report, and it is mostly in consequence of this that only fragments of it
have been transmitted to our age. Was it an initial stage of Indian civili
zation which Megasthenes saw and described? Hardly. Civilization in India
goes back to a more remote antiquity. Certain parts of his account are evi
dently derived from Paurânic sources and the Purânas are not considered as
representing a primary stratum of Indian literature.
Four hundred years before Albèrûnî, Hwen-Thsang, a Chinese monk,
VI
travelled in India, and on his return compiled his book of travels from what
he had seen and heard. His predecessors in this line had been Fa-Hian
399 — 413 and Sung-Yun 502 A. D. These works are of great importance
and have met with all the credit due to them, especially in questions of geo
graphy and history. Hwen-Thsang visited India in the years 629 to 645
A. D.
Albêrûnî belongs to a much later period. He has not seen as much of
the country as Megasthenes, and his travels are, in comparison with those
of Hwen-Thsang, perfectly insignificant. Though in this respect he cannot
successfully compete with his predecessors, yet he excels them by most re
markable qualities of a very high order, which fully bear out the following
estimate pronounced by one of the most distinguished Sanskrit scholars of
our day : »Both the accounts left us by the Greeks and the Chinese pilgrims read,
by the side of Beruni's work, like children's books or the compilations of uneduca
ted and superstitious men, who marvelled at the strange world into which they had
fallen , but understood its true character very little *)«.
The fragmentary condition of the Indica of Megasthenes does not admit
of its being compared with the work of Albêrûnî, but we may state that the
latter certainly comprehends a much wider range of Indian subjects than
Hwen-Thsang. It is an archaeological investigation, as this term is under
stood in our time. Alberuni did not only study the country and its inhabi
tants, but also its language and literature, and in doing so he had more and
better sources of information at his disposal than either Megasthenes or Hwen-
Thsang. He tells us that which he has seen himself, that which he has
heard and, more extensively, that which he has read. Approaching his sub
ject with a mind trained by mathematical and philosophical studies, by the
study of Aristotle and Plato, Ptolemy and Galenus, he investigates every sub
ject in the spirit of modern criticism , in such a manner as is sure to win
him the admiration of modern scholarship. He is almost free from any su
perstition, he seems fondly devoted to his subject and he never spares any
trouble or time for the purpose of carrying on his studies in general or for
ascertaining the truth of any single fact in particular. He is, though a Mus
lim, able to sympathize with those heathen Hindu philosophers, and to approve
their theorems. In order to curb Muhammadan haughtiness and self-com
placency, he never fails, when speaking of any dark feature in Hindu life,
to contrast it with the savagery of old Arabian heathendom. The author's
impartiality, which to many a Muslim may seem to exceed due limits, is such
that the reader may peruse many pages of his book without even noticing
• —' -" • ' m*
tion, and the former gives the first fruits of his labours on the book in his
»Mémoire sur la propagation des chiffres indiens, Paris, 1863«.
After Woepcke had died in 1864 and Munk had become blind and died
in 1867, Mac Guckin de Slane, then already far advanced in years, under
took to carry out for the Société Asiatique the work which it had not been
given to his predecessors to finish. Meanwhile, the course of my studies led
me to Paris in the spring- of 1872 and when one day collating the manu
script of the great chronological work of Alberilni, which I have since pu
blished (Chronologie Orientalischer Völker von Albérunî, Leipzig, 1878) and trans
lated (The Chronology of Ancient Nations, London, 1879), I was accosted by a
tall, venerable old gentleman of military appearance who gave me his name
— it was de Slane — and proposed to me to undertake the edition of the
Indica in his stead, as he believed himself to be to old too complete the task.
At the same time he desired me to pledge myself by word of honour, that
I should endeavour to bring out an edition of the Arabic original and its
translation in some European language. I gave him my word, being well
aware of the importance of the book and at the same time feeling honoured
by the confidence of a man whom I esteemed as one of the greatest Arabic
scholars the world has ever seen.
At a meeting of the Société Asiatique, 12*h April 1872, Jules Mohl pro
posed to the Société to abandon their long cherished plan of an edition of
the Indica and to cede the work to me. The proposition was carried. Mohl
sent me the materials left by Woepcke1), and at the same time M. Schefer
entrusted to me his manuscript, a treasure quite unique in its way. Thus
it has come to pass that the confidence and the kindness of M.G. de Slane,
Jules Mohl and Ch. Schefer have laid on my shoulders a burden the whole
weight of which I did not realize when I charged myself with it. And cer
tainly if the work has been brought to a successful end , the learned world
is before all indebted to the: exceptional liberality of M. Chrétien Schefer,
Membre de l'Institut, etc. My edition is little more than a reproduction of
his manuscript and it would have been quite impossible for me to prepare
it, if he had not, by leaving it entirely in my hands up to the present hour,
1) Cf. p. f, 20.
XI
new king marches to the capital, Ghazna, and arrives there after 40 days,
i. e. about 9th June.
His brother Mascud, who was just then far away in Ispahan, being
about the same age as Muhammad, claims the succession in the western half
of the empire. To this effect he writes to Muhammad, but gets a rude rebuff.
Muhammad, in order to settle the dispute with his brother, sets out
with his army from Ghazna in the direction of Herat and arrives on the first
of Ramadan (2. Sept.) at a place called Takinabad. There he remains during
the month of the fast. But on 3d Shawwâl (4. Oct.), while drinking and
carousing, he is attacked by his own soldiers and made a prisoner. The
leaders of the conspiracy were his uncle, the prince Yûsuf, a brother of his
father Mahmûd and °Ali Khêshâvand, a favourite officer of Mahmud. The
conspirators hastened to meet Mas'ud and to deliver the prisoner into his
hands.
Mas'ud, after having settled his dispute with Ispahan, marches to Rai,
Nîshâpûr and Herat. In the latter town he finds the conspirators, and there
they meet with their doom. ГАН Khôshâvand is killed at once, his uncle
Yûsuf thrown into prison and his brother Muhammad blinded.
In the month Dhulka'da (31 Oct.—29 Nov.) Mas'ud receives general ho
mage as the undisputed successor of his father. He spent the winter north
of the Hindukush, stayed some time in Balkh and then entered the capital
Ghazna A. H. 422 8th Jumada II. (i e. 3th June 1031). Mas'dd is the same
king to whom Alberuni afterwards dedicated the greatest work of his life,
called Al-Kdnun Al-Masrudt i. e. Canon Mas'udicus,
When the rumours of those events penetrated from afar into the study
of our author, they do not seem to have produced a favourable impression
upon his mind. It is not a cheerful mood in which he writes. He is rather
gloomy and desponding, rather inclined not to take the best view of doubtful
matters. Was it sorrow over the sudden end of a glorious reign, one of the
most glorious periods in Eastern history, anxiety over the result of the pen
ding contest between the two rival princes, forebodings of coming evils which
cast a shadow over the mind of Alberuni? Perhaps so. We cannot judge
for certain , as he throughout his whole book grimly sticks to his subject
without looking right or left, and only in rare instances favours us with side
glances into contemporary history which we shall try to explain in an other
place. He was 58 years of age, when he wrote the Indica. During 13 years,
1017 — 1030 A.D., he had been a witness of the unparallelled career of the
great Mahmûd whose exploits had opened a new chapter in the history of
Islam and of India in particular.
Alberuni calls the year in which he writes our year, in conformity with
b2
XII
the general usage of the Arabic language. From this year must be distin
guished another year which he likewise calls our year, viz the gauge -or
test-year which he uses as a gauge or test in all the chronological computa
tions of the book, and to which he reduces all the dates occurring in it, re
lating to both preceding and following times. It is also called UJli«, i. e.
our standard. Whilst in the first part of the book, until page I1o. the term
our year means the time of the composition, in the latter part (on page IM"
sqq.) it means this gauge year. The author has chosen it on grounds of
technical chronology and has taken great pains in fixing it by expressing it
in dates of the Hindu, Persian and Arabian eras. It is A. D. 1031, 25th Febr.
a Thursday.
The gauge -date is, it must be kept in mind, a day simply chosen for
convenience and in no way connected with the time of the composition of
the book. When the author wrote, it belonged to the future, falling indeed
five months after he had finished his work.
With regard to the place where Alberuni wrote, we have no direct in
formation. We can only refer the reader to the above-mentioned note at
the end of the manuscript Schefer (vide p. ix , which states that he had fi
nished his autograph copy in Ghazna. We may therefore conjecture , that
the Indica was composed in Ghazna, at that time one of the largest capitals
in Asia. In Ghazna he had plenty of opportunities of consulting Hindus
of all description. In fact the Hindu population of the town must have
been a very large one, consisting of indigenous Hindus of Kabulistan and
prisoners of war as well as free men who were attracted towards the great
centre of power and riches, in order to act there as servants, as artists
and handicrafts men, building mosques and palaces for the Muslim con
queror, just as Greek architects had done for the Chalifs of the house
Umayya in Damascus. Further there were soldiers and officers , men of po
litics, scholars and merchants, in short representatives of all castes and tribes,
from nearly all parts of northwestern India
But it was not only in Ghazna that Alberuni studied India. He tra
velled in India itself and probably stayed there many years. Reserving the
description of his study of Sanskrit for a later chapter, we shall here for
want of more definite information limit ourselves to enumerating those places
which, according to his own statement, he visited. Whether he lived and
travelled in India in any official capacity or simply as a private man under
the protection of the Ghazna government, is a question regarding which he
leaves us entirely in the dark. The towns which he has seen, besides Ghazna
and Kabul , are the following :
Gandí i^xü', also called Ribât atamir, i. e. the station of the prince. Per
X11I
however, he seems to have read Indian books with the aid of Pandits and
to have written his translation simply from their dictation. On the other
hand he may in the course of years and in the progress of his study have
become able to control them to a certain degree, for he, no doubt, knew the
meaning of many single words, particularly of all technical terms, and his
inquisitive mind was attentive to all details of literary tradition, for instance
to the metrical form of the books (cf. Chap. XIII) and to the deterioration
of manuscripts through the negligence of the copyists.
The following passages will serve to illustrate the subject of this
chapter.
In ch. I he relates that he stood to the Hindu astronomers in the re
lation of a pupil to his masters, being a foreigner among them, i. e. not
speaking their language. After he had learnt something, he turned the ta
bles upon them, and the pupil, being an accomplished mathematician and
astronomer, began to teach his masters. The Pandits are in utter amazement,
they will not believe that he speaks from his own knowledge and press him
to tell them from what Hindu master he had received such learning. Too
proud to admit that a foreigner should rival them on their own ground, they
declare him to be a sorcerer and call him in their language the sea and the
water which surpasses vinegar in acidity (v. page 1C, 2 — 7).
He speaks of the difficulty of the study of the language, comparing it
in this respect with Arabic. He complains of the fact that one and the same
thing, e. g. the sun, may be expressed by many different words, and that on
the other hand one and the same word has many different meanings, so that
he only can correctly translate it, who knows the context in which it occurs
(v. pagel, 5—9; t., 3. 4).
Treating of the sounds of the Indian language , he is aware that some
of them are so peculiar that Muslims could not pronounce them and that
some of them resemble each other to such a degree that Muslims in hearing
could not distinguish between them (v. page лИ, 3 —5).
He teaches that in the Indian language the sounds A, kh and sh fre
quently interchange, as e. g. in the word barhu, barkhu, barshu = skr. varsha
(page К 7).
He further explains that the Hindus pronounce the d, ¿ (he means ¿)
as a sound intermediate between d and r, in consequence of which the word
» "
1) Cf. his general notes on the phonetic changes of languages on page If1, 7 sequ.
XVI
He makes on page 1«, 9 the following remark which seems rather odd
at first sight : » They magnify the nouns in their language by the feminine gender
as the Arabs magnify them by the diminutive form«. The Arabs magnify the
nouns in their language, i, e. give them a greater bulk, when putting them
о >
into the diminutive form , as e. g. the word cfc***fc represents a magnification
in comparison with i^**=*>. Similarly, in the Indian vernaculars, nouns may
be magnified by an d, í, u being added at the end of them without an ac
companying change of signification. These vowels are contractions of the ori
ginally diminutive suffixes aka, ika, wAra1) and were mistaken by Alberuni
for the same vowels which in other cases both in Sanskrit and vernacular
denote the feminine gender.
Throughout the whole book the author quotes numerous Indian words
together with their equivalents in Arabic, and, as a rule, the reader will find
his translations to be correct. I here only mention a few of them :
samhitd = that which is collected or put together p. vo, Ю.
jâtaka = nativity p. f*, 21.
0-jU manushyaloka = the human world p. 14, 9. 10.
éîtâméu = having a cold ray p. 1.1, 2.
i niéesa = lord of the night p. 1.1, 1 .
dvijeávara = lord of the Brahmins p. M, 2.
kurmacakra = the circle of the tortoise p. lr\ 12.
avyakta = something shapeless p. C., 2.
a vyakta = something having a shape p. f., 8.
t fjí karmendriyâni = the practical senses p. It, i .
éabda = that which is heard.
sparéa = that wich is touched.
rûpa = that which is seen.
rasa = that which is tasted.
Jf gandha = that which is smelled, v. p. И, 1 — 3*).
Did Alberuni give these translations from his own knowledge or were
taras taken from Vishnupurâna III, I. 2, the word ¿1^1 is mentioned as the
seventh of the 12th manvantara. The text is tapodhritirdyutiécânyah saptamas-
tutapodhanah, i. e. tapodhriti, dyuti, and another, a 7th one. tapodhana. Alberuni
renders this by
mistaking iscânyah for a proper name, and dropping the real one tapodhana.
The seventh Rishi of the 6th manvantara he calls J¿¿r, where the text
has saptâsanniticarshayah. He has mistaken carshayah = and the rishis for a
proper noun.
The fourth Rishi of the 5th manvantara is called J> , i. e. another =
apara, mistaken for a noun in the verse urdhvabdhustatftdparah.
The second Rishi of the 1 3th manvantara is called £.^¿,000, where the
original has tatvadarei-ca, i. e. and Tatvadaréin.
The sixth and seventh Rishis of the 2d manvantara are called gJSJls and
jt)^. The original text is : virajdácorvarívamécanirmohádyds, i. e. Viraja. Ur-
varivant, Nirmoha and others. Alberuni divided the verse thus : viraja-ascorvart-
vâmèca-nirmoha, as it occurs on p. W, 1 1 : ¿¿*j (jjíj^F^ tf
Further he reads aécârvari instead of aécorvarî, nirmoaha or nirmoka instead
of nirmoha. Cf. Vishnu Purâna (Wilson-Hall), 2nd edition, vol. Ill, ch. II page
24 note.
On p. lof in an extract from the Brihatsamhità of Varâhamihira , Al
beruni gives the names of two countries as ^^ and ^-&>ц, which are mi
stakes for the three names: salva JL-» -+- ñipa V_A*J -f- ujjihána c¿#>^. The
Sanscrit runs as follows : sâlvanîpojjihâna , v. The Brihat San hitâ of Varaha-
Mihira, edited by H. Kern, Calcutta 1865, ch. XIV, v. 2.
On p. loi in the same table, he writes j**«b and ol¿Jüúí" instead of
Daseraka and Vdtadhdna.
And further on pp. loi* and lev ¡.¿л
•*
and -LxAIi",
(•/ «^ ^
instead of Meruka
and Nashtarâjya; cf. The Brihat Sauhitâ, ch. XIV, v. 26 and 29.
It is useless to produce more mistakes of this kind. They are detected
when e. g. the lists of proper names as given by Alberuni are compared
with his Sanskrit sources1). Most of these blunders are such as, according
to my impression, were committed by Alberuni himself, not by Hindu colla
borators.
After having thus examined the way in which Alberuni tried to read
Sanscrit texts by himself alone, we shall now point out those passages, in
which he directly refers to his Pandits.
He relates that he endeavoured to collect Sanscrit books and to find
people who understood them (p. If, 8). I suppose he means Pandits who
were able to explain them to him.
Of particular interest are those passages which directly refer to his
Pandits. Criticizing a certain class of traditions, he supposes that either the
author in whose book they occur gives names devoid of any order, or that
the copyists have introduced blunders into the text. »For, he continues,
those who explained the translation to me (i. e. those who translated the book
to him) knew the language thoroughly and were not known as people who would
cheat, to no purpose« (p. Iff, 16. 17).
On p. Mr. 9 he declares that a certain passage in the Veda, as it
was read to him , is incorrect and with this incorrectness he charges the rea
ding translator, i. e. the Pandit who dictated the translation to him.
On p. T, 8 he gives a list of the names of the Purânas as it was
read to him from the Vishnu-Purana , i. e. dictated by his Pandit.
After having given an extract of the Paulisasiddhânta of Pulisa he
again charges the copyists or the translator with having made blunders (p.
PIT, 1 2 ; ПА, 8). The same suspicion he utters on p. 1Г1, 5 with regard to a
passage of the Brahmasiddhânta of Brahmagupta. With these remarks of
his we must compare p. vl", 21, where he speaks of his translation of the
Paulisasiddhânta and Brahmasiddhânta.
A more definite conclusion is arrived at in the case of the BrihatsaJi-
hitâ of Varâhamihira. For on p. Ifv, 16 he says: »we shall relate these
things (from the Brihatsainhitâ) according to our translation«1}; andón p. Po1, 8,
after having quoted some verses from the same book, he expresses his
suspicion, that the translator has made a blunder. The translator is not Al-
beruni himself, but the Pandit who dictated to him the meaning of the book
which Alberuni expressed and edited in Arabic.
his time. If in our days a man began studying Sanskrit and Hindu lear
ning with all the help afforded by modern literature and science, many a
year would pass before he would be able to do justice to the antiquity of
India to such an extent and with such a degree of accuracy as Alberuni has
done in his Indica.
same, as if in the middle ages an Italian scholar read Latin with an Italian
pronunciation.
First we give some words which are transliterated differently in diffe
rent places. Alberuni gives on p. IIм two lists of the names of the eighteen
Purânas, one (I) taken by ear from the mouth of people, i. e. his Pacdits,
another (II) read or dictated to him from the Vishçu-Purâna (111,6 p. 66.67).
Here the word matsya in written
in I, in II,
АЛ
Vi>
cf. Prakrit maccho.
On p. lot1 the same word is written
The word bhavishya is written
in I, in II,
sthdna, which in this case where the author speaks of the meaning of the
word mûlasthâna (Multan), would have been the correct form.
The non Sanskritic or vernacular words occurring in the Indica may be
divided into two groups : such as have passed through a Pràkritic stage of
development, and such as have not passed through such a phase, but must
have been directly derived from Sanskrit1) The former of these two groups
is represented by such words as
£-« maccho (Vararuci III, 40), Skr. matsya.
uppalo (Vararuci III, 1), Skr. utpala.
tanduâ =. Skr. tantuka; cf. Skr. bhîruka — l'r. bhîrua; Skr. paryut-
suka — Pr. pajjussua.
Specimens of the latter class are :
A* (in ui-pjw«) madda = Skr. madhya; Pr. majjho.
âditu (cf. Sindhi aditu] = Skr. âditya, Pr. âiccho (?).
biddddharu, cf. Skr. vidyâ, Pr. bijjâ.
I do not know of any Indian dialect which completely agrees with the
vernacular words of the Indica. They probably belong to a dialect current
about 1000 A. D. in the Kabul- valley and the conterminous parts of India,
a dialect of which we have, as far as I am aware, neither epigraphic nor
literary remains. The Prithirâj Rdsau by Chand Bardai, was hitherto consi
dered the most ancient monument of Eastern Hindi, but its language is al
ready essentially modern and we have no book -tradition in ancient Panjâbi,
Multâni or some more western form of Indian speech.
One of the best tests for the examination of this particular vernacular
dialect consists of the numerals (ordinals) from one to fiften, which occur
twice in the table on p. Pb :
1 cf. Sindhi barkhu
2 biô
3 trió
4 cothd
5 PanJô
6 chahs
7 satô
8 athd
9 nao
10
1) Both these groups occur in every Neo-Aryan vernacular of India, cf. J. Béâmes,
J. R. A. S. 1871, On the treatment of the nexus in the Neo-Aryan languages of India,
p. 151, 152.
XXV
11 yarhô
12 bdrha
^ 14
Ц>Ц? 1 5 pandrahd
These numerals as well as a great many other words seem to show, as
far as I have been able to compare Indian dialects, that the vernacular of
Alberuni is more nearly related to Sindhi than to any other of the modern
Neo-Aryan languages of India.
Alberuni's method of transliteration is of course not as systematic as
the scientific ones of modern times1), and it is more imperfect than need be.
especially in rendering the vowels. In order to make the Arabic alphabet
more suitable for expressing the Indian phonetic system, he has introduced
some innovations partly taken from the Persian usage of his time. So he
uses
•-> p by the side of *-» b
Ъс " " " " Ъ J
w 0 n » » » «5 A"
о с2) » » » » (j у
j zh « » » » j г
The latter two are of rare occurrence, ^ corresponding to Sanskrit j, с and y,
vj to Skr. », which more frequently is rendered by v or 5.
Evidently Alberuni felt the want of a systematic rendering of all the
different Indian sounds and wished to construct a system of his own, but we
cannot judge to what degree he has been successful therein. For unfortu
nately the only manuscript we have, is not consistent in this respect, writing
sometimes <-> for 6, <£ for k, -, ÎQÏ j and vice versa ¿ for g, ~ for с and v for^.
Quite as well as in Hindustani, the Indian sounds might have been expressed
by the Arabic consonants, vowels and diacritic points. However, besides the
just-mentioned confusion of characters in the manuscript Schefer, there is
another circumstance which greatly impairs the effectiveness of its system of
transliteration.
At the time when the manuscript Schefer was copied, i. e. the twelfth
century of the Christian era the modern way of writing Arabic, as regards
consonants, vowels and points, which may be called the Naskhi - system , had
not as yet been universally adopted. Orthography was in a state of transi
tion from the more ancient system, as found in manuscripts of the 4th, 5th
and 6th centuries of the Hijra. to the more modern one making its appea
rance in manuscripts since the latter half of the 6th century. And this sort
of vacillation easily engenders ambiguity which in the Arabic words may be
overcome by an accurate knowledge of the language, but which in Indian words
of unknown origin is apt to cause difficulties. If the copyist had simply
written и« for s and цЬ for sA, there need not have been much uncertainty
in the rendering of the Indian sibilants, but unfortunately he sometimes ex
presses, according to the more ancient system, sh by ц« and s by ц«1) The
consequence of this double system is that you never know for certain whe
ther у» is a s or a sh. To distinguish £ from ¿, and - from -., he writes
с and - according to the ancient system2). Happily the latter two ways of
writing are not fraught with ambiguity for the deciphering of the Indian
words, as £ and ^ do not occur in the Indian phonetic system.
However, in spite of these imperfections, the reader will ftnd that on
the whole the consonantal skeletons of the words are very trustworthy and
offer a sufficient basis for their reconstruction, whilst the notation of the
vowels does not reach the same standard.
It will not be superfluous to draw the reader's attention to the fact that
the Indian words which Alberuni quotes from earlier Arabic publications or
translations from Sanskrit are in many cases very corrupt , indeed sometimes
to such a degree , that it is extremely difficult to trace them back to their
Indian original. One example will suffice. The word dharma (p. f., 3) in
the Buddhist trinity Buddha, dharma, sanchti, although it was perfectly known
to Alberuni and is explained by himself on p. V, 2, he transcribes {#>• jharma,
which would defy any attempt at identification. The apparent cause is that
Alberuni quoted these words and the context in which they occur not di-
rectly from an Indian source, but from the Arabic book of Al-Eranshahri.
which, as he himself declares, was the principal and perhaps unique source
of his information about Buddhistic subjects (cf. p. Ifv, 1 7) ').
Originally I had inserted in this place the description of the phonetic
details of the author's transliteration, consisting of three chapters: the
rendering of the consonants, the rendering of the vowels and notes on the
terminations of some classes of nouns. It was. however, too extensive
merely to form part of a preface, and shall therefore be published in another
place.
In examining the Indian words as transliterated in the Indica, the rea
der will not overlook that certainly most of them have for the first time
been introduced into Arabic by Alberuni . but not all, that a number of them
were current both in Arabic and Persian long before his time, such as >_**>
dvîpa (dip, dieu], J-^li nâlikera. j+t vihâra, j*jí.¿ devagriha, &*~ a Buddhist =
éramana, ¿ч* veda, &j4¿ bhárata &c. If Alberuni had been the first to trans
literate veda and bharata, he would have written чХ-o ando,Ljj, but in writing
tA*j and &j\-& he followed the Persian orthography which was in general use
in the literature of his time.
1) Therefore it would have been better to keep the reading of the manuscript
and not to alter it into ».«о.
2) X tl <«.«
Note at the end of the manuscript.
d2
XX VIH
last page of the manuscript *) : »It has been copied from a copy in the hand
writing of the author , God be merciful to him , and has been collated with
it as carefully as possible. And the author had written at the end of it that
he had finished it in Ghazna the 1st Al-Muharram, the beginning of the year
423«. However we are bound to state that this second writer has done less
for the copy that he claims in this note. He has compared the whole book
with the autograph, which is proved by the notes of correction ¿Ju and f^°2)
found every where in the margin, but he has never corrected the text where
it was wrong, nor has he filled up all the lacunae. What he has done is
this :
1) Wherever there is a blank in the text indicative of a lacuna, he has
added the letter -b on the margin*). However he has not noticed all of them
(v. e. g. on p. HI, 22), and sometimes he blunders in mistaking a space inten
tionally left open, for a lacuna, v. p. IIP, 10 and П*, 10.
2) He has tried to fill up the lacunae only in ch. 80 , that on astrology,
but in a manner which clearly shows that he did not understand the context.
Such passages are Г.А, 15; Г.1, 3; П., 3. 21. In the same chapter he has
added the missing tables, i. e. all its tables with the exception of the
first half of the first one. In the margin of the last of these tables he ex
pressly declares: »This table was not written in the original« 4) (i. e. in the ma
nuscript Schefer).
Lastly, he has added on the first page of the book two notes, the one
stating that on the back of the original were written the words : »property
of Abu Raihân«, the other to this effect that the word Ghazna was written on
the title-page6).
As I understand the case, the history of the book has been this. The
autograph of Alberuni is the only copy which the copyist and collator had
at their disposal. It has been complete with this exception that in some
2) Both words mean to say that in his correction the corrector had arrived at such
and such a spot.
3) Fol. 10a,12; lia, 13; 16a, 4. 18; 32», 6; 9?a, 20; 156a, 16; 160a, 19. On fol. 40&,
18 and 157b, 21 such a gap in the text is marked by the letter ^ in the margin. The let
ter -t> probably means ylb 1. e. evident. What the letter ,j* means, I do not know.
4) J-rfi А Ьу^ otf U
5) Jw^l iüíuó ^ J* «¿а?. ЬуУС. Otf Obr^l ¿\ iuy j and «¿a?. l
M *
XXIX
parts single words had become illegible cither because they were rubbed out
or because the paper had become worm-eaten.
The writer of «S i. e. manuscript Schefer copied the whole, leaving a
blank only where he could not read a word. Besides, for some reason un
known to us, he omitted copying the last tables on p. Г.1" and f.f, Г.о and Г.1,
nf, HI and Hv.
Several centuries afterwards an Arabic scholar, into whose hands both
books had fallen, compared the copy with the autograph. I do not venture
to guess at what time or in what country he lived, but he seems to have
taken a special interest in astrology, as he has bestowed most of his care on
the astrological chapter 80.
This discussion is of some importance in to far as it proves — that the
whole manuscript-tradition — for the two copies of Constantinopel and the
Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris are reproductions of S — goes back to one and
the same source, viz. to the autograph of Alberuni.
Regarding the state of this autograph we have to öfter a few remarks.
When it was copied by prim. man. and collated by sec. man., the last leaves,
I suppose the leaves of one quire or Kurrds, were in such a confusion as
entirely to disturb the context of the book. This has escaped the notice of
both copyist and collator. Confusions of this kind generally arise from the
back of a quire being rubbed through, and the quire being thereby reduced
to single disconnected leaves (4 or 8 or 16), which in consequence will easily
get out of their original order.
That portion of the autograph manuscript which had fallen out of its
proper sequence, is represented in S by page Ht, J9 — Ил, 111).
The confused state of the text strikes the attention of the reader from
the fact that astrological and meteorological matters are huddled together in
an impossible manner, and this confusion is proved to a certainty by a com
parison of the LaghujiUaka and the Brihat-Samhita of Varâhamihira , since
the text in question consists mostly of extracts from these two books. Guided
chiefly by Varâhamihira, I have reestablished the proper order. The fractu
res fit to eachother, but in one place something seems to have been lost.
In order to complete our description of «S we have to draw the attention
of the reader to some notes on the titlepage, in which former possessors have
recorded their names.
1) For the details see the foot-notes to the text. Of the whole book the text of
the last chapter is the least satisfactory. In a number of places the writing has
been rubbed out and something else been written instead of it, places where the copyist
probably was not certain how to read the original.
XXX
Thus in the year A. H. 865 Rabic II. (= A. D. 1461 January) it was
acquired by one 'Ubaid-Allah Muhammad ibn 'Umar.
Perhaps it once belonged to the library of a Turkish Sultan, as there
is a seal on the title page with a togrâ.
On the first fly-leaf there is an entry for a library in a modern Tur
kish hand. Besides, there occurs a small seal twice on fol. 3a and 161b. un
readable to me in both places.
To the title of the book , as we have given it on p. 1 , a modern Tur
kish hand has added the following explanatory words gj^lyJi^ о1^ДдЛ J-¿ Q»,
i. e. regarding scientific subjects and chronology.
No doubt, S is a manuscript of very rare merit, one of the most
accurate I have ever known, and this single one proved much more
useful to me than the three manuscripts which I used in editing the Chro
nology. The copyist did not perhaps understand .Sanskrit nor any Indian
vernacular , and possibly he was not quite able to follow the author into all
the details of his astronomical computations, but we cannot deny him the
testimony that he has with first rate diligence and accuracy, produced a copy
of a book which, for any reader howsoever learned he may be, is very
difficult to understand. The text will in the main stand as it is in $, though
many a mistake may still lurk beneath its surface not perceived by myself,
and it will in all probability not undergo many material changes in case
more manuscripts should be found.
Excellent as the manuscript is , it is not without blemishes , both blun
ders as well as lacunae which are indicated in the foot-notes to the text.
In detecting them I have in many instances been aided by the comparison
of the Sanskrit texts used by Alberuni.
Besides /S there are two more manuscripts of the book in Europe :
1) That of the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, Fonds Ducaurroy Xo. 22.
It is on a fly-leaf of this manuscript that the book is called iX¿$> g-!;lj, i. e.
Ta'rîkh-i-Hind, by which it has hitherto frequently been quoted1). This title
is of no authority whatsoever, as Alberuni gives the title mentioned on p. 1 ,
exactly in the same wording in his autograph reproduced by /S as in the
catalogue of his own books (see my edition of the Chronology, Introduction
p. XLV).
2) The manuscript in the library of the Mehemet Köprülü-Medrese in
Stambul, in the street called Divan Yolu, opposite the Turbé or mausoleum
of Sultan Mahmûd. The latter manuscript I collated from beginning to end
in the hot summer of 1873.
Both these manuscripts are copied from S, agreeing with it in every the
most minute detail, but in many cases corrupted by the mistakes of the co
pyists who did not understand what they wrote. At first I intended to make
use of them, thinking that their writers had perhaps read some of the Indian
words better than I, but soon I became aware that I could entirely dispense
with their help. For every thing in them which might at first sight appear
as a varia lectio, is after a closer examination recognized simply as a blunder
of the copyist.
The geographical chapter 18 is also found in the Paris manuscript of
the geography of Edrisi (marked with A in the translation of Jaubert). Rei-
naud has compared it (see Fragments, p. XXXV), but with no useful result.
It is directly or indirectly derived from S.
I have written to various parts of India, inquiring for other manuscripts,
but have invariably received the answer, that the book is not known to
exist there. Perhaps it will one day turn up in the libraries of Kabul, Kan
dahar or Herat. And we can perfectly understand why Muhammadans had
so very little interest in getting it copied. It is full of tales of idolatry
and heathenish abominations, and a Muslim might think he jeopardized the
eternal bliss of his soul simply by reading it. On the other hand, the pu
rely scientific interest, which among the Muhammadans seems to have reached
a sort of climax in Alberuni, began soon after his time to decline and to
die away, never to awake again. It gave way to theological researches and
discussions, in fact to those struggles from which resulted the foundation of
Islamic orthodoxy about A. H. 500.
»Jre this kind of research« Alberuni stood quite alone in his time, if we
may believe his complaints (page IF, 8. 9). But soon after, things grew
worse, the darkness of medieval times closing in upon the Muslim mind
from all sides. All this readily explains why the Indica was not much copied
and why our whole manuscript - tradition of the book goes back, as we have
shown, to one and the same source, to the autograph of Alberuni, repre
sented to us by the manuscript Schefer, the basis of this edition.
writing in which single letters are improperly connected and written in one
single stroke1). There is no luxury of punctuation. The vowels are scarcely
anywhere added except in the Indian words, and most frequently also the dia
critical points , distinguishing the several consonants from eachother, are omit
ted. Therefore the punctuation as it appears in my edition, must entirely be
put to my own account, not to that of the manuscript.
Besides the palaeographic details already mentioned on p. XXVI. we have
further to state that the ~ in the middle of the word, when connected both right
and left, is written in two different forms, cf. /4/^1 p. I"-1' col. 12 lines 12. 17,
p*£¿\ PfT, 21. If it denotes the number three, the lower part of it is curtailed, ~.
The long a at the beginning of a word is expressed both by Я and !.
The Tashdid is frequently put above the vowel (olyuli! page v, 4) , but
not always (суЦ/° 'öl<» 12).
The final ^ is in most cases marked by two points above it (see ,^1 II", 12,
ьДя> II, 1, o¿ К 10, ¿ tv, is. 17, ^1*ЛН Iv, 21). More rarely the dots are put
under it, e. g. in ¿ II, 6; U, 22 and elsewhere.
In Indian words the Sukun is frequently added to denote the absence of
a vowel. However, in a certain number of cases the copyist seems to have
3 c*
mistaken the Damma in Alberuni's autograph (as is ¿) for a SuMn (¿}. So e. g.
the termination of the words j* and ^1 (page M, 14, 1л., 1) ought to be a Damma
У ) ~* & O ff
(jí and Qjí), but the manuscript has ^ and ^. Theoretically, of course, Sans
krit vara and ayana may terminate without a vowel as in Hindi, or they may
terminate in a short и as in Sindhi, but the overwhelming majority of
all vocalised words throughout the whole book decides in favour of the
latter pronuntiation. The same mistake of writing Damma instead of Sukun
* (f „ ->-O J
I suspect also in^Ou« Madura (instead of j^>]. ^1*ЛЛ siéumâra (instead of ^UAA),
> o^ *-
£*j namuci (instead of g-»J) &c.
This mistake is to be accounted for by the fact, well known in Arabic
palaeography, that at certain times and in certain countries the signs Damma
and Sukun were depicted in a way much to resemble eachother. Cf. for ex
ample, in the publications of the Palaeographic Society, plates VI, VII and
LX, dated A. D. 866, 990 and 974 (?). Most likely the handwriting of Al-
beruni was such as to make it impossible for the copyist to distinguish bet
ween Damma and Sukun in Indian words.
Regarding the vowel - notation of the manuscript we must observe that
1) The letters o>, ^, 5 &c. are frequently connected with the following letters,
\ with a following J, and the letters ^ -j- « are moulded into one figure.
XXXIII
the kesra is frequently written from left to right, cf. 3^ теги 5b 4, j*f 1
abhira 77b ц iX>! indu 55a 4, g^y.¿ devejya 55a 10, &c. This is not for
the purpose of distinguishing between the different Indian vowels г, î, e
and ai, as the reader might feel inclined to suppose, but is simply an indi
vidual peculiarity of the writing of the copyist.
On the orthography of the manuscript we need not enlarge here , as,
for instance, the Alif otiosum at the end of IJ^AJ i^b?. (in the singular), the
various ways of expressing i,^ and (j hamzata, and other things are peculia
rities common to Arabic manuscripts of all ages.
As we have already said (on p. XXVI), the consonantal skeleton of the
book deserves the highest praise. It is not faultless, as in certain cases can
be proved to a certainty e. g. from the comparison of the Sanskrit texts.
Whereever I felt called upon to correct the text, I have given the reading
of the manuscript at the foot of the page.
The writer has not bestowed the same care on the vowels as on the
consonants (cf. p. XXXII). Not knowing the vowel-system of that Indian
vernacular dialect which Alberuni heard and perhaps spoke , I could not do
anything save reproduce the vocalization exactly as it is given in the manuscript.
I have only taken away as perfectly superfluous a Fatha from a medial a,
3 J -
writing jl where the manuscript has jb.
The difficulty of understanding the work does not so much lie in the
words and in their construction as in the subject-matter, and in the peculiar
way whereby the single ideas are linked together which sometimes requires
some reading between the lines. Generally, a sentence which seems obscure
at first sight receives the necessary light from the following passage or pas
sages and I would give the same advice to the reader of the Indica as to a
reader of Herodotus, not to stop in a difficult sentence or context, but at
once to consult that which follows. A cause of much perplexity in this, as
in most Arabic books, is the frequent use of the personal pronouns, Speak
ing of a person or a thing, the writer afterwards for a long time simply
refers to it by he or she or it, leaving the reader to the necessity of guessing
what is meant.
It is perfectly certain that an author like Alberuni, in his academical
education, passed through a course of Arabic grammar and that he knew it
as well as any writer of his time , though he lias not composed books on
grammatical subjects. Nevertheless, here and there he takes liberties with
grammar which much he characterized as medieval Arabic. For instance it
seems to have been a misuse in the language of the mathematicians to con
nect the numbers 3— 10 with the singular of the word v_*J! = 1 000, in direct
opposition to the usage of the classical and also the modern vernacular lan
guage. Cf. vjJt >jAe instead of o^T s-i^ page IU, 9. 19; IH, 19; 111, 19; »1,
l; Ifv, 15. vjut XiJLi Ifv, 7, vJul x*-o Ifv, 19, vjül iuu^t 111, 17 &C.1). I explain
this construction by a wrong application of the analogy of the construction
of the numbers 3— 9 in connection with the word *iU = ЮО in the singular
number.
A second peculiarity in his construction of numbers is, that a numeral
sometimes appears in the status constructus, although the second half of the
'Ida/a does not follow it immediately, as is required by grammar, but is se
parated from it by an intervening word. Cf.
on page vv, 4 ;
o,
LUi
on page vv, 21 ;
JiiU on page VA, 9 and ^\ on page I'fl, 15. In all these cases the сейш
constructus is contrary to the rules of classical Arabic.
It is an extension of this kind of construction, when the numeral ap-
peares in the status constructus, although it is not followed by a genitive, but
simply by an accusative necessitated by one of the numbers tl — 99. See e. g.
the following expression on page Ho, i 5 :
We expect :
We detect here the same tendency to abbreviation. Instead of *u*. and *-u»,
the word is used only once and at the end of the sentence, but its gram
matical influence is the same as if it were used twice. In fact, the accu-
9 to f
sative KÀ*. acts on the preeding ,¿ify, as if it were a genitive. Cf. ^>
p. 111, 20, i/Sl p. И, 14.
In fractions sometimes the status constructus is used where there does
not follow a genitive but a preposition with a genitive, a construction which
similarly occurs in Syriac. S«e e. g. «l^t or (^Цз instead of p*&aj (p.4*, 21
m, 2) ; *i- ¿jiH, instead of »JU ^^аЦ, (р. 11Ч, 6).
Besides the medieval use of the accusative instead of the nominative1),
there are some other harsh constructions chiefly of the numerals and of the
word ^ = both weighing on the conscience of an Arabian grammarian,
•where the author seems to stand in much need of absolution from his more
punctilious countryman Zamakhshari.
The connection between a numeral (3 — 10,100) and its noun when de
fined, may be a fourfold one, viz.
iM , the latter two of which are the most frequent in the Indica.
1) When using Indian words in the plural (pluralis santis mase, gen.), he generally
uses the accusative, v. CE-UJÍ! the Rishis, ^.J^ the Pitris, l:£ru;SlJJI the Brahmarshis &c.
Bather exceptional is oy^*ii i- e. the Vasus on p. Ifo, 18.
e2
XXXVI
find that throughout the whole book there reigns a classical perspicuity which
proves that he handled not only the subject, but also the language with a
perfect mastery. In order to express new notions foreign to the Arabian
mind, he either borrows Indian words using them in their original or in an
Arabized form, or secondly he translates them into Arabic, or in the third
place , if he cannot find an appropriate Arabic translation , he uses Arabic
words, but in new significations which he assigns to them1). In this task
he was greatly assisted by the enormous wealth of forms of Arabic inflection
and their capability of expressing the very finest and most intricate nuances
of thought, by the inexhaustible treasures of the Arabic dictionary and the
wonderful elasticity of Arabic syntax. Alberuni directed the language into
a new channel, where it might have undergone a new and peculiar deve
lopment of its own, but this development has not taken place. The impulses
given by Alberuni, who rises like a solitary rock in the ocean of Arabic li
terature , have not been taken up by subsequent generations , and the ivsult
was that his work soon became unintelligible to Muslim readers and was
utterly neglected. He was too far in advance of his countrymen, and they
have never tried to follow in his wake.
The perusal of the Indica requires a certain familiarity with Arabic
terminology as it occurs in books on theology, philosophy, mathematics,
astronomy and astrology. On considering the question whether a glossary of
rare or unknown words was to be added to this edition, I came to the con
clusion that it would be preferable to explain all the words which need an
explanation , in the notes to my translation , as they are not sufficiently nu
merous to justify a special glossary being made of them.
Conclusion.
Other subjects connected with the author and his book will form the
introduction to the English edition.
The last word of this preface in to be an expression of my deepest
gratitude to all those who aided me in the course of my work.
In the year 1873, when professor in the Imperial University of Vienna,
I was enabled by the liberal support of the Imperial Austrian Government,
in particular by the Ministry of Public Instruction to travel to Constantinople
and to collate there the manuscript of the Mehemet Köprülü Pasha Library.
It has already been stated on p. IX that it is to a grant of Her Bri
tannic Majesty's India Office that I am indebted for the means of printing
this edition. In the India Office Sir Henry Rawlinson and Dr. Reinhold
Host have always during a long course of years accorded me their untiring
assistance in furthering my literary plans.
Under what obligation I am to Mr. Chr. Schéfer, Membre de l'Institut
in Paris, the reader has already been told on p. VTII.
Further I have, chiefly in the former stages of my work, applied for
the explanation of single Indian words to several Sanskrit scholars and have
invariably experienced their ready assistance.
Prof. Ferdinand Wüstenfeld lent me the help of his learning and of
his eyes, assisting me in reading the proofsheets from beginning to end.
The transliteration of the Sanskrit alphabet which I use, is the following :
Vowels : aáiiuúrift }i
Diphtongs : e ai о аи
Gutturals: k kh g gh ù
Palatals: с ch j jh ñ
Singualß : t th <} dh n
Dentals: t th d dh n
Labials : p ph b bh m
Semivowels: y r l v
Sibilants s sh s h
Anusvâra : m
Visarga : h.
Chapter 21. Description of earth and heaven according to the religious views of
the Hindus, based upon their traditional literature . . . . . . p. Ill
„ 22. Traditions relating to the pole • p. 111
„ 23. On mount Meru according to the belief of the authors of the Purânas
and of others p. ц-t
„ 24. Traditions of the Purânas regarding each of the seven Dvipas . . p. |l-a
„ 25. On the rivers of India, their sources and courses p. ii\
„ 26. On the shape of heaven and earth according to the Hindu astronomers p. lit
„ 27. On the first two motions of the universe (that from east to west
according to ancient astronomers and the precession of the equino
xes) both according the Hindu astronomers and the authors of the
Purânas p. in
„ 28. On the definition of the ten directions p. Iff
„ 29. Definition of the inhabitable earth according to the Hindus . . . p. Ifv
„ 30. On Lanka or the Cupola of the earth p. IOA
„ 31. On that difference of various places which we call the difference of
longitude p. И.
„ 32. On the notions of duration and time in general, and on the creation
of the world and its destruction p. 11Г
„ 33. On the various kinds of the day or nychthemeron and on day and
night in particular p. Ill
„ 34. On the division of the nychthemeron in minor particles of time . p. 111
» 35. On the different kinds of months and years p. Ivo
„ 36. On the four measures of time called mana : . p. |УЛ
„ 37. On the parts of the month and year p. lvl
„ 38. On the various measures of time composed of days, the life of
Brahman included p. Uf
„ 39. On measures of time which are larger than the life of Brahman . p. ur
„ 40. On the Saindhi, the interval between two periods of time, forming
the connecting link between them p. \\r
„ 41. An explanation ofKalpa and Caturyuga, and a definition of each in
terms of the other p, IAO
„ 42. On the division of the Caturyuga into Yugas and the different opi
nions regarding the latter p. W
„ 43. A description of the four Yugas and of all that is expected to take
place at the end of the fourth Yuga p. U1
„ 44. On the Manvantaras p. IT
„ 45. On the constellation of the Great Bear p. Ho
„ 46. On Nârâyana, his appearance et different times, and his names . . p. ti*.
„ 47. On Vasudeva and the wars of Bhârata p. Г..
„ 48. An explanation of the measure of an akshauhini p. Г.С
„ 49. A summary description of the eras p. f.r
„ 50. On the star-cycles in a Kalpa and Caturyuga p. Г.л
„ 51. An explanation of the terms adhimâsa, ûnarâtra, and the aharganas,
as representing different sums of days p. PIP
„ 52. On the calculation of ahargana in general i. e. the resolution of
XLI
years and months into days, and vice versa the composition of years
and months out of days p. HI
Chapter 53. On the ahargana or the resolution of years into months, according
to special rules which are adopted in the calendars for certain da
tes or moments of time p. (to
„ 54. On the computation of the mean places of the planets p. ir.
„ 55. On the order of the planets, on their distances and their magnitudes p. fH
„ 56. On the stations of the moon p. ifc
„ 57. On the heliacal risings of the stars, and on the ceremonies and
rites which the Hindus practice at such a moment p. ifl
„ 58. How ebb and flow follow eachother in the ocean p. fol
„ 59. On the solar and lunar eclipses p. fof
j, 60. On the Parvan p. fov
„ 61. On the dominants of the different measures of time in both religions
and astronomical relations and on connected subjects p. Pol
„ 62. On the sixty years-samvatsara, also called shashfyabda p. ПГ
„ 63. On that which especially concerns the Brahmans and what they are
obliged to do during their whole life p. CV
„ 64. On the rites and customs which the other castes besides the Brah
mans, practice during their lifetime p. Pv.
„ 65. On the sacrifices p. M
„ 66. On pilgrimage and the visiting of sacred places p. CvC
„ 67. On alms, and how a man must spend what he earns p. M
„ 68. On what is allowed and forbidden in eating and drinking ... p. M
„ 69. On matrimony, the menstrual courses, embryos and childbed . . p. fw
„ 70. On lawsuits p. M
„ 71. On punishments and expiations p. ГА.
„ 72. On inheritance and what claim the deceased person has on it . . p. Сл!
„ 73. About what is due to the bodies of the living (i. e.. about burying
and suicide) p. РлГ
„ 74. On fasting and the various kinds of it p. IVf
„ 75. On the determination of the fast-days p. Сл1
„ 76. On the feasts and the festive days to come p. PAV
„ 77. On days which are held in special veneration, on lucky and unlucky
times , and on such times as are particularly favourable for acqui
ring in them bliss in heaven p. PI.
„ 78. On the Karanas p. P1f
„ 79. On the Yogas p. Pli
„ 80. On the introductory principles of Hindu astrology with a short de
scription of their methods of astrological calculations .... p. r.l — Пл
Index of words of Indian origin p. И1 — rio
Corrections.
Page Г, 8 read *jLç>j instead of *
» v, 1 0 » Jf vj » »
» P., 19 » ¿¿ » »
» M, l » (j~*¿* » »
» ft, 4 » u*4*-^' в "
» о«, 4; Т, 12; 1o, 4; IIf, 12 read ^ instead of •>/
» ov, i after (»4*Л^ there is a lacuna.
» II, 1 9 read «Jus*^ Ue-lj *>¿>b £ (•*** instead of *JUs> ¿I Лг>15 j»j>^ jf
» Т note 5) ¿yK delendum.
» 1«, 1 5 read J* instead of J^
» 41, 2 instead of u**» the ms. has £
» vt, 20 » » £J/ » » » *
NB. This Index contains, besides Sanskrit and vernacular words, also
a small number of words which in reality are neither Sanscrit nor vernacular,
but wich the author misled by an erroneous interpretation, has taken for
Sanscrit.
nf
-ó nila 114,6; 123,21; 273,8. j nalini 131,1. 17.
gw*ló nilamukha 131, 12. mmav 99,11.
t*» nemi (?) 303, 2. namuci 114, 2.
¿jjjíJ niyutam 84, 11. *¿ nimesha 170, 1 1. 14. 17. 18. 20. 21 ;
„ó nivra 67, 9 171, 2.4; 183, 10.13.
49,10.15. 99,13.
hará 67,14. J ananta (?) 261, 7.
~& hâraliaura 149, 5. nanda 86,18; 114, 9; 200,14.16.17.
j,LS> hârîta 63,15. iXü nandipurâna 63, 4.
128,15. »Xo namdivishtha (sic) 157,14 col. 2.
havya 197,13. nandagola 200,16; 276,1.
havishmat 197, 10. ü nandikesvara 45, 12.
havishmat 197,14. 15. J nandana 128,16; 265,18.
hasta 79,11. a^xü nandanavana 249, 13.
<j»U0> hutâsa 265, 11. oiXü nandanavana (?) 122,1.
0ÄlÄ5> hutàsana 85,20. *j 163,6.
The first number is that of the page, the second that of the line.
i. Lu *>Лац U LfJUj xi-vu u.-,-~-ií s_.¿ ÄicJt ¿- ^¿* *J |.cL£JU¿ KJL»- ,_*.^i *ASJ
*^' СГ LT*
Ä«; ¿l L
¿JÜ! J* »
11) Lines 1—11 stand on fol. 159b 1—11, the lines 12—15 on fol. 161a 9—12. Cf. note to
page rit, 19.
Hv
Chapter 80.
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СГ F.
24) This whole table (fol. 15'Ja) is written by the second hand.
Chapter 80.
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PI»
Chapter 80. ^ yj^ „^ ¿ sbJ^j (¿о}У\ jú* JOÍL.^ ^1^1 L\¿* üJlc fLöl »Ü3 ¿t oLJJat ,M-J>
¿I
8) The words Lji^i j^ U¡>A»- r>?^5 stand on fol> 161a lin> 8> The text continues on f°l-
158» 19, cf. note to #a0e ril lin. 19.
10) The words JJ>! L^ii, till LJjJi ¿I stand on foL 16ia8.9 after the words (J^>- ft^&s
Lji*l Jos (see this page 1 8) and before the words gJÍ «Luo*aä U*J ^у5 (see p.fU, 12). There seems
to be а 1ц<:кич before ü.J
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2) jXií" 14) yjJI 19) This whole table, in the ms. fol. 160b, is written by the second hand.
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40
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o* í! ^V^ ^ J1 сгш' а' ц~>иЛ À **Г* A L5y^! Chapter 80.
ЦЛХй! VU*Ä LjJLc 5,5 vXw. ¿¿ fjiiA ou-l «1^ oLJjai ¿y!
Pol. 160a.
yti U
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¿t LUt^e L^*AAU UT ^r-U^JI p. Пл line 11.
¿Is li^ii^süi ¿л 0L.nä*» «I kilS »>U, o^Lfl U$Ji 5t Chapter 80
™
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Chapter 80.
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158» 19, cf. note to page HI lin. 19.
10) The words ¿¿>1 Цвла^ till UiJül ¿I stand on foL 16ia 8. 9 after the words ць^-о- fj^j
Ltl*l Jve (see this page 1 8) and before the words gJi »U*a*aa U*S ^y3 (see p.fU, 12). There seems
to be a lacuna before N^y^t ip-> 'ч^3-.^-
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19) This whole table, in the ms. fol. 160b, is written by the second hand.
12)y#
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¿ILUt Otf 5Î ¿bj^l J^i 3! о,1ай 5i ^LJl j wyt ¿ UFjXAH Chapter 80.
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