The

Crimean
War
1853–1856

Colonial Skirmish or Rehearsal

for World War?
Empires, Nations, and Individuals
 The
Crimean
War
1853–1856

Colonial Skirmish or Rehearsal

for World War?
Empires, Nations, and Individuals

EDITED BY

Jerzy W. Borejsza

Wydawnictwo Neriton
Instytut Historii PAN
 Text editing and proofreading by
Grażyna Waluga

Index by
Grażyna Waluga

Typesetting and cover design by

Elżbieta Malik

Front cover: “The Victors and the Vanquished”,

an illustration from the French weekly Illustration, 1854, no. 614.

© Wydawnictwo Neriton
© Instytut Historii PAN
© Jerzy W. Borejsza
All rights reserved

ISBN 978-83-7543-207-7

Publisher: Wydawnictwo Neriton; Instytut Historii PAN

First edition, Warszawa 2011
Rynek Starego Miasta 29/31, PL 00–272 Warszawa
phone: (+48) 22 831–02–61, ex. 26
www.neriton.apnet.pl
neriton@ihpan.edu.pl

Print and Binding by Fabryka Druku

 Contents

Editorial Note . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Jerzy W. Borejsza, Crimean War 150 Years Later . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Tobias Heinzelmann, Changing Recruiting Strategies in the Ottoman Army,
1839–1856 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Markus Koller, Ömer Pasha Lattas – From the Balkans to the Crimea . . . . . . . . 39
Yusuf Hakan Erdem, “Wherever Slavery Exists, the Whole Society Suffers”: the
White Slave Trade Controversy during the Crimean War . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
Candan Badem, The Question of the Equality of Non-Muslims in the Ottoman
Empire during the Crimean War (1853–1856) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
Candan Badem, Sadyk Pasha in the Light of the Ottoman Archives (1848–1871) 91
Paweł Wierzbicki, “The Cossack idea” by Sadyk Pasha as an Example of Fusing
Elements of Eastern and Western Culture during the Crimean War . . . . . . 111
Dariusz Kołodziejczyk, Whose Nation? Mustafa Djelaleddin between Ottomanism
and Turkism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
Veniamin Ciobanu, The Impact of the Crimean War on the Juridical Status of the
Romanian Principalities (1853–1866) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
Andrew Lambert, Strategy, Culture and Operations: The British in the Baltic
1854–1855 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155
Michael Hinton, A Review of the Medical History of The Royal Navy during the
Baltic Campaigns of 1854 and 1855 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
Leonid Gorizontov, Крымская война как испытание России на имперскую
прочность . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
6 Contents

Vladislav I. Grosul, Русское общество и Крымская война . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217

Olga V. Pavlenko, Крымская война в исторической памяти Российской империи
на рубеже XIX–XX веков . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245
Valery L. Stepanov, Крымская война и экономика России . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275
Vladimir Bobrovnikov, Крымская война на русском Кавказе: идеология фронтира
и дискурс мусульманского сопротивления . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299
Hakan Kirimli, Крымские татары и Oсманская империя во время Крымской
войны . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333
Giuseppe Cossuto, L’immagine del Turco in Piemonte tra cambiamenti e riconferme
in relazione alla Guerra di Crimea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 351
Éric Anceau, Les assemblées françaises face à la guerre d’Orient . . . . . . . . . . . . . 367
Marc Lemaire, L’application du droit de la guerre au cours de la guerre de Crimée
(1854–1856). D’après les sources françaises . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 383
François Roth, De la guerre de Crimée à la guerre franco-allemande: itinéraires
d’officiers français 1854–1871 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 413
Francesco Guida, Une importante source italienne sur l’Empire ottoman et la guerre
de Crimée. Marco Antonio Canini . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 425
Carlo Ghisalberti, La guerre de Crimée dans l’historiographie italienne . . . . . . . . 459
Ivan Roussev, Un épisode de la modernisation des Balkans à l’époque de la guerre de
Crimée (1853–1856): la France, l’Angleterre et la construction des premières
lignes télégraphiques dans l’Empire ottoman . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 469
Andrzej Nieuważny, La guerre de Crimée : une guerre “à l’ancienne”, au seuil de la
modernité ? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 491
Index of Persons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 507
Notes on the Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 529
List of Illustrations and Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 535
Candan Badem
Tunceli University

Sadyk Pasha in the Light

of the Ottoman Archives (1848–1871)

A  well-known Polish émigré Michal Czajkowski (1804–1886), or Mehmed

Sadyk1 Pasha, as he was called after having converted to Islam, is one of the most
prominent Poles who served in the Ottoman army in the 19th century. Any
study of Poles in the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century can not be considered
complete without due attention to his activities.2 He is mostly remarkable for his
command of the Ottoman Cossack regiments. Yet, to the best of my knowledge,
apart from short reference articles, there is no comprehensive biography of him
in either Turkish, English or Russian. A detailed biography in Polish by Jadwiga
Chudzikowska and Czajkowski’s own memories of the year 1854 (again in Polish)
are not available to many non-Polish readers and historians, including the present
author, due to a  language barrier. The present study is my attempt to give an
account of his activities in the Ottoman Empire in the light of documents from
the Prime Ministerial Ottoman Archives (hereinafter BOA) in Istanbul. As such,
the article does not claim to be a biography – even within its time period: from
1848 to 1871, which is determined by the earliest and latest documents used
in this study. My aim is rather to introduce the documents from the Ottoman
archives to possible researchers.
It is generally well known that Michal Czajkowski was sent from Paris to
Istanbul by Prince Adam Czartoryski and in 1842 he established the Eastern
Agency there, leading it until the end of 1850. As an agent of Prince Czartoryski,
Czajkowski belonged to the monarchist-conservative wing of the Polish emigration.
We know little of his activities during this period and, unfortunately, the classified
documents of the Ottoman archives do not contain much information on him

1
In modern Turkish orthography, Sadyk is written as “Sadık.”
2
For a good introduction in Turkish, see: Jerzy Drożdż’s article at http://www.polonya.org.
tr/sec3-asker1.html.
92 Candan Badem

from this period, or I was unable to find many documents on him from that time.
In the BOA, however, I found more than a hundred documents directly related to
Sadyk Pasha. The earliest of them dates to January 30, 1848. It is a letter written
in French, addressed to Âli Pasha, the Ottoman minister of foreign affairs, and
signed by Michal Czajka Czajkowski himself.3 Czajkowski gave address as Orta-
Kiey, Istanbul.4 Written at the beginning of the revolutions of 1848 in Europe,
it was about sending an agent to Moldavia to report on the actions of the Polish
democrats. Czajkowski informed Âli Pasha that the grand vizier (Sadrazam) told
him that his notes on the actions of the Polish democrats in Moldavia were given
to Âli Pasha. Therefore, he allowed himself to take the liberty to address directly
his Excellency the Minister. With regard to events in Italy, Serbia and elsewhere
in Europe, Czajkowski recommended that the “Ottoman Empire and Poland must
remain quiet until the moment arrives to play a leading role.” However, in this letter
he seemed to be more interested in preventing the actions of Polish democrats in
Moldavia. We can presume that Czajkowski was actively helping Polish refugees
from the Hungarian army kept at Shumla in Bulgaria for some time during the
crisis of the refugees of the Hungarian revolution between Austria and Russia on
the one hand and the Ottoman Empire on the other. As it is well known, the
Porte had then provided asylum to many Polish and Hungarian officers of the
defeated Hungarian armies. There are many documents in the Ottoman archive
on the refugee question of 1848.
The second earliest document on Czajkowski from the Ottoman archives
dates from January 9, 1850, Pera, Istanbul. Pera was the European quarter of
Istanbul, where foreign embassies were located and where most of the inhabitants
were non-Muslims. This again is a  letter in French from Czajkowski, addressed
again to Foreign Minister Âli Pasha.5 Czajkowski asked Âli Pasha to send Count
Kościelski and Ahmet Efendi to Shumla to look after the affairs of the refugees
there. (This Ahmet Efendi was Ahmet Vefik Efendi, who later would become the
famous Ahmet Vefik Pasha.) Czajkowski described Count Kościelski as a friend of
Count Zamoyski and a Polish citizen of Prussia with a passport of that kingdom,
who did not belong to the category of refugees from Hungary. At the same time
he added that Kościelski “enjoys great consideration of both Polish and Hungarian
refugees.” Kościelski could “keep order and organization among the refugees after
the departure of leaders.” Since I have been unable to find Âli Pasha’s reply, we do
not know whether Czajkowski’s petition was accepted, but it seems that it was.

3
BOA, Hariciye Tercüme Odası, that is: Foreign Affairs, Translation Bureau (henceforth:
HR. TO.), 408/57. All references to archive documents here are from the BOA.
4
This is Ortaköy in modern Turkish spelling. It is situated on the European bank of the
Bosporus, in the vicinity of the new palace.
5
HR. SYS. 1195/3 lef 5. HR. SYS. is the archive code for the political section the Ottoman
ministry of foreign affairs. Lef is the Ottoman archival term for a ‘document.’
 Sadyk Pasha in the Light of the Ottoman Archives 93

This Kościelski must have been General Władysław Kościelski (1818–1895) who
was known as Sefer Pasha in the Ottoman Empire.
From 1849 to 1852 the question of the Polish and Hungarian refugees was
the most acute issue between Russia and the Ottoman Empire. Russia demanded
the return or deportation of these refugees. The Sublime Porte (the Ottoman
government), in those years headed by Mustafa Reşid Pasha, backed by Britain
and France, resisted Russian demands to some extent. It seems that for Russia,
Czajkowski was also among the most wanted Poles. In a report of the Sadrazam
(visier) to the Sultan, of March 16, 1850, we learn that the Russian embassy
again demanded that the Ottoman Empire deported (or extradited) Czajka (our
Czajkowski) from Istanbul and Lenoir from Belgrade,6 on the grounds that those
men were not citizens of France, although they held French passports.7 Thus, Russia
claimed that they had not legally acquired French citizenship and therefore they
were still Russian subjects. According to the conditions of the Küçük Kaynarca
Treaty of 1774 between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, the two sides of the
treaty were obliged to extradite or deport such subjects who would take refuge
in the territory of the other side. Thus, Sadrazam Mustafa Reşid Pasha wrote to
Sultan Abdülmecid that the best way for the Porte would be Czajkowski’s and
Lenoir’s leaving the territory of the Ottoman Empire on their own. Czajkowski,
however, had refused to leave the Ottoman Empire, so, the best solution was
to request the French embassy to order them to leave the state. Mustafa Reşid
Pasha attached a  draft note to be sent to the French embassy in this vein, and
Abdülmecid approved it.
Another document from the same year (1850) testified Czajkowski’s close
involvement in the refugee question. It seems that he have given many reports to
the Porte and expressed his ideas on how to solve the problem and how to employ
these refugees. Although we have only few documents, they refer to his former
letters as well. Thus, in a petition submitted to the foreign ministry on 12 June,
1850, Czajkowski expressed his views as to what to do with the refugees at Shumla.8
This time we do not have the original petition but a draft of its translation into
Ottoman Turkish. Czajkowski wrote to Foreign Minister Âli Pasha that giving
out passports and travel allowances to the 800 refugees at Shumla would be not
enough, they should also be assured that they would be accepted in the countries
where they wanted to go. It seems that the concern for sufficient protection of
the refugees was expressed by a certain Mr Kozilski (Kościelski?) and Czajkowski
wrote that this could be troublesome for the Ottoman government. He added
that while the American ambassador gave passports, he did not provide travel
allowances. We know that some of the Polish refugee officers had converted to

6
Ludwik Zwierkowski, Prince Czartoryski’s agent in the Balkans.
7
İ. DUİT 149/7.
8
HR. TO. 412/11.
94 Candan Badem

Islam and were sent to Aleppo to be appointed to military command positions

as they arose. By an agreement with Austria, Polish and Hungarian officers were
not to be employed near the Austrian borders. So, during the Crimean War they
served in the Ottoman Anatolian army, except for the Cossack regiments.
Again according to the treaty, the Ottoman Empire was not obliged to submit
anyone who converted to Islam. Thus, another legal solution of the refugee
problem was conversion to Islam on the part of the refugees. Most probably for
this reason Michał Czajkowski converted to Islam in December of 1850. On 18
December, 1850, Sadrazam Mustafa Reşid Pasha wrote to the şeyhülislam Arif
Hikmet Beyefendi that “Count Czajka from the Polish refugees, who has been
residing in Istanbul for a long time has been revered with the honour of Islam.”9
The sheikh ul-Islam was also asked to give religious advice and a proper name to
the new convert. The next day Arif Hikmet Beyefendi replied that Czajka had
already been given religious advice and that there was no need to repeat it, and
he was given the name Muhammad, or Mehmed, in addition to Sadyk. Mehmed
is an Ottoman Turkish variant of the prophet’s name Muhammad. The Arabic
script (without diacritics) can be read in both ways. Sadyk is an Arabic word that
means “loyal.” Thus it was hoped that Czajkowski would loyally serve the Ottoman
Empire. It seems that he himself had chosen the name Sadyk. From that time on,
we can call Czajkowski Mehmed Sadyk Efendi and later Mehmed Sadyk Pasha,
or Sadyk Pasha in short.
There is a document issued by the office of the grand vizier, dating from June
1851, about a certain Polish convert (muhtedi) called Mehmed, who was ill and
homeless. He must have been taken into the hospital of the sultan’s mother for
the poor.10 It is highly unlikely, however, that this Mehmed is our Mehmed Sadyk
Efendi.
In the beginning of 1853 relations between Russia and the Ottoman Empire
were strained due to the so-called “Holy Places question.” Not only had Russian
tsar Nicholas I  called the Ottoman Empire “the sick man of Europe,” but also
Russia wanted a protectorate over the Ottoman orthodox Christians. When with
the support of France and Britain this demand was rejected, Nicholas I ordered
his armies to cross the river Pruth to occupy the two Danubian principalities of
Moldavia and Walachia, in June 1853. When European diplomacy did not bring
results, in October of 1853 the Ottoman Empire finally declared war on Russia.
This was the outbreak of the Crimean War, 1853–1856, which began as a  war
between Russia and the Ottoman Empire. At that time, many European officers
and doctors (including Polish refugee officers) applied to the Porte for service in
the Ottoman army against Russia. At the beginning of November of 1853, for
instance, some 799 Polish democrat emigrants living in France signed a petition

9
DUİT 149/47 and A. MKT. NZD. 21/47.
10
A. MKT. NZD. 38/31.
 Sadyk Pasha in the Light of the Ottoman Archives 95

authorizing General Józef Wysocki to act as their representative to the Sultan for
the formation of a  Polish Legion (Legion Polonaise).11 Yet, the project was not
accepted.
In November 1853, a  Cossack regiment was formed from the Nekrasov
Cossacks under the command of Mehmed Sadyk Efendi, who was promoted to the
rank of mirmiran and thus made a pasha.12 Mehmed Sadyk Pasha’s monthly salary
was also increased from 5,000 to 10,000 piastres (kurush), which was somewhere in
the middle between the salary of a brigadier general and that of a division general.
10,000 piastres were equal to about 83.3 pounds sterling at that time, which is
worth approximately 5,000 pounds sterling today. The title of mirmiran was the
equivalent of the brigadier general and it was usually conferred upon civilian pashas.
He was also granted the daily rations of food and fodder in accordance with the
rank of mirliva (brigadier-general) by an Sultanic irade (order) on 27 November,
1853.13 The irade described him as the commander of the Cossack troops, that is
the Cossack cavalry regiment.
Upon Sadyk Pasha’s request, a certain Hüseyin Hasip Efendi was also appointed
as the head secretary of this regiment in November 1853.14 From this document
we also learn that Hasip Efendi was an official in the customs office and for a long
time had good relations with Sadyk Pasha. The latter asked a monthly salary of
2,000  piastres for Hasip Efendi, but – as it will be clear from later documents
– Efendi’s reported salary was only 1,250 piastres, still more than the salary of
ordinary regimental secretaries, who usually received 750 piastres. The rank of
the Mejidiye order in possession of Sadyk Pasha was also promoted from third to
the second degree by another irade from 1 January, 1854.15 However, the docu-
ments from July and August of 1855 still mention Sadyk Pasha’s Mejidiye order
of the third degree. One of them stated that Sadyk Pasha had not yet received
the certificate (berat) of his Mejidiye order.16 Another tells us that Sadyk Pasha
had already received his Mejidiye order of the third degree.17 Furthermore, like
other Ottoman officers, Sadyk Pasha and his secretary did not receive their salaries
regularly and in full. In those war years, pay arrears were usual and practically all
officers were forced to leave some part of their wages to the state in the form of
“war donation”. Sadyk Pasha would apply for an increase in his and Hasip Efendi’s

11
Liste des Emigres Polonais qui ont donné, par leurs signatures ci-jointes, les pleins pouvoirs
au Général Wysocki, de traiter avec le Gouvernement de S. M. I. Le Sultan à fin de obtenir la
formation de la Légion Polonaise en Turquie ; HR. SYS. 1194/1, lef 1, 5 November 1853.
12
İ. DH. 282/17740. Also see A. DVN. 93/79.
13
İ. DH. 283/17790. Also see A. MKT. NZD. 103/68, from the grand vizier to the war
minister, 4 December 1853.
14
HR. MKT. 67/3.
15
İ. DH. 514/34963.
16
İ. DH. 325/21138 and A. AMD. 55/88, both dated 10 August 1855.
17
A. DVN. MHM. 14/ 87, dated Zilkade 1271, that is, July–August 1855.
96 Candan Badem

salaries within less than two years after his appointment to the command of the
Cossack regiment.
The next document on Sadyk Pasha is a  letter in French, dated August 26,
1854, from the secretary of Count Zamoyski in Istanbul to the grand vizier Kıbrıslı
Mehmed Emin Pasha.18 The secretary wrote that Prince Czartoryski had sent some
30 Polish volunteers from England and France to serve in the Cossack regiment.
The French government committed itself to transporting the volunteers from
Marseilles to Varna. Sadyk Pasha had already been informed, said the secretary.
The Ottoman government was asked to take measures to receive the volunteers in
Varna and to send them from there to Ruse (Rusçuk). Thus, we understand that
Sadyk Pasha’s Cossack regiment stationed at Rusçuk at that time. After receiving
the letter (on 8 September), the grand vizier asked the opinion of the war minister
(serasker) about the possibility to employ these volunteers in the Cossack regiment,
and the serasker replies in the affirmative.
The Ottoman Empire was military-fiscal state. This means that a  majority
of the documents in the BOA are related to finances. Consequently, there is
a  predominance of financial matters among the documents on Sadyk Pasha. In
October of 1854, the Sadrazam writes to the serasker that Sadyk Pasha had sent
a letter on the clothing and other necessary items for the Cossack regiment and
the serasker was requested to handle the matter.19 According to what the Sadrazam
wrote, Sadyk Pasha’s letter was supposed to be attached, but it is not, and I has
been unable to find it elsewhere. The letter also mentioned that Sadyk Pasha had
sent an official to deal with the matter in Istanbul. It seems that only a year after
its foundation Sadyk Pasha’s regiment was completed as regards its composition.
On 6 October, 1854, Serasker Hasan Rıza Pasha wrote to the Sadrazam that he
received the report of the commander in chief (Müşir Ömer Pasha) to the effect
that Sadyk Pasha’s Cossack cavalry regiment had been completed and another
regiment could be set up, if permitted.20 The Sublime Porte discussed the matter
and approved the request to form another Cossack cavalry regiment that would
include the Poles sent by Czartoryski from France and England. Those Poles
were directed to Varna and then to Rusçuk, while some of them remained in
Istanbul. In the report of the Sadrazam to the Sultan on the resolution of the
government, it was noted that Ömer Pasha might want to send the new regiment
to the Danubian principalities.21 The Porte, however, had given assurances to the
Austrian government that Poles would not be employed near the Austrian border.
Furthermore, the presence of these Poles in the Danubian principalities together
with Austrian troops would be dangerous. Thus, they should not be sent to the

18
HR. SYS. 1336/18 lef 2.
19
HR. MKT. 91/8, dated 20 October 1854.
20
İ. MMS. 2/88 lef 1, dated 6 October 1854.
21
İ. MMS. 2/88 lef 2, dated 27–29 October 1854.
 Sadyk Pasha in the Light of the Ottoman Archives 97

principalities and they should remain in Dobrudja. If need be, they could be sent
from Dobrudja directly to Bessarabia. The Sadrazam also observed that it was
decided between the foreign ministry and the allied embassies that this regiment
should not be named Polish but again Cossack regiment. By that time Britain and
France had become allies of the Porte and entered the war against Russia, exerting
a  great influence on the Sublime Porte. Thus, we see that the idea of a  “Polish
legion” was opposed also by France and Britain, apart from Austria which in the
Crimean War maintained an armed neutrality.
On 21 November, 1854, Sadyk Pasha sent a  letter to the Sadrazam, saying
that his regiment had done very well in military terms, however, due to its small
size, it did not proven sufficiently powerful.22 “If only I had two more regiments,
they could do the job of twenty cavalry regiments,” he wrote, demanding two
more Cossack regiments to be formed. Yet, as the Russian armies retreated from
the principalities that were entered by Sadyk Pasha’s regiment and the Ottoman
Rumelian army under the command of Ömer Pasha, the principalities were taken
over by the Austrian army in accordance with a treaty with the Porte. Thus, the
Austrian and Ottoman armies came near each other. Austria tried to prevent the
further advances of the Ottoman troops, playing for time. For example, many
months passed in correspondence with the Austrian authorities over the occupation
of Vadeni village by Ottoman troops. Sadyk Pasha was in Braila and he exchanged
letters with Austrian general in Galatz.23 These documents are useful for the history
of the Crimean War, but they do not provide much valuable information about
the life of Sadyk Pasha.
There is another draft document prepared by the office of the Sadrazam
addressed to Sadyk Pasha, dated December 17, 1854. It says that Sadyk Pasha’s
letter on the payment arrears of the Cossack regiment was received, and it adds
that the same problem applies also to all Ottoman troops.24
As we have seen, Sadyk Pasha served under the command of Müşir (Marshall)
Ömer Pasha, commander in chief (generalissimo) of the Ottoman forces and
commander of the Rumelian army. When, by the end of 1854, Ömer Pasha went
to the Crimea, acting commander duties of the Rumelian army were assumed
by Ismail Pasha. On the basis of the documents we can suppose that there were
certain conflict between Sadyk Pasha and Ismail Pasha, because Sadyk Pasha asked
the Sadrazam to order Ismail Pasha to act with more consideration toward Sadyk
Pasha.25 There is a draft of such an order, so it seems that the Sadrazam wrote the
letter to Ismail Pasha.26

22
HR. MKT. 95/46.
23
HR. SYS. 1336/24.
24
A. MKT. MHM. 757/77.
25
A. MKT. UM. 180/45 lef 1.
26
A. MKT. UM. 180/45 lef 2.
98 Candan Badem

It also seems that Sadyk Pasha did receive neither clothing nor other items
for his soldiers during the winter of 1854–1855. In a letter to the Sadrazam of
February 15, 1855, Sadyk Pasha wrote bitterly that five months previously on the
orders of the commander in chief he sent his alay emini (regimental paymaster
or supply officer) Mustafa Efendi to Istanbul to supply the regiment with winter
clothes.27 Yet, nothing had arrived. Most of the troops had fallen ill, with only
300 healthy ones. Despite cold weather, the troops were still standing sentry at
Hırsova, without proper clothing. Finally, Sadyk Pasha asked to be relieved of
the command of the regiment and allowed to return to Istanbul, as if in protest
against the negligent behaviour toward his soldiers. The fact that the letter is
addressed to the Sadrazam also suggests that Sadyk Pasha had already written to
other instances, but in vain. Indeed, during the Crimean War all Ottoman troops
suffered from lack of adequate financing (as well as from corrupt top ranks). It was
quite usual for officers and troops not to receive their salaries for many months.
Interestingly, on the same day when Sadyk Pasha signed his letter to the
Sadrazam, a letter from the Sadrazam to the serasker stated that Sadyk Pasha had
expressed his wish to come to Istanbul for two months due to his wife’s illness,
and – if the serasker did not object – a leave could be granted.28 We do not know
when exactly Sadyk Pasha was allowed to come to Istanbul or when he used his
leave, because at the end of February he seemed to be in Dobrudja, in April in
Bucharest and in May 1855 in Beşiktaş (Istanbul). On the other hand, in June 1855
in Istanbul he applied for a prolongation of his leave.29 Thus, it seems that he came
to Istanbul at some time by the end of April and remained there until mid-June, and
then applied for a longer leave. In any case, the request seems to have come directly
to the Sadrazam, while proper conduct would require Sadyk Pasha to apply to his
superior Ömer Pasha or to the serasker. Most probably he applied first to Ömer
Pasha, and he transmitted his request to the Sadrazam, possibly because Ömer
Pasha, as is well known, did not get along well with Serasker Hasan Rıza Pasha.
By the end of February 1855, Sadyk Pasha wrote a letter in French to Foreign
Minister Âli Pasha in his capacity as the chief of the Rumelia and Anatolia
Cossacks.30 The letter was written at Gropa Tschoban, somewhere in Dobrudja,
about the good services of the Dobrudja Cossacks. Sadyk Pasha said that the
Cossack population of Dobrudja had showed their loyalty to the Sultan and during
the Russian invasion they had prevented the revolt of other Christian subjects. They
had also informed the Ottoman and allied military authorities about all events.
They had provided two cavalry squadrons to the Cossack regiment and helped the

27
A. MKT. UM. 181/58.
28
A. MKT. NZD. 133/44, 15 February 1855.
29
A. MKT. NZD. 151/62, 15 June 1855.
30
HR. TO. 480/45 lef 2, 27 February 1855. Its translation into Ottoman Turkish is also
available at lef 1.
 Sadyk Pasha in the Light of the Ottoman Archives 99

Ottoman troops when these entered Dobrudja. Then, Sadyk Pasha warned that
if the Ottoman officials and administrators should presume to disobey the laws
and disregard the privileges of local population given by the Ottoman Sultans,
this would be very dangerous to the interests of the state. Next, he informed Âli
Pasha that he set up a council of five members under the chairmanship of Michel
Andreyeru Nos to maintain law and order in the country. He had also sent Ossip
Siemienof Gantscharof as a representative to the Porte. Although Sadyk Pasha does
not write openly what was the exact problem, we can guess that some Ottoman
officials did not abide by the rights of the Dobrudja Cossacks and Sadyk Pasha
was trying to protect them.
It seems that about that time Sadyk Pasha was to Jassy as well. Prince Ştirbei
of Walachia in a letter to Prince Stefanaki Bey of February 21, 1855, complained
about Sadyk Pasha.31 He wrote that during his residence in Jassy, Sadyk Pasha had
made an acquaintance with a certain Boyar called Postelnik Panayotaki Balsa and
gave him extraordinary powers which he abused in defiance of the local authorities.
Thus, the prince wanted Stefanaki Bey to bring the matter to the attention of Âli
Pasha, so that Âli Pasha could revoke the powers given to that Boyar.
By this time, another Cossack regiment was formed, under the command of
Count Wladislaw Zamoyski. And both the existence and activities of the Ottoman
Cossack regiments disturbed Austria. Thus, on 10 March, 1855, the Austrian
internuncio at Istanbul Baron Koller gave a  note to Âli Pasha, demanding the
withdrawal from Walachia of the two Cossack regiments under the command of
Sadyk Pasha and General Zamoyski.32 Meanwhile, Sadyk Pasha prepared a report
on the reorganization and new formations of Cossack regiments and submitted it
to Ismail Pasha, the acting commander of the Rumelian army. From the serasker’s
letter to the Sadrazam of April 20, 1855, we learn of the arrival and study of Sadyk
Pasha’s report in French, together with Ismail Pasha’s introduction.33 Unfortunately,
Sadyk Pasha’s report seems to be lost, because it is not attached to the letter of
the serasker, although it is said to be so. The serasker writes that Sadyk Pasha’s
opinions and propositions were evaluated by the military high council (Dar-ı
Şura-yı Askeri). Although they were very useful, they required big amounts of
expenditures, so the question of implementation could be decided by the Sadrazam
only. In the Sadrazam’s introduction and the irade of the Sultan it is said that such
expenditures were not possible at the time, yet the issue of recruiting new troops
could be taken up by the British, who from Ottoman volunteers were organising
a division (the “Anglo-Turkish Contingent”).34

31
HR. TO. 480/43 lef 2, 21 February 1855. Its translation into Ottoman Turkish is also
available at lef 1.
32
HR. SYS. 905/2 lef 3.
33
İ. HR. 120/5958 lef 1, 20 April 1855.
34
İ. HR. 120/5958 lef 2, 24 May 1855.
100 Candan Badem

Some time later, Sadyk Pasha suggested another interesting project to the Porte:
to form a new Cossack regiment from Polish prisoners of war and deserters from
the Russian army in the Caucasus. This time we have the text of Sadyk Pasha’s
letter as well, sealed by his personal seal which reads “Mehmed Sadyk”.35 (The
seal also contains the Muslim year [1]269, which corresponds to 1852–1853. It is
obvious that he acquired his seal when he was made pasha in November 1853.)
According to what he wrote, intelligence said that many Poles serving in the
Russian army on the Caucasian border were ready to desert to the Ottoman side.
Interestingly, Sadyk Pasha said that the Polish chief doctor (Pieszgalowski?) of
Diyarbekir military hospital had asked Vasıf Pasha, a commander of the Anatolian
army, about the formation of such a regiment, but the latter replied that this would
require a firman (decree) of the Sultan. It is unclear why, how and where the chief
doctor in Diyarbekir would have meet the commander of the Anatolian army, who
must have been at Erzurum or Kars at that time. Anyway, Sadrazam Âli Pasha
brought this report to the attention of Serasker Mehmed Rüşdi Pasha on 7 June,
1855, and two days later the latter replied that the military high council discussed
the proposal and found it financially impossible to realize.36 As he pointed out,
even the needs of the existing Cossack regiments (horses and tools) had not yet
been fully satisfied, due to financial problems. Thus, the formation of new regiments
was out of the question.
A reference letter for Polish convert Colonel Osman Bey (Zarzycki) addressed
to the Sadrazam and written by Mehmed Sadyk Pasha is probably not so interesting
for his biography, except for its date and place.37 The letter is signed at Bechiktach
(Beşiktaş), April 14, 1855. Beşiktaş is a district of Istanbul, near Pera and the then
newly built Dolmabahçe Palace. So, we can assume that in mid-April Sadyk Pasha
had already arrived from Dobrudja or the Danube principalities (from Bucharest?)
to Istanbul, as he had applied for a leave before.
While in Istanbul, Sadyk Pasha was ordered by the Porte to prepare a study
on the possibility to draft Ottoman Christians to the army. At that time, while
the Crimean War was still going on, a  conference was convened in Vienna for
peace negotiations among the European great powers. One of the demands from
the Ottoman side was to improve the status of non-Muslims in the Ottoman
Empire. If non-Muslims were to be equal to Muslims, then, among other things,
they would also be subject to military service instead of paying the poll tax. This
forced the Ottoman government to find the ways to include non-Muslims in the
army. The Sadyk Pasha’s report to the grand vizier discussed places where Christian
volunteers could be recruited. For cavalry troops, he indicated Tyrnova, Nisch, Yeni

35
HR. SYS. 1337/32 lef 1, not dated.
36
HR. SYS. 1337/32 lef 2.
37
HR. TO. 480/69 lef 3, 14 April 1855. Its translation into Ottoman Turkish is also available
at lef 1.
 Sadyk Pasha in the Light of the Ottoman Archives 101

Pazar and Sarajevo, while for infantry – Mostar, Scodra, Janina, and Salonica.38
In his memoirs published in a Russian history journal in 1904 Sadyk Pasha wrote
that the Sultan wanted the project to be discussed with the representatives of the
European great powers.39 However, according to Sadyk Pasha, they did not like the
idea. The British ambassador in Istanbul Lord Stratford de Redcliffe told him that
this should not be allowed, because within a few years the Christian subjects of
the Ottoman Empire would form a full army, well trained and capable of fighting.
“This is not our aim”, Lord Stratford allegedly told him. Austria was of the same
opinion, fearing the growth of military spirit among the Ottoman Slavs. Thus,
according to Sadyk Pasha, the Porte met opposition from all sides and eventually
the Western powers did not permit it to effect this reform.40
On April 27, 1855, in reply to Prince Ştirbei’s accusations against him and to
describe precisely his relations with Austrian General Coronini, Sadyk Pasha wrote
a letter to Âli Pasha.41 Sadyk Pasha hastened to repeat for the second time that he
had no agent in Bucharest. He expressed his surprise at the words of Prince Stirby
about the agent and took it for a misunderstanding. According to what he wrote,
upon his arrival at Bucharest, General Coronini said to Ömer Pasha that he could
not invite Sadyk Pasha to a dinner he was giving for the Ottoman army, because
Sadyk Pasha was born in Poland and in 1831 fought against Russia. Sadyk Pasha
then reasserted that he was born in Poland, but he is a Muslim Ottoman officer.
In May 1855, Âli Pasha became Sadrazam and Fuad Pasha became minister
of foreign affairs. On 13 May Sadyk Pasha (again from Beşiktaş) wrote a letter to
Fuad Pasha, which he signed: “Mehmed Sadyk, comandant supérieur de Kosaks
ottomanes”.42 The letter was about some leaflets in French, Russian, Polish and
German languages, calling Russian troops to desert to the Ottoman army. Sadyk
Pasha said these were not official papers and might have been written by various
people. He then added that he exerted no influence nor authority over those Poles
that were outside the Cossack regiment, and reasserted his Ottoman identity:
“I am a Muslim, a subject and a pasha of His Majesty the Sultan... I am no longer
a Polish emigrant [transl. – B.C.].”
Another document from the Sadrazam to the serasker deals with Sadyk Pasha’s
request for a  pay rise for him and his secretary. It does not, however, contain
any specific information.43 Then, in July of 1855, we see that Sadyk Pasha’s and
Hasip Efendi’s salaries are again the topic of official correspondence between the

38
Mehmed Sadyk Pasha to the Grand Vizier, 19 April 1855. HR. TO. 420/5 lef 2.
39
“Zametki i  vospominaniya Mikhaila Chaikovskago (Sadyk-pashi)”, Russkaya Starina
XXXV/12 (St. Petersburg, December 1904), p. 573.
40
See my PhD dissertation, “The Ottomans and the Crimean War”, chapter 5, Sabancı Uni-
versity, Istanbul, 2007.
41
HR. TO. 480/71.
42
HR. TO. 420/18.
43
A. MKT. NZD. 148/27, 14 May 1855.
102 Candan Badem

Sadrazam, serasker and minister of finance. Attached to this correspondence is

an undated petition in Ottoman Turkish, sealed by Sadyk Pasha (most probably
written by Hasip Efendi or another secretary), asking for a  pay rise for himself
and Hasip Efendi. Sadyk Pasha wrote that although his salary had been increased
from 5,000 to 10,000 piastres, he was still receiving only 5,000 piastres, which
is insufficient for him to live on. As for his secretary Hasip Efendi, he was also
a married man with children, and his salary of 1,250 piastres was not sufficient
to support his family. Therefore, he asked the two salaries to be doubled.44 The
Sadrazam, however, in his letter of July 5, 1855, to the finance minister presented
us with somewhat different version: half of Sadyk Pasha’s salary, 5,000 piastres, was
being paid from the treasury to his wife for her household expenditures, and the
remaining half, from the budget of the Rumelian army, to Sadyk Pasha himself.
If 5,000 piastras he was paid were not sufficient for his private needs, it meant
that he wanted to have another payment increase. This, as the finance minister
replied, was up to the Sadrazam to decide.45 In the end, Sadyk Pasha’s request
was accepted and his salary (in addition to 5,000 piastres paid to his wife) was
raised to 10,000 piastres. Also, his rations were raised up to those of the rank of
ferik (division general or lieutenant general). The draft document prepared in the
office of the Sadrazam said that although there were demands to appoint Sadyk
Pasha as governor of Dobrudja, because of Austria’s undoubtled protest it must
be postponed for the time being.46
Another document from July of 1855 reveals that Sadyk Pasha proposed to
employ Polish officers in administering the affairs of Russian deserters and prisoners
of war in the Anatolian army.47 We do not know, however, whether any Polish
officers were appointed to the Anatolian army at that time. One year before,
Polish generals Feliks Klemens Breański (Şahin Pasha) and Ludwik Bystrzonowski
(Arslan Pasha) resigned from their posts at the general staff of the Anatolian army
because of certain conflicts with the chief of staff General Guyon (Hurşid Pasha).
In a draft letter to the serasker of September 20, 1855, the Sadrazam mentioned
a report prepared by Sadyk Pasha on the treatment of Cossack population under
his rule.48 Unfortunately, although the report is said to be attached, it is nowhere
to be found. Nevertheless, opinions of the Cossack population under Sadyk Pasha’s
rule seem to be important, since – as we have seen – finally, he was not appointed
the governor of Dobrudja and it is not clear why.
By November 1855, the second Cossack regiment was incorporated into the
Anglo-Turkish Contingent under the command and pay of the British. The main

44
HR. SYS. 1353/23 lef 1, without date.
45
HR. SYS. 1353/23 lef 4.
46
A. AMD. 54/96, 18 July 1855.
47
A. MKT. NZD. 156/40, 29 July 1855.
48
A. MKT. MHM. 75/62.
 Sadyk Pasha in the Light of the Ottoman Archives 103

reason was financial: the Ottoman treasury was under the heavy burden of war
expenses. The situation did not appeal to Sadyk Pasha and on the request of British
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Lord Clarendon the Ottoman ambassador
in London Kostaki Musurus was to ask Ottoman Foreign Minister Fuad Pasha
to explain to Sadyk Pasha the “motifs and the details” of the agreement between
the Porte and the British government in this regard.49
By February of 1856, the Crimean War was again suspended for peace negotia-
tions. Sadyk Pasha must have already been worried about the future of the Cossack
regiment after the war. At Islimia (İslimye) he wrote a letter to the serasker Mehmed
Rüşdi Pasha on 4 February, 1855. We don’t have this letter but we have Mehmed
Pasha’s reply to it, dated February 29, 1855.50 Mehmed Pasha wrote that he received
Sadyk Pasha’s letter and his note about the future of the Cossack regiment. Then
he assured Sadyk Pasha as follows: “You must be confident, General, that the
imperial government duly appreciates the services rendered by the regiment, that
the proposal you have submitted to me will be taken into serious consideration
and that nothing will be neglected to arrive at an equitable solution as far as the
circumstances will admit [transl. – B.C.].”
From another document, of October 26, 1856, we learn that Sadyk Pasha
owned an estate (farm) at Çatalca, which is in Thrace, not far from Istanbul.
Sadyk Pasha had a  lawsuit against its former manager, named Tahir. The legal
case was postponed until Sadyk Pasha’s arrival.51 Some time before, Sadyk Pasha
asked for a leave to come to Istanbul due to some personal affairs. He was given
the leave.52 What seems interesting is that such an apparently unimportant matter
as a leave for a brigadier general is referred, first, by the war minister to the grand
vizier, and then to the Sultan for approval. This was probably due to Sadyk Pasha’s
special situation.
The Crimean War came to an end by the Treaty of Paris of March 30, 1856.
After that, the British disbanded the second Cossack regiment under the command
of General Zamoyski. Some of the officers from the regiment were sent to set up
a colony at Sadrazam Reşid Pasha’s estate in Tricala (Tırhala),53 while some others
were employed in Sadyk Pasha’s regiment. There is, for instance, a petition written
in French, addressed to Sadrazam Reşid Pasha and signed by 15 such Polish
officers at Scutari, Istanbul, who wanted to join Sadyk Pasha’s regiment.54 About
that time the decision was made to station the Cossack cavalry regiment and the
Dragon squadrons under the command of Sadyk Pasha near the Greek border at
49
Musurus to Fuad Pasha, HR. SYS. 1192/2, 26 November 1855.
50
HR. SYS. 903/5.
51
A. MKT. NZD. 198/75.
52
From the serasker to the sadrazam İ. DH. 358/23645 lef 1, 16 October 1856. Lef 2, from
the sadrazam to the Sultan, 28 October 1856.
53
İ. MMS. 8/322.
54
HR. TO. 427/26 lef 4–5.
104 Candan Badem

Thessaly as border guards.55 His salary and rations were to be paid as before.56
Obviously, Sadyk Pasha’s dispatch to a  place far from the Austrian borders was
again a result of Austrian and Russian pressure, since both states accused him of
protecting and organizing Austrian and Russian deserters. One such allegation is
answered by Sadyk Pasha himself in writing to the serasker. Two Austrian hussar
soldiers, Josef Rado and Mihail Kovac, deserted in Walachia and allegedly came
to Odessa, mingling with Ottoman prisoners of war waiting there. Afterwards,
they were purported to have come to Istanbul, where they enlisted to the Dragon
squadrons under the command of Sadyk Pasha. On 1 March, 1857, Sadyk Pasha
wrote to the serasker that there were no such soldiers in the said troops.57 At that
time, Sadyk Pasha could have not gone to Thessaly yet, since in April he was sent
to Dobrudja and Moldavia, and he was instructed to go to Tricala afterwards.
On April 4, 1857, Sadyk Pasha was appointed to the rank and title of the
beylerbeyi of Rumelia.58 This was a honorary title that indicated seniority in the
military hierarchy and not a command position. Next day he was given a travel
allowance of 50,000 piastres for his journey to Dobrudja and from there to
Tricala.59 In another document from the Sadrazam to the serasker the reason
for his journey to Dobrudja is described shortly as “organizing the affairs of the
Cossacks there”.60 This could include a regulation of some local matters as well as
recruitment of soldiers for his regiment. Dobrudja with its border with Russia was
a sensitive area. According to Article 21 of the Paris Treaty, 1856, certain parts of
Bessarabia were annexed to Moldavia. The population of this territory had three
years to decide whether they stay or leave the area. In an unsigned report to the
Ottoman foreign minister, Sadyk Pasha is reported to have gone to Ismail and
begun the enrolment of local volunteers into the Cossack regiment.61 The author of
the report, who must have been a high ranking official or officer, wrote that since
Sadyk Pasha is one of those persons whom Russia had several times demanded to
be deported from the Ottoman Empire, it would be very unpleasant for Russia
to see him travelling in the vicinity of the Russian borders and recruiting soldiers
from among local population. We do not know the reaction of the Ottoman
government to this report, but it is certain that Sadyk Pasha’s presence in areas
close to Russia borders was a problematic issue for Ottoman diplomacy.
On July 27, 1857, the Russian ambassador in Istanbul gave a confidential note
to the Ottoman foreign minister. In the Ottoman archives, we have its translation

55
İ. MTZ. (01) 12/330, 17 February 1857.
56
A. MKT. NZD. 215/35, 28 February 1857.
57
HR. SYS. 205/35.
58
A. DVN. 122/42.
59
İ. DH. 374/24756.
60
A. MKT. NZD. 220/86.
61
Y. EE. 41/65, 11 May 1857.
 Sadyk Pasha in the Light of the Ottoman Archives 105

into Ottoman Turkish.62 The Russian ambassador wrote that the Russian cabinet
appreciated the decision of the Porte to summon Sadyk Pasha to Istanbul and not
to allow Naib Emin Pasha to go to Circassia. However, the Russian cabinet did
not find these measures sufficient enough to balance the impact of his actions at
Dobrudja. According to Russian intelligence, the Porte was forming local units
there, under the name of Cossack regiments, and the number of such regiments had
already reached twelve. They were recruiting ruffians, refugees and Polish soldiers,
as well as fanatics and members of various religious sects. In such circumstances,
the Russian government could not remain indifferent to the gathering of people
hostile to Russia at a place so close to its borders. This, as they reminded, was also
against friendly intentions declared by the Porte. And despite the fact that every
state had the right to keep its troops anywhere within its territory, Russia could
not remain silent in the face of that hostile actions. Although the Sadrazam had
decided to move the Polish refugees and soldiers from Istanbul deeper inland, if
this decision would mean increasing and strengthening the regiment at Dobrudja,
then this measure would be contrary to the intended state of affairs.
Meanwhile, at the beginning of July, 1857, Sadyk Pasha asked the Sadrazam
for a replacement of his former secretary Hasip Efendi who had resigned his post
due to family matters.63 He proposed a  certain Veysi Efendi from the office of
correspondence of the military high council. It is important to note that Sadyk
Pasha in his letter to the Sadrazam mentioned “Cossack and Dragon regiments
and irregular troops” under his command. The Sadrazam asked the opinion of
the serasker and by a Sultanic irade of the end of August, 1857, Veysi Efendi was
appointed, with a salary of 1,500 piastres.64
As we have already seen, Sadyk Pasha was appointed to guard the Greek border
at the beginning of the year 1857. However, before going there, he had been sent
on a special mission to Dobrudja and Moldavia. As it seems, under the pressure
of the Russians he returned to Istanbul by September of 1857. Then, he was
ready to go Yenişehir to take up his post near the Greek border. Having had his
travel allowances calculated by the office of the seraskeriat to 2,500 piastres, he
complained and applied to the Sadrazam for a recalculation of his travel allowances
on the basis of his rank of Rumelian beylerbeyi.65 That made the Sadrazam wrote
to the serasker on 23 September, asking him to increase Sadyk Pasha’s travel grant.
On 2 October, the serasker replied that calculations followed the travel instruc-
tions for the rank of ferik, and according to the official rules, steamship fare from
Istanbul to Volo (Golos) and land travel from there to Yenişehir amounted to

62
HR. TO. 484/51.
63
İ. DH. 385/25427 lef 1, without date.
64
İ. DH. 385/25427 lef 2, from the sadrazam to the serasker, dated 6 July 1857 and lef 3,
Sultan’s irade, dated 31 August 1857.
65
İ. MTZ.(01) 13/335 lef 1, without date.
106 Candan Badem

exactly 2,504.50 piastres.66 Then, the Sadrazam wrote to the Sultan complaining
that this amount was too small and arguing that Sadyk Pasha should be paid
additional 25,000 piastres, just like before, for a  trip to Rumelia; the Sultan
approved the request.67 In his new position, Sadyk Pasha was to be under the
commands of the governor of Janina in civil affairs and the commander of the
Rumelian army in military matters.68 He was to be supplied with own instructions
and a copy of the convention between Greece and the Ottoman Empire on the
preservation of law and order in the border areas. It seems, however, that as late as
March 1858, when he was again in Istanbul, Sadyk Pasha did not still have some
of his official papers.69
From the year 1858 we have two documents on the debt of Sadyk Pasha to
a certain Tahir Bey or Tahir Efendi, that amounted to 25,000 piastres.70 We do
not know, however, who this Tahir Bey was and why Sadyk Pasha borrowed the
money from him. He does not seem to be the same Tahir as his former estate
manager, because that manager would not be called a bey.
Towards the end of 1859, Sadyk Pasha asked permission for his Cossack regi-
ment and Dragon squadrons to be deployed partly at Shumla, and partly at Varna,
both in Bulgaria. This sounds interesting but, unfortunately, the document does
not specify reasons for such a shift.71 From a report of the governor (mutasarrıf)
of Philippopolis (Filibe) we learn that Sadyk Pasha was at Pristina in Kosovo
sometime in or before October 1860.72
In a petition of October 23, 1860, bearing the signature of “commander of the
imperial Cossack and Dragon troops with the rank of Rumeli beylerbeyi,” Sadyk
Pasha wrote that his house at Ortaköy was totally burnt down, and his family was
left homeless.73 He had been granted a farm in a place called Sazlıbosna (district –
kaza – of Terkos), but he wanted to return the farm to the state and instead receive
a proper home for his family. After some exchange of letters between ministries
and negotiation in the Supreme Council, Sadyk Pasha was promised to be given
a mansion (konak) at the first opportunity, that is, when a mansion was found or
evacuated for some reason (death, dismissal, etc).74 For this purpose, an amount
of 150,000 piastres was allocated. In April, a konak was found for Sadyk Pasha,
but Sadrazam Kıbrıslı Mehmed Emin Pasha found it too expensive; he instructed
the foundations (evkaf) ministry to tell Sadyk Pasha untruthfully that it had not

66
İ. MTZ.(01) 13/335 lef 3.
67
İ. MTZ.(01) 13/335 lef 4, 25 October 1857.
68
İ. MTZ.(01) 13/337 and A. MKT. MVL. 95/20.
69
HR. TO. 429/75, 13 March 1858, Cabatach (Kabataş), Istanbul.
70
A. MKT. NZD. 253/38 and A. MKT. NZD. 254/11.
71
A. MKT. NZD. 296/55, 26 November 1855.
72
A. MKT. UM. 432/44, 18 October 1860.
73
İ. MVL. 446/19852 lef 3, 23 October 1860.
74
İ. MVL. 446/19852 lef 8, 21 March 1861. Also see A. MKT. MVL. 126/46, 18 April 1861.
 Sadyk Pasha in the Light of the Ottoman Archives 107

been bought due to some property difficulties.75 Years passed, Sadrazams, ministers
and even the Sultan were all replaced, but no mansion was found for Sadyk Pasha.
Meanwhile, Sadyk Pasha and his wife submitted many petitions to many instances,
from ministers up to the Sultan, expressing their “homelessness”.76 By leaving his
estate to the state, Sadyk Pasha gave up an annual revenue of 25,000 piastres, but
now he had neither a  house, nor that revenue. He rented a  house at Beşiktaş,
which he wanted to be bought for him, but it cost 285,000 piastres. Another
house of late Migirdich at Hasköy was being sold for 200,000 piastres, but it was
not bought for him. Berberbaşı Hüsnü’s konak at Beşiktaş and Araboğlu Artin’s
konak at Bebek were also looked at, but not bought.77 The Supreme Council
decided finally to give him 150,000 piastres in cash, so that he himself would
buy a  house. Finally, on 27 March, 1864, Sultan Abdülaziz decreed to pay him
200,000 piastres in return for his estate.78
There are many documents preserved from 1861 and these too deal mainly
with financial matters. Some of them are about payment of overdue salaries and
travel allowances.79 Some are related to certain expenses of Sadyk Pasha during
his command in Bucharest (when?). Thus, on 24 February, 1861, the Sadrazam
referred to the serasker the claim of the ministry of finance from Sadyk Pasha.80 It
was said that Sadyk Pasha had spent 47,800 piastres on some services and servants
like secretaries, coach drivers etc. in Bucharest. The expenditures, however, were
not accepted by the finance ministry which demanded them to be paid by Sadyk
Pasha personally. The serasker replied that this sum was spent on necessities and
should be accepted,81 yet, the dispute was referred to the Supreme Council of
Judicial Affairs (Meclis-i Vâlâ-i Ahkâm-ı Adliye), which decided that the expenses
were not acceptable, so Sadyk Pasha should pay the sum or it should be deducted
from his earnings.82
After the death of Sultan Abdülmecid at the end of June of 1861, Sultan Abdülaziz
ascended the throne. According to tradition, he went to the Eyup Mosque for the
sword-girding ceremony on the first day of his sultanate. Sadyk Pasha also applied
the permission to participate in the ceremonial procession, and was accepted.83

75
A. MKT. NZD. 352/6, 12 April 1861.
76
İ. DH. 479/32248, 16 August 1861. İ. MMS. 28/1209. A. MKT. NZD. 378/1, 11 Novem-
ber 1861.
77
A. MKT. NZD. 353/35, A. MKT. NZD. 350/46 and A. MKT. MHM. 227/44.
78
İ. MMS. 28/1209 lef 11.
79
A. MKT. NZD. 338/7, 4 January 1861. A. MKT. MHM. 205/18, 9 January 1861. A. MKT.
NZD. 350/1, 28 April 1861. A. MKT. NZD. 352/16, 11 May 1861. A. MKT. NZD. 357/8, 3
July 1861. A. MKT. MHM. 225/78, 13 July 1861. A. MKT. MHM. 227/98, 28 July 1861.
80
A. MKT. MHM. 763/9.
81
A. MKT. MHM. 212/62, dated 15 March 1861.
82
İ. MMS. 22/959, dated 7 May 1861.
83
A. MKT. NZD. 357/12, 3 July 1861.
108 Candan Badem

The following month he asked for an increase in the number of the Dragon troops
under his command.84 In February of 1862, he asked for a leave to come to Istanbul
to see his sick wife and to deal with some personal matters. The serasker at first
refused, but then agreed to a 20-day leave.85
We have already seen that Sadyk Pasha had two salaries: one (5,000 piastres)
given to his family from the privy purse, the other from the army budget (10,000
piastres). Put together, his salary was equal to that of a ferik. In practice, his title of
Rumeli beylerbeyi was also equal to a ferik. However, sometime around July 1862,
his earnings were reduced: his first salary of 5,000 piastres was stopped on the
basis that he received the salary of a ferik. Now, in order to remedy the situation,
he was to receive only one salary, that of a ferik. On 14 July, 1862, Sadyk Pasha
was promoted to the rank of ferik by a Sultanic irade.86
In May 1866 the Austrian embassy in Istanbul gave a note to the Ottoman
foreign ministry about a  certain Leon Kabajski, an Austrian subject of Polish
origin. The note claimed that this Kabajski had abandoned his country two years
previously without doing military service. From a certain letter the embassy knew
that Kabajski was serving in the Cossack regiment under the command of Sadyk
Pasha, and the Austrian government requested the said Kabajski to be delivered
to the embassy.87 The embassy attached a  letter in Polish from Kabajski’s aunt
Maria Baranowska.88 However, according to the reply of Sadyk Pasha and the
Ottoman authorities, no such a  person was registered in the Cossack regiment,
thus, in case he was there under a false name, somebody knowing him personally
should be sent to check out.
In March 1868, Sadyk Pasha requested the Porte to send an intelligence
officer to some villages near the province of Tuna (in Bulgaria) in the guise of
a  conscription officer. The Russians had either sent some agents or they had
recruited some local notables for destructive aims. So, the Sadrazam wrote to
the governor of Edirne (Adrianopolis) that Sadyk Pasha was conducting secret
research among the non-Muslim population of the area and he should be helped
by the governor as well.89 In 1868 and 1869, Sadyk Pasha sent some reports to
the Porte on the situation in Walachia he received from Bucharest.90 They were
about the revolutionary Greek, Bulgarian and Romanian committees. In October
1869, Sadyk Pasha asked for reinforcements, horses and clothes for the Cossack
and Dragon troops at Edirne.91 He also noted that although there were some

84
A. MKT. MHM. 227/24, 22 July 1861.
85
A. MKT. NZD. 401/54 lef 2.
86
İ. DH. 492/33388, 14 July 1862.
87
HR. SYS. 209/24 lef 2, 8 May 1866.
88
HR. SYS. 209/24 lef 4, 11 December 1865.
89
HR. SYS. 81/52, 13 March 1868.
90
A. MKT. MHM. 426/48, 12 November 1868; A. MKT. MHM. 439/16, 21 February 1869.
91
A. MKT. MHM. 422/78, 7 October 1869.
 Sadyk Pasha in the Light of the Ottoman Archives 109

people trying to establish committees and also some Russian officials at Filibe,
their sedition was ineffective. In order to protect the region, a  great amount of
cavalry forces was needed.
Our last document relates, as could be expected, to Sadyk Pasha’s retirement
from the service, in August 1870. Upon Sadyk Pasha’s request to be retired and
pensioned due to his old age, the military council passed an order granting the
request in due form and retired him as of August 1870, with a monthly pension
of 6,250 piastres, according to his rank and degree.92

92
İ. DH. 619/43041, 3 August 1870.