Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
A THESIS
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
IN
POLITICAL SCIENCE
2016
CERTIFICATE
Science.
The present work would not have been possible without the help
and assistance of several individuals and Institutions. It is my
pleasure to thank all those who have helped me to complete this work.
Last but not the least, I would like to thank Rajinder Singh and
Suneel Kumar for their untiring efforts and co-operation in setting the
chapters and giving a final shape to the thesis skillfully and well in
time.
DC Deputy Commissioner
GP Gram Panchayat
GS Gram Sabha
HP Himachal Pradesh
PS Panchayat Samiti
SC Scheduled Caste
ST Scheduled Tribe
ZP Zila Parishad
% Percentage
CONTENTS
I INTRODUCTION 1-73
APPENDICES i-xv
LIST OF TABLES
1
direction. Feminism comprises a number of social culture and political
movement theories concerned with gender inequalities and equal
rights for the women. According to some, the history of Feminism
consists of three waves. The first was in the Nineteenth and early
Twentieth Century, the second was in the 1960s and 1970s and the
third extends from the 1990s to the present.
2
process of development. Further in the last decade of the twentieth
century and the present era at the international level efforts have been
made in this field. Food and Agricultural Organisation Plan of Action
for Women in Development (1996-2001) promotes gender based
equality, enhances women’s participation in decision and policy
making processes at all levels. United Nation Development Programme
(UNDP) promotes the empowerment of women by advising, supporting
and facilitating. International Research and Training Institute for
Advancement of Women (INSTRAW) stimulates and consist the
advancement of the women and makes women’s contribution to
development more visible through research and training. United
Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) is an
autonomous agency that engages in multidisciplinary research on
social dimensions of contemporary problems affecting development.
The Fourth World Conference on Women was held in Beijing in 1995.
It was the most enterprising event for women empowerment and equal
treatment in all spheres. International Labour Organisation (ILO) has
been focusing on women and gender equality in the world since its
inception in 1919, (Kumar, 2005: 313-320). The “World–Wide
Declaration of women in Local Government” by the International
Union of Local Authorities in 1998, identified the local bodies as the
most accessible and best suitable launching pad for the involvement
of women in governance,(Dhaliwal in Singh, 2003 :258).
Despite of all these efforts at the global level, in 1990 less than
four percent of the world’s cabinet ministers were women and in 1991,
only seven countries had women as their heads of the state.
Universally, women’s entry into political decision making is viewed
inevitable to deal with the various forms of the womens’ oppression
and to improve their status. This is because the level of the women
participation in absolute numbers is low all over the world, (Singla,
1997:26). There is slightly positive change during the last decade of
the 20th century with regard to women’s political participation all over
the world. Out of the total heads (nominal) or executive heads the 32
3
women who have served as Prime Ministers and Presidents during the
same period. In the early 1995, Sweden formed the world’s first
cabinet to have equal number of the men and women. The
percentages of the female cabinet ministers worldwide have doubled
from 3.4 percent in 1987 and 6.8 percent in 1996. In 1998, there were
only eight countries without any women in their legislature, (Kumar:
5).
4
and Russian Federation. Beside this there are regional variations on
the women political participation. These vary from 41.1 percent of
Parliamentary representatives being women in the Nordic countries to
a lower 13.1 percent in the Pacific world. It indicates that socio-
economic development of a country has not very much direct
correlation with the level of women political participation.
5
Mufti became the first woman Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir.
The women Governors include Sarojini Naidu (UP), Vijay Laxmi Pandit
(Maharastra), Padmaja Naidu (West Bangal), Jyoti Vanketchaylam and
Ram Dulari Sinha (Kerla), Sharadha Mukerjee and Kumud Ben Joshi
(Andhra Pradesh), Chandrawati, Rajendra Kumari Vajpai and Rajni
Rai (Pondicheri), Sarla Grewal (Madhya Pradesh), Justice M. Fatima
Bibi (Tamil Nadu), Sheila Kaul, Prabha Rao and Urmila Singh
(Himachal Pradesh), (Shukla, 2007:112-113).
6
while providing the reservation for the Schedule Castes (SC) and
Scheduled Tribes (ST) in the Parliament and State Legislatures.
Several committees on local self-government advocated reservation for
the women (Dube, Padalia: 175). In addition to this various
development programme were also introduced especially for the
women to be part of the political system.
7
women 1988-2000 A.D. clearly recommended 30 percent reservation
of seats in the favour of the women at the village Panchayats to the
Zila Panchayat level and at the municipal bodies, (Ahmed, Nilofer &
Parveen, 2008: 662).
8
Keeping in mind this assumption it is imperative to understand the
gap between perception and practice in the context of the 73rd
Amendment.
Participation
9
Participation is viewed in broader sense as well as the restricted
senses. In the broader sense, the term participation is used to refer to
all those action taken by people to participate in the process of social
change. In a restricted sense, participation is a specific process by
which the people endeavour to achieve a limited goal, (Sharma,
1971:185-198).
10
expected to take part in shaping the programme or criticizing its
contents, (Palmer, 1976:50-57). The Dictionary meaning of the
participation is sharing in common with others, the action of taking
part in an activity or event, (Oxford English Dictionary, 2005:654)
United Nation Organisation has evolved comprehensive literature on
the concept of participation. Participation, as defined in a UNESCO
document from a broader perspective, is “collective and sustained
activity for the purpose of achieving some common objectives,
specially a more equitable distribution of the benefit of development”,
(UNESCO, 1978:15). United Nations International Children
Emergency fund (UNICEF) defines participation as active involvement
in decision making at every stage starting with the identification of
problems relating to the study of feasibility, planning, implementation
and evaluation, (Development Report 1973:45-46). People from
different fields define participation in different ways. Cohen and
Uphoof describe participation as people’s involvement in decision
making process, (Cohen and Uphoof 1980; 213).
11
planning and sharing benefits in all the developmental works, (Kumar,
2009:45).
12
educational level of the family (2) social backgrounds (3) Economic
status (Lima, 1983: 192).
13
in most of the developing nations. Participation has been a part of the
development vocabulary since the 1960s, or even before. But it has
generally referred to only to people’s involvement in particular projects
or programme, (UNDP Human Development Report:31). It was in the
mid-1970s that the search for an ‘alternative development strategy’
was started, (Oklay, 1991:1). This alternative development strategy
was based on a human approach which focused on being people-
centric rather than being capital centric approach. Participation in
development is now being sought the world over, not because it is a
fad but because there has been a consensus on the usefulness of
participation in development projects and programmes several terms
have come into development terminology in respect of involving people
for their betterment. Terms like ‘People’s Participation’, ‘Popular
Participation’, ‘Community Participation’, ‘Public Participation’,
‘Citizens Participation’, and so on are in current use meaning almost
the same thing that people as partners in the development process,
(Chakraborty, 2008: 60). People participation has become the key
element in the whole process of development. Participation is an
essential part of human growth, development of self-confidence,
creativity, responsibility and co-operation. The term participation
generally refers to those voluntary activities by which the members of
a society take part in decision making in the different processes and
aspects of development activities.
14
more satisfying in terms of the human wants and aspirations. In
others words, development implies a conscious efforts for the
attainment of the specific goal, (Gauba, 2009:549-536). Development
is a positive change in the desirable direction, (Joseph: 78). People
participation in the development process relates to active interest,
enthusiasm and cooperation in planning, implementation and
evaluation of development programmes at all levels. Different aspects
of development may be discussed. Economic development is a process
whereby national income increases over a period of time. It ultimately
leads to the achievement of better nourishment, better health, better
education better living conditions and greater opportunity for work
and leisure for the people. Social development means increase in
skills, complexity and internal differentiation. Social development is
antithesis to the social backwardness. It stands for cultivation and
enlightenment of the mind, better understanding of man and nature
and the improved capacity to change the society. Political development
is a process of profound social change in which the tradition bound
societies react to the pressures and demands of modern industrialised
world. It is diffusion of world culture based on a national view of life, a
secular approach to social relations, a feeling for justice in public
affairs and above all the belief of the nation state and acceptance of
democracy, (Gautam, 1999:7).
15
Organisation (UNESCO), Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO),
United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD),
International Labour Organisation (ILO) and Non-Governmental
Organisations supported actively development initiatives which
ensured people participation, (Mohanan, 2005:2).
16
consent of the people and their institutional device of the government
operative in nature and effective in administration. In a democratic
form of government, with a mixed economic structure and a
determined hierarchy of values-liberty, equality and progress arranged
in priority of first, second and third respectively, the political
participation is the most important variable.
17
government. A democratic society in principle is a participant society
in which power is shared and authoritative decisions concerning the
society are made by the representative of the citizens. The ordinary
citizens are expected to take part in the process of governing the
country, irrespective of sex, caste, class, religion or any other
consideration, (Jharta, 1998:9). Participation in political affairs in
democracy is a crucial and necessary because it assures the
legitimacy of the system and also strengthens the democratic system.
It is necessary because it is the right and citizens through which
consent is guaranteed or withdrawn in a democracy and rulers are
made accountable to the ruled. Expressing the importance of
participation in politics, Milbrath and Goel argue that the citizens
must at least participate in the choice of their public officials in order
to keep public action responsive to the wishes and desires of the
people. N.D Palmer also expressed the same view when he said
participation helps the individuals to be effective and it associates him
or her with the political system, (Quoted in Chaudhry, 1995:1).
18
defines, “political participation implies those voluntary activities by
which members of the society share in the selection of rulers and
directly or indirectly, in the formulation of public policy. ’’ (Mc Closky,
1968: 253). By political participation, Huntington and Nelson mean,
“Simply an activity by private citizen designed to influence
governmental decision- making”, (Huntington & Nelson, 1970:67).
Mathew and Protho also defines political participation as, “all
behaviour through which people directly express their political
opinions”, (Mathews & Protho, 1966:37).
19
institutions but it certainly has a wider context which refers to any
voluntary action, successful or unsuccessful, organized or
unorganized, episodic or continuous, employing legitimate or
illegitimate methods intended in influencing the choice of public
policies or the administration of public affairs or the choice of political
leaders, (Weiner, 1979:164).
20
individual to relevant information, group pressure and institutional
arrangement have become important determinants in understanding
the character of political participation (Lipset:85-87).
21
the part of citizens. Contesting election is considered as the highest
and most serious form of political participation than other modes of
political participation. Protest activities, such as marches, rallies etc.
are called as unconventional method of political participation, (Jharta:
15-16).
22
global agenda. Decentralisation is a prime mechanism through which
democracy becomes truly representative and responsive. Democracy
as a form of government signifies the empowerment of the people.
Decentralisation refers to the transfer of authority from higher level of
the government to the lower level. It is a concept of power sharing or a
method embracing both process of de- concentration and devaluation.
Decentralization involves not just the articulation of rights and
responsibilities of local bodies, but also those of the state government,
(Lata in Singh, 2005:231).
23
planning and implementation has failed to deliver to much of the
developing world, as well as fact that common citizens should have a
say in the decisions that affect their lives, has brought
decentralisation centre stage within the development discourse, (Biju,
2008:1).
24
components-political, administrative and fiscal. Political
decentralisation transfer policy and legislative powers from central
government to the autonomous lower level assemblies and local
councils that have been democratically elected by their constituencies.
25
sovereign members. The second tier falling below it is the regional
grouping like the European Union, The South Asian Association of
Regional Corporation (SAARC) etc. The third tier comprises individual
national governments functioning in accordance with their national
constitutions. The constituent units which are called states or
provinces form the fourth tier. The fifth and bottom tier is the local
government, constituted by state enactments and functions within
limited jurisdiction as provided by various statutes, (Maheswari,
2012:3).
26
defining their boundaries and negotiating their powers’’, (Quoted in
Singh: 2).
27
ensure the participation of the people, there is need to establish a
local self-government both in the urban and rural areas, (Singh,
2003:80).
28
Pancayati Raj in India have seen women go from strength to strength
in terms of their political participation but still there is a major gap
between numerical and effective political participation.
Reviews of Literature
Books
29
general but devoid of full participation by women segment which is
one half of the total voters, the active participation can’t be judged.
30
is regarding the conceptual framework, in which he dealt with
different aspects such as theoretical and operational definitions of the
people’s participation. The objective of the author is to analyze the
concept of citizen's participation and to measure it through the
statistical techniques. Further the author analysed the participation of
farmers in development process, i.e., in the planning, implementation
and evaluation phases of the decision making process at different
stages.
31
Kaushik, Susheela (1995), it is calculated about the
‘Panchayati Raj in action: Challenges in Women Role’ reported that
the 73rd Constitutional Amendment has assured the representation of
women in elections in all the three tiers of PRIs through the provision
of one-third reservation. In several states, the reserved quota and the
participation of women went beyond their expectations. However, the
panchayats have not become any more sensitive to the problems
related to the rural women. Formulating and implementing women
orienting policies and schemes are unsatisfactory and inadequate.
32
Institutions and political life. In the study she specifically examined
the women representation in Panchayati Raj Institutions in India
further in the state of Karnataka. She has analysed the emerging
pattern of the women leadership, their effective participation and their
influence in the decision making process with their impact on the
overall development of the women especially in the rural areas. This
study tends to prove certain pertinent issues such as, how Panchayati
Raj Institutions can serve the cause of the women development and
how to make the role of women effective in these institutions. Author
also analyzed the structural and functional aspects of Zila parishad,
Panchayat Samitis and Mandal Panchats, socio-economic and political
background of the women members of Gram Panchayats, the
emerging pattern of women leadership in the process. Author
examined the role of the women members involved themselves in the
working of these institutions of the PRI from the participation
perspective. This book discloses many social, economic constrain on
the part of women in their functioning in the Panchayati Raj bodies.
She has also described the women position in Greek, Roman Empire,
and Western Europe and in the developed and developing countries.
33
proportion in politics. According to the author, family and education
are the two major determinants in the political participation of
women. These two variables act as both booster as well as hindrances
in their participation in politics. The book sought to explore how and
to what extent these variable affect the nature and scope of women’s
participation in politics that has determined the variation in their
participatory level. The author has suggested that there is a direct
need to replace the traditional value system that is based on the
inequality of sex due to gender disparity, while woman play a
subordinate role.
34
corridors of Panchayati Raj they will empower them very soon. The
author feels that these women are passing through the stage of
transition in terms of wielding the powers given by New Panchayat Raj
Act. In fact, the centre and states have not been truly honest in
empowering the grass root bodies in country especially in terms of the
devolution of administrative and financial powers.
35
theoretical aspect, he further discussed the women’s union and
struggles for solidarity. In the last of the chapter after his pragmatic
experience he came to the conclusion that unions like Self
Employment Women Association (SEWA) are very important and bring
solidarity in the women empowerment movement. No doubt the book
is an extensive effort in the field of women empowerment. After the
constitutional measures for the woman empowerment in local bodies
for the last nine years the author has not done justice with this field.
Besides the fact these are of the landmarks in this field.
36
and local bodies since this is one of the important aspect of the
women and down trodden's empowerment.
37
successfully both in the urban and rural areas. In the last part of the
book author has taken the system of India since ancient times. In
ancient times village was the basic unit of the governance and it
remained so till the Britishers came to India. Britishers exploited India
and destroyed Indian local government. In 1892 the British
government made some efforts to develop local government in India.
But Indian local government remained in the poor stage. After the
independence government made some efforts to develop rural India.
But the results of these efforts were not satisfactory. Keeping in mind
the situation, after a long journey of the poor show ultimately two
amendments were passed in 1993 to provide the constitutional status
to the local bodies. Last chapter of the book deals with local bodies in
Uttar Pradesh. This book has described the structural system of the
four countries. Basically the approach adopted in the book is
institutional and empirical aspect is very weak.
38
(Women’s participation in Gram Panchayat, A case study in Haryana
in Singh, Shiv Raj et.al PPS Gill Chauhan and Sanjeev K Mahajan’s
(eds.) book Public Administration in New Millennium, New Delhi,
2003).
39
literacy and acquiring of more knowledge and awareness. The 73rd
Amendment has an empowering impact on the women. Despite the
constraints, they are playing an extremely important role, which
needs to be recognised. Training programmes for empowering the
women can weaken the barriers posed by the patriarchy, caste and
poverty. Author discussed that successful and effective women leaders
have opened up gates for a lot of women to come out as more
confident, creative and courageous persons. It may be a slow process
but there is a strong expectation and credence that the reality will
recover and will not be worse than the present. Women are now
beginning to understand the system and are aware of their own innate
strength and capabilities.
40
Singla, Pamela (2007), ‘Women’s Participation in Panchayati
Raj: Nature and Effectiveness’ depicted that discrimination against
women is one of the most pervading social phenomenon. Even though
women constitute half the world’s population; they are not equal
partners in decision making. The goal of women’s empowerment is not
just to change the hierarchical gender relations but also to change all
hierarchical relations in the society, class, caste, race and ethnic
relations. Women’s representation in policy-making bodies is vital
since it contributes to redefining political priorities by placing new
item on political agenda. The problems is more acute in the rural
areas as the institutions of local governance have traditionally been
male dominated. But the 73rd Constitutional Amendment has altered
this position to some extent. As a result of reservation of seats in
favour of the human, large number of them has came to occupy
decision-making positions in the Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs).
Her study has clearly brought out that the elected women are
increasingly identifying with their new political role and are high on
the political aspiration too. Many of the inhibitors to their
participation are associated with the social system and attitudes. The
field data reveals a slow and steady trend towards women’s
empowerment, they lack education. Their capacity and capability
needs to be built up to enable them to play a significant role in the
decision-making.
41
that have occurred in their socio-economic status and empowerment
after as elected as the representatives of PRIs. Author in his study find
that information regarding the village panchayat and ward which
identified as reserved for the women was not provided directly to the
local people. Further majority of the women were either motivated or
forced to contest the election of the Gram panchayat by their male
family members and most of the elected women members in
pachayats were the relatives and family members of the last Gram and
Nayaya panchayats. In the Block Panchayat picture was not different.
Women members used to attend the meetings accompanied by their
male family members. They were irregular in the participation of
meetings. It was highly visualised and no significant change occurred
in the women after becoming members of the PRIs. In the last authors
offers a few suggestions for improvement in the status and
empowerment of the women in the rural areas.
42
factors they are reticent, submission and less educated. Features like
caste, creed, wealth and vested interest group did not have any direct
role in active participation of the women in PRIs in Sikkim.
43
In the end the author concluded that reservation for women in
Panchayati Raj Institutions have changed the political role of the
women of the rural environment and she further suggested that it
should be extended in Lok Sabha and Legislative Assemblies also so
that the political empowerment can be achieved to a large extent.
The third part of the book deals with the macro level of women’s
political leadership which contains four papers. Firstly it deals with
44
social texture at the macro level. Secondly it takes the world view and
finds the myth of gender equity. Third and fourth examine the
inhibiting factors and share of women political leadership in Bihar.
The biggest section of the book is part IV which contains 12 papers on
women political empowerment in varied context like growing
participation, voluntarism and social capital, information technology,
psychodynamics and politico-legal arrangements.
45
equality with men and unsurpassed ever since. The position of women
deteriorated in the later period. During the British period some of the
social problems which attracted the attention of the British
administrators and social reformers were sati, infanticide, child
marriage, the prohibition of widow remarriage and the overall
deplorable status of the Indian women. Social problems and the
present context were discussed by the author along with the global
context. Political reservation for the women was discussed and it was
stated that efforts by the women themselves remain confined to the
urban metropolitan areas and to the urban, educated, upper and
upper middle class women. It was also mentioned that the activist
women have succeeded in moving the United Nations in favour of a
share for women in decision-making bodies all over the world. At the
behest of the same force, the 81st Amendment bill was coined in our
country. But it could not get through. The author feels that for the
purpose of ushering in a more egalitarian society, we should mould
the source of the political power. The political parties should conclude
that a legislation making is compulsory for the parties to make room
for the reservation in their policy where the formulating bodies should
be the first move.
46
goes on to effectively convey the deep understanding of issues
concerning women and also focuses on the conceptual methodology,
logical and policy related issues identified by the contributors. In this
book the contributors have discussed various educational, family,
economic, political and social factors those affect political
empowerment of the women and used various research methods such
as oral history, in depth interviews etc. This book is highly informative
and can be of great help to scholars of the social sciences.
47
are aware of the political scenario of the country amid its ramification.
She examines that the overall change in attitudes and perception, it is
most desirable and essential to make women educated because it
develops the personality and rationality of individuals, qualifies them
to fulfil certain economic, political and cultural functions thereby
improving their socio-economic status.
48
Kondru, Sudheer Kumar (2014), ‘Women Empowerment in
India Equal Rights, Equal Opportunities’ stated that women
Empowerment is most vital system to strengthen the future of women
in India. The status of women in India has been undergoing a sea
change. Supporting by Constitutional guarantees to ensure dignity
and equal opportunities, women active participation in all walks of life
including education and politics has been growing. Several laws
policies and programmes have also adopted to empower women
socially, economically and politically. Considering the role of rural
India, the country’s backbone, the government had taken several
measures to strengthen. Panchayati Raj System with active
participation of women. This gave a boost to increase the number of
women being elected to the Lok Sabha and state Assemblies, as
indication to suggest their political empowerment.
Report
Articles
49
Constitutional Amendment Act, women had contested only for the
seats reserved for them and not for the general seats. Women who
contested elections were very often relatives of the political leaders.
Most of the women members did not even visited the Zila Panchayat
offices for attending the meeting. Occasionally, men escorted them
and accompanied them to the meeting hall and prompted them to
speak. If any women wished to raise any issue, she chose to speak
about it to the Adhyaksha after the meeting was over. Radically, after
a couple of years things have started changing.
50
Here different women’s organisation has an imperative role to play.
Finally, an educational process has to be initiated. It can be whether
formal or non-formal that can be a support to Panchayat women to
recognize their responsibility.
51
status of the women in the family and society, thereby ensure their
participation in local bodies unless there is change in the attitude of
the society.
52
important role in the national politics. Because when the first Lok
Sabha Constituted in 1952 the percentage of the women membership
was less than 3 percent, but in 1996 it increase to 7.3 percent, in
1998, 7.8 percent and in 1999 the percentage increased but still not
attaining 10 percent.
53
devolution of powers to the local communities. Through these
enactments, more than one million women at the first time in the
history enjoyed political power within local communities and yet,
despite the achievement of these experiments the women’s movement
has not been able to congregate enough support to ensure that
passage of the 81st and 84th Amendments through which women
could gain the right of representation in the states Legislature and the
parliament.
54
women the subject of expansion and an indispensable part in the
decision making process.
From the findings the author analyzed that the women members
were very serious about their duties and role performance
55
participation of women in electoral politics at the grass root level. The
women nowadays not only contest women reserved seats but their
number has been amplified over the year against even unreserved
seats. The author found that gradually proxy syndrome among women
activists is diminishing. They are becoming independent and self-
reliant that is the consequence of accelerating the education level. He
further discussed that money; muscle power and criminalization
discourage women to opt politics as career.
56
Pal, Mahi (2004), “Panchyati Raj and Rural Governance:
Experience of a Decade” analyse the main objectives of the 73rd
Amendment, which was to give certainty, continuity and strength to
the Panchayats. The experience of the functioning of the panchayats
reveals that while elections have been held regularly, barring a few
state, the states have been slow in developing power to the
Panchayats bodies. He argued that elections have been held in a
number of states for the second time and some State Finance
Commissions (SFCs) have also submitted the second report on the
Panchayat finances to the state governments and assessment of the
implementation of the Act and the functioning of Panchayats in order.
This study concludes that the demand side of the panchayati raj in
terms of asking for more power by panchayats is badly lacking, until
the political parties are prepared to accept effective decentralization as
one of the issues in the election manifestos. The panchayats will
remain at mercy of the central and state government even after
another amendment.
57
extend use of corruption carried out among the male members and
local bureaucrats in implementation of politics and ensuring public
welfare schemes in veracity. Author further said beside this there are
so many issues affected the progression of participation and level of
performances in the Panchayati raj Institutions, but women
panchayat members in spite of all the stumbling blocks are trying
hard to make space for themselves in political arena. Efforts should be
directed towards all-round development of each and every section of
the Indian women by giving them their due share.
58
Tiwari, Nupur (2008), “Women in Panchayati Raj” emphasised
that the traditional institutions have not specified space for women.
Many of the factors that hindered women in earlier system persist to
exist and arrange in rural areas. Author highlighted the problems
faced by women in panchayati Raj are such as no proper support from
government officials, problems of ‘Pradhan Pati’, No esteem for women
from administration, problem in implementation of plans and issues
related to funds. Author after 73rd Constitutional Amendment these
opportunities help the women to attest their momentous role in
development process. These are – 33% reservation in Panchayats, 10%
participating in national level discussions, to raise women issues in
panchayats and to take decisions in development of Panchayats.
59
They also discussed the importance of 73rd and 74th Constitutional
Amendment and emphasized on the importance of the Panchayati Raj
Institutions which bring governance closer to the people in general
and also to the women in particular. In their article they analysed that
the reservation only cannot resolve the problems, rather it creates
more problems. So the author’s gave stress to examine all aspects,
which affect the participation of women in political process.
60
wide gap between the ‘dejure’ and ‘defacto’ status of political
participation of women in India. The article has classified the factors
into three categories – psychological variable, socio-economic variable
and political variable.
61
structure. They lack the political consciousness that is needed to
formulate and implement the policies in accordance with the
aspirations of women.
62
percent seats for women in PRIs. These reservations not only improve
the representation but also increased participation of women in Gram
Sabha Meetings and improve their communication skills. Now women
headed Panchayats generally take more interests in social welfare
programmes and negotiating social evils. Author further identified as
dual responsibilities, lack of security, lack of information and
knowledge about government programmes especially for women, lack
of exposure and experience are major hindrances in the path of
functioning of the women members and functionaries.
63
true sense it will have to empower its women belonging to different
strata of its society
64
people. Grassroots democracy based on small units of government,
enables the people to feel sense of responsibility and to inculcate the
values of democracy.
At the end of the article author reveals that people don’t have
sufficient knowledge about Panchayati Raj Institutions and the
various development programmes implemented for the benefit of
people. The participation of the people in the Gram Sabha and Village
Panchayat is not satisfactory. The success of democratic
decentralization at the grassroots level depends wholly on the extent
of the participation in the grassroots governance.
65
represented the state of HP in Lok Sabha. But in Rajya Sabha their
representation is little better.
66
one of the country where more than one million women are political
representatives and participate in the PRIs; but in the State and
National Parliament their representation is restricted to approximately
ten percent. Difference reflects some draw backs in the system.
Women representation in the PRIs is a laudable step if the
representation is stagnant and does not facilitate the process of
channelizing the women representation in the higher level (State and
National). It is important to do anatomy of the issues related to the
women political empowerment. Existing data of the women
representation in the National Parliament, state Assemblies and PRIs
indicate the need of taking up the study in this field. Present study is
aimed to fill the gap between the existing literature and current issue
of the prospects of the women political empowerment. Himachal is one
of the developed state of the country Himachal Pradesh came in to
being on 15th April 1948 and it became full-fledged 18th state of the
Indian union on January 25th, 1971. For the administrative purposes,
presently the state has been divided into three administrative
divisions, twelve districts, 3243 Panchayats, seventy eight
development blocks and twelve Zila Parishads. In the context of
women political empowerment in PRIs in last election the total
percentage is sixty five percent but in the State Assembly the total
number of the women MLA is three and one Minister, while the
women voter turnout crossed the male voter turnout. Existing
situation provides favourable conditions to evaluate the process of
political empowerment and an endeavour would be made to provide
reasonable strategy to meet the problem of actualisation of the women
political empowerment.
67
State Legislature also the position of women has not been changed
positively. In case of Himachal Pradesh where women voter turn-out is
above 60 percent in the last three election of PRIs and women
representation was 34% in 1995, 36% in 2000 and 38% in 2005 and
59% in 2010 but in the State Legislature their representation
remained less than 10% and all the women candidate belong to the
elite class of the society. In all the State Legislative elections since,
1998 average woman representation is five which is less than four
percent. This trend is held till today (1998-2012). In these elections
the number of women has not exceed more than four per cent
average. In case of Himachal Pradesh this trend indicates that
reservation at the grassroots level is still not able to enhance the
women’s political participation extensively.
68
purpose is of analyzing the socio-economic profile is to
objectively evaluate the variables those play important role in
affecting the women leadership.
Research Questions
69
Do the women confine their active participation in the PRI
elections?
70
Pradesh State Legislative Members. In case of PRIs out of 12 districts
the three districts has been taken as sample Kinnour, Mandi, and
Una. In three districts the women members of Zila Parishad, one
Block (Panchayat Samiti) from each district and three Panchayats
from each block has been taken.
Delimitation
Hypothesis
Sub-Hypotheses
Methodology
71
Sources of Data Collection
Primary Source
Secondary Source
Data Analysis
The data which was collected has been tabulated under various
heads and coding and decoding was done accordingly. Content wise
analysis of responses was done on the basis of interview schedule. The
whole tabulation work has been done manually and percentage
method was used.
72
on the basis of random sampling one block from all the three districts
and three panchayats from each block were selected and the Gram
Sabha of all these panchayats were also the part of the sample. Total
sample for the primary study was one hundred and fifteen elected
women leaders of the selected bodies and thirty five women from each
Gram Sabha on the basis of random sampling to understand the view
of the women folk in Himachal Pradesh society.
Chapterisation
Introduction.
73
CHAPTER-II
EVOLUTION OF PANCHAYTI RAJ IN INDIA WITH
SPECIAL REFERENCE TO HIMACHAL PRADESH
This chapter has been divided into two parts. The first part of
the chapter is descriptive and analytical and the focus is on the
growth and development of Panchayati Raj in India. Second part of the
chapter deals with Himachal Pradesh specifically related to the
establishment of Panchayti Raj system.
Part-I
75
governance the village was the primary unit in the ancient time.
Participation since ancient time village always had been the centre of
social, political activities. Hence the growth of the Panchayats from
the ancient times
1. Ancient period
2. Medieval period
3. British period
4. Post-Independence period
Ancient Period
Ancient Indian period is said to have lasted till the end of the 7th
Century A.D. Most of the scholars who have studied this, these say
that India has sustained longest period of local government system in
the world, (Dey, 1961: 4-5).
During that period the village was the basic unit of the
government; whether the central authority was monarchical,
oligarchical or republican. In the words of A.S Altekar: “From most
ancient times, villages in India have been the axle of administration”,
(Altekar, 1948: 168). References to Indian village system are also
found in Vedic literature, in the Epics Ramayana and Mahabharata,
Manu Samriti, in the literature of Bhudisht and Jain and in the
Arthashashtra of Kautilya, (Bhatnagar, 1955: 12).
76
68.84 percent according to 2011 census lives in villages even now. It
is well established fact that since very ancient times to the beginning
of the 21st Century, not less than seventy percent of the population of
India lived in the villages. In the early Vedic times, the villagers
themselves managed the simple affairs of the village, but the states
being small, there was hardly any distinction between the central and
local government. Villages were completely self-governing. They were
practically free from central control, (Srivastva, 2011: 13). In the Vedic
period village administration was carried out under the village
headman. The headman of the village was known as the gramini or
grampal, (Maheshwari, 1963: 2). Gramini was appointed by the king
and performed various functions such as defence and collection of
taxes for the states, (Singla, 2007: 89). He was responsible for the
efficient governance of the village. The system was quiet transparent
because he could not work to his wishes: he had to run the village
administration according to the wishes of the Sabha (assembly), which
was composed of village elders. It was not a representative body. All
the villagers directly participated in the meetings of the Sabha. The
other popular institution during Vedic period was Samiti mention in
the last part of Rig Veda. “Samiti” has been used at various instances,
but after the Sabha. Samiti was folk assembly in which people all
tribes, communities, echelons gathers for transacting their business.
The king was bound by the will of these institutions, (Sharda, 2010:3-
5).
Epic Era
77
‘Pur’ and ‘Janpad’ or city and village. Villages were ‘Janpada’. ‘Gram,’
‘Maha Gram’ and ‘Ghosh’ (village, big village and group of villages) are
mentioned in the Ramayana. ‘Pattan’ were towns near villages and
served as ‘Mandi’ or market for the villagers. ‘Shreni’ and ‘Nigam’ were
local bodies but no description has been given regarding their
constitution in the Ramayana. Even in the Ramcharit-Manas by
Tulsidas, the welfare of the people has been described as the main
object of the ruler. The system of the governance was divided into the
rule of the king (Raj-Tantra), the rule of the people (Praja-Tantra) and
the rule of the wise men (Vidvat-Tantra) or educated and
knowledgeable persons. In the whole of the state, there was also a
Caste Panchayat and one persons elected by the Caste Panchayat was
the member of the king’s council of Ministers. Thus, the king used to
take the advice of all the caste representatives who were also
ministers due to ex-officio position, (Joshi & Narwani, 2002: 21-22).
78
cruelty of the king. ‘Sabha Parva’ of the Mahabharata mentions the
Gram Panchayat but it is not clear whether the Panchas were elected
by the people or nominated by the kings. Organisational structure of
the government indicates the organic nature of the governing
institutions. Manu Smriti stresses on organized system of the local
self-government. It has highlighted the importance of the
decentralization of the functions of the state. The king was advised to
keep responsible ministers for advice. Manu has mentioned ‘Village’ as
the smallest unit of the governance. Units of 10, 20, 100, 1,000 village
groups were also a part of the system of the self-government.
‘Rakshak’ (saviour) was responsible for the village. His function was to
maintain law and order. Lower Rakshak owed responsibility to the
higher Rakshak, (Joshi & Narwani: 21-22).
The basic principles of the Grama during the Jain Period was
Sarve Varasha Manarha (equality for all) and the headman was known
as Jethak (elder brother), (Quoted in Vinta, 2007: 34). In some Jain
79
texts the village panchayats have been described as “Dear to all
Varnas because of their equitable treatment”, (Jain, 1967: 79).
80
divided into Bhukti (province) under the charge of an Uparika, half of
a dozen of former divided into Visayas (district) under the charge of a
Visayapati. In eastern India Visaya was divided into Vithis (small
towns) and Vithis into villages. This pattern however predominated
mainly in territories directly governed by the Gupta King. In other
parts of India different fiscal and administrative systems were
prevalent. The dominating feature of the Gupta era was the
predominant position of Sreni or Nigma system. Gradually it led to the
development of a feudal system in which different levels of power
system emerged in the society. But still the village was the basic unit
of the social, economic, political and administrative system important
features of government system. During the Gupta period Nigma
system (guild) was popular. After the Gupta’s the great king Harsha
ruled northern India. During this period, the smallest unit of
administration was the Grama (village). The village headman known
as Grameyka or Grama Adhayaksha was incharge of village
administration. The village government looked after on local matters.
There were popular panchayats and courts which with the help of
village elders tried all civil and criminal cases, (Sharda: 9-11).
81
Cholas, Pratihars, Palas, and Rajputs: Invasion by Muhammad Gori
and Mehmud of Ghazni; and the regimes such as the Sultanate of
Delhi, Lodhi dynasty and the Mughals, (Singla: 90-91). The first phase
of medieval period, i.e., 1000-1500 A.D., is a period of political
instability, frequent foreign invasion and of the atrocities of the
invaders. The early invasions in India were directed towards the
capturing of the wealth rather than for attaining of political
sovereignty, (Prasad, 1986:17).
82
dealt with the peasants through headman, (Ghosh & Pramanik, 1999:
207-208).
83
Mughals was not totally Indian. It was a mixture of Indian system
with Arabic system, (Srivastava: 65).
It can thus be inferred that the very spirit and form of the
Panchayats during the Maurayan and Gupta periods were still present
in the Mughal period. The headman, the accountant and the
watchman, found in earlier times, still ruled in his period. But one of
the biggest changes, which took place in this Medieval period, was in
the economic sphere, both at the urban and rural levels, under which
organised economic activities were began to take roots.
84
Madras was formed which was empowered to levy taxes for building
and schools, (Sekar: 3).
The year 1858 was a watershed year when the East India
Company Rule was taken over by Crown after the great uprising of
1857.The transfer of the power in 1858, marked the beginning of
instituting local self-government for gaining co-operation of Indian
people and decentralising financial management.
The year 1870 was landmark when Viceroy Lord Mayo passed a
resolution suggesting the decentralization of powers and the necessity
of associating Indians in Administration. He also suggested
strengthening the Municipal bodies and making them more powerful.
The 1880 Famine Commission also indicated the necessity of the local
bodies at village level for famine relief works, (Joshi & Narwani: 4).
85
This resolution was twofold. Firstly, it was desired that
provincial government should apply to their financial relations with
local bodies under them. Secondly, it came to be considered what
steps were necessary to render existing local bodies more efficient and
better suited to discharge the duties with which it was proposed to
entrust them. But the basic object was to make local government an
instrument of political and popular education, (Khanna, 1972:12).
86
During this period not much done for strengthening the local
government, because of outbreak of the First World War
During this period Indian National Congress also took the task
of popularizing the panchayats. The Non-Cooperation Movement
started in 1920 was to boycott the government courts and to organize
village panchayats in their place to settle the disputes, (Vinta: 42).
During this period all the provinces and a number of native states,
Acts were passed for the establishment of the village panchayat.
Bangal Self–government Act(1920), Central Provinces and Berar
Panchayat Act(1920), Uttar Pradesh Village Panchayat Act(1920),
Punjab Panchayat(1922) and Assam Self–government (1925-26). This
resulted into the springing up to numerable panchayat in various
parts of the country. In 1930, evaluation of the implementation of self-
government was done by the Simon Commission. It reported that
except Uttar Pradesh, Bengal and Madras, they did not find any
progress in rural areas. The condition of the local bodies deteriorated
between 1919 and 1930, (Joshi & Narwani: 27).
87
had provision for provincial autonomy and this in turn created
another important opportunity to strengthen panchayats in the
country. According to this Act, almost all provincial governments felt
duty-bound to enact legislations for further democratization of Local
Self Government Institutions, including the village panchayats,
(Sekar: 5).
But like other Acts this Act of 1935 resulted not in more than
minor improvements. The subsequent years were wholly devoted to a
keen struggle for freedom and during that period the problem of local
government naturally was relegated to the background before the
question of national and international importance, (Naraian, 1970: 3).
88
became progressively a derelict areas just a collection of mud huts
and individuals.
89
To Gandhi decentralised democracy based on Non- Violence and
Swaraj. Swaraj promotes in the individuals autonomy for self–
realisation and creativity. For actualisation of his vision, was system
of panchayat, which was an important part of the government in
ancient and medieval period. He defined his vision of village
panchayat thus: My idea of village Swaraj is that it is a complete
republic independent of its neighbours for its own vital wants and yet
interdependent for many others in which dependence is necessity. The
government of the village will be conducted by the Panchayat of five
elected people annually elected by the adult villagers, male and
female, possessing minimum prescribed qualifications. These will have
all the authority and jurisdiction required. Since there will be no
system of punishment in the acceptance sense, the Panchayat will be
the legislature, judiciary and executive combined to operate for its
year of office. Any village can become such a republic today without
much interference even from the present government whose sole
effective connection with the villages is the execution of the village
revenue...Here there is perfect democracy based upon individual
freedom. The individual is the architect of his own Government,
(Quoted in Mathew: 4).
Nehru the architect of free Indian policy had also admitted that
India’s strength really lies in her wide-spread system of village
republics of self-governing panchayats. Annie Besant and Rabindra
Nath Tagore upheld the philosophical importance of Panchayati Raj
and hence, propagated the local self-government, (Hasan & Singh,
2004: 123).
Although the two great leaders Gandhi and Ambedkar both were
championed the cause of individual liberty, but had different opinions
about village republic. Gandhi strongly supported the village as unit
and Jayaprakash Narayan supported it too. Narayan proposed a
system known as ‘communitarian society’. In his system the village
was the primary unit, where the entire system worked on the basis of
90
community. He also favoured power to the people of the village along
with government at the centre when he remarked. To me the gram
sabha (council) signifies village democracy. The relation between
Panchayat and Gram Sabha should be that of the Cabinet and
Assembly”, (Joshi & Narwani:13) On the contrary Ambedkar opposed
the village republic and criticised the village system of various
reasons. He contended that, “The village communities were nothing
but a den of ignorance, sink of localism, narrow mindedness and
communalism”, (Sharda: 62).
91
Ultimately in 1948 a meeting of ministers of local self-
government in provinces was held under the chairmanship of Pt.
Jawahar Lal Nehru. In his inaugural speech Nehru said: “Local self-
government is must and must be the basis of any true system of
democracy. People have got into the habit of thinking of democracy at
the top and so much below. Democracy at the top may not be a
success unless you build its foundation from below, (Malviya: 16).
Post-Independence Period
92
villages. But it was modified during the discussion in the Constituent
Assembly. A provision was included in Part IV of the Constitution (in
the Directive Principle of State Policy) which is not mandatory. Article
40 reads “The state should take steps to organize village panchayats
and endow them with such power and authority as may be necessary
to enable them to function as units of self-government.” (Initially) In
the Constitution, ‘local government’ is mentioned in the Schedule
Seventh of the Constitution, List II (State List) item which reads ‘local
government that is to say the constitution and power of municipal
corporation, improvement trust, district boards, mining settlement
authorities and other local authorities for the purpose of local self-
government or village administration, (Srivastva, 2011: 17).
93
coordination of the works of the various departments, (Thirumalai in
Desai, 1969:603).
94
Democratic systems are mainly based on the effective
participation of the people in the process of decision making and its
implementation. But there were various reasons that these
programmes could not generate enthusiasm in the people and failed to
bring the expected results. “Major causes of failure were excessive
bureaucratic involvement, and poor involvement of masses. Only elite
of the rural society (M.L.A., M.P. and few farmers) were involved in the
programmes. Rural society was unaware about these programmes and
the other important reason was no effective institutions of local bodies
through which people could participate in the decision-making and
implementation level. Report to review the CDP and NES came to the
conclusion that at this point of time it proved that without Panchayati
Raj Institutions (participative bodies) society could not be
restructured”, (Report CP and NES, 1957: 5-6).
95
power from the state level to grassroots level. This process proposed
by Balwant Rai Mehta is called ‘Democratic Decentralization’. This is
also called Panchayati Raj. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru did not like the
phrase democratic decentralization. He christened it as ‘Panchayati
Raj’. According to Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru ‘what was being envisaged
was not a territorial government or administration but rather an
approach to administration guided by and vested in the people
themselves’, (Dey, 1969: 74). For the devolution of power the Balwant
Rai Mehta Committee recommended a three-tier structure of the rural
self-government, each tier linked by direct election and genuine
transfer of the power and at the state level which would be responsible
to the state government bodies. These three tiers were as under:
Panchayat at the village level, Panchayat Samiti at the block level, and
Zila Parishad at the district level. Direct election at the village level
and indirect election for Samitis and Zila Parishad was suggested the
most effective body being visualised as the block level one. The
Committee also recommended inclusion of two women members in
panchayats in order to carry on the specific programmes for women
and children. Those two women members were to be co-opted in case
they did not get themselves elected, (Report CP & NES: 6-8).
96
system for local institutions, creation of block level body (Panchayat
Samiti) as development agency. (Sharda: 73).
97
Therefore, within a short period of time, the importance and legitimacy
of Panchayati Raj Institutions were in the question.
98
National and State leadership somewhere perceived the growth
of the grass root democracy as challenge to the power politics of the
elite democracy. In 1977 groups of opposition parties under the flag of
Janta Party came into power. The new centre government in 1977,
after the Emergency, eyed PRIs with renewed interest, with a hope to
restore democracy at all levels, again a committee was appointed
under the chairmanship of Ashok Mehta in December 1977 to suggest
measures to strengthen the Panchayati Raj system. The committee
observed that the institutions of Panchayati raj dominated as they
were mostly by socially and economically well-off classes. The
committee submitted its report in August 1978 with strong favour of
PRIs and recommended certain measures for effective functioning as
follows:
(v) The system of Panchayati raj should also actively work for rural
development and planning at the micro level;
99
it did not accept the mandal panchayats and favoured continuance of
existing three tier system. The consensus was also against political
parties taking part in the Panchayat elections. They also did not
consider the constitutional amendment necessary. It was felt that a
model bill should suffice which states could with such local
modifications as considered necessary, (Biju, 1998:31).
100
Institutions and to suggest measures for the rural development. The
Committee recommended that the PRIs should be constitutionally
recognised, protected, and preserved by the inclusion of a new chapter
in the Constitution. It suggested constitutional provisions to ensure
regular, free and fair elections to the PRIs, (Dubey, 1995: 109). It
supported the Rao Committee’s recommendation to integrate
administrative structure with PRIs and it also suggested more
financial resources for these Institutions.
101
recognised by the Government, public leaders, intelligentsia, research
scholars that the Panchayati Raj Institutions have not been able to
acquire the status and dignity of viable and responsive people’s
bodies.
102
raise their resources through imposition of taxes, duties, tolls
and fees;
103
more than half of the state assemblies, the president gave his assent
on 20th April 1993, and it became the Constitution’s 73rd Amendment
Act, which came into the force on 24 April 1993, (Mathew:11).
Gram Sabha
Constitution of Panchayat
Composition of Panchayat
Reservation of Seats
104
women and one-third of the total seats will be reserved SCs/STs
women. Similarly one-third of the offices of the Chairpersons of
Panchayats at all level shall be reserved for women. In addition, the
legislature of any state can make provisions for reservation of seats in
any panchayat or office of Chairperson in the Panchayat at any level
in favour of the backward classes, (Article 243-E).
105
also provide for making grant-in-aid available to the panachayats from
the consolidated funds of the concerned state, (Article 243-H).
Finance Commission
106
By 1994, 3,30,000 women had entered politics as a result of
Panchayats and the percentage of women at various levels of political
activity increased dramatically from 4-5 percent to 25-40 percent after
1992. By 1999, as many as many 7,68,582 women had been elected
from Gram Panchayats, and 38,582 women to Panchayat Samitis
(Fadia, 2006:949). Although the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act
has mandated one-third reservation for women as members as well as
chairpersons at different levels of PRIs but in 2003 elections in
numbers of states, women as members at different level of PRIs, have
captured more than one third seats as Utter Pradesh 37.06 percent,
Karnatka 36.45 percent, Manipur 36.07 percent, Uttaranchal 34.49
percent, Kerala 34.20 percent, Tripura 34.15 percent, Madhya
Pradesh 33.79 percent, Punjab 31.90 percent, (Makwana, 2009:94).
With every succeeding PRIs election, women have been able
considerably enlarge their representations. Of the total 26 lakh elected
Panchayat representatives, more than 10 lakh are estimated to be
women. This takes the overall presence of women in Panchayats to
approximately 42 percent, changing the profile of rural leadership.
Bihar is the first state in India provided 50 percent reservation for
women in PRIs in 2006. It is the result of this 54.1 percent women
elected in PRIs in Bihar. As on December 2006, in Karnataka, the
representation of women in Panchayats were 42.9 percent and Assam,
Arunachal Pradesh, Goa, Haryana, Manipur, Punjab, Uattarakhand
beyond 35 percent (Ram:2008,87-88) .
107
percent, Madhya Pradesh 50.5 percent, Himachal Pradesh 50.1
percent, Bihar and in Rajsthan 50 percent women were elected,
(www.iipa.org.in).
108
implement schemes for economic development and social
justice,(Report National Commossion,2003).
109
Parliament. Local bodies are considered to be the nurseries for the
high echelons of the state an National institutions. Keeping in mind it
is imperative to understand the relation among the Parliament, State
legislature and local bodies. At the National women representation has
not been increased as expected. Himachal Pradesh has been taken as
sample where the women representation in the last four elections is
more or less stagnant. The data indicates the gap between local
representation and State and National elections. Electoral process is a
process that is affected by the various variables such as social system,
economic system, cultural system and with political system, nature of
the political party system, attitude of political parties. Secondary data
indicates that various variables may be reasons for the desperate
configuration on the issue of women political participation at various
level. Further in the chapter 1V and V on the basis of the primary
data effort is made visualise the issues in depth.
Part-II
110
India’s border with Tibet, (Singh, 1994:1).Himachal Pradesh has five
major perennial rivers – Beas, Chenab, Ravi, Satluj and Yamuna.
These rivers have a large hydro-power generation potential for whose
exploitation enormous capital investment is required. These rivers
also provide fertile arable land, making agriculture the primary source
of income for the people, (Thapar, 2014:36).
111
Chief Ministers of Yashwant Singh Parmar sworn on march 24th 1952
on July 1st, 1954 the part ‘C’ state of Bilaspur was also merged with
Himachal Pradesh thereby adding one more district with an area of
1168 sq. Kms and the strength of its assembly was raised to 41,
(Balokhra, 2007:107-109).
112
which two more new districts namely Una and Hamirpur were created
as a result of trifurcation of the erstwhile Kangra District. Further,
new district of Shimla and Solan were formed by re-organizing the
boundaries of the then existing district of Mahasu and Shimla, (Brief
fact, 2006: 3).
Since 1st Sep., 1972 onwards, there had been no change in the
administrative structure of H.P. except carving our new sub tehsil
from tehsils and raising of sub-tehsil to the level of tehsils. Presently
there are 12 districts, 48 sub-division and 16977 villages in Himachal
Pradesh. For the development purposes, Himachal is divided into 78
development blocks. The smallest unit for development-cum-
administration is Panchayat which are 3243 in number. After granting
the statehood of H.P., the strength of the state legislative assembly
had been increased to sixty eight. Out of sixty-eight constituencies, 19
seats are reserved for SC and ST., 4 seats of Lok Sabha and 3 Seats
for Rajya Sabha are also fixed for Himachal Pradesh. At Present all the
four parliamentary constituencies (Hamirpur, Kangra, Shimla, Mandi)
consist of Seventeen assembly constituencies each.
Social Profile
113
cultural heritages of Himachal Pradesh. The main tribes in Himachal
Pradesh as per official list are Gaddies, Gujjars, Kinnauris, Tads,
Lambas, Bhots, Lahaulas, Pangwals and sevanglas, they are unique.
These tribes are mostly found in the district of Chamba, Kangra,
Kinnaur, Mandi, Bilaspur and Lahaul & Spiti. Generally they live in
the Dhauladhar range and most of the valleys. Largest populations of
tribes are found in Chamba district.
114
has been clear tendency on the part of women to undertake paid job
outside the home.
115
improved. Special attention has been paid to the provision of health
and medical cares. Total number of medical institution in Govt. sector
stood at 3866 on 31 March, 2015.
116
production and to supplement the income by producing quality crops.
Wheat, barley, paddy and maize are the important cereal crops under
cultivation. Seed potato, ginger and off season vegetables are the
important cash crops. There is potential for the development of crops
like hops, mushroom, olives, saffron and Zeera, (Brief fact, 2014-
15:7).
117
Industries: Himachal Pradesh has made significant
achievements in the field of industrialization. The special package of
incentive as announced by the government of India has ushered new
era in the field of industrialization of the state. As on 31-12-2014
there were 40429 industrial units registered with the Industries
Department on permanent basis having the total investment of Rs.
18,307.95 crore and providing employment to 2,84,599 persons. Out
of these 502 industrial units are Medium and Large scale Units,
(Economic Survey, 2014-15: 69).
Himachal Pradesh has only two length of narrow gauge line, one
from Kalka to Shimla (96 Km) and second from Pathankot to Joginder
Nagar (113 Km.). There is only one 10 Km broad gauge railway line
from Nangal to Una, (Brief fact: 8).
118
peaceful and beautiful environment through its forest, lakes,
mountains, rivers and rivulets, sacred shrines, historic monuments
and the friendly and hospitable people. The contribution of the
tourism sector in the state GDP is 7.5 percent and the Government is
continuously endeavoured to develop the basic infrastructure to
enable tourism development. For the year 2014-15, there is an
allotment of Rs. 3,481.04 lakh for development of tourism in the state
At present about 2,377 hotels having bed capacity of about 61,236 are
registered with the department, (Economic Survey : 111). Special
efforts in the form of Home Stay, Adventure Tour are given special
emphasis to bring Himachal on the world Tourist Map by the state
government.
119
with all its beauty and splendour. It finds their mention in Purans and
many ancient Hindu texts. People are warm hearted and known for
their hospitality. Till 1960, Kinnaur was Chini tehsil of Mahasu
district on 1st May 1960, it was declared sixth district of Himachal
Pradesh. The geographical area of the district is 6401 square
kilometres which forms 11.50% of the total area of the state. Total
population of the district is 84121. Males comprises 46249 of the
population while female are 37872 in number. The present sex ratio is
as low as 818 against 972 for the state as whole and the density of the
population 13 per Sq. km. The literacy rate of the district as per 2011
census is 80.0% (Male 89.2% and female 71.5%), (Statistical Year
Book of Himachal Pradesh 2013-14: 8-31).
120
Kinnaura society is a faire-festival dominated society. It goes to
the credit of Kinnauras that they devised their own methods of
recreation and amusements. All fairs and festivals are ceremonised
with a view to appease and worship gods and goddess. There are a
number of fairs and festivals held in tribal district of Kinnaur namely
Chaitral festivals, Phulaich, Losar, Beeshu, Phaguli, Khepa, Sazo etc,
(Balokhra: 364-65).
121
2011 Zila Parishad and Kalpa block headed by Scheduled Tribe
women
Una
122
Una Municipal council Nagar Panchayat of Santokhgarh and
Mehtpur, (Distt. Census Hand Book, Una: 14).
123
members out of which 9 were women. Zila Parishad Una headed by
woman.
Mandi
124
Beas. It is believed that the name of Mandi is associated with Mandav
Rishi who is said to have meditated at Kilsar- a place in the vicinity of
present Mandi town. The hermitage of Mandav Rishi was called
Mandavaya and probably the name is corporated from the
Mandavaya. The place has long been a market for goods of Yarkand
and Ladakh. The town of Mandi is rich in history and culture. It has
several old temples with fine stone carving. Mandi is also known as
the gateway to the beautiful Kullu valley, the district is dotted with
places of scenic beauty, (District Census Handbook Mandi, 1999:3).
The district has a total area of 3950 Sq. Kms. and covers 7.10
percent area of the state. It has total number of 3,338 villages and of
these 2,850 are inhabited and 488 are inhabited. According to the
2011 census the district has a total population of 9,99,777 out of
these 4,98,065 were male and 5,01,712 were females. It indicates a
higher sex ratio of 1007 females per 1,000 males in the district as
against 972 for the state as a whole, while the density of population in
the district is 253 persons per square kilometer which is fairly higher
when compared with 123 persons per square kilometer for the state as
a whole. Out of total population 9,37,140 persons are rural
inhabitants and only 62,637 are Urban dwellers. Mandi district ranks
second in the population and seventh in area among the districts of
the state. Above 98 percent people of Mandi district are followers of
Hindu religion. Among the caste Hindus Brahmins, Rajputs and
Khatris are the main communities. Besides these, there are a number
of Scheduled Caste (SC) communities in the district which constitute
30.69 percent of the total population, (Socio-Economic Indicators,
2013-14: 1-80).
125
dependent on agriculture and activities allied to it for carving the
livelihood. Balh valley in SunderNagar block and Sandhol area of
Dharampur block are the only major areas in producing cereals in the
district which cater to the demands of sizeable population of the
district. The main supplementary means of livelihood of sizeable
population in the district is animal husbandry which is helpful to
small and marginal farmers for increasing their income. Besides sheep
and goat rearing is the major subsidiary occupation of the farmers,
(District Census Handbook, Mandi: 13).
126
castes. All most all the village Panchayats are connected with roads.
This block is connected with railways. There is one employment
exchange established in Chauntra block. So far as medical facilities
are concerned in Chauntra block. There are many Community and
Primary Health Centre (PHCs) in the block. For the development of the
rural area, there are 40 Gram Panchayats in the block and 20
members of Panchayats Samiti and present time its chairperson is
woman. Through the purpose of our study Langana, Pipli and Kuthera
Panchayat of this block has been taken. Gram Panchayat Langana
and Kuthera headed by General Category woman and Pipli Panchayat
is headed by a Schedule Caste woman.
127
Panchayats in tune with the local conditions and with the growing
aspirations of the people for democratization. It came into operation in
the year of 1954 when the Panchayts were established in the state.
The special feature of this act was that a three tier Panchayati Raj
system was introduced in the state. This act authorized the state
government to establish a Gram Sabha for a village or a group of
village and a Tehsil Panchayat for every tehsil of sub-division. The
President of the Gram Sabha was the Pradhan, who along with Up-
Pradhan was to be elected for three years from amongst the members.
An executive committee of the Gram Sabha also elected was called the
Gram Panchayat. There was reservation of seats for SCs as well as for
women in Gram Panchayat.
128
Panchayati Raj: Gram Sabha at village, Panchayat Sammitti at block
and Zila Parishad at the district level, (Annual Administration Report,
1962:65).
129
after a gap of ten years in 1972 and fourth in 1978. The fifth election
was held in 1985 and before the 73rd amendment the sixth election of
Panchayati Raj Bodies held in 1991, (Mahajan, 1999: 643). After the
general election of Gram Panchayats in 1972, 2038 Gram Panchayat
and equal number of Nayay Panchayats were set up, (Sharma in
Mathew: 120). But, with enforcement of the Himachal Pradesh
Panchayatti Raj Amendment Act, 1977 of 20th March 1978, Nayay
Panchayat were abolished and Judicial function were assigned to the
Gram Panchayats, (Nayaya Panchati Raj Rule, 1972:2-11).
The Amendment Act laid down that the primary members would
be elected by the secret ballot by the members of the Gram Sabha
with one member from every two contiguous Gram Sabhas subject to
a minimum of ten members. The Pradhan and up-Pradhan of Gram
Sabha, who were also the Pradhan and Up- Pradhan of gram
Panchayat were selected from amongst the members of gram Sabha,
by secret ballot and direct vote. In a block in which the total number
of Gram Sabha in not divisible by two, one member shall be elected
from the Gram Sabha having highest population in the respective of
the fact whether the Gram Sabha is contiguous with other Gram
Sabha, seats shall be reserved as laid down in the scheduled IV
annexed to this act. Twenty five percent seats of the total number of
panches, other than Pradhan and Up-Pradhan, shall be provided that
more than one seat shall not be reserved for members of the
Scheduled Caste where their population is less than ten percent of the
total population in Gram Sabha. In every Gram Sabha, twenty five
percent of total number of seats of panches, other than Pradhan and
Up-Pradhan shall be reserved for women, including the number of
130
seats reserved for women belonging to the scheduled caste, (Himachal
Pradesh Panchayati Raj (Amendment) Act, 1991).
The main features of the Himachal Panchayati Raj Act 1994 are
given below:
131
exceeding 5000. The government can relax these limits in particular
case. The Gram Sabha once established can be recognized by the
government by including or excluding any area from its jurisdiction.
Every person who has attained the age of 18 years within the Gram
Sabha area is entitled to be the voter of Gram Sabha.
132
women. It is empowered to take cognizance of disputes in its area and
make recommendation to Gram Sabha.
133
As the population of the scheduled castes of the Sabha area is
at least five per cent of total population of the Sabha area, one seat
shall be reserved for the SC in such as Gram Sabha. Not less than
one-third seats in each category for person belonging to the SCs/STs
and the non-reserved seats in the Gram Panchayat shall be reserved
for women, HPPR (Amendment) Act 2000. (Act. No. 18 of 2001:1).
The Government can also reserve the seats for backward classes
in Gram panchayats. According to HPPR Adhiniyam 2001, maximum
15 percent seats shall be reserved for backward classes in all the tiers
of PRIs and one-third of the total seats shall be reserved for women.
134
Table 2.1: Election of Gram Panchayats
1 I 1954 466
2 II 1962 638
4 IV 1978 2357
5 V 1985 2597
6 VI 1991 2757
9 IX 2005 3243
10 X 2010 3243
135
2. Construction, maintenance and repair of public well, ponds,
and tank and supply of water for domestic use.
136
19. Establishment of Raksha Samiti for the safety of life and
property.
Panchayat Samiti
137
c) In bicameral legislature the members of the council of the state,
where they are registered as electoral within the Panchayat
Samiti area.
138
member as the Chairman and other members a Vice-chairman of
Panchayat Samiti.
139
3. Social Justice Committee.
Zila Parishad
The top most tier of PRIs for each district is a Zila Parishad
having jurisdiction over the entire district excluding, such portions of
district which come under the urban local bodies.
140
should not be more than three months. Chairman or in his absence
vice-chairman may convene special meeting on the written request of
1/3 of its members or on requisition of the Deputy Commissioner.
141
shall be the ex-officio member and chairman of the general standing
committee, the social justice committee, and planning committee.
These other standing committee shall elect the chairman from
amongst themselves.
Under the section 186 of the HPPR Act, 1994, the state
government may make rules for carrying out the purpose of this Act.
The government also have been empowered to make by laws (under
section 188) for the guidance of Panchayats. The powers of framing
rules (under section 189) and by–laws are actually vested in the state
government, which violates the spirit of the Panchayati raj, (HPPR
Rules (General), 2000, Rule No. 148).
142
Table 2.2: Amendments in the Himachal Pradesh Panchayti Raj
Act, 1994 (upto2015)
1 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. 3 Act No. 10 16.01.1997 3, 77, 88, 124,167.
Raj (Amended) Act, of 1997 of 1997
1997
2 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 1 24.05.2004 1, Addition of Chapter VI-A
Raj (2nd Amended) 17 of of 1998 (Section 97-A to 97-I).
Act, 1997 1997
3 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 18 08.06.2000 2, 8, 15, 22, 78, 79, 80, 84,
Raj (Amended) Act, 12 of of 2000 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 101,
2000 2000 114, addition of Sections 12-
A and 121-B, 122, 145,
addition of Chapter X-A and
Sections, 160-A to 160-E
and 163-A, 179, 180, 181,
182, 200.
4 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 4 15.12.2000 2, 5, insertion of Section 7-A,
Raj (2nd Amended) 20 of of 2001 13, 110, 131, 138, 184, 185.
Act, 2000 2000
5 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 22 19.12.2001 8, 11, 23, 78, 118, 168, 174,
Raj (Amended) Act, 10 of of 2001 175, insertion of 175-A &
2001 2001 175-B, 181, substitution of
Schedule-1.
6 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. 5 Act No. 10 08.05.2002 3, 71, 122, 140, 145.
Raj (Amended) Act, of 2002 of 2002
2002
7 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 17 30.05.2005 Insertion of Section 5-A,
Raj (Amended) Act, 10 of of 2005 Amendment of Section 7, 8,
2005 2005 9, 15, 23, 78, 89, 99, 122,
129, 145, 146, 153 to 155.
8 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 20 12.10.2006 2, Insertion of Section 11-A.
Raj (Amended) Act, 15 of of 2006
2006 2006
9 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 15 22.09.2007 185.
Raj (Amended) Act, 11 of of 2007
2007 2007
10 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. 9 Act No. 10 13.06.2008 2, 8, 78, 89, 99, 125 and
Raj (Amended) Act, of 2008 of 2008 129.
2008
11 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 17 07.11.2008 1, 145, 163 and 181.
Raj (2nd Amended) 16 of of 2008
Act, 2008 2008
12 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. 7 Act No. 15 15.06.2016 2, 4, 5, 7, 7-A, 115, 118, 138
Raj (Amended) Act, of 2010 of 2010 18.06.2010 and 144 and Substitution of
2010 Section 181.
13 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 9 28.01.2011 98 and 122 and Substitution
Raj (2nd Amended) 40 of of 2011 of Section 100 and 118.
Act, 2010 2010
14 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 10 20.09.2014 2, Insertion of Section 13-A
Raj (Amended) Act, 12 of of 2015 and Substitution of Section
2014 2014 134.
15 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. 9 Act No. 15 18.05.2015 Section 2, Insertion of
Raj (Amended) Act, of 2015 of 2015 Section 19-A.
2015
143
The Panchayati Raj Department of the State Government
enacted various laws is as under:
1. The Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994.
2. The Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, (Election) Rules,
1994.
3. The State Election Commissioner (Condition of Service) Rules,
1994.
4. The Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj (General) Rules, 1997.
5. The Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj (Finance, Budget,
Accounts, Audit, Work, and Allowance). 2002.
6. The Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj (Appointment and
Conditions of Service of Panchayat Sahayaks) Rules, 2008.
7. The Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj (Appointment and
Condition of Services of Junior Scale Stenographers in Zila
Parishads) Ruled, 2009
8. The Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994 (Extension to
the Scheduled Areas) Rules, 2011.
9. The Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Service guarantee Rules
2011.
10. HP Panchayti Raj (Panchayak Sahayaks) Second Amendment
Rules 2015.
Now rural local government has become the agency of socio-
economic and political progress. In these lines Panchayati Raj of the
State Government enacted many rules and laws. Therefore, new
Panchayati Raj created a rural base for highlighting the rural
problems, planning, administration and decision making. At the
grassroots level 50 percent reservation given to women in PRIs has
improved political participation of women in these institutions in
Himachal Pradesh. Beside this recently special provision of Mahila
Gram Sabha also strengthen the political empowerment of rural
women. It indicates that Panchayti Raj Institutions have done
tremendous work for the welfare of rural masses. But it has been
noted that due to poor resource base and economic activity in the
144
rural areas, PRIs are still fully dependent on State and Centre
Government schemes, programmes, funds and grants. Therefore,
success or failure of these institutions are largely depends on state as
well as centre government.
Schemes for Women Empowerment in Himachal Pradesh
Himachal Pradesh government has started many development
programme and schemes for the socio-economic empowerment of
women. The major schemes are as under:-
1. Mukhya Mantri Kanyadan Yojna
Under this scheme, marriage grant of Rs. 25,000 is given to the
parents/guardian of the girls or to the girl herself to solemnize her
marriage provided their annual income does not exceed Rs. 20,000
thousand.
2. Widow Re-Marriage Scheme
The state government is Implementing Widow Re-Marriage
Scheme for rehabilitation of young Widows by increasing them into
entre into wedlock. Under this scheme amount of Rs. 50,000
thousand provided.
3. Self-Employment Scheme for Women
Under this Scheme, Rs. 2500 provided to the woman whose
annual income is less than Rs. 7500 for carrying income generating
activities.
4. State Level Council for Empowerment of Women
State level council for Empowerment of women has been set up
in the state for effective implementation and monitoring of national
policy for empowerment of the women.
5. Women Development Co-operation
Women Development Co-operation has set up in the state. This
corporation helps needy women to avail loan from banks for setting up
self-employment ventures on low rate of interest.
6. State Commission for Women
State Commission for Women has set up in the state for
redressal of grievance of women and make them aware about their
145
legal rights. This commission is provided counselling services and
legal aid to women. The commission also looks into the complaints of
violence and atrocities against women.
7. Self Help Groups
With the view to empower poor women, the state is forming Self
Help Groups of women through Anganwari Worker. These Self Help
Groups are playing important role in income generating activities,
(Women and Men in Himachal Pradesh, 12-15).
8. Women Stay At Home
The main Purpose of the scheme is to provide Shelter, Food,
Clothing, Education and Vocational training to the young girls,
widows, deserted and women who are in mortal danger.
9. Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojna
Main objective of this scheme is to improve the health and
nutrition status of pregnant and delectating women.
10. Mata Sabri Mahila Sashaktikaran Yojna
This Scheme has been started for women belonging to BPL
families of SC categories. Under this scheme subsidy is given to
eligible women for purchase gas connection.
11. Kishori Shakti Yojna
This scheme is for improvement of nutritional, health and skill
development status and adolescent girl, (Economic Survey 2014-15:
135-36).
Himachal Pradesh Government has taken a number of
initiatives to empower women in every sphere of life. For improving sex
ratio, the State Government has started schemes of cash incentive for
protection of child. A scheme of awarding gram Panchayats for
recording favourable sex ratio has been initiated and some
Panchayats have already been rewarded. Beside these development
Programmes and Schemes Mahatma Gandhi National Rural
Employment Guarantee (MNREGA) scheme was made effective from
2006, helped to improve the socio-economic status of rural women in
Himachal Pradesh.
146
CHAPTER-III
WOMEN POLITICAL PARTICIPATION WITH SPECIAL
REFERENCE TO HIMACHAL PRADESH
147
also educationally, socially culturally and they will, forever, stand
before the all world as eternal emblems of Ynana Bhakti Karma, also
Satyam Shivam Sundram (Truth Beauty Goodness) to the lasting
benefits of all women, all over the world, all throughout the ages.
Vedic women used to take part in battle e.g. Vadhrimati and Vispala.
Vispala was a woman recruit in the military contingent of King Khela,
Vedic Woman surpassed ever their modern sisters, (Chowdhri,
1992:34-48).
The Epic age like Vedic age was generally celebrated for its kind
and for just treatment of women of course, not to that extent in early
Vedic age; as the deteriorating process regarding the position of the
women, so manifest in later ages, had unfortunately started even
then. Sita-Golden name represented the ideal woman of this era. One
is astounded as the wonderful way this superb Character has been
drown Sita seems to be very modern woman, a real new woman in the
truest sense of the world. She is represented as thoroughly self-
dependent, self-poised; self-fulfilled and unravelled in the all history of
Indian thoughts, (Vats, 2004: 47).
148
Despite equality in formal power structure women had less
participation.
149
During the medieval period the position and status of woman
deteriorated and gradually declined woman were considered weak and
it was responsibility of man to protect them. Since they were sensitive
in temperament, they should be treated with love and care; they were
considered dependent on men throughout their lives, (Rani, 1976: 52).
Bhakti movements in this period spread all over the nation. This
movement placed the God within the reach of all irrespective of caste
or gender. Nambudiri, women accepted the life of saint women.
Mirabai, Muktabai, Janabel, Vishnu Priya are well known names in
Bhakti Literature whose compositions are popular to this day, (Ali &
Aruna, 1991:12).
150
matters of that state and counteracted the evils of maladministration
during the inefficient rule of her son Vikramjit, who was son and heir
of Maharana Sanga. Rani Durgavati of Gondwana was also an
example of the unflinching determination & selfless heroism. She
refused the armed attack of Baz Bahadur of the kingdom Gondwara
and fought against Mughal forces. In the true spirit of the Rajputs,
she preferred death to disgrace and stabbed herself when deserted by
her own men after the defeat out the heads of Mughals. Although
Muslim women suffered in during this period but despite that strict
seclusion, Muslim women of the royal families took active part in the
social & political life. Some Mughal ladies were writers of distinction
and good administrators. Some famous personalities- Gulbadan
Begum, Jahan Ara, Razia Sultana, Nur Jahan, Zibunnisha, Begum
Hazrat Mahal, Chand Bibi, Sahib Ji etc., (Jharta:52-54).
151
known for the skill, diplomacy, efficiency and bravery. With which
they carried on the government during their regencies. Tarabai, the
founder of Kolhapur ruling family, showed remarkable grit and
statesmanship in continuing and organising the Maratha opposition
to Aurangzeb after the death of her husband Chhatrapati Raja Ram in
1700 AD. During her regency of 30 years (1745-75 AD) Anubai
Ghorpade of Ichalkaranji conducted most efficiently the
administration of her state. She used to participate in many of the
campaigns of the Peshwas with her on forces, (Altekar: 188).
Rani Ahalya Bai becomes the ruler of Hulkar State in 1764. She
was one of the most successful ruler of the State and is still
remembered for the roads and temple built by her. Another lady
Lakshmi Bai, Rani of Jhansi was the nationalist heroine of the Indian
mutiny of 1857 who fought the British troops bravely as soldier and
killed in the battle field on June 17, 1858. Her great leadership and
administration laid an outstanding example for Indian women,
(Ghosh, 2010:263-264).
152
or freedom for contesting elections and holding political posts to
common women did not arise.
153
During the late nineteenth century various social organisations
emerged focussing towards reforms of women. The Indian National
Congress (INC) also attempted to focuses on bringing favourable
changes in the socio-economic and political status of women
beginning from its formation in 1885. The Indian National Congress
(INC), the first National Party, organised by A.O Hume, in 1885, has
taken steps to uplift women’s status in India. Indian National
Congress has drawn a certain number of women into the vortex of the
country’s political life. The leaders of INC had profound respect for
women and encouraged them to play leading role in freedom
movements, such as Civil Disobedience and Satyagrahas, (Mehta,
2008 :6).
154
of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century efforts in this
field were made covertly and at the ground level.
155
inextricably involved in the independence movement of India, (Vats:
56-57).
156
Gandhi’s ideology was very respectful to women and supportive
to their uplift. He said, “In the non-violent struggle, women have an
advantage over men, for women are any day superior to them their
religious devotion. Silent and dignified service is the badge of her sex.
Woman is sacrifice, personified, when she does a thing in the right
spirit, she moves mountains”, (Gandhi, 1921:157-58). When ‘Swaraj’
was declared Gandhiji said, as long as women of India do not take
part in public life there can be no salvation for the country. The
Bardoli Satyagraha (1923-24) in the beginning witnesses the apathic
attitude of women’s participation but, later the situation turned and
the women not only started their participation but, organised their
separate meetings also. Between 1921 and 1925 Gandhi had added
India’s political salvation as a goal for women in nation building.
Under Mahatama Gandhi’s direction, the Civil Disobedience
Movement (1930) and Salt Satyagraha saw women in the forefront and
new techniques like picketing and boycotting of foreign goods, liquor
shops and non-cooperation in various governmental activities were
used. At first women’s were not allowed to participate but women
protested and finally Gandhi permitted them to take part in all face of
the campaign. Women participated in Salt Satyagrah in all corners of
the country from north to south and east to west. They broke the salt
law, picketed shops selling liquor and boycotted foreign manufactured
cloths. There were also women who joined terrorist groups and helped
in editing and disturbing banned newspapers and even manufacturing
bombs, (Basu, 1976:39). This kind of participation had direct impact
on the attitude of women. Women in large numbers came out from
their homes and stood shoulder to shoulder with men in the struggle
for freedom. Gandhi encouraged women to participate in all aspects
and faces of nationalist activity and gave even superior status to
women. He wrote “I am uncompromising in the matter of women’s
right. The difference in sex and physical forum denotes no difference
in status. Woman is the compliment of man and not inferior. Further
he says woman is the companion of man gifted with equal mental
157
capacities. She has the right to participate in the minuets details of
activities of man, and she has the same right of the freedom and
liberty as he”, (Gandhi, 1918:105-106).
158
discrimination”, (Thomas:336-337). It was turned down by the British
Government. But in 1931 Karachi Session of Indian National
Congress took the historic decision, committing itself to political
equality of women, regardless of their status and qualification. As
President of the Indian National Congress, Jawaharlal Nehru accepted
equal political right and legal right of women and introduced the
concept of equal obligations along with equal rights in the
fundamental rights resolution passed by the Congress that year in
March 1931. The Government of India Act, 1935 increased the
number of enfranchised Indians, made provisions for proportional
suffrage rights of women and realised some of the previous
qualifications. All women over 21 years of age could vote, provided
they fulfilled the conditions of property and education. This act is
included reserved seats for women and a number of women prepared
for political office.
159
Constitution. The Constituent Assembly, constituted in October 1946,
a body elected by the existing Legislatures, had among its members
Sarojini Naidu, Durgabai, Renuka Ray and Hansa Mehta, (Thomas:
218).
160
euphoria over newly-won freedom subsided, the complicated and
intricate pattern of politics became clear with its variations of castes,
languages, religions and divisions of family structures and cultural
traditions. Indian women realised the barriers of caste, class,
language, religion, and region and the consequent complexity of these
issues as well as difficulties encountered in handling them.
Participation in the freedom struggle had not generated any
controversy on gender roles. The assimilation of women in the struggle
to free the nation had given them confidence and access to the
positions of power and responsibility, still the positions of power were
not within easy reach, (Desai & Thakkar, 2001: 97).
161
Table 3.1: Percentage of Women Voting in Lok Sabha Elections
(1952-2014)
It is clear from the above table that, with the rising number of
the electorate the percentage of women voters also went on rising
constantly from 38.08% in 1957 to 55.5% in 1967 and since then
there was a process of fall from 55.5% to 49.1% in 1971. In the next
election it increased 54.9% but in the seventh Lok Sabha election in
1980, the percentage of female voting once again decrease and it was
recorded 51.2%. In 1984 there was a higher voter turnout of women
162
voters i.e. 58.6%. Reason of exception rise in voter turnout may be the
assassination of Indira Gandhi. Emotional factor might have may be
the reason for the higher voter turnout of women. In the following
elections the women’s voting percentage kept on fluctuating. Women
voting declined to 57.3% in 1989 and 51.3% in 1991. Eleventh Lok
Sabha election was held after implementing 73rd Constitutional
Amendment which gave a constitutional status to the PRIs and
reservation for women in rural local bodies. So it was expected that
the participation of women will be increased in national politics and
women proved it. There were 53.4% women voting recorded in 1996
and 57.6% in 1998 elections. But once again it declined to 55.6% in
1999 and 53.6% in 2004. In the last two elections women voting once
again increased, it was 55.8% in 2009 and 65.7% in 2014 election.
163
Table 3.2: Representation of Women Members from First to
Sixteenth Lok Sabha (1952-2014)
164
Table 3.3: Women Representation in Rajya Sabha (1952-2014)
Year No of % age to Year No of % age to
Women Total Women Total
Members Members
1952 15 6.9 1986 28 11.5
1954 16 7.3 1988 25 10.2
1956 20 8.6 1990 24 9.8
1958 22 9.5 1992 17 6.9
1960 24 10.2 1994 20 8.2
1962 17 7.6 1996 19 7.8
1964 21 8.8 1998 19 7.8
1966 23 9.6 1999 20 8.2
1968 22 9.2 2000 22 9.0
1970 14 3.8 2002 25 10.2
1972 18 7.4 2004 28 11.4
1974 17 7.0 2006 25 10.2
1976 24 9.8 2008 24 9.8
1978 25 10.2 2010 27 11.0
1980 19 11.9 2012 14 9.8
1982 24 9.8 2014 31 12.8
1984 24 9.8
Source: Electoral Statistics 2015, Election Commission of India
165
otherwise passive and indifferent women into active participation in
the electoral processes. Enfranchisement brought about political
consciousness even in the remote villages. It contributed to their
increasing politicization. Not only they recorded their presence as
voters in large numbers in the polling booths but they put up their
candidatures also for seats in the state legislatures and for the Union
Parliament. Following table shows the number of women contestants
in different Lok Sabha Elections (1952-2014).
166
subsequent election, it was 70 in 1962 but it was decrease in the next
Lok Sabha Election which was held in 1967 and the numbers of
women contestants were only 67 . The highest number of women
contestant was in the election of 1971.In this election 86 women
contested the Lok Saabha election but it once again decrease in 6th
Lok Sabha election. Further Data from the above table shows that in
the succeeding elections of 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th Lok Sabha, the
number of women contestant was 142, 164, 198, 325 and 599. In the
12th and 13th Lok Sabha Election once again number of women
contestant was decrease, it was 274 and 284 respectively.
Data from the last four tables reveals that number of women in
political process has not increased as per their development.
Significantly, there seems to be slight or no correlation between
literacy and women representation. In the development point of view,
Kerala with its highest literacy rate, has a low state average of 3.7
percent. Even Rajasthan and Bihar have higher average at 4.7 percent
and 4.5 percent respectively. The representation of women in
representative bodies in States as well as National level inadequate
even after the 66 years of working of our Constitution.
167
committee set up by the British government that discussed the
constitution of statutory village panchayats, did not consider the
question of women’s representation in panchayats, (Singla, 2007:107-
108).
168
recommended 30 percent reservation for women at local bodies. The
recommendations and efforts of the committees and commissions
finally materialised when the Union Government headed by Rajiv
Gandhi initiated the reservation process by recommending 30 percent
reservations of seats for women in Panchayats at all the three levels,
through the 64th Constitution Amendments Bill in 1989. The issue
was taken up by the V.P. Singh government too who introduced the
72nd Amendment Bill in Parliament. Unfortunately, the Bill did not
come up for discussion as his government had to resign sometimes
later. The Congress took up the issue again when it came back to
power in 1991. The Bill was finally introduced as the 73rd
Amendment in 1992 and was ratified by all the states in April, 1993.
The Amendment reserved 33 percent seats for women to come
through open elections at all the three levels, (Singla: 110).
169
Table 3.5: Participation of Women in voting in Different HP
Legislative Assembly Election (1972-2012)
170
voting 7.40% in 1977 and it was the highest ever in the State. In the
next election in 1982 it was 4.42% and 3.08% in 1985 but it was once
again increase in 1990 election i.e. 3.51%.
171
Table 3.6: Representation of Women in HP Legislative Assembly
(1972-2012)
1972 68 - 5 5(7.35) 5 - - -
172
increased but winning percentage was not satisfactory and only four
women were reached in the State Assembly whereas in the next
elections of 1993, the number again was reduced to three. In a bye-
election of 1994, one more woman was elected. In 1994 Himachal
Pradesh came in the categories of those states who implemented New
Panchayati Raj system. This new system brought a revolutionary
change in the political life of women. After implementation of New
Panchayati raj system first State assembly election was held in 1998.
All eyes were in this election and number of women contestants
increased as expected in this election. Women’s performance was the
best ever in 1998 Assembly elections, when seven women were
elected. In 2003 Assembly elections, again four women remained
successful. In 2007 five women were elected to the State Legislative
Assembly. But in 2012 only three women were elected in the State
Assembly.
The data in the table clearly reveals that the average women
contestant in the Himachal Pradesh is low; there were only five to nine
women contestant up to 1985. In 1990, the number increase to 17
which further got increase to 25 and 31 in 1998 and 2003 election
respectively. The election of State Assembly held in 2007 in this
election no of women constants decrease to 25 but in the last election
number of women constants once again increase to 34. It is rather a
disappointing and discouraging no of women constants in comparison
their voting strength. The political parties seem reluctant to give
women candidates and very few women are put by them as candidate
in the election.
173
women elected to the State Assembly. Janata Party had its credit only
2 seat and the remaining 1 women Legislature belong to Janata Dal.
Gap between the contestants and elected candidate after the wave of
women empowerment also indicates that the political parties do not
gave tickets to the strong candidates. Generally they give tickets to the
women candidates where the party has less chance to win.
174
(2007-12), only one woman, Sarveen Chaudhary has been included in
the Council of Minister as a Cabinet Minister. In the sitting
government senior congress leader Vidya Stokes is the only minister
in Virbhadra Government (2012), (Who’s Who, 2003-2013).
175
election in 1952 to Raj Kumari Amrit Kaur to be elected as member of
the Lok Sabha. After that only four women were elected in Lok Sabha
from Himachal Pradesh. Chanderesh Kumari elected and Pratibha
Singh both elected twice, First Pratibha Singh was elected in 2004 and
secondly elected member of Lok Sabha in by-election of 2013 from
Mandi. She contested the election on the vacant seat of her husband
Raja Virbadhra Singh. In 2004 Rameshwari Kanwar another women
candidate contested from Hamirpur Parliamentary Constituency as an
Independent candidate but she lost the election. In the 16th Lok Sabha
Election held in 2014 Congress gave a ticket to the Pratibha Singh to
contest from Mandi Parliamentary Constituency but she lost her seat.
Kamal Kanta Batra was the women contensts of Aam Admi Party
(AAP) from Hamirpur Parliamentary Constituency but she also lost her
seat. All of the five women candidate, elected so far to Lok Sabha from
Himachal Pradesh, belongs to the Congress.
176
Socio Economic and Political Profile of Elected Women Members
of HP State Legislative Assembly from 1998 -2012
177
Women’s Hockey Federation and also represented India in various
International sports activities. She was also Vice President of Asian
Hockey Federation. She is a social worker of great reputation. She had
been General Secretary of Indian council for child welfare for over
Eight years. She had started schools, homes for destitute and for
blind, deaf, mute and physically handicapped children and running
training centres for destitute girls.
Smt. Urmil Thakur: Urmil Thakur was born on Ist April, 1958
at village Gharna in District Kangra. She is Graduate and also
completed her B.Ed. She was married to Sh. Bhupinder Thakur son of
(Late) Sh. Jagdev Chand, Ex Cabinet Minister of Himachal Pradesh.
She joined politics as member of ‘Panchayat Samiti’ Sujanpur, after
that she was elected for ‘Zila Parishad’ Hamirpur . She also held the
responsibility of ‘President District Mahila Morcha Bhartiya Janta
Party’.
178
camps and by contributing liberally towards the welfare of widows and
for the marriage of poor girls. She was member of State Executive
BJP, was President of District Chamba BJP and Secretary, Pradesh
BJP. She was elected to the State Legislative Assembly in December
2007.
179
Union from 1978-79 and was arrested during an agitation in favour of
late Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi in September 1978.
She was elected to HP Vidhan Sabha for first time in 1972 and
again in 1982. She remained Deputy Minister in 1997 and Minister of
State in 1984. She was elected to Lok Sabha in 1985 and to Rajya
Sabha in April, 1996.
180
Krishna Mohini: Krishna Mohini, daughter of (Late) Pandit
Krishan Chand was born on July 24, 1940 at Layalpur in Pakistan.
She is B.A. (Hon’s), M.A., B.T. She is unmarried. She is Journalist and
Social and Political Worker
181
Secretary, State Congress: Chairperson of State Table Tennis. She
represented Himachal Pradesh in Rajya Sabha from 2006-2012 and
she was also President of Himachal Pradesh Congress Committee.
1. All the women entered in the state politics in the middle or later
age.
182
welfare activities. It indicates women who were elected to the
State Legislative Assembly were economically well off.
4. All the women legislature were married and most of them were
married to the persons who themselves in politics & in the state
politics. Though they were elected in their own individual
capacity, their role was primarily supportive to their family;
those were leading position in the politics of Himachal Pradesh
and sparely of their respective area.
5. Another fact that emerges out is that after the demise death of
an MLA his wife was given ticket by the political parties from
same Constituency to fill the void.
183
Table 3.9: Women Representation in PRIs in Himachal Pradesh
1995-2000
184
The record election of Panchayati Raj in Himachal Pradesh held
in 2000 but these elections gave a new political status of Himachali
Women on comparing statistics of the two elections, it is found that
there has been increase of 3.82 percent and 0.59 percent in
representation of women in Gram Panchayat as Pradhan and
members and 1.33 percentage increase in Zila Parishad. But at the
block level, there has been an increase of 2.67 percent of women
representatives as Chairperson interestingly, women representative
36.78 percent, 33.89 percent and 34.66 percent respectively as
members of Gram Panchayats, Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishads.
185
Table 3.12: Number of seat of Women in PRIs in HP (2011-2016)
No. of Seat Seat Seat Seat Total Percentage
seat Reserved Reserved Reserved Reserved seat of Reserved
for SC for ST for OBC for Gen. Reserved seat
Women Women Women Women for
Women
Member of Gram Panchayat
19413 3412 622 0 7283 11317 58.30%
Pardhan Gram Panchayt
3243 421 1041 127 987 1639 50.54%
Member Panchayat Samiti
1682 216 56 67 514 863 51.31%
Chairpeson Panchayat Samiti
77 13 4 5 20 42 54.55%
Member Zila Parishad
251 34 11 10 73 128 51%
Chairperson Zila Parishad
12 2 1 1 2 6 50%
186
Table 3.13 shows that in Gram Panchayat 32 seats of Gram
Panchyat of Pradhan 20 seats of Up-Pradhan 352 seats of Panchayat
member also elected in un-reserved seats.
187
organisations in the different parts of the country and at the national
level were organised. Women participation in the national movement
was not noticeable but also effective. It is one of the prominent
examples of women political participation at the mass level. Women
enfranchisement and their entry in the provincial assemblies reflects
that women participation in the formal political institutions was more
effective than today. At present when the women literacy is high, they
enjoy equal constitutional status women position in the Parliament
and state Assemblies is not satisfactory numerically.
188
CHAPTER-IV
ANALYTICAL STUDY OF THE IMPACT OF WOMEN
PARTICIPATION IN THE PANCHAYATI RAJ
INSTITUTIONS AND STATE POLITICS (HP)
For the last twenty years, the concept of participation has been
widely used in development discourse and much for the period the
concept has referred to participation in the social arena, in the
community or in the development projects. The 73rd Amendment of
the Constitution marks a distinct watershed moment in the concept
and practice of people participation in rural governance. The Act
breaks a new ground by providing for an institutional framework for
rural people to actively participate in their own administration, (Datta,
2006:153). It has brought political revolution in India by inserting the
provisions of reservation of one–third seats for women in the three
levels for the members as well as for the chairpersons in the PRIs. It
leads to empowerment of the women and enhance their status in
society in terms of social, economic and political conditions which
facilitate and encourage their participation in the public activities.
This brings a sea of change in the position of women as these
institutions make them participate in the political and social settings
exercising their power of articulation and voting. Empowerment and
participation are interconnected. The term women empowerment is
used for giving power to women. It also includes political participation
and acquiring the capabilities to influence the political decisions
effectively, (Malik in Chahar, 2005:182).
189
strength of participation and trend of participation in general and that
of different groups like men, women, scheduled caste, scheduled
tribes and backwards classes, etc. As far as qualitative aspects is
concerned, there are three level of quality of participation: active
participation, passive participation and decision making participation,
(Sharma in Singh, 2003: 216). The number of women in General
Category, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in particular has
increased in local politics in recent years. The very presence of these
persons as Members and Chairpersons of these local bodies are
significant step forward in participatory development and decision
making. But it does not mean that their participation has really
increased in state and national politics.
190
Langana, Pipli and Kuthera panchayats of Chauntra block and Kalpa,
Khawangi and Pangi Panchayats of Kalpa block.
AGE
191
much of the demand in the Panchyati Raj Institutions, (Santha,
1999:41). Srivastva also found relatively a younger women leadership
in PRIs, (Srivastva, 2011:214-215). Age is an important factor, which
has greater influence on affecting the political participation. The study
contemplates the total sample divided into five age groups i.e. 21-30
years, 31 to 40, 41 to 50, 51to 60 and above 60 years.
From the table 4.1 it is evident that there are more women
respondents 48 (41.74%) in the age group of 41 to 50, followed by the
age group of 31 to 40 i.e. 45 (39.13%). There are lesser number of
women representatives in the lower age group i.e. 11 (9.57%) in the
age group of 51 to 60 and the least is the lowest age group of 21 to 30
i.e. 8 (6.95%) and only 3 (2.61%) are above 60 years. Since the women
192
in lower age groups are more familiar with duties. However, a
comparative study of three sample districts Una, Mandi and Kinnaur
reveals that middle aged women leaders are coming forward in PRIs.
EDUCATION
193
to literate women. She has lesser confidence in dealing or interacting
with officials or any third person if she is illiterate.
It is evident from the above table (4.2) that in the total sample
41 (35.65%) each of the women members educated up to matric and
plus two level, 18 (15.65%) are graduate, 8(6.96%) are post-graduate.
Remaining 7(6.09%) are illiterate. Hence, there is no significant
difference with respect to their own economic variable education of the
respondents coming from the PRIs of the three sample districts.
However, in the case of respondents being Gram Panchayat members,
Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad members, no significant
difference is seen. A lamented fact that is observed the level of working
literacy among the Panchayati Raj women leader is poor. They
depends either male family member or male Panchyat member for the
working.
194
OCCUPATION
Occupation refers not only to the economic connotations but
should be taken into consideration in other social and political
perspectives. It is assessed to understand the social status and
economic condition of an individual or a community. It is an
important factor for determining the leadership pattern of a society. It
is believed that only those people can become rural leaders who can
spare sufficient time for political activities and also can stay whole
time in the villages. It depends on the nature of their profession
whether they can spare time for public affairs while staying in the
villages. Thus occupation is an important variable to determine the
socio-economic status of the women in the society and their economic
independence helps in freeing them from economic and psychological
control of families, in shaping assertive personality and greater access
to decision making, (Mandal,2003:89). On the basis of this, an
attempt has been made here to analyze the occupation of the sample
women leader of the Himachal Pradesh. Table 4.3 shows district wise
classification of the sample women leaders according to their
occupations.
195
From the analysis of data in table 4.3 it is evident that
76(66.09%) respondents remaining occupation is agriculture, followed
by 27 (23.48%) business, a minimum number i.e. 01(0.86%) are in
service and remaining 11(9.57%) are engaged in other affairs like
tailoring, housewives and animal husbandry, help their husbands in
business, etc. A woman in a Gram Panchayat, Panchayat Samiti and
Zila Parishad, in Una, Mandi and Kinnaur were found with no
significant difference in their occupation. In the rural area of
Himachal Pradesh agricultural activities are confined to their own
fields but working on the own fields do not bring them any financial
benefits.
INCOME
A woman from low family income has less time to devote for
community actions and also have less interclass contacts. These
factors are more important for political participation. Whereas the
women in high income group may not face any problem related to the
finance and investment in Politics. Thus it is difficult for the women of
this group to spare time for Politics. Though a true picture may not
come, as it solely depend on respondents’ true response.
196
Table 4.4: Annual Income wise Grouping of Elected Women
Institution District Income Group
Below Below Below Above Total
60,000 80,000 1,00,000 1,00,000
Gram Una 2 6 6 2 16
Panchayat (12.5%) (37.5%) (37.5%) (12.5%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 5 4 3 2 14
(35.71%) (28.57%) (21.43%) (14.29%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 4 7 5 20
(20%) (20%) (35%) (25%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 2 3 4 3 12
Samiti (16.67%) (25%) (33.33%) (25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 2 4 2 2 10
(20%) (40%) (20%) (20%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 1 4 4 10
(10%) (10%) (40%) (40%) (100%)
Zila Una 1 2 2 4 9
Parishad (11.11%) (22.22%) (22.22%) (44.44%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 3 6 6 4 19
(15.79%) (31.58%) (31.58%) (21.05%) (100%)
Kinnaur - - 2 3 5
(40%) (60%) (100%)
Total 20 30 36 29 115
(17.39%) (26.09%) (31.30%) (25.22%) (100%)
CASTE
197
or to an individual. Caste plays decisive role in moulding the pattern
of leadership at the village, state and national level, (Mandal: 84).
Many studies indicate that the leadership in Panchayati Raj
Institutions has been monopolized by higher castes. The studies of
(Narain & Others, 1976:35-43), (Vinta: 219) indicate that rural leaders
belongs to the upper castes, while the studies, (Sharan, 1978:57),
(Makwana, 2009: 98), (Bhatt, 2010:108) and (Srivastava: 216-17)
reveal that rural leadership belong to backward communities (SCs,
STs and OBCs). Thus, caste is a dominate factors in leadership in
Panchayati Raj Institutions. Therefore, an attempt has been made to
understand, elected women belonging to which caste.
198
General Category, because they are socially and economically in a
strong position, further 4(25%) of members belong to Scheduled
Caste, 3 (18.75%) of the members belong to Scheduled Tribe. Among
the Mandi district 10 (71.43%) women elected as Gram Panchayat
members from general caste and 4 (28.57%) elected from Scheduled
Caste. In Kinnaur district, being a Gram Panchayat member 16(80%)
belong to Scheduled Tribe and 4 (20%) belong to Scheduled Caste.
In the same way among the Una Panchayat Samiti women
members, 5(41.66%) belong to General Category, 3(25%) belong to
OBC, equal number and percentage i.e. 2 and 2 (16.67 & 16.67%)
belong to Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe. In case of Mandi
District 6(60%) women elected as Panchayat Samiti members from
General Caste, 3(30%) from Scheduled Caste and remaining 1 (10%)
from OBC. While in Kinnaur district 7(70%) elected from Scheduled
Tribe and 3(30%) belong from Scheduled Caste.
In Una district, Zila Parishad has the highest percentage of
women members i.e. 5 (55.56%) belong to General Category and 2
(22.22%) each of the members belong to Scheduled Caste and OBC.
Among Mandi district Zila Parishad with the highest percentage
11(57.89%) of the women members belong to General Category,
6(31.58%) belong to Scheduled Caste and remaining 2(10.53%) belong
to OBC. Further in Kinnaur district 4 (80%) women members elected
as Zila Parishad members from Scheduled Tribe category while 1
(20%) from Scheduled Caste.
In total, among the elected women members of PRIs in Una,
Mandi and Kinnaur, have highest percentage 46(40%) of members
belonging to General Category, 32 (27.83%) belong to Scheduled Tribe,
29 (25.22%) belongs to Scheduled Caste and minimum members i.e. 8
(6.95%) belong to OBC. Ikbn Himachal Pradesh approximately fifty
percent population is General and rest are SC, ST & OBC. Trend of
the elected members also reject the same trend. Reservation to the
women also reflects the caste configuration and hegemony of the
higher castes. Evaluation of new roles and institutions are not free
from traditional variable.
199
MARITAL STATUS
200
The table 4.6 shows that an overwhelming majority 110(95.65%)
of the sample women leaders were married and only 5(4.35%)
respondents were widow. The table also shows that out of 115 sample
women leader there were no unmarried women, who represent the
Panchayat leadership. As generally observed in rural areas married
women are always respected and marriage is a status symbol for
women.
TYPE OF FAMILY
201
consists of a man his wife and children, while joint family is a group of
people who live under one roof, who eat food cooked at one hearth,
who hold common property and who participate in common worship
and are related to each other as some particular type of kindred,
(Ambedkar, 2005: 107).
202
Table 4.7 shows that majority 60(52.17%) of the sample women
leaders had joint families and the remaining 55(47.83%) had nuclear
families. It shows that there is a greater possibility for elected women
leaders to take independent election regarding their political role in
the grass root democracy of the state.
203
SECTION-B
204
Table 4.8: Elected Women Participation in the Gram Sabha
Meetings
Institution District Attend Gram Sabha Meetings
Yes No Total
Gram Una 16 - 16
Panchayat (100%) (100%)
Member Mandi 14 - 14
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 20 - 20
(100%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 12 - 12
Samiti (100%) (100%)
Member Mandi 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)
Zila Parishad Una 9 - 9
Member (100%) (100%)
Mandi 19 - 19
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 - 5
(100%) (100%)
Total 115 - 115
(100%) (100%)
205
only the maternity of grass root democracy but also of broad based
participation particularly of the work and the other section of society
in the development equitable sharing of benefits.
206
The analysis of data from the above table 4.9 reveals that as
high as 108(93.91%) reported that they get proper opportunity to
express their opinion in the Gram Sabha meeting while only 7 (6.09%)
were not given proper opportunity to express their opinion in the
Gram Sabha meeting. A comparative analysis of the PRIs data from
Una, Mandi & Kinnaur reveals the following:
207
Table 4.10: Questions Regarding Their Role in the Development
Programmes, Projects and Financial Auditings
208
Parsihad regarding the question asked for the development of the
villages.
The principle of gender equality and equity has been the prime
concerns in Indian thinking right from the day of Independence. For
this, special legislation has been enacted from time to time in support
of women. The 73rd Amendment to the Constitution of India provided
reservation for women in PRIs, laying a strong foundation for their
participation in the decision making in local bodies.
209
It is revealed from the above table 4.11 that 94 (81.74%)
respondents suggest measures to improve the development activities,
where 21 (18.26%) respondents don’t suggest measures to improve
development activities.
210
Table 4.12: Women Leaders Opinion about the Satisfaction
Regarding the Feedback Given by Them and Steps to be Taken by
the Panchayat
211
From the above discussion it is clear that elected women are
satisfied because everyone recognize their substance and it is not
easily to deny their suggestions. So women have become very
important part of PRIs.
212
It is evident that elected member of PRIs encourage the people
to participate in Gram Sabha meeting and they don’t dominate in
Gram Sabha meeting.
213
Gram Sabha decision influenced by the elite group of the
society, it is said by 4 (33.33%), 3 (30%), elected Panchayat Samiti
women member from Una, Mandi & Kinnaur.
Data analysis from the above table 4.15 reveals that majority of
the respondents i.e. 79 (68.70) were not satisfied with women
214
participation in Gram Sabha meeting. Only 36 (31.30%) respondents
were satisfied with the women participation in Gram Sabha meetings.
215
Table 4.16: Previous Electoral Experience of the Women Leaders
216
73rd Constitutional Amendment brought a new hope for women and
created space for women in PRIs because before the implementations
of this Act, there was no effective participation for the women in PRIs.
Table 4.17: View about the Comparison between Male and Female
regarding Quality and Quantity Time Spent in the PRIs
217
difference in the case of the respondents being either Panchayat or
Panchayat Samiti member from Una, Mandi & Kinnaur. However, in
case of the respondents being a Zila Parishad member, a significant
difference was observed. Although 55.56% & 52.63% in Una & Mandi
opined that women devote equal time but in Kinnaur only 2 (40%)
respondent opined same opinion. As such it is seen that still women
do not devote equal time in PRIs as male members.
Zila Una 2 2 2 3 - 9
Parishad (22.22%) (22.22%) (22.22%) (33.33%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 5 4 4 6 - 19
(26.32%) (21.05%) (21.05%) (31.38%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 1 1 2 - 5
(20%) (20%) (20%) (40%) (100%)
Total 45 29 19 22 - 115
(39.13%) (25.22%) (16.52%) (19.13%) (100%)
Data from the above table 4.18 reveals that 45 (39.13%) of the
respondents were encouraged by their family whereas 29 (25.22%)
were interested in social activities. 22 (19.13%) women have self
interestto contest PRIs election. Table further shows that 19 (16.52%)
women were affiliated to political parties so they decide to contest the
PRI election.
218
The comparative study of the PRIs members in Una, Mandi &
Kinnaur explained as:
iii. In the case of Zila Parishad in Una, Mandi & Kinnaur majority
of the respondents have self interest in politics, so it is the main
reason to contest PRIs election.
219
indicators for assessing the functioning of an institution and the
extent of participation of women, our study revealed that participation
of elected women in PRIs meetings was very high which has shown in
the following table:
Data from the above table 4.19 reveals that all the sample
elected women members attend PRIs meetings. During field study
elected women members of PRIs told to the researcher that there is no
discrimination between male and female in these institutions and all
elected male and female representatives sit together without any
discrimination.
220
The above discussion shows the recognition of identity of
women in PRIs. The representation of women in these institutions has
shown increasing trend. Now the male members have also accepted
their importance and have encouraged them. 100 percent attendance
in the meeting clearly shows the awareness of grass root women in
politics. Now the status of women is improving with revolutionary
change and they are putting their side in the meeting without any fear
and hesitation. They are getting the new environment in Panchayati
Raj System which helps them in ridding them from their social,
economic and political suppression in male dominated society. In fact,
now women have come out of the four walls of their houses and
proved their stronger ability to match their step with males.
221
Table 4.20: Official Attitude (Co-operation and Co-ordination) of
the Govt. Officials Towards Women Leaders in PRIs
222
expressed that they always get co-operation of Government officers,
but 2 (12.5%), 2 (14.29%) & 4 (20%) Gram Panchayat members from
Una, Mandi & Kinnaur expressed negatively.
Zila Una 9 - 9
Parishad (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 19 - 19
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 - 5
(100%) (100%)
Total 108 7 115
(93.91%) (6.09%) (100%)
223
From the analysis of data in table 4.21 it is seen that as high as
108 (93.91%) women respondents’ views that Bureaucracy encourages
women to participate at Grass root level politics, while 7 (6.09%)
respondents negatively about bureaucracy. If we discuss horizontally
above table, it is observed that 100% women respondent of Panchayat
Samiti and Zila Parishad from Una, Mandi and Kinnaur are of the
view that bureaucracy always encourages women participation at
grass root level. While 14 (87.51%) 12 (85.71%) and 17 (85%) Gram
Panchayat member from Una, Mandi and Kinnaur views Bureaucracy
encourage women to participate in Grass root level, like participation
in meeting, Gram Sabha meeting, etc. While least no. of women
respondents of Gram Panchayat i.e. 2 (12.5%),2 (14.29%) and 3 (15%)
from Una, Mandi and Kinnaur view it negatively.
224
Table 4.22: Participation of women in PRIs after 73rd
Amendment
Institution District Participation of women after 73rd Amendment
Actively Passive Influence In Can’t Total
participate members by Male different say
towards
working
of PRIs
Gram Una 7 2 2 2 3 16
Panchayat (43.75%) (12.5%) (12.5%) (12.5%) (18.75%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 6 2 2 1 3 14
(42.85%) (14.29%) (14.29%) (7.14%) (21.43%) (100%)
Kinnaur 8 2 2 3 5 20
(40%) (10%) (10%) (15%) (25%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 6 2 2 2 - 12
Samiti (50%) (16.66%) (16.67%) (16.66%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 5 2 2 1 - 10
(50%) (20%) (20%) (10%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 2 2 1 - 10
(50%) (20%) (20%) (10%) (100%)
Zila Una 5 1 2 1 - 9
Parishad (55.56%) (11.11%) (22.22%) (11.11%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 10 2 4 3 - 19
(52.63%) (10.53%) (21.05%) (15.79%) (100%)
Kinnaur 3 - 1 1 - 5
(60%) (20%) (20%) (100%)
Total 55 15 19 15 11 115
(47.83%) (13.04%) (16.52%) (13.04%) (9.57) (100%)
225
When the above aspect was studied among all the three district,
It was seen that majority of the women respondents in all the three
level of PRIs in Una, Mandi, & Kinnaur, opined that after the
implementation of 73rd Amendment act in PRIs women actively
participate in these institutions.
Table 4.23: Opinion about the Status elevation after becoming the
Panchayati Raj representative
226
From the analysis of data in table 4.23 it is very interesting to
see that as high as 115 (100%) respondents think that their status
elevated after becoming member of Panchayat Raj Institutions.
The researcher has identified the following factor that affects the
voting behaviour of a woman. These are caste, class, religion and
family male member. An analysis of the same is available in table
4.24.
227
Table 4.24: Factors Affecting the Women Voting Behaviour
Gram Una 7 - - 6 3 16
Panchayat
(43.75%) (37.5%) (18.75%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 6 - - 5 3 14
(42.86%) (35.71%) (21.43%) (100%)
Kinnaur 10 - - 8 2 20
(50%) (40%) (10%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 5 - - 4 3 12
Samiti
(41.67%) (33.33%) (25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 4 - - 3 3 10
(40%) (30%) (30%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 - - 4 1 10
(100%)
(50%) (40%) (10%)
Zila Una 3 - - 3 3 9
Parishad
(33.33%) (33.33%) (33.33%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 7 - - 7 5 19
(36.84%) (36.84%) (26.32%) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 - - 2 1 5
(40%) (40%) (20%) (100%)
Total 49 - - 42 24 115
(42.61%) (36.52%) (20.87%) (100%)
228
When this aspect was studied in Una, Mandi and Kinnaur
district among the Gram Panchayat, Panchayat samiti, and Zila
Parishad members, it is seen that almost all the respondents of the
sample districts expressed that caste and family male members affect
the voting behaviour of women in Panchayat Raj Institution.
229
Table 4.25: Political affiliation of family
230
(40%) from Kinnaur district expressed that their families are
involved in politics while 2 (12.5%) respondents from Una, 4
(28.57%) and 7 (35%) from Mandi and Kinnaur viewed that their
families are not involved in politics. Remaining 3 (18.25%)
respondents from Una, 4 (28.57%) and 5 (25%) from Mandi and
Kinnaur did not share their views that whether their families
are involved in politics or not.
PARTY AFFILIATION
231
democratic polity, people tend to have broad image of political parties.
They usually see the party as generally espousing the cause of a
particular set or group in society. On the basis of such an image or
impression they tend to develop attachment with a party which
according to their perception stands for their group interest. As a term
party identification generally refers to a voter’s sense of attachment or
feeling of loyalty towards given political party, (Chaudhary & Kar
1992:54). Closeness and involvement with political party is considered
as one of the best way of serving the community people because
without political power no development could be taken up the area.
Political parties act as tools of modernization in the villages and act as
great instrument for the politicization. The person who is associated
with any political party always more powerful position than the
ordinary person, (Vidya, 1997: 120). The political parties have begun
to select leaders at the local level because there is a close relationship
between local power structure at the State and National level. The
Political Parties at the State and National level want to get political
strength from the grass root Institutions. Narain and others have
indicated a positive correlation between Political Party affiliation and
leadership in the rural local bodies, (Narain & others, 1976:30). But
Gandhi ji and J.P. Narayan having their own concept of Panchayati
Raj had no place for political parties.
232
Table 4.26: Party Affiliation of the Individual Elected Women
Members
Institution District Party Affiliation
Yes No No opinion Total
Gram Una 14 - 2 16
Panchayat (87.5%) (12.5%) (100%)
Member Mandi 8 - 6 14
(57.14%) (42.86%) (100%)
Kinnaur 11 - 9 20
(55%) (45%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 9 - 3 12
Samiti (75%) (25%) (100%)
Member Mandi 5 - 5 10
(50%) (50%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 - 5 10
(50%) (50%) (100%)
Zila Una 8 - 1 9
Parishad (88.89%) (11.11%) (100%)
Member Mandi 15 - 4 19
(78.95%) (21.05%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 - 1 5
(80%) (20%) (100%)
Total 79 - 36 115
(68.70%) (31.30%) (100%)
Data from the above table 4.26 shows that 79 (68.70%) elected
women members are active members of any political party and 36
(31.30%) elected women have not given any opinion.
A comparative Study conducted in Una, Mandi & Kinnaur can
explained as follows:
i. 14 (87.05%) elected women of Gram Panchayat in Una are
active members of political party but in Mandi 8 (57.14% & 11
(55%) in Kinnaur are active members of any political party.
ii. In case of Panchayat Samiti 9 (75%) elected women in Una and
equal number of elected women i.e. 5 & 5 (50% & 50%) in
Mandi and Kinnaur are active member of any political party.
iii. In case of Zila Parishad 8 (88.89%) elected women in Una are
active members of any political party in Mandi 15 (78.95%) and
4 (80%) elected women are the active members of any political
party.
233
From the above discussion it is seen that almost all the elected
women members whether they are Gram Panchayat members,
Panchayat Samiti members or Zila Parishad members are involved in
political party.
234
ii. In case of Panchayat Samiti 5 (55.56%) from Una, 3 (60%)
Kinnaur and 2 (40%) in Mandi are associated with Congress
party while 3 (60%), 4 (44.44%) and 2 (40%) in Mandi, Una and
Kinnaur are associated with BJP.
From the above discussion we can see that both the National
political parties have importance in Himachal Pradesh. Although the
oldest Congress party has higher importance but BJP is also not very
much behind.
235
It is seen from the above Table 4.28 that 34 (43.04%) elected
women respondents have got indirect support from political parties.
20 (25.32%) elected women respondents views that political party
declared their candidate to contest the election while 25 (31.64%)
elected women respondents did not give their views.
iii. With the Zila Parishad members, it was found that 4 (50%) from
Una, 7 (46.67%) and 1 (25%) from Mandi and Kinnaur were of
the views that political party declare them party candidates to
contest the election while 3 (37.5%), 5 (33.33%), 2 (50%) from
Una, Mandi and Kinnaur got Indirect support from political
parties. 1 (12.5%), 3 (20%) and 1 (25%) from Una, Mandi and
Kinnaur did not express any views.
236
Table 4.29: Reason Expressed by the Elected Women to Join the
Political Party
Institution District Reason to join political parties
Own wish Family Political Total
support leaders
approach you
Gram Una 3 9 2 14
Panchayat (21.43%) (64.29%) (14.28%) (100%)
Member Mandi 2 5 1 8
(25%) (62.5%) (12.5%) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 8 1 11
(18.18%) (72.73%) (9.09%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 2 6 1 9
Samiti (22.22%) (66.67%) (11.11%) (100%)
Member Mandi 1 3 1 5
(20%) (60%) (20%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 3 1 5
(20%) (60%) (20%) (100%)
Zila Una 3 4 1 8
Parishad (37.5%) (50%) (12.5%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 4 9 2 15
(26.67%) (60%) (13.33%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 2 1 4
(25%) (50%) (25%) (100%)
Total 19 49 11 79
(24.05%) (62.03%) (13.92%) (100%)
From the above table 4.29 it is seen that with the support of
family seems to have been the main reason for the elected women
respondents join political party as majority i.e. 49 (62.03%) of the
respondents reported this way. While, the other reason in a
depreciating order were as follows: 19 (24.05%) joined on their own
wish, while 11 (13.92%) joined due to political leader’s pressure or
motivation.
237
same reason. Due to the political leader, 2 (14.28%) joined in
Una as compared to 1 (12.5%) in Mandi and 1 (9.09%) in
Kinnaur district. 3 (21.43%), 2 (25%) and 2 (18.18%) elected
women respondents in Una, & Kinnaur joined political party on
their accord that is by their own wish.
ii. The same trend was seen with the respect to the women being a
Panchayat Samiti member.
Hence from the above discussion, it is seen that family has been
seen as the main reason for women to join political parties. However
there was no significant difference in all PRIs of the selected districts.
238
Table 4.30 concurrent with the last table 4.29 which shows that
out of the 115 elected women respondents, 79 women are the active
members of different political parties. Therefore, Researcher has asked
the question from those women member who are active in political
parties, whether they attend party meetings or not. So out of these 79
respondents, 28 (35.44%) often attend the meeting regularly whereas
21(26.58%) attend frequently. Beside this 17 (21.52%) and 13
(16.46%) attend the party meeting rarely and now and then.
ii. With the respect to Zila Parishad member in Mandi, Una and
Kinnaur, 5 (62.5%) from Una, 8 (53.33%) and 2 (50%) from
Kinnaur attend the party meeting regularly. Beside this equal
percentage of women respondents in Una, Mandi and Kinnaur
attend frequently or rarely now & then.
239
Table 4.31: Views of Elected Women Leaders in PRIs Regarding
Their Participation in Party Discussion
240
Una, Mandi and Kinnaur, 1 (11.11%) and 3 (21.43%), 1 (20%) and 2
(25%) and 1 (20%) and 3 (27.27%) expressed their views negatively.
Gram Una 11 3 14
Panchayat (78.57%) (21.43%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 6 2 8
(75%) (25%) (100%)
Kinnaur 8 3 11
(72.73%) (27.27%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 8 1 9
Samiti
(88.89%) (11.11%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 4 1 5
(80%) (20%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 1 5
(80%) (20%) (100%)
Zila Una 8 - 8
Parishad (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 15 - 15
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 - 4
(100%) (100%)
Total 68 11 79
(86.08%) (13.92%) (100%)
241
The results of this table 4.32 are in concurrence with the result
of the previous table 4.31. It is well seen that in the case of elected
women members being a Gram Panchayat, 11 (78.57%) from Una, 6
(75%) Mandi and 8 (72.73%) from Kinnaur expressed that they often
take part independently in discussion. Only 3 (21.43%), 2 (25 %) and
3 (27.27%), from Una, Mandi and Kinnaur take part in discussion
with the help of each other.
The same trend was seen with the Panchayat Samiti and Zila
Parishad members, whereas 8(88.89%) from Mandi and equal
percentage i.e. 4 (80%) from Mandi and Kinnaur independently attend
party or take part in discussion and the (100%). Zila Parishad
members from Una, Mandi and Kinnaur also independently take part
in discussion.
242
Table 4.33: Subject of interest in discussions
Gram Una 5 - 2 - 7 14
Panchayat
(35.71%) (14.29%) (50%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 3 - 1 - 4 8
(37.5%) (12.5%) (50%) (100%)
Kinnaur 3 - 2 - 6 11
(27.27%) (18.18%) (54.55%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 2 - 2 - 5 9
Samiti
(22.22%) (22.22%) (55.56%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 1 - 1 - 3 5
(20%) (20%) (60%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 - 1 - 3 5
(20%) (20%) (60%) (100%)
Zila Una 1 - 2 - 5 8
Parishad
(12.5%) (25%) (62.5%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 2 - 4 - 9 15
(13.33%) (26.67%) (60%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 - 1 - 2 4
(25%) (25%) (50%) (100%)
Total 19 - 16 - 44 79
(24.05%) (20.25%) (55.70%) (100%)
243
significant difference found. Hence it may be concluded that women
respondents show their interest in all types of social, political and
women issues for discussion. They don’t have interest on single
issues.
244
Table 4.34: Membership with Different Voluntary Associations
Yes No Total
Gram Una 12 4 16
Panchayat (75%) (25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 10 4 14
(71.43%) (28.57%) (100%)
Kinnaur 14 6 20
(70%) (30%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 10 2 12
Samiti (83.33%) (16.66%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 7 3 10
(70%) (30%) (100%)
Kinnaur 7 3 10
(70%) (30%) (100%)
Zila Una 7 2 9
Parishad (77.78%) (22.22%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 15 4 19
(78.95%) (21.05%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 1 5
(80%) (20%) (100%)
Total 86 29 115
(74.78%) (25.22%) (100%)
245
Table 4.35: Member of Mahila Mandal, Self Help Groups and
others
Institution District Member of Mahil Mandal, SHG and
others
Mahila SHG All Total
Mandal Above
Gram Una 7 - 5 12
Panchayat (58.33%) (41.67%) (100%)
Member Mandi 10 - - 10
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 10 - 4 14
(71.43%) (28.57%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 5 - 5 10
Samiti (50%) (50%) (100%)
Member Mandi 5 - 2 7
(71.43%) (28.57%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 - 3 7
(57.14%) (42.86%) (100%)
Zila Una 5 - 2 7
Parishad (71.43%) (28.57%) (100%)
Member Mandi 10 - 5 15
(66.67%) (33.33%) (100%)
Kinnaur - - 4 4
(100%) (100%)
Total 56 - 30 86
(65.12%) (34.88%) (100%)
246
gap between de-jure and de-facto position regarding the rights of
women. The need of the hour is the speedy implementation of
legislative and policy measures for empowerment of women.
247
The analysis of data in above table 4.36 reveals the involvement
of Political parties in local institution. 44 (38.26%) women
respondents opined that political parties should keep away from the
local bodies, only 35 (30.43%) respondents give views in favour that
political parties should involve in these institutions but 36 (31.30%)
women respondents did not comment on the questions.
A comparative study among the three districts can be explained
as follows:
i. More number of Gram Panchayat members and Panchayat
Samiti members express that political parties should keep away
from the local institutions.
ii. Being a member of Zila Parishad, more number of women
respondents from Una, Mandi & Kinnaur were in favour of the
involvement of political parties in the rural local bodies.
Hence it may be seen that irrespective of Zila Parishad
members, most of the members of grass root institutions are not in
favour of involvement of political parties in the local Institutions.
Table 4.37: Reasons for Non Involvement of Political Parties from
Rural Local Institutions
Institution District Reason for kept out political party keep away from the local
Institutions
Interfere negatively in Create All Total
development activities factionalism these
Gram Una 1 1 3 5
Panchayat (20%) (20%) (60%) (100%)
Member Mandi 2 2 4 8
(25%) (25%) (50%) (100%)
Kinnaur 3 2 5 10
(30%) (20%) (50%) (100%)
Panchayat Una - 1 2 3
Samiti (33.33%) (66.67%) (100%)
Member Mandi 1 2 2 5
(20%) (40%) (40%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 2 2 5
(20%) (40%) (40%) (100%)
Zila Parishad Una - 1 1 2
Member (50%) (50%) (100%)
Mandi 1 1 2 4
(25%) (25%) (50%) (100%)
Kinnaur - 1 1 2
(50%) (50%) (100%)
Total 9 13 22 44
(20.45%) (29.55%) (50%) (100%)
248
From the above table 4.37 it is seen that as high as 22 (50%)
women respondents think that political parties should keep away from
local Institutions because they interfere negatively in the
developmental activities and create factionalisms in the village while
13 (29.55%) women respondents think that party have negative
approach regarding the development activities followed by 9 (20.45%)
think that political parties create factionalism in the village. Thereby,
it is clear that women have not very good approach towards the
political parties in villages. However, there was no marked difference
seen in all the three levels of PRIs in the selected sample districts.
249
Table 4.38: Participation of the PRIs Leaders in the State and the
Parliamentary Elections
Institution District Interest in state and the Parliament election
Much Somewhat No Total
interest interest interest
Gram Una 5 5 6 16
Panchayat (31.25%) (31.25%) (37.5%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 4 5 5 14
(28.57%) (35.71%) (35.71%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 6 10 20
(20%) (30%) (50%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 4 5 3 12
Samiti (33.33%) (41.67%) (25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 3 4 3 10
(30%) (40%) (30%) (100%)
Kinnaur 3 4 3 10
(30%) (40%) (30%) (100%)
Zila Una 5 3 1 9
Parishad (55.56%) (33.33%) (11.11%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 11 5 3 19
(57.89%) (26.32%) (15.79) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 2 1 5
(40%) (40%) (20%) (100%)
Total 65 39 35 115
(35.65%) (33.91%) (30.44%) (100%)
Data from the above table 4.38 reveals that over one third 41
(35.65%) of the respondents were very much interested; one third i.e.
39 (33.91%) were somewhat interested and 35 (30.44%) were not
interested in the state and parliament election.
250
ii. In the case of the respondents being a Panchayat Samiti
members, 5 (41.67%) from Una and equal percentage i.e. (40%)
from Mandi & Kinnaur have somewhat interested in state and
Parliament election.
251
Table 4.39: Participation in Election Campaign
Institution District Participation in election campaign
Organised Door to As a Any Total
and door supporter others
addressing campaign
public
rallies
Gram Una 2 3 5 - 10
Panchayat (20%) (30%) (50%) (100%)
Member
Mandi - 3 6 - 9
(33.33%) (66.67%) (100%)
Kinnaur - 4 6 - 10
(40%) (60%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 2 4 3 - 9
Samiti (22.22%) (44.44%) (33.33%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 1 3 3 - 7
(14.28%) (42.86%) (42.86%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 3 3 - 7
(14.28%) (42.86%) (42.86%) (100%)
Zila Una 3 2 2 1 8
Parishad (37.5%) (25%) (25%) (12.5%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 6 4 3 3 16
(37.5%) (25%) (18.75%) (18.75%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 1 1 1 4
(25%) (25%) (25%) (25%) (100%)
Total 16 27 32 5 80
(20%) (33.75%) (40%) (6.25%) (100%)
252
Kinnaur and Una participate in state and parliamentary election
as the supporter of candidate and political party.
iii. In the case of Zila Parishad highest majority i.e. 3 (37.5%) from
Una, 6 (37.5%) Mandi and 1 (25%) Kinnaur reported that they
organised and addressing public rallies and show their presence
in the State and Parliamentary elections.
253
Table 4.40: Opinion About Variable as Hurdles in Politics
The researcher has identified the main hurdles affect the women
participate in politics. These are lack of interest, lack of political
knowledge, lack of education, lack of support of male members. From
the analysis of the data in table 4.40 it is seen that highest 42
(36.52%) of the respondents expressed ‘lack of education’ as the main
hurdle followed by 33 (28.70%) who expressed ‘lack of Interest’,
followed by 26 (22.61%) who expressed lack of political knowledge and
the least 14 (12.17%) expressed that lack of support of male members
also affect the women participation in politics.
254
lack of education was the main hurdle which affect women
political participation while 5 (31.25%) from Una, 3 (21.45%)
and 4 (20%) from Mandi and Kinnaur opined lack of knowledge
was another hurdle which affect women participation. Due to
lack of interest women do not take part in politics. It is said by 3
(18.75%), 4 (28.57%) and 6 (30%) respondents from Una, Mandi
and Kinnaur and remaining 2 (12.5%) from Una, 2 (14.29%) and
3 (15%) from Mandi and Kinnaur opined that all the above said
hurdles directly or indirectly affect women participation in
politics.
255
Table 4.41: Women Leaders Attitude Towards ‘Politics as Male
Dominated System’
Institution District Politics is considered as men’s activity
Yes No Total
Gram Una 12 4 16
Panchayat (75%) (25%) (100%)
Member Mandi 11 3 14
(78.57%) (21.43%) (100%)
Kinnaur 16 4 20
(80%) (20%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 9 3 12
Samiti (75%) (25%) (100%)
Member Mandi 7 3 10
(70%) (30%) (100%)
Kinnaur 7 3 10
(70%) (30%) (100%)
Zila Una 6 3 9
Parishad (66.67%) (33.33%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 13 6 19
(68.42%) (31.58%) (100%)
Kinnaur 3 2 5
(60%) (40%) (100%)
Total 84 31 115
(73.04%) (26.96%) (100%)
When all the three level of PRIs in selected sample districts were
studied, a similar trend was noticed among the women members, who
are either the members of Gram Panchayat, Panchayat Samiti or Zila
Parishad.
256
Table 4.42: Main Reasons why, “Politics Considered as Men’s
Activity”
Institution District Reason for Politics is considered as
men’s activity
Women not Don’t get Total
interest in favourable
political atmosphere
activity
Gram Una 7 5 12
Panchayat (58.33%) (41.67%) (100%)
Member Mandi 7 4 11
(63.64%) (36.36%) (100%)
Kinnaur 11 5 16
(68.75%) (31.25%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 5 4 9
Samiti (55.56%) (44.44%) (100%)
Member Mandi 3 4 7
(42.86%) (57.14%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 3 7
(57.14%) (42.86%) (100%)
Zila Una 3 3 6
Parishad (50%) (50%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 7 6 13
(53.85%) (46.15%) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 1 3
(66.67%) (33.33%) (100%)
Total 49 35 84
(58.33%) (41.67%) (100%)
257
Hence, it is evident that women are not interest in politics due
to their traditional role and secondly women don’t get favourable
atmosphere in the participate arena.
258
A comparative study of all the three districts at all the three
level of PRIs can be explained as follows:
ii. In the other side high percentage of respondents from all the
Zila Parishad i.e. Una, Mandi and Kinnaur reported that there
is no conflict between their household duties and participation
in politics.
Hence it is seen from the above that at the higher level in PRIs
women handle their household duties and give equal time in politics.
But at the middle level and lower level women have more
responsibilities so they cannot make a balance in their household
duties and politics
Kinnaur - - 4 2 6
(66.67%) (33.33%) (100%)
Zila Una - - 1 1 2
Parishad (50%) (50%) (100%)
Member Mandi - - 2 2 4
(50%) (50%) (100%)
Kinnaur - - 1 1 2
(50%) (50%) (100%)
Total 33 20 53
(62.26%) (37.74%) (100%)
259
Further researcher asked to the respondents that what are main
the reasons conflicting between household duties and politics. From
the analysis of the data in table 4.44 it is seen that 33 (62.26%)
women respondents’ are of the view that domestic work is the main
cause which conflict’s their household duties and participation in
politics. While 20 (37.74%) women respondents gave their views that
due to taking care of old people and rearing of children they are not
able to give equal time in politics.
When comparative enquiry was made, it was found that all the
three level of PRIs in selected district i.e. Una, Mandi and Kinnaur
over burden of domestic work that is housekeeping, taking care of
animals, time spent in fields etc. Restrict women to stay at home,
therefore they are not able to devote same amount of time. These are
the main reasons conflicting between women’s household activities
and politics.
260
Table 4.45: Opinion About the PRIs are Nursery for the State and
National Politics
261
ii. After a keen observation of members of Zila Parishad from all
the three districts, it is found that one group of this institution
think that Panchayati Raj institution has not become nursery
for state and national politics.
262
Table 4.46: Expression of Elected Women Regarding Reservation
as Positive Aspect in Active Women Participation in Democratic
Process
263
It we compare the views of all the respondents, of Gram
Panchayat, Panchayat Samiti, and Zila Parishad members same
opinion was found and there was no difference.
264
The data from the above table 4.47 reveals that 64(55.65%)
women respondents expressed that reservation of women in PRIs will
help grass root women leaders to enter the main stream of state as
well as national politics, while 51(44.35%) respondents expressed
negatively about this aspect.
ii. In the case of Gram Panchayat members from all the three
selected districts most of the respondents think that it is not
guaranteed that reservation will help grass root women to enter
state and national politics so therefore, they have negative
approach regarding this aspect.
From the above discussion it may be seen that both the higher
level of PRIs women have possible views while at Gram Panchayat
women have suspicious thinking regarding reservation to increase the
number of women in state and national politics.
265
Table 4.48: Perception Regarding Reservation for the Women in
the State and National Parliamentary Assembly
266
Table 4.49: View about Satisfaction with Fifty Percent
Reservation in PRIs in Himachal Pradesh
From the result of this table 4.49 it could be seen that all the
respondents i.e. 115 (100%) are satisfied with the fifty percent
reservation in H.P Panchayati Raj Institutions.
267
Table 4.50: Leaders Attitude towards the Reservation as
Landmark Step in the Overall Development of women
Yes No No Total
opinion
Gram Una 6 3 7 16
Panchayat (37.5%) (18.75%) (43.75%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 5 3 6 14
(35.71%) (21.43%) (42.86%) (100%)
Kinnaur 7 4 9 20
(35%) (20%) (45%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 3 6 3 12
Samiti (25%) (50%) (25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 3 4 3 10
(30%) (40%) (30%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 3 3 10
(40%) (30%) (30%) (100%)
Mandi 4 10 5 19
(21.05%) (52.63%) (26.32%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 2 2 5
(20%) (40%) (40%) (100%)
Total 35 40 40 115
(30.44%) (34.78%) (34.78%) (100%)
The data of the above table 4.50 reveals that respondents have
not clear idea whether reservation will be a step in the overall
development of women. Researcher get a mixed view of respondents
regarding to the reservation. 40 (34.78%) respondents expressed that
reservation will be not responsible for overall development of women.
While equal numbers of 40 (34.78%) respondents are not aware about
268
above said question, they seem to be confused to share their views.
Only 35 (30.44%) respondents expressed that it will be a step in the
overall development of women.
ii. More number of Gram Panchayat members has not given any
opinion about question.
269
A comparative analysis observed the following results:
270
The data of the above table 4.52 reveals that only one third of
respondents i.e. 43(37.39%) expressed state women leader convinced
and motivated them to participate in politics while majority of the
respondents 72 (62.61%) expressed their view negatively about state
women leader.
Hence it is seen that state women leaders are not very much
interested to bring grass root women talent in politics. They have not
done any extra efforts for grass root women.
271
Table 4.52: Women Leaders Opinion Regarding State and
Parliamentary Election
272
In the case of Gram Panchayat and Panchayat Samiti members’
majority of the respondents are not interested in contesting state and
parliament election in future.
In the case of Zila Parishad member from all the three sample
districts majority of the respondents are interested in contesting state
and Parliamentary election in future.
273
Table 4.53: Satisfaction with Present Position
274
From the above discussion it is seen that almost all respondents
are satisfied with their present position and it did not matter to which
level of PRIs they belonged to. Thus, a prominent portion of women is
all set to embrace political career reservation policy has opened up for
them. We can proudly said that women’s political empowerment in
last two decades through the Constitution Amendment has exploded
many myths, like they are only passive members and women have no
interest in politics, they are only proxy members etc. Women have
proved that if they have given opportunity they can do better than
men.
275
CHAPTER-V
POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF RURAL WOMEN AND
THEIR PERCEPTION REGARDING POLITICAL
INSTITUTIONS AND ROLE
277
and endow them with such powers and authority as may be necessary
to enable them to function as units of local self-government.”
278
and initiative in the rural people about community development
programme, and bringing rural consciousness among the rural people
for their betterment.
279
For the present study a sample of 315 rural women of Una,
Mandi and Kinnaur district has been taken. Various aspects of the
socio-economic political parameters includes the age, caste, family,
education, occupation, income and political background of the
respondents have been analysed.
Age
280
reaches a peak in the middle age, (Joshi, 1999:33). It is panoramic,
that young and middle aged participates actively in local institutions.
For this purpose the total sample is divided into five age groups
i.e. 21-30 years, 31 to 40, 41 to 50, 51 to 60 and above 60 years.
1. Una 10 32 36 17 10 105
(9.52%) (30.48%) (34.29%) (16.19%) (9.52%) (100%)
2. Mandi 7 33 38 14 13 105
(6.67%) (31.43%) (36.19%) (13.33%) (12.38%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 5 35 39 10 16 105
(4.76%) (33.33%) (37.14%) (9.52%) (15.24%) (100%)
The analysis of the data in the table 5.1 shows that respondents
those are in the age group of 21-30 years represent 6.98 percent of the
total sample and 31.75 percent of them are represented by the women
respondents in the age group of 31-40 years. Above one third i.e.
35.87 percent are in the age group of 41-50 years while 13.02 percent
are in the age group of 51-60. There are only 12.38 percent women
who belong to the age group of above sixty years. Thus middle age
groups between 31-50 years have a greater participation among the
women in the Panchayati Raj Institutions. This trend is almost same
in the sampled districts.
281
CASTE
S. District Caste
No.
Gen. SC ST OBC Total
1. Una 56 24 5 20 105
(53.33%) (22.86%) (4.76%) (19.05%) (100%)
2. Mandi 66 30 - 9 105
(62.86%) (28.57%) (8.57%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 15 12 78 - 105
(14.28%) (11.43%) (74.29%) (100%)
Total 137 66 83 29 315
(43.49%) (20.95%) (26.35%) (9.21%) (100%)
The data in the table 5.2 indicates that higher caste dominates
in the sampled districts as 43.49 percent respondents belong to the
general categories followed by 26.35 percent of Scheduled Tribe,
almost 21 percent of Scheduled Caste and 9.21 percent of Other
Backward Classes. Thus trend is different in the sampled district of
Kinnaur as 74.29 percent of the respondents belong to Scheduled
Tribe category followed by General castes i.e. 14.28 percent and S.C.
11.43 percent. However, in Una & Mandi majority of the respondents
come from the General Category.
282
EDUCATION LEVEL
The analysis of the data in the table 5.3 reveals that only 12.70
percent of women are illiterate in sample districts. Among the literate
women, 33.33 percent are educated up to the secondary level followed
by 29.21 percent up to matriculation. Primary level educated women
are representing 17.78 percent and 4.12 percent educated are up to
the Graduation level while only 2.86 percent women are educated up
to the Post Graduation level.
283
whereas 18.10 percent in Mandi & 20.95 percent in Kinnaur. They are
a little ahead to Una and Mandi district while at the secondary level
the women of the district Una are at the forefront than the other two
sampled districts. Progressively women at the Graduation level are
more or less to the similar percentage which constitutes 5.71 percent
in Una and 3.81 percent in Mandi & 2.86 percent in Kinnaur. A very
few women respondents got post-graduation education. 3.81 percent
from Una and 2.86 percent in Mandi, while only 1.90 percent women
in Kinnaur are educated up to Post graduate level.
OCCUPATION
1. Una 74 9 11 6 5 105
(70.48%) (8.57%) (10.48%) (5.71%) (4.76%) (100%)
2. Mandi 78 11 5 4 7 105
(74.29%) (10.48%) (4.76%) (3.80%) (6.67%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 86 7 3 3 6 105
(81.90%) (6.67%) (2.86%) (2.86%) (5.71%) (100%)
Data from the above table 5.4 shows that 75.56 percent women
are occupied in agriculture profession followed by labourers 8.57
284
percent, business women 6.03 percent. Table 5.4 also shows that 4.13
percent women respondents are in service and 5.71 percent women
respondents are engaged in other activities like tailoring, housewives
and helping their family members in their work. It indicates that rural
women in Himachal Pradesh still relied on agriculture.
INCOME
The analysis of the data in table 5.5 reveals that 28.57 percent
respondents belong to lower economic group i.e. below 60,000 per
annum and 22.86 percent respondents of the total sample have
annual income below 80,000 and middle income group of respondents
285
comprise 34.28 percent i.e. below 1,00,000 per annum, while the
respondents who come from higher economic group having more than
1,00,000 income annually are only 14.29 percent.
The District wise analysis shows that the respondents have the
maximum income i.e. below 1,00,000 per annum. In this slab, Una
represents 35.24 percent, Mandi 33.33 percent whereas Kinnaur
represents of 34.28 percent comparatively. Very few respondents in
the sample districts who have attained the slab above 1,00,000
income are 15.24 percent in Una, 14.29 percent in Kinnaur and 13.33
percent in Mandi. Table 5.5 also indicates that above one-fourth of
respondents in each sample district has income below 60,000 per
annum. It indicates that low income of women in the development
process is the reflection of this problem in local institutions greatly
suffered due to lopsided social and economic equilibrium.
MARITAL STATUS
286
Based on the information given in the table 5.6, it has been
found that majority or the rural women are married. District wise
analysis shows that in Kinnaur, 92.38 percent women are married
whereas in Una and Kinnaur a little less number i.e. 91.43 percent
and 90.48 percent. Data from the above table also reveals that out of
the total sample 3.49 percent respondents were un-married and 5.08
percent were widows. From the above table one can find that un-
married women have no interest in political democracy of rural local
bodies and political process. It seems that rural women start to take
part in political activities after marriage.
NATURE OF FAMILY
287
Analysis of the data in table 5.6.A reveals that 63.17 percent of
the respondents have joint family and only 36.83 percent enjoy
nuclear family system in the total sample. There is a similar
proportion of joint and nuclear families of the sampled districts.
Hence, it is revealed from the analysis that a majority of the rural
women of the sample districts belongs to the joint families in the
present age of modernisation and urbanisation and there was no
significance difference in the sample districts.
SECTION–B
WOMEN COMMUNITY AND THE GRAM SABHA
Gram Sabha means the village assembly. All the voters in Gram
Panchayat become automatically the members of the Gram Sabha.
Hence, the membership of the Gram Sabha is open to every adult
irrespective of caste, religion, education, occupation, general social
status and sex. It is the Gram Sabha in which the rural poor, the
women and marginalised people can get an opportunity to participate
effectively in decision making which effect their lives. Gram Sabha has
the potentiality to initiatory process at the grass-root level and it has
been recognised as the heart and the soul of the Panchayati Raj
system, (Singh, 2004:30).
288
Analysis of the data in table 5.7 shows that only 40.32 percent
of the respondents attended the Gram Sabha meetings regularly.
District wise analysis shows the difference of the rural women
participation in the Gram Sabha meetings in sample districts, which
range between 37.41 to 43.81 percent. It was the highest 43.81
percent in Una district and the lowest is 37.14 in Kinnaur district.
From the above discussion we can say that women in rural area
in H.P. are still not aware of Gram Sabha and their participation in
Gram Sabha meeting is not satisfactory. One or two reasons are not
responsible for poor participation of women in Gram Sabha meetings.
Many reasons obstruct women to participate in Gram Sabha
meetings. Some of the reasons are given below:
289
Table 5.8: Opinion of the Rural Women about their Participation
in the Gram Sabha Meetings
Yes No Total
1. Una 30 16 46
(65.22%) (34.78%) (100%)
2. Mandi 25 17 42
(59.52%) (40.48%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 22 17 39
(56.41%) (43.59%) (100%)
Total 77 50 127
(60.63%) (39.37%) (100%)
290
Table 5.9: Opinion of the Rural Women About Their Role in The
Development Programme, Schemes, Projects etc.
Yes No Total
1. Una 25 21 46
(54.35%) (45.65%) (100%)
2. Mandi 22 20 42
(52.38%) (47.62%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 20 19 39
(51.28%) (48.72%) (100%)
Total 67 60 127
(52.76%) (47.24%) (100%)
It is clear from the analysis of data in table 5.8 that the women
who attended Gram Sabha meetings regularly, out of these 52.76
percent ask questions regarding development programmes, schemes,
projects and financial auditing. The percentage of such respondents
ranged between 51.28 to 54.35 percent. It was the highest 54.35 in
Una district and the lowest 51.28 percent in Kinnaur district.
Remaining 47.24 percent did not ask any questions.
291
Table 5.10: Rural Women Participation in Suggesting Measures to
Development Activities in the Gram Sabha Meetings
From the above discussion it is clear that rural women are still
not aware about their rights and duties. They don’t know the
importance of Gram Sabha.
292
summation of them determined the prestige status and power of an
individual in the village community. But today in the wake of
democratic decentralization in rural area the traditional basis of power
seem to loss their pristine importance, (Swarankar, 1988:4).
Table 5.11: Opinion about the Elite Role and Status in the Gram
Sabha
Data from the above table 5.11 shows that 57.48 respondents
view that elite group of society has influence in Gram Sabha meeting
while 42.52 percent respondents views negatively.
293
ELECTED MEMBERS LOCATION IN THE GRAM SABHA
294
SATISFACTION OF THE WOMEN PARTICIPATION IN PRIs
295
people’s participation. Rural local government has led to a greater
political articulation of the rural masses and the emergence of a new
cadre of leadership at the grass-root politics. The new Panchayati Raj
system has made a powerful impact on women by enabling them enter
into the decision-making sector as the lowest level of democracy. The
women in Himachal Pradesh are better placed compared to other
States in terms of their participation in PRIs.
296
development. They are becoming aware to some extent about their
right and importance of their participation in PRIs.
Analysis of the data from the above table 5.15 reveals that an
overwhelming majority i.e. 91.11 percent of the total sample women
respondents have not contested any PRIs election. Only 8.89 percent
respondents have contested some previous PRIs election. If we see
district wise detail we find that a very few women respondents have
contested any PRIs elections.
297
Table 5.16: Views of the Respondents Regarding the Commitment
and Job Performance of Women in PRIs
Yes No Total
1. Una 51 54 105
(48.57%) (51.43%) (100%)
2. Mandi 45 60 105
(42.86%) (57.14%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 40 65 105
(38.10%) (61.90%) (100%)
It is found from the above table 5.16 that the majority of the
rural women respondents i.e. 56.83 percent viewed that women
cannot devote equal time in PRIs as male. In district wise analysis
show that only 48.57 percent women in Una, 42.86 percent in Mandi
and 38.10 percent in Kinnaur viewed that women devote equal time in
PRIs as male member of the society. During field study many women
told to the researcher that for rural women, not easy to move out of
the houses freely in the village. They have heavy load of family
responsibility, child caring and attending to household duties. Beside
this most of the rural women spend their time in the fields, therefore,
it is not possible for them to spare time for other activities.
298
election process is mostly restricted to voting in elections it more so in
case of women, (Roy, 1999:151). Therefore, researcher has made
enquiry to know the main factor which affect the women voting
behaviour.
1. Una 31 15 20 22 17 105
(29.52%) (14.29%) (19.05%) (20.95%) (16.19%) (100%)
2. Mandi 35 11 15 25 19 105
(33.33%) (10.48%) (14.29%) (23.80%) (18.10%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 38 9 18 25 15 105
(36.19%) (8.57%) (17.14%) (23.81%) (14.29%) (100%)
299
belongs significantly differentiates his/her political opinions,
attitudes, values and behaviour, (Jharta, 1998:77). In the next
question researcher has tried to find out the political background of
the respondents family.
Yes No Total
1. Una 40 65 105
(38.10%) (61.90%) (100%)
2. Mandi 35 70 105
(33.33%) (66.67%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 32 73 105
(30.48%) (69.52%) (100%)
300
Table 5.19: Classification of the Rural Women according to their
Association or closeness with different Political Parties
301
many important decision taken in these meetings. An attempt has
been made to examine the nature of participation of women
respondents in party meetings. The political affiliation of the
respondents has been assessed through their participation in
meetings and participation in discussion. To assess the participation
of women in meeting, it has been classified in to regularly, rarely, now
& then and frequently.
District wise analysis of the table 5.20 shows that women have
very low participation in meetings i.e. 20 percent in Una, 14.29
percent in Mandi and 12.5 percent in Kinnaur. 30 percent of Una,
34.29 percent in Mandi and 37.5 percent of Kinnaur women
respondents replied for now and then. Maximum 37.5 percent
respondents frequently in Una participate in party meetings which
hampers the pace of growth.
302
Table 5.21: Views of the Rural Women regarding their
Participation in Discussion in Party Meetings
Yes No Total
1. Una 20 20 40
(50%) (50%) (100%)
2. Mandi 14 21 35
(40%) (60%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 10 22 32
(31.25%) (68.75%) (100%)
Total 44 63 107
(41.12%) (58.88%) (100%)
In the last table we have seen that rural women less or higher
participate in party meetings in all the sample districts. Therefore,
researcher has tried to know if rural women participated in party
meeting then what, are the subjects of their interest for discussion. To
analyse their subject of interest, different terms were used like social
issue, women issue, govt. issue, political issue.
303
Table 5.22: Views of the Rural Women according to their Subjects
of Interest in Discussion in Party Meetings
304
In this context, the sample women respondents were asked if
they were the member of any voluntary organisation. Their responses
in this regard have been shown in the following table.
305
important associations because these are generally not only found in
study area but also in all over India. Researcher has made enquiry in
this regard in the following table 5.24
306
information, knowledge, an exposure to the various experiment,
strategy, training, education and constant interacting. Further
researcher enquired to the respondents regarding the hurdles that
affect the women participation in politics. The hurdles which affect
women participation in politics, reported by them are shown in the
table 5.25.
The analysis of the data in table 5.25 shows that 30.16 percent
of the women respondents reported that lack of interest in politics is
the main hurdle that affect women participation in politics, 26.98
percent reported lack of education, 19.05 percent reported lack of
political knowledge, 12.06 percent reported lack of support of male
members while 11.75 percent reported that all hurdles mentioned
above affect women participation in politics.
307
to the women respondents having their interest in the State and
Parliamentary elections. The received responses of the respondents
have been shown in the following table 5.26
1. Una 18 22 65 105
(17.14) (20.95%) (61.90%) (100%)
2. Mandi 15 20 70 105
(14.29%) (19.05%) (66.66%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 13 19 73 105
(12.38%) (18.10%) (69.52%) (100%)
From the above discussion it is clear that though all the three
sample districts rural women are not very much interested in election
but if we see deeply then we find that the people of Kinnaur are having
very little interest in election as compared to Una and Mandi districts.
308
RURAL WOMEN PARTICIPATION IN ELECTION CAMPAIGNS
1. Una 6 12 18 - 4 (10%) 40
(15%) (30%) (45%) (100%)
2. Mandi 3 7 20 - 5 35
(8.57%) (20%) (57.14%) (14.29%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 2 5 21 - 4 32
(6.25%) (15.63%) (65.62%) (12.5%) (100%)
Total 11 24 59 - 13 107
(10.28%) (22.43%) (55.14%) (12.5%) (100%)
309
remaining 12.15percent respondents show their presence in election
campaign through media, flag hosting, slogan writing, poster making,
mobile propaganda, public meetings etc. District wise analysis shows
that majority of the respondents i.e. 45 percent in Una, 57.14 percent
in Mandi and 65.62 percent in Kinnaur participate as supporters of
political candidate and party in the elections.
1. Una 45 28 32 105
(42.85%) (26.67%) (30.48%) (100%)
2. Mandi 65 19 21 105
(61.90%) (18.10%) (20%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 70 15 20 105
(66.67%) (14.29%) (19.04%) (100%)
310
Reasons for Non Involvement of Political Parties in the Rural
Local Institutions
During the field study when researcher had found that majority
of the respondents were not in favour of involvement of political
parties in local institutions, what may be the main reason. No doubt
there may be plenty of reasons in the mind of respondents regarding
the involvement of political parties in their institutions but researcher
gave only two causes. The reasons reported by them have been shown
in table 5.29.
Table 5.29 shows that the first reason reported by the 26.67
percent of the sample women respondents was that political parties
interfere negatively in the developmental activities. The second reason
reported by the 20.55 percent respondents was that it creates
factionalising in village, while majority of the respondents i.e. 52.78
percent reported the above said both reasons. They are not in favour
of the involvement of political participation of local institutions so they
want political parties should keep away from local institution and its
election process.
311
POLITICS AS MALE DOMINATED SYSTEM
1. Una 60 45 105
(57.14%) (42.86%) (100%)
2. Mandi 66 39 105
(62.86%) (37.14%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 70 35 105
(66.67%) (33.33%) (100%)
312
Table 5.31: Views of the Rural Women Regarding ‘Why Politics is
considered as Men’s Activity
313
Table 5.32: Opinion of the Rural Women about the PRIs are
Nursery for the State and National Politics
1. Una 47 36 22 105
(44.76%) (34.29%) (20.95%) (100%)
2. Mandi 41 29 35 105
(39.05%) (27.62%) (33.33%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 35 32 38 105
(33.33%) (30.48%) (36.19%) (100%)
Table 5.32 shows that more than one-third i.e. 39.05 percent of
the total women respondents reported that Panchayati Raj Institutions
have led to development in rural area and these have become nursery
for State and National politics. While near about 31 percent
respondents have negative opinion. They opined that Panchayati Raj
Institutions is a failure and the required benefit has not reached the
common rural masses. These institutions serve only the interest of
influential people in the society, while the same percent of the
respondents don’t know whether PRIs has become nursery for state
and national politics.
314
PARTICPATION IN POLITICS AND HOUSEHOLD ACTIVITIES CAME
INTO CONFLICT WITH EACH OTHER
315
politics came into conflict with each other ranged between 65.71 to
67.62 percent. It was the highest as 67.62 percent in both Mandi and
Kinnaur districts and the lowest as 65.71 percent in the third sample
district i.e. Una.
From the above discussion it is amply clear that after more than
six decade of independence the status of rural women has not very
much improved. Rural women spend plenty of their time in domestic
work, fields, cultivation and help their counterparts in their work.
316
VIEWS OF THE RURAL WOMEN ON RESERVATION AND OTHER
ISSUES RELATED TO POLITICAL PARTICIPATION
Yes No Total
1. Una 76 29 105
(72.38%) (27.62%) (100%)
2. Mandi 80 25 105
(76.19%) (23.81%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 85 20 105
(80.95%) (19.05%) (100%)
317
The district wise analysis shows that the percentage of the
sample women respondents who supported reservation in State and
National politics ranged between 72.38 to 80.95 percent. It was the
highest 80.95 percent and the lowest 72.38 percent in the Kinnaur
district.
1. Una 43 40 22 105
(40.95%) (38.10%) (20.95%) (100%)
2. Mandi 45 35 25 105
(42.86%) (33.33%) (23.81%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 47 38 20 105
(44.76%) (36.19%) (19.05%) (100%)
318
Table 5.36 shows that 42.86 percent of the respondents
reported that reservation must increase their number in state and
national politics. While 35.87 percent were against it and 21.27
percent did not express any opinion. District wise analysis also
reflects the same picture.
319
may be said that the after the 73rd Constitutional Amendment this
three tier Panchayat system strengthens the democratic
decentralisation and ensure the effective contribution of rural masses
in policy formulation and decision making process.
1. Una 83 - 22 105
(79.05%) (20.95%) (100%)
2. Mandi 80 - 25 105
(76.19%) (23.81%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 76 - 29 105
(72.38%) (27.62%) (100%)
320
Perceptions of Rural Women about the Role of State Women
Leaders to Convince and Motivate the Women to be Part in
Politics
1. Una 36 47 22 105
(34.29%) (44.76%) (20.95%) (100%)
2. Mandi 30 50 25 105
(28.57%) (47.62%) (23.81%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 25 52 28 105
(23.81%) (49.52%) (26.67%) (100%)
321
leaders in Television or Newspaper, few women told that women
leaders comes their area only election time. A very interesting point
was told by the respondents that they only see state women leader
when Chief Minister or Minister visit their area for any inauguration.
1. Una 59 24 22 105
(56.19%) (22.86%) (20.95%) (100%)
2. Mandi 62 26 17 105
(59.05%) (24.76%) (16.19%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 51 25 29 105
(48.57%) (23.81%) (27.62%) (100%)
322
District wise analysis shows that the percentage of the sample
rural women who reported to contest election in future ranged
between 48.57 to 59.05 percent. It was the highest 59.05 percent in
the Mandi district and the lowest 48.57 percent in the Kinnaur
district.
During the field study researcher observed that rural women are
more concerned with their immediate sub system. Most of the rural
women are more likely to contest election at Panchayat level and block
level and a very few rural women contest for the state legislative
Assembly and a very significant are interested to contest for
Parliament. It indicates that rural women are still not fully aware,
confident, therefore they are mostly attached with sub system. Rural
women of Himachal Pradesh, no doubt behind in the areas of politics
due to illiteracy etc. yet the day is not far when they too would join the
mainstream of society.
323
CHAPTER-VI
CONCLUSIONS, INFERENCES AND RECOMMENDATIONS
325
phenomenon both inside and outside the household. Women are tried
to exclude from powerful positions. They are deprived of participating
in the decision making process. Securing the participation of women
in the institution of democracy and governance is now an important
agenda globally. Attempts have been made globally and at local level
to find out the root cause of gender discrimination and their low
presence in various fields, particularly in the political field where they
are almost imperceptible. Gender equality and women empowerment
are the human rights that recline the spirit of growth, for the
accomplishment of the millennium development goals. Over the past
several millennia one of the most remarkable ironies of the present
age is that human civilisation has taken woman as man’s partner in
development and in search of happiness not only to the height of
achievement and recognition but also to the depth of their
exploitation.
326
lopsided development and democracy without roots. Masses had their
voice through electoral process in the national and state politics they
have no opportunity to decide their civic and development issues.
Recognition of this flaw led to the enactment of 73rd Amendment to
facilitate the empowerment of the rural masses specifically deprived
sections to have their share in holistic democratic set up. In this
context in Himachal Pradesh at the time of independence Punjab
Village Act 1939 was in operational but in 1952 Himachal Pradesh
Panchayat Act was passed. It came in to force in 1954. Later
Panchayati Raj Act 1968, was introduced but its result was not
effective. After the 73rd Amendment, HP Govt. enacted HPPR Act
1994. The provisions of reservation, regular election, Gram Sabha,
and twenty nine subjects under the Panchayati Raj were made.
Further State Government has made many Amendments in HPPR Act
1994 as fifty percent reservation for women, special women Gram
Sabha etc. for the political empowerment of the women. Though
women have been elected beyond fifty percent reservation, but still
face a lot of hindrances as far as their active participation is
concerned. There are structural, functional and environmental
constraints like illiteracy, lack of experience, family responsibilities,
restrictive social norms, lack of enabling environment and violence etc
that do not create favourable atmosphere for the participation of
women in PRIs.
327
their life socially. But one should not forget that history is a witness to
the efficient and courageous women who proved their mettle in the
field of politics and administration such as Razia Sultan, Rani
Durgawati, Noor Jahan and Jijabai. The status of women in India
stroked its nadir on the eve of British rule in India. At that time
women occupied very low status. The period of colonial rule and the
freedom struggle marked the beginning of a political awakening
among women. Lakshmi Bai (Rani of Jhansi), was a heroine of 1857
revolt who inspired the Indian women. The reformist wind blew in the
course of emancipation of women during 19th century. The Christian
Missionaries and social reformers started educational institutions for
providing education for women. It was primarily the reform
movements undertaken by the enlightened thinkers and leaders like
Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Ishwar Chandra Vidya Sagar, Dayanand
Sarswati, Swami Vivekanand and Mahtama Gandhi who implicated
the essence of women’s participation and strived for the uplifting of
women. It was the consequence of the efforts of reformist that British
government made law against Sati and Female infanticide and
established some administrative changes. It conceded an innovative
message and hope for women. The freedom struggle is an evidence
active participation of women, who fought shoulder to shoulder with
men from all over the country and from all the sections of society.
After Independence government took keen interest in the all round
development of the women in the country for its commitment to the
twin ideals of democracy and equality. To accomplish the goal of
women development, the government adopted several strategies.
Initially, to protect the rights of women and to certify them equality
with men in all spheres, the government passed a numbers of
legislation. Perusal of the literature in this field indicates that till the
national movement had little direct role in the political activities. But
certain cases of women governance are an indication that elite section
of the women whenever got an opportunity performed successfully her
role. Although in India fair legislative measures were enacted in this
328
field but the gaps between theory and practice indicate the real
picture. Women presence in the political institutions and other
decision making position is meagre.
329
by house-keeping and other activities related to that. Economic
dependence is also hindrance in nurturing their social and political
activities. Comparative study of both the samples indicates certain
trends. In rural areas common women is least articulated. Rural
women leadership belongs to the elite section of the society. These
leaders are backed by the male members of their family. Respondents
age group and education level indicate that the respondents from both
the categories belong to the same age group and education level. The
analysis of the occupation of the sample women leaders revealed that
an overwhelming majority of the elected and rural women were
engaged in agricultural activities and their annual income is below
one lakh from all the sources. The living standard in the villages
indicates that their income is also substantiated from the sources like
agriculture income. On the basis of the response of the elected
members it is inferred that all the elected women members attend the
Gram Sabha meetings regularly and raise the questions regarding
development programmes, projects and financial auditing etc. As far
as the participation of the rural women is concerned, their
participation was not encouraging. Few women attend the Gram
Sabha meeting frequently. It is remarkable to point out that there are
many grounds that hinder women participation in the Gram Sabha
meeting like geographical and economic conditions of Himachal
Pradesh and less faith in elected members of PRIs. On the basis of
participatory observation it has been observed that there is no
dominance of elected representatives in the Gram Sabha meetings but
there is still dominance of elite groups in the Gram Sabha meetings.
Beside this rural women have poor participation in electoral process
and very few women participated in State and Parliamentary election
campaign.
INFERENCES
330
institutionalising power to the people that gives opportunities to
women to participate in the decision making process.. Now they take
part in local administration and participation in the decision making
process. In this context the study shows that most of the women
members were encouraged by their families to contest PRIs elections.
In most of the cases women leaders of PRIs were dependent on the
male family members. The data reveals that the participation of
elected women in the meetings of PRIs is very high. All the women
members do not forget to attend the meetings and there is no
discrimination between male and female in these institutions. They
have very good cooperation from their Male counterpart, Panchayat
Secretary, Block Development Officer and Deputy Commissioner and
the bureaucracy encouraged women to participate in Gram Sabha and
all the meetings of PRIs. Therefore this is the main reason that their
status elevated after becoming member of Panchayati Raj Institutions.
331
reveals a significant point that they are satisfied with their positions
and majority of them are not interested to contest the State and
Parliamentary elections.
332
Strengthened PRIs system of democracy and participation of the
women who constitutes half of the total population is a step in
the field of direct democracy.
Local leaders (Women and men) are not recognised by the state
leaders as stuff for the higher echelons. Majority of the local
leaders who contested the elections were not able to save their
security in the state elections.
333
is non remunerative or her involvement in unorganised sector is the
major cause that block her role in political arena. It is inferred that
the women political participation except voter turnout restricted to the
elite section of the society at every level. Common women’s effective
mean of political participation is voting. Membership of political
parties, involvement of women in the electoral politics is meagre.
SUGGESTIONS
ii. Village wise and ward wise Gram Sabha may be encouraged.
The size of village Panchayat should be reduced to make it
viable and manageable.
334
increase the political participation of women at various levels of
the power structure and to support women to take part in
politics.
xiv. State women leaders and National women leaders should come
and motivate the rural women for political participation.
335
participation so the working women should get some time to be
part of the outer world (political and social).
336
REFERENCES & BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ali, Aruna Asaf. The Resurgence of Indian Women. New Delhi: Radiant
Publishers, 1991.
Arora, Anand. The Women Elite in India. New Delhi: D.K. Fine Arts
Press, 1990.
337
Atri, Dr. Rajender. Introduction to Himachal Pradesh. Shimla: Sarla
Publication, 2000.
Bajpai, Ashok and M.S. Verma. Panchayati Raj in India: A New Thrust.
Delhi: Sahitya Prakashan, 1995.
Bala, Raj. The Legal and Political Status of Women in India. New Delhi:
Mohit Publications, 1999.
338
Bhatnagar, S. Rural Local Government in India. New Delhi: Light and
Life Publications, 1955.
Biju, M.R. ed. Panchayti Raj System in India. New Delhi: Kanishka
Publishers, Distributors, 2008.
339
Chowdhri, D. Paul. Women and Development. New Delhi: Inter India
Publications, 1992.
Dey, S. K. Power to the People. New Delhi: Orient Long Man, 1969.
340
Gehlat, N.S. Elections and Electoral Administration in India. New Delhi:
Deep and Deep Publications, 1992.
Grover, Virender. Election and Politics in India. New Delhi: Deep &
Deep Publications, 1998.
Hasan, Shahir. The Hoax of Panchayati Raj and the Dream of Rural
Dvelopment in Surat Singh ed. Decentralized Governance in
India: Myth and Reality. New Delhi: Deep and Deep Publications
2004.
Jha, Ashok Kumar. Women and Panchayati Raj Institution. New Delhi:
Anmol Publications, 2004.
341
Jharta, Bhawana. Women and Politics in India. New Delhi: Deep &
Deep Publications, 1998.
Joshi, R.P. and G.S. Narwani. Panchayati Raj in India. New Delhi:
Rawat Publication, 2002.
342
Kumari, Archana Verma. Women Political Leadership in India: Some
Important Dimensions. New Delhi: Serials Publications, 2010.
Luthera, Bimla. Nehru and the Place of Women in Indian Society. New
Delhi: Ashish Publishing Company, 1989.
343
Majumdar, A. K. Bhanwar Singh ed. Historical and Conceptual
Development of Panchayati Raj. Delhi: Radha Publications,
1997.
Majumdar, R.C. et.al. The History and Culture of the Indian People: The
Imperial Unity. Bombay: Bhartiya Vidya Bhawan, 1951.
Mathew, D.R. & J.W. Protho. Negroes & the New Southern Politics. New
York: Har Court, Brace & World, 1966.
344
Menon, Latika. Women Empowerment and Challenge of Challenge. New
Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 1998.
345
Palanthurai, G. Dynamics of New Panchayati Raj in India. New Delhi:
Concept Publications, 2005.
Rai, Renuka. Role and Status of Women in India. Calcutta: Firma KLM
Pvt. Ltd., 1970.
346
Rani, Kala. Role Conflict in Working Women. New Delhi: Chetna
Publications, 1976.
Saini, Nitu and Neetu Dubey. Indian Women: Present Status in the Era
of Globalization in Dr. Meenu Agarwal, Women Empowerment
and Globalization. New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers Distributors,
2009.
347
Empowerment Emerging Dimensions in 21st Century’. Ambala
City, India: The Associated Publishers, 2011.
348
Sharma, Ram Sharan. Aspects of Political Ideas and Institutions in
Ancients India. Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass, 1968.
349
Singh, Mian Goverdhan. History Culture Economy of Himachal
Pradesh. Shimla: Minerva Book House, 1994.
350
Sud, O.C. Administration Problems of Rural Development in India. New
Delhi: Kanishka Publishing House, 1992.
Verba, S. B. Ahmed and A.X. Bhatt. Caste Race & Politics. Beverly
Hills: Sage, 1971.
351
Verma, Sudhir. Women’s Struggle in Political Space. Jaipur: Rawat
Publication, 1997.
Yadav, I.S. Communication with Rural Poor. New Delhi: Council for
Social Development, 1985.
Articles
Buch, Nirmala. “Gram Sabha and Panchyati Raj”, Social Action, Vol.
62, January to March 2012.
352
Chandra, Ram. and G Ram Thliagan. “The 73rd Constitutional
Amendment and its Implication for Women”, Kurukshetra, Vol.
XLIII, No. 7, April, 1995.
353
Gill, Rajesh. “Empowering Women through Panchayats”, Men and
Development, Vol.-XXVIII, No-4, 2006.
354
Mathew, George. “Panchyati Raj and Political Parties’ Participation”,
Social Action, Vol. 62, No. 1, Jan-Mar, 2012.
355
Panda, Snehlata. “Emerging Pattern of Leadership among Rural
Women in Orissa”, The Indian Journal of Public Administration,
Vol. XLII, October-December, 1996.
356
Singh, Ajit Pal. “Women’s Participation at Grassroots: an Analysis”,
Main Stream, Vol. XLVII, No 12, March 7, 2009.
357
Acts and Bills
Reports
358
Chief Ministers’ Conference on Poverty Alleviation and Rural
Prosperity through Panchayati Raj, New Delhi: MOPR, 2002.
359
Report of Team for the Study of Community Project and National
Extension Service, Vol. 1, Committee on Plan Project, New
Delhi, 1957.
360
Who’s Who Himachal Pradesh Vidhan Sabha Secretariat, Shimla,
2013.
Website
www.eci.nic.in
www.hp.gov.nic.in
www.iespanchayat.net.in
www.iipa.org.in
www.ipu.org
www.unwomen.org
Newspapers
Amar Ujala
The Hindu
361
APPENDIX-1
Questionnaire
6. Caste: General/SC/ST/OBC
10. Do you attend the Gram Sabha meeting regularly? Yes /No
12. Do you get proper opportunity to express your opinion in the Gram
Sabha meetings? Yes/No
If Yes,
Yes/No
14. Are you satisfy with the steps taken by the Panchayats on the basis of
your suggestions? Yes/No
i
16. Do you feel that the elected representatives of the grassroots
Institutions dominate in the Gram Sabha meetings? Yes/No
17. Do you think that the elite groups of the society influence the decisions
in the Gram Sabha meetings? Yes/No
18. Are you satisfied with the women participation in the Gram Sabha
meetings? Yes/No
19. Before this election did you contest in any other elections of PRIs?
Yes/No
20. Do you think that women devote equal time in PRIs as male members?
Yes/No
21. What are the main reason that motivated you to contest the election;
23. Do you feel that there is any discrimination between male & female
members in Panchayati Raj Institutions? Yes/No
26. What is your opinion about the about the participation of women
representative in Panchayati Raj Institutions after the implementation of
73rd Constitutional amendment?
e) Can’t say
27. Do you feel that your status elevated after becoming Panchayati Raj
representative? Yes/No
ii
28. What are the main factors which affect women voting behaviour
e) All these
If yes,
30. Are you active member of any political party? Yes/No/No Opinion
If yes,
32. What type of support did you get from political party in your election?
33. How do you attend the meetings of the Political Party in which you are
a member?
36. Are you a member of any Association other than Political Association?
Yes/No
If yes,
iii
37. Do you think that political parties should keep away from the local
Institutions and its election process? Yes/No/No Opinion, if yes,
c) All above
c) as a supporter
d) any other
40. What are the hurdles affect the women participation in politics;
e) All these
41. Do you think that Politics is still considered as men’s activity. Yes/No
If yes,
If yes,
43. Do you think that PRIs have become the nursery for State and Nation
politics? Yes/No
iv
44. Do you think that reservation has helped women in active participation
in democratic process?
45. Do you feel reservation help grass root women leaders to enter the
main stream of State as well as National politics? Yes/No//No Opinion
46. Do you think that there should be reservation in the State and National
Legislative Assembly? Yes/No
47. Do you think that there should be reservation in the State and National
Legislative Assembly? Yes/No
If yes.
48. Are you satisfied with the 50 percent reservation in the Panchayati Raj
Institutions? Yes/No
Yes/No/No opinion
50. Whether the state women leader convinces and motivates the rural
women to participate in politics? Yes/No/No Opinion
51. Are you interested in contesting the state and the Parliamentary
election in future? Yes/No
v
APPENDIX-2
Map of Himachal Pradesh
Sample Districts
vi
APPENDIX-3
Chart of the Sample
vii
APPENDIX-4
The District-wise Details of Blocks
Sr. Name of the Name of the Block Sr. Name of the Name of the Block
No. Distt. No. Distt.
1 Bilaspur Ghumarwin 8 Mandi Chauntra
Jhandutta Drang
Bilaspur Sadar Dharampur
Sri Naina Devi Ji Gopalpur
2 Chamba Pangi Sundernagar
Tisa Balh
Salooni Mandi Sadar
Chamba Chachyot
Bhattiyat Karsog
Mehla Seraj
Bharmaur 9 Shimla Rampur
3 Hamirpur Tihra Sujanpur Narkanda
Nadaun Theog
Hamirpur Mashobra
Bijhri Basantpur
Bhoranj Chaupal
Bamson Jubbal Kotkhai
4 Kangra Nurpur Rohru
Indora Chauhara
Fatehpur Nankhari
Nagrota Surian 10 Sirmour Rajgarh
Pragpur Pachhad
Dehra Nahan
Kangra Paonta Sahib
Rait Sangrah
Nagrota Bagwan Shilai
Bhawarna 11 Solan Kunihar
Lambagaon Nalagarh
Baijnath Dharampur
Panchrukhi Solan
Sulah Kandaghat
Dharamshala 12 Una Amb
5 Kinnaur Pooh Gagret
Kalpa Bangana
Nichar Una
6 Kullu Nagar Haroli
Kullu
Banjar
Ani
Nirmand
7 Lahaul & Spiti Lahaul
Spiti
Source: Department of Economics and Statistics, Govt. of HP, Shimla
viii
APPENDIX-5
Number of Seats Reserved for Women Representatives in Panchayats, Member Gram Panchayat (Term 2011 to 2016)
S. District Total Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Reservation Reservation for Reservation Percentage
No. Post Scheduled Castes Scheduled Tribes OBC for General Women (%)
Women
General Women General Women Genral Women Total % SC ST OBC
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
2 Chamba 1585 77 228 176 278 0 0 428 934 58.93 19.24 28.64 0.00
4 Kangra 4554 271 761 0 0 0 0 1893 2654 58.28 22.66 0.00 0.00
6 Kullu 1228 128 226 2 26 0 0 462 714 58.14 28.83 2.28 0.00
8 Mandi 2877 289 570 1 34 0 0 1072 1676 58.26 29.86 1.22 0.00
9 Shimla 2077 205 401 0 3 0 0 813 1217 58.59 29.18 0.14 0.00
10 Sirmaur 1390 169 277 5 9 0 0 523 809 58.20 32.09 1.01 0.00
11 Solan 1345 162 262 0 0 0 0 513 775 57.62 31.52 0.00 0.00
H.P. 19413 1587 3412 394 622 0 0 7283 11317 58.30 25.75 5.23 0.00
Source: Panchayati Raj Department, HP.
ix
APPENDIX-6
Number of Seats Reserved for Women Representatives in Panchayats, Pradhan Gram Panchayat (Term 2011 to 2016)
S. District Total Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Reservation Reservation for Reservation Percentage (%)
No. Post Scheduled Castes Scheduled Tribes OBC for General Women
Women
General Women General Women General Women Total % SC ST OBC
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
H.P. 3243 390 421 97 104 109 127 987 987 50.54 25.01 6.20 7.28
Source: Panchayati Raj Department, HP.
x
APPENDIX-7
Number of Seats Reserved for Women Representatives in Panchayats, Member Panchayat Samiti (Term 2011 to 2016)
S. District Total Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Reservation Reservation for Reservation Percentage (%)
No. Post Scheduled Castes Scheduled Tribes OBC for General Women
Women
General Women General Women General Women Total % SC ST OBC
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
H.P. 1682 192 226 47 56 48 67 514 863 51.31 24.85 6.12 6.84
Source: Panchayati Raj Department, HP.
xi
APPENDIX-8
Number of Seats Reserved for Women Representatives in Panchayats, Chairman Panchayat Samiti (Term 2011 to 2016)
S. District Total Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Reservation Reservation for Reservation Percentage (%)
No. Post Scheduled Castes Scheduled Tribes OBC for General Women
Women
General Women General Women General Women Total % SC ST OBC
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
xii
APPENDIX-9
Number of Seats Reserved for Women Representatives in Panchayats, Member Zila Parishad (Term 2011 to 2016)
S. District Total Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Reservation Reservation for Reservation Percentage (%)
No. Post Scheduled Castes Scheduled Tribes OBC for General Women
Women
General Women General Women General Women Total % SC ST OBC
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
xiii
APPENDIX-10
Number of Seats Reserved for Women Representatives in Panchayats, Chairman Zila Parishad (Term 2011 to 2016)
S. No. District Total Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Reservation Reservation for Reservation Percentage (%)
Post Scheduled Castes Scheduled Tribes OBC for General Women
Women
General Women General Women General Women Total % SC ST OBC
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
xiv
APPENDIX-11
Candidates Contested and Votes Polled in HP State Assembly
Year/ Candidates Contested Party –wise valid votes polled
District Men Women Congress B.S.P. B.J.P. C.P.I. C.P.M. Others Total
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
1998 344 25 1121071 - 984916 11088 13508 421146 2551729
2003 377 31 1251409 - 1079781 6220 14616 700520 3052546
2007 311 25 1280480 238959 1441142 6366 18916 305803 3291666
2012 425 34 1447319 39575 1300756 7362 38244 547772 3381028
1. Bilaspur 25 - 91974 2120 86209 1117 - 18994 200414
2. Chamba 23 4 108826 2848 102250 2620 960 24330 241834
3. Hamirpur 27 2 94277 1217 116431 - 1368 29656 242949
4. Kangra 119 10 312393 12954 248602 1320 1230 191032 767531
5. Kinnaur 5 - 20722 499 14434 - - 2658 38313
6. Kullu 20 2 80563 1544 73574 - 474 56932 213087
7. Lahaul Spiti 6 - 10187 54 6491 - - 153 16885
8. Mandi 66 3 229130 5285 221282 1468 3750 70706 531621
9. Shimla 44 4 191252 3822 94075 - 23227 46650 359026
10. Sirmaur 24 2 84519 2846 118002 - 2877 40970 249214
11. Solan 34 5 100875 2004 100874 837 2981 51187 258758
12. Una 32 2 122601 4382 118532 - 1377 14504 261396
Source: Chief Electoral Officer, HP.
xv