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Nalay in Indonesia. Malaysia. and Singapore:
Three Faces of a National Language
Peter Lowenberg
Introduction
Pre-colonial Era
The region comprising present-day Indonesia, Malaysia,
and
3
2
Singapore has always been unified in terms of its indigenous
languages, most of which share phonological, morphosyntactic, and
lexical features marking them as members of the
Western
Indonesian sub-branch of the Malayo-Polynesian language family
(Dyen 1971; Voegelin and Voegelin 1964).
Malay's assumption of this role has resulted from its long use as
a mother tongue on both the Sumatran and Malay sides of the
straits of Malacca, which have continually been the keystone to
maritime commerce in Southeast Asia. The Malay inhabitants of
this area have always been active traders and navigators,
spreading their language with them at all their ports of call
(Gonda 1973). Concurrently, "traders, migrants, and even pirates
who plied up and down the Straits of Malacca could not escape
contact with Malay-speaking people" (hsmah 1982 :202-203), whose
language they subsequently learned and than used in their
interethnic contacts with one another.
4
3
contemporary Palembang in southern Sumatra and a secondary base
at Kedah on the Malay Peninsula, Srivijaya eventually conquered
all of Sumatra, West and Central Java, and the Malay Peninsula,
establishing colonies along all seacoasts and major rivers within
its domain. It maintained diplomatic relations with both /ndia
and China and effectively controlled both the Straits of Malacca
and the Straits of Sunda (between Sumatra and Java) for over five
centuries (Cady 1964; Harrison 1967; Williams 1976). The
extensive area over which Malay had official status during the
Srivijaya era is reflected by the widespread locations of stone
monuments with Malay inscriptions in Devanagari script later
found on Sumatra, Java, and the Malay Peninsula (Alisjahbana
1976; Asmah 1982). In addition to its use within the actual
political domains of Srivi4arl, Gonda (1973:87) surmises that the
emplav "in all Probability, likewise furthered the spread of
Malay over adjacent countries which felt its influence."
The decline from power of Srivijaya by no means lessened the
role of Malay. For with the subsequent expansion of the Islamic
kingdom of Malacca during the fifteenth century, tha Malay spoken
5
5
ColonAal Indonesi,
6
6
they severely restricted immigration of other Asians, resulting
in a population which was almost entirely indigenous to the
islands and which had long shared Malay as a link language.
Although Dutch was initially the only official colonial
language, the Dutch themselves found Malay extremely useful as an
auxiliary language for local administration and for communication
with the linguistically diverse peoples they sought to govern.
Therefore, in 1865, Maley was adopted as the second official
language by the Dutch colonial government, who used it as an
auxiliary language for local administration, commerce, and
7
7
of Indonesians could attend only "Tweede Klasse" (Sicond Class)
schools, in which the language of instruction was Malay (Kababan
9
9
10
10
1980) and to use it as the primary language of the
islands. In
their efforts to mobilize the Indonesians for the
war effort, the
Japanese went out to the most remote villiages, introducing
Bahasa Indonesia in regions where it had never been used
before
(Alisjahbana 1976).
11
11
Japanese occupation, 7,000 new terms had been adopted into the
Indonesian language (Alisjahbana 1976; Reid 1980).
Concurrently, a small class of urban Indonesians -- who
during the Dutch colonial era had been treated as a privileged
indigenous aristocracy, been educated in the Dutch-language
schools, and subsequently used Dutch as their first language--
were suddenly forbidden by the Japanese from speaking Dutch and,
therefore had to adopt Bahasa Indonesia as their primary
language. This class, though not actively involved in the
nationaliat movement, had traditional status among the Indonesian
population; their use of Bahasa Indonesia further expanded the
domains of its USG and added significantly to its prestige
(Stevens 1973).
12
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13
13
etteramees distinctions in rank and status (Tanner 1967: Abas
19781 earrisea 19701 'Mahan 1900; Diah 1982).
14
40. 14
primary schools, being taught six to eight hours weekly for all
six years, and is thereafter taught as a subject fkre hours per
week during the three years of junior high school and at least
three hours per week for the three years of senior high school
(hanenson 1979; Nababan 1982).
Besides providing access to proficiency in Bahasa Indonesia,
the schools are also mandated by Indonesia's language policy to
use the national language "as a means to strengthen and maintain
the feeling of nationalism and unity". For example, the language
arts curriculum in the secondary schools includes as writing
models the nationalist literature in Bahasa Indonesia from the
19301s, mentioned earlier (Diah 1982:29).
In addition to the schools, Indonesia's education system is
also increasing national proficiency in Bahasa Indonesia through
an extensive non-formal education literacy program, Despite the
fact that by 1980, eighty-five per cent of all elementary school
15
15
et al. 1980:50).
A primary goal in these programs has been
proficiency and literacy in Bahasa Indonesia in order to write
letters and to read newspapers, magazines, and other publications
on a variety of practical topics (Lowenberg 1984; )apitupulu
1980).
16
*?.
16
of intraethnic communication among people sharing the same
regional language as their mother tongue. Most of the regional
languages of Indonesia, like Javanese mentioned above, require
for any speech act careful consideration of the relative status
of the participants and observers (See, for example, Glicken
1982, for a description of the Sundanese language of West Java).
In urban life, new social roles are created which may differ
radically from traditional status relationships in the villages.
As a result, participants in an urban speech act may stand in a
superior-subordinate relationship in terms of a traditional
hierarchy of ascribed status, such as nobility, but be social
equals in terms of a newer hierarchy of achieved status., such as
education and employment. Tanner (1967:24) notes that "in such
ambiguous situations individuals can avoid the difficulties and
embarrassment involved in either proclaiming their equality or
acknowledging their superiority or inferiority by communicating
with one another in Indonesian" (ie. Bahasa Indonesia).
A third factor responsible for increasing proficiency in and
use of Bahasa Indonesia has been the broadcast media. In
17
17
often cited success in the selection, spread, and popular
acceptance of her national language has resulted from a complex
series of sociocultural, political, economic, and linguistic
developments spanning more than a millenium. In Indonesia, Malay
has evolved from a pre-colonial lingua franca, 'exhibiting
considerable regional variation and functioning in a relatively
restricted set of trade-relatad domains, into the primary shared
code of over 150 million people, with widespread status and
prestige, a high degree of elaboration and cultivation adequate
for use in virtually all linguistic domains of the modern world,
a well-developed body of literature, and sufficient neutrality
with regard to ethnicity and stylistic features to serVe as one
of the most popular national languages in the modern world.
,011.
18
18
period of British influence, in contrast to the highly
restrictive immigration policy of the Dutch, noted above, was
marked by large-scale immigration of Hokkien-speaking Chinese to
the Straits Settlements, where they soon became the majority
populations of Penang and Singapore (Platt, Weber, and Ho 1983).
As will be seen, this concentration of Chinese in the coastal
cities profoundly affected the future political, economic, and
sociolinguistic development of the region.
In the 1870,s, the British began to expand their influence
more vigorously in the region until, by the end of the early
twentieth century, they administered with varying degrees of
direct control all of the Malay Peninsula and the crown colonies
of Sarawak, Sabah, and Brunei on western Borneo (Vreeland et al.
1977a). Concurrent with this increasing British influence came
further large-scale immigration to the region of Chinese and
South Asians, the former to work in tin mines being opened in the
interior of the Malay Peninsula, and the latter to develop rubber
19
19
1980).
20
20
(Alisjahbana 1976; Vreeland et al. 1977a).
21
21
communication (Platt and Weber 1980).
More significant for the status of Malay in contemporary
Malaysia and Singapore, English also became the language of power
and pre4tige among the urban non-European elites throughout the
colony, particular%y as the primary code for intetethnic
communication among the Chinese, Indian, and Malay elites who
attended the English-medium schools and then continued to use
English in a wide variety of domains as adults (Platt and Weber
1980; Vteeland et al. 1977a). By the end of the colonial era,
English had become "a lingua franca among the more educated
sections of the community" (Le Page 1962:133).
A final factor leading to the lesser status of Malay in
colonial Malaya than in colonial Indonesia was the Japanese
occupation. As in Indonesia, the Japanese initially attempted to
promote the Japanese language among the occupied population, only
to discover that the population could not learn the Japanese
language quickly enough to sustain the war effort. However,
whereas Malay had been sufficiently developed under the Dutch to
be adopted by the Japanese as an official language in Indonesia,
the emphasis on English in British Malaya had left Malay
linguistically unequipped for use in modern domains. Hence the
Japanese were forced to reinstate limited use of English, which
they had originally prohibited, or else "the administrative
structure of Malaya, which they had so hastily set up, would
simply collapse like a deck of cards" (Chin 1946:156; Cheah
1983).
,
22
22
Bahasa /ndonesia as a step toward /ndonesian independence, they
never seriously consleared independence for Malaya, most of
which
they conridered economically and politically backward.
Instead,
the Japanese intended to rule the Straits Settlements directly,
with the remainder of Malaya administered from Singapore as a
protectorate (kkashi 1980; Elsbree 1953).
Thus perceiving no possibility of using Malay for-
communicationior need to develop it as the official language for
a future independent ally - - their motives for supporting Bahasa
/ndonesia -- the Japanese put little effort into the promotion of
Malay in Malaya. By the nd of the Japanese occupation, in
contril,b to the numerous fun.:itional domains for whiCh
Bahasa
/ndonesia had been modernized and standardized, the functions of
Malay in the former British territories were still extremely
restricted.
post-colonial Malaya
23
23
population who had comprised the non-European elites during the
colonial era could speak English (Hassan 1975; Le Page 1962).
However, an equally important and explicitly formulated goal
was to accord favored status to the Malays, the largest and
therefore potentially the most politically powerful etilnic group,
in their economic competition with the descendants of
the Chinese
and Indian immigrants. These non-Malays -- especially the
Chinese by virtue of their concentrations in the urban coastal
centers, where they had long been using English -- had during the
colonial period gained a significant economic advantage
over the
Malays (Le Page 1962; Vreeland et al. 1977a).
24
24
25
25
Contemporary Malaysia -
26
5
27
meth*, Sore than an attempt on the part of its native
to assert their superiority and heighten
Ilevatramd oeppetition by placing the other groups in
the esustry at a disadvantage.
28
28
standard varieties of Malay, inadequately trained
teachers, and a
dearth of teaching materials in the rural schools
has resulted in
rural Malay students generally experiencing
more difficulty in
watering standard Bahasa Malaysia than do the urban non-Malay
native speakers of other languages "who study Bahasa Malaysia
as
an object in the classroom" (Le Page 1985:35).
In addition,
contrary to the non-formal education programs,
discussed earlier,
which are bringing both literacy and
proficiency in Bahasa
Indonesia to the rural population of Indonesia, de Terra
(1983:536) claims that no such literacy campaigns are being
pursued in Malaysia, and that "Bahasa Malaysia is not available
to all."
29
29
the rural Malays and other ethnic minorities can gain access to
literacy and proficiency in the prestige variety of Bahasa
Malaysia variety and thereby begin to share in the economic
benefits of Malaysia's development.
Singapore
30
30
In order to convince. Malaya that unification would not
present a threat to the Federation's already fragile interethnic
stability, Singapore in 1959 adopted Malay as its single national
language and the primary medium of instruction in its schools.
That this policy was motivated by the desire for unification with
Malaya is indicated by an official language policy statement at
the time which argued that granting this status to Malay "will
help us to croas the Straits of ;chore iseparating Malaya and
Singapore] into the Federation" (cited in Gopinathan 1974:34).
This policy was by no means empty rhetoric. For the next
five years, Singapore did more than Malaya to promote the status
of Malay, including (Gopinathan 1974)
31
- 31
are the indigenous people of the island and most in need of
assistance" (cited in Buss 1958:54). Toward this end, Malay
students were offered free primary, secondary, and university
education; additional scholarships and other financial support;
free textbooks; and special transportation allowances (Gopinathan
1974).
These policies regarding the Malay language and its native
speakers appiar to have enhanced Malaya's confidence that
political merger with Singapore could succeed. In addition,
concern over a strong left-wing political movement in Singapore
that had been steadily growing since the mid-1960's further
motivated the Malayans to unite with Singapore in order to avoid
ultimately having a Communist Chinese city-state as a neighbor.
Therefore, in September, 1963, as noted above, the expanded
nation of Malaysia was formed by a merger of the Federation of
Malaya, Singapore, and the crown colonies of Sabah and Sarawak,
the latter being included in part for their largely non-Chinese
populations, which ensured that the majority of the Malaysian
population would still be peoples indigenous to the region
(Vreeland et al. 2977a).
32
32
of this policy division was the educational system, in which
Singapore declared no intention of converting to a system of all
Malay-medium schools from its four "streams" of schools, each
with a different primary language of instruction -- English as
the colonial legacy, and Malay, Mandarin, and Tamil as options
for the major ethnic groups (Gopinathan 1974). Another source of
conflict was dissatisfaction among a large sector of Singapore's
33
a. 33
tongue would have been one possible choice. However, the
continued presence of highly vocal left-wing political parties
was already a matter of considerable concern among the vehemently
34
34
protocol rituals at official functions (Xuo 1977; Laamzon 197e).
In all other domains controlled in any way by the
government,
including the education system,. Malay shares status
as an
official language with Mandarin, Tamil, and English.
The intent
of this multilingual policy, as it already
was in the school
system before independence, has been to promote
the three non-
European languages in order to maintain ethnic identity and
cultural diversity, while using English in the domains of
administration and law, in interethnic communication, and in
international commerce in the worldls fourth busiest seaport
(Vreeland et al. 1977b).
35
35
a.
and once hired, employees' competence in English is an important
criterion in their promotion (Tay 1982). In addition, English-
educated employees consistently earn higher monthly incomes than
do employees of the same age and level of education who have been
36
36
(1977:22) observes that the option of sending their-children to
English-medium schools "becomes easier for the parents because
they can now send their children to English schools for economic
advancement without any guilty feeling of betraying their ethnic
tradition."
A related consequence of this increasing use of English in
the schools and on the job has been a rise in the use of English
in informal conversation. During the colonial era, as discussed
above, English had already become an important code for
interethnic communication, especially among the educated sector
of the population. Amore dramatic development since Singapore's
independence has been the widespread use of English for
intraethnic conversation among all ethnic groups. In these
cases, English is often mixed and switched with other languages
when speakers wish to signal their status, education, or a change
in register (cf. Lowenberg 1985; Platt and Weber 1980; Richards
1982).
37
37
official languages, but also the replacement of Malay as
Singapore's de facto national language.
38
38
percentage which may be considerably higher among the 36 per cent
39
39
a person's use of language in childhood much more than the
traditionally defined mother tongue."
Conclusion
40
40
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41
41
policies. Concurrently, the comfortable demographic superiority
that the Chinese enjoy, which likewise results from British
immigration policies, protects Malay from being perceived as the
vested interest et an ethnic rival, with the result that Malay
egotism' to flourish in interpersonal domains.
Meanwhile, the status of and domains served by the languages
of these three multilingual countries are
far from static. In
2ndemesia. Maley was originally selected in part to offset the
traditional dominance of the Javanese. However, since
independenos, as positions of power have tended
to be occupied by
the Javanese, Bahasa Indonesia has
been altered by substantial
transfer from Javanese at all linguistic levels, occasionally
misvalue comers among other ethnic groups that the neutrality
et the national language is being eroded (Abas
1978; Stevens
1973). Concurrently, Malaysia has found that its long dependence
es !English, both domestically and
internationally, cannot be
eradinated as easily as had been hoped in the late
1960's, and a
essnerted push to upgrade awash in recent years (Le Page 1984;
apfeell Ma) may dilute the linguistiu hegemony that Bahasa
Malgras has adored for the past decade. In Singapore, the
geverosent for several years has been attempting
to promote the
use of Mandarin among the Chinese, partly in an effort
to balance
the dominance of Mynah (Le Page 1984). To the degree that this
sampaign is effective, official interest in Malay may revive as
well. Mao (1978b) reports that the Singapore government has been
42
42
language planning activities toward the standardization and
modernization of Bahasa Indonesia and Bahasa Malaysia.
-4 3
REFERENCES
Cheah Boon !Chang. 1983. Red star over Malaya: resistance and social
conflict during and after the Japanese occupation of
Singapore: University of Singapore Press. Malaya, 1941-46.
Chin Kee Onn. 1946. Malaya*upside down. Singapore: Jitts and Company.
de Terra, Diane. 1983. The linguagenesis of
society: the implementation
of the national language plan in West Malaysia.
In Bruce Bain (ed.),
The sociogenesis of language and human contact. New
Press. pp. 527-540. York: Plenum
44
Douglas, Stephen A. 1970. Political socialization and student activism
in Indonesia. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.
Dyen, Isadore. 1971. The Austronesian languages and
Proto-Austronesian. In Thomas A. Sebeok (ed.), Current trends in
linguistics. V01. 8, Part 1. The Hague: Mouton. pp. 5-54.
46
Platt, John, Heidi Weber, and Mian Lien Ho. 1983. Singapore and
Malaysia. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
(. series Varieties of English around the World] [Vol. 4 in
Vteeland, Nena, et. al. 1975. Area handbook for Indonesia (third
edition). Washington, DC: The American University.
Vreeland, Nona, et. al. 1977a. Area handbook for Malaysia
edition). Washington, DC: The American University. (third
47
Additional References