Cricket in India: More Than a Sport

Ben Shenhar 30.03.2018

“Cricket is an Indian game accidentally discovered by the English” – Ashis Nandy1

Introduction
Amidst the tea venders, brightly-colored saris, mysterious incantations, burning incense, sadhus
begging, dogs wailing, and overwhelming sense of chaos, a familiar sight is seen throughout India.
In a country where languages, religions, cultures and traditions differ from city to city, region to
region, there is one thing they all share: cricket. Boys and men, young and old, rich and poor,
amidst narrow alleyways, dilapidated pitches or railway tracks are seen playing cricket throughout
India. Besides overpopulated, corrupted and filthy, ‘cricket-crazed’ is perhaps the most appropriate
way to describe modern India.
Why and how is this the case? This paper first seeks to retrace the early development of
cricket in India. I will seek to answer how an elitist British pastime reserved for the upper-classes
was diffused to the Indian populace, and what role, if any, did cricket play in bridging communal
divides and fostering an Indian national identity. How was cricket indigenized to become Indian,
how was it modernized, and what role did this play in the overall decolonization of India?
Next, I wish to gauge the role cricket plays in modern India. How does cricket interact with
preexisting Indian traditions and why is cricket important to so many Indians? Finally, I plan to
survey Indo-Pak cricket in light of Indo-Pak diplomatic, political, and military relations in general.
We shall see that cricket acts as metaphor for the existing, capricious state-of-affairs between the
two nations and that besides being a simulacrum of war, cricket also acts as a bridge for peace.
There is one motif that radiates, I believe, throughout all the issues I will touch upon. In a
deeply fragmented, multi-colored and diverse country, cricket acts as a glue for the Indian nation
where none other are found. Whether it be during the Raj, in modern society, or in conflict with
Pakistan, Indians forget the lines that divide them when playing, cheering, or watching cricket. In

1
Nandy, A. (1989). The Tao of Cricket. London: Viking. pp.1

1
a country still grappling with maintaining a unified identity, perhaps this is why cricket has proven
so popular.

Victorian Beginnings to Colonialist Tool

The first historical documentation of cricket dates back to early 17th century Britain. In time,
cricket grew from being a rural pastime to an organized sporting event favored by English landed
gentry. By the 19th century, cricket was glorified as the quintessential Victorian game – a true
embodiment of the English system of manners, ethics, and morals (Mustafa, 2013). Through
cricket, the English upper-class learned teamwork, obeying authority, courage, loyalty, and respect
for rules (Stoddart, 1998). As Appadurai notes: “cricket came closer than any other public form to
distilling, constituting, and communicating the vales of the Victorian upper classes in England to
English gentlemen … as a means for apprehending the class codes of the period”2 (Appadurai,
2015, pp.3). Indeed, Appadurai’s words ring true with Bourdieu’s views on sport and social class.
Bourdieu rightfully claims that in the modern era, sport plays an integral part in the ethos and ideal
of the upper class (Bourdieu, 1997). As we shall see, this function of cricket in Victorian society
later played a major role in instilling cricket in India.
After playing cricket in the colonies amongst themselves for more than a century, a policy
of Anglicization was implemented in 1835 wherein Indians were trained and encouraged to be
British (Devan, 2012). In the colonies, especially India, the Victorians were now determined to
civilize the ‘lazy native’. An integral feature of this process, as they understood it, was to
‘disseminate the gospel of athleticism’ to the native (Mustafa, 2013). Of all the games introduced
to the empire, cricket received primary emphasis. Owing to cricket’s status as the embodiment of
the British value system, cricket was considered the main vehicle for transferring the appropriate
British moral code to the colonized. From the early days of the empire, the British viewed the
native Indians as lazy and ineffectual (Majumdar, 2004b). Lord Harris, a late 19th century governor
of Bombay and avid cricket aficionado, believed that selected groups of Indians would be ready
for some political responsibility when they had assimilated the behavioral codes of cricket
(Stoddart, 1998). Around the empire, various administrators saw the game as a moral guide and

2
All emphases throughout the paper are mine.

2
training guide for life. Victorian beliefs as to social behavior, standards, relations, and values were
dispersed via cricket.
Nonetheless, cricket served a more important goal than simply to ‘civilize the native’.
Sport, perhaps more than any other cultural institution, affirmed British cultural hegemony and
established class relations by strengthening socially shared beliefs. This cultural power rested with
the ability of the imperial system to have its main social tenets accepted as appropriate forms of
behavior by the bulk of the populace. The elites maintained their cultural primacy through cricket
as much as through economic and political power. Through cricket, the elites further established
their position as elites by determining that their values and standards be accepted by the populace
as the cultural program most appropriate to the community (Mustafa, 2013; Stoddart, 1998).
This goal of cultural hegemony is one propounded extensively by Bourdieu. According to
Bourdieu, once the masses accept the cultural forms of the elites, including sport, the elites and
their rule is naturally strengthened. A natural divide is also created between those who set and
create the culture and those that merely consume it, the rulers and the ruled. By accepting cricket
as an acceptable and wanted cultural form, Indians de facto undermined their own cultural values,
giving into the British hegemony, accepting their status as rulers – precisely as the British wanted
and as Bourdieu claims (Bourdieu, 1991).

Cricket and “Indianness”: Decolonization, Indigenization, and the Creating of

an Indian Identity

Indian Beginnings
How far can the acceptance of cricket in India be seen as a successful exercise of social control?
Where does the promoting hand of the colonial master stop and where does the assimilating
indigenous tradition start? Perhaps the ideology of colonialism was the starting point for the
adoption of cricket, but eventually Indians choose to pursue the game because it suited their own
reasons, such as resistance to colonialist regime? These are the questions we will seek to answer
in the following section. Cricket as a ‘hard cultural form’ (Appadurai, 2015), with rigid codes of
conduct and a strong colonialist mark, ought to resist indigenization; yet, it has become profoundly
indigenized and decolonized.

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 The first Indians to play the game were the Parsees of Bombay, an educated, prosperous,
and Westernized group (Guha, 1997). As Mustafa notes, the Parsees were the ‘middleman’ group
in colonial India – cultural brokers between the British and Indian society. The Parsees derived
great social and economic benefits by collaborating with British in trade and services, and naturally
took up the British pastime presumably as a way to bring themselves closer, both socially and
culturally, with the colonialist rulers (Mustafa, 2013). The involvement of the Parsees led other
communities to take interest in the game. The Hindus started playing cricket probably out of
competitive communalism for they had a long-standing social and business rivalry with the Parsees
(Guha, 1997). Other groups in Bombay seeking to benefit from colonial trade decided to take up
cricket soon after. Thus, Muslims, Hindus, and Catholics formed their own cricket clubs and
starting competing among one another. By the late 19th century, the game had acquired a popular
appeal in the city.
Another important factor in the indigenization of cricket was the growing patronage of
cricket by local Indian princes. The princes saw cricket as another extension of their royal
traditions. By patronizing cricket, the princes sought to increase their influence among the ruling
class and to bring themselves closer to the British by showing them that they share their ideals
(Mustafa, 2003; Stoddart, 1998). In effect, they sought to substantiate their status as elites in the
eyes of the locals and the colonists by endorsing a cultural form associated with the imperial elites.
This too can be read as a bi-product of the imperial, cultural hegemony ingrained in the Indian
psyche by cricket.
In seeking to create their own skillful teams, the princes offered support to many cricketers
from humble families in the Indian mainland who would find their way to bigger cities, such as
Bombay. Hence, they were the first to introduce cricket as a means of social mobility for lower-
class Indians. Moreover, they imported coaches and players, often ‘professionals’ from England,
to train their teams and make them more competitive. They organized tournaments and prizes,
subsidized teams, developed cricket pitches and imported equipment (Mustafa, 2013, pp.327). By
bureaucratizing the sport and by transforming it into a vehicle for social mobility, the princes were
the first to instantiate the ‘civilizing process’ in Indian cricket, starting its evolution towards its
current form as a modern sport in similar vein of other Western sports (Guttman, 1978; Elias,
1986). Finally, this princely patronage led to competitive Indian teams composed entirely of

4
Indians, thus laying the grounds for the mastery of cricket among ordinary Indians that was to
blossom into national pride in Indian cricketing competence (Appadurai, 2015).

Arena for Battling British: Asserting Indian Pride

Sandiford writes: “The story of cricket is about the colonial quest for identity in the face of the
colonizers’ search for authority” (Stoddart & Sandiford, 1998, pp.1). As colonialism ushered in
new political identities, the sporting field most often was the stage for the expression of such
identities. Whenever playing cricket held symbolic value to the idea of the community, it was
successfully adopted. “Defeating the colonizer, and not moral wellbeing … was the driving force
behind the success of cricket” (Mustafa, 2013, pp.329).
After the mutiny of 1857, political action and military action against the colonizer
altogether disappeared. As the Raj became more secure, the native Indians sought new ways to
challenge colonial superiority. Sport, specifically cricket, emerged as an arena that harbored
symbolic value to both colonizers and colonized where imperial supremacy could be challenged
(Mustafa, 2013). In a fantastic paper, Majumdar chronicles the sporting habits of upper-class
Bengali students enrolled in the Presidency College, Calcutta - a colonial, educational institution
during the late 19th and 20th century (Majumdar, 2004b). As he notes, it would not be wrong to
assume that cricket, and the nationalistic overtones it assumed for the Bengali students, was the
only means of resistance or opposition for them that did not incur the wrath of the Raj.3
As mentioned, from the early years of the Raj, the British portrayed the Indian male as
ineffective, lazy and even feminine. The Bengalis sought to counter the derisive stereotypes of
their colonial masters. Therefore, it is hardly surprising that rigorous physical exercises were
compulsory for all students of the Presidency College. They likewise took to cricket and football
over indigenous sports such as wrestling as they sought acceptance in British eyes by challenging
them at their own games, another instance of cricket’s position in the cultural hierarchy shaped by
the British. British sports were described in detail in the college magazines while indigenous sports
rarely garnered a mention. Worthy performances against Europeans were always lauded, including
performances by ex-students. An excerpt from the annual report of the Athletic Club for the year
1913-1914 is especially telling. The College lost in all competitions that year after being victorious
the previous year. The report reads:

3
The next two paragraphs are drawn entirely from Majumdar’s paper (Majumdar, 2004b)

5
 “But to lose all the trophies … simply through lack of resolution and energy is
indeed deplorable and is a sad commentary on the patriotism of our men, who it
has been said were never willing to play or practice when an attractive cup match
… was taking place.” (ibid., pp.397)
The report claims that losing in all competitions is indicative of their lack of patriotism. That is,
sporting achievements are tied to nationalistic and patriotic sentiments. Furthermore, the report
explicitly makes reference to the disparaging, racist stereotypes attached to the Indians, and claims
that by losing, they merely fuel these stereotypes more so.
Other instances of challenging British on the sporting field may be noted too. Victory of
the Parsees of Bombay over the visiting English side in 1890 was widely regarded as a blow to the
prestige of the Empire (Sengupta, 2004). In 1906, the Hindu side unexpectedly clobbered the
Europeans for the first time. The news quickly spread throughout India. A newspaper in Lahore,
looking for an apt comparison, compared the victory to the recent victory of Japan against Russia
on the battlefield – a victory of Asia over Europe (Guha, 1997). A memoir of a fan watching the
Hindu cricketer C.K. Nayadu playing against the Europeans is also indicative:
“Every sixer hit by ‘C.K.’ … was as good as a nail in the coffin of the British
Empire… We madly cheered each shot … not only as a cricket performance but
also as an assertion of our resolve to throw the British out of India.” (Mustafa, 2013,
pp.330)
Thus, by playing British cricket, Indians asserted their own identity, sense of worth, and want of
independence in the face of imperial rule. By coming together to play against Europeans,
decolonizing forces forged and strengthened new identities. In the next section, we shall review
how these new identities overcame opposition from former, communal identities that stifled
progress towards a unified Indian identity.

Cricket, Communalism and Caste: Breaking Ethnic, Racial, and Social Divides
Cricket was initially organized along communal, ethno-religious lines. This cricket divide,
remaining in place until the 1930s, together with issues of separate electorates and control of
religious endowments, penetrated deep into Indian self-conceptions, perpetuating communal
conceptions of identity (Appadurai, 2015). It was only when English teams began to tour India
that there was a need to create an “Indian” team that would serve as a fitting opponent. As more

6
Indians began to play the game and as more patrons began to organize teams, there was a need to
create a first-rate Indian team from the full pool of Indian talent. Thus, paradoxically, in terms of
cricket, “India” had to be invented for the purposes of colonial cricket. The imperialists’ need to
play against parallel entities in the colonies demanded the creation of a unified, “Indian” identity.
In turn, cricket came to be seen as a viable playing ground for asserting Indian pride in the face of
colonial rule. As a result, communal ties that had defined India for generations had begun to fray
against the winds of change.4
The Study of Baloo, the Untouchable5, offers insight into the relations between cricket,
caste, and communal divides. Baloo was born in 1875 in Poona, at the bottom of the Hindu caste
hierarchy. Baloo’s cricket skills were discovered by the British of the Poona Sporting Club where
he was a servant. Word of his skill reached the rival Deccan Gymkhana Sporting Club, run for by
high-caste Hindus. The members of Deccan wished so desperately to defeat the British in Poona,
surely for similar reasons as those discussed, that they recruited Baloo into their fold. They played
with him on the field but would not dine with him off of it due to his low social standing. The
high-caste Hindus thus already took a (small) step in breaking social divides for the sake of
surpassing the British. After a thrilling defeat of the Europeans in 1906, a liberal Hindu newspaper
wrote:
“a landmark in the nation’s emancipation from the old disuniting and
denationalizing customs. Hindu sportsmen … have shown … that, where national
interest required, equal opportunity must be given to all of any caste … Let the
lesson learnt in sport be repeated in political, social and education walks of life. Let
all disuniting and denationalizing customs in high, low or lowest Hindus
disappear…” (Guha, 2007, pp.178).
Nationalist sentiments in India were opposed to caste divisions and viewed them as
denationalizing. The inclusion of Baloo onto the Deccan cricket squad overcame these
denationalizing customs and served the national interest – coming together to defeat the British.
One major hurdle was yet to be overcome. After several years, due to his seniority and
cricket prowess, Baloo should have been appointed captain but playing with an Untouchable was

4
The following study is drawn entirely from Guha’s wonderfully-written paper (Guha, 1997).
5
The Untouchables refer to a wide-range of low-caste Hindu groups outside the four-caste system. These groups
were traditionally ostracized by the other castes for being ‘impure’. Furthermore, higher castes refrained from
physically touching them for fear of being “polluted” – hence the moniker “Untouchables”.

7
entirely different than being led by one. Electing him captain, thereby having an Untouchable
captain over high-caste Hindus, would amount to upturning caste hierarchy – the very foundations
on which Hindu society had been built for generations.6 For years the press petitioned for his
captaincy but then in 1920 he was dropped from the team altogether. Baloo’s brothers, Vithal and
Shivram, accomplished cricketers and senior players themselves in the team, resigned in protest,
releasing a public statement characterizing the decision as “unsportsmanlike in the extreme” and
further claiming that “social or educational status has no place in sport, when the claims of a
cricketer of lesser social status are admittedly superior” (Guha, 1997, pp.179). Note the language
used in their statement; by protesting against unsportsmanlike behavior and seeking to eradicate
social status in cricket, Vithal and Shivram expose the internalization of the Victorian values of
fair-play and sportsmanship into Indian cricket. These same, Victorian values, once used to
‘educate the native’, were now used to sever the divides within Hindu society. We thus see how
the Victorian values of cricket were used as a vehicle for decolonizing and unifying India in the
face of communal prejudice.
The abolition of Untouchability was always a high priority for Gandhi who by 1920 was
the leader of the Indian nationalist movement. With the implicit, moral backing of the most
influential Hindu in India, Vithal was finally made captain in 1923. Under his leadership, the team
won the Pentangular tournament for the first time in years, defeating the Europeans in the final.
The masses flooded the pitch following the victory and carried Vithal on their arms in celebration.
One correspondent later wrote: “the moral that can be drawn from the victory is that the removal
of Untouchability would lead to Swaraj (Freedom)” (ibid., pp.179). Thus, we witness the force of
cricket for breaking seemingly impenetrable social barriers, its implications for creating a unified
identity and the force it carried towards Indian independence.
In 1926, the Marylebone Cricket Club of London toured India. During a visit to the Deccan
Gymkhana Sporting Club, the President of the Hindu club boasted to the British that the club had
brought about social reform among Hindus, opening its doors to all Hindus and ‘removing the
barriers of caste’ (ibid., pp.180). The intent, as Guha remarks, is clear – if high-class Hindus were
able to transcend social barriers, based precisely on ideals of Victorian sportsmanship and fair-

6
An analogy may be made with American football, where the position of quarterback was for many years reserved,
on grounds of racial prejudice, for whites only.

8
play, then it was time for the British to forgo their hypocrisy and to play on equal terms with
Indians, both in cricket and in politics.
Today, the Indian cricket team itself encourages a united ‘Indian’ identity in the face of
communal divides. There are players from various religions, castes, languages and backgrounds –
all come together in the name of India and fair-play (Devan, 2012). Moreover, in the face of rising
Hindu nationalism in India, Zaheer Khan and Muhammad Kaif, two bright, Muslim stars of the
team, offer solace for Indian Muslims.

Cricket-Crazed Nation: Cricket and Modern Indian Society

Cricket in Everyday Life

Until now, we have reviewed the role cricket had played in creating Indian national sentiment in
the face of communal divides and colonialist rule. Little doubt, I hope, remains as to the
indispensable function cricket played during this process in pre-independence India. Yet we are
now left with a new question. Cricket had a key role in pre-independence India but what about
modern India? How deep is cricket entrenched in today’s India now that the British are long gone
and that many communal divides have already been brushed over? Very deep, is the answer.
To emphasize this, let us consider several examples. “Whenever India is playing an
important cricket match, the pulse of the nation is very palpable” writes Nair (Nair 2011 pp.570).
Indians crowd around television sets in small roadside shops, often reaching a total of 400 million
viewers (ibid.). Media channels break away from their schedule broadcast to cover important
cricket news. Around the stadiums, fans climb trees and rooftops to catch a glimpse of the action.
During the 2003 World Cup, Majumdar notes how Dalal Street in Mumbai was virtually deserted
as dealers and brokers shifted their attention to the TV as stock markets dipped. More strikingly,
examples of this craze also come from Indian politicians. Majumdar notes that legislature crawls
to a standstill during important games, important ministers holding meetings during games ask for
regular updates, and even Surya Patra, the energy minister, promised that regulations for power
supplies would be limited during India’s World Cup matches (Majumdar, 2004a, p.1450-1).
Cricket has also permeated into the religious and spiritual spheres of Indian life, influencing and
even redefining age-old religious rites.

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Cricket Intermingling with Religiosity
The various ethnic and religious communities of India have always maintained strong spiritual
overtones. Even today, in the modern age of science and technology, belief in supernatural power,
performance of religious rites, and strict recourse to superstitions still exercise an overwhelming
influence on the daily lives of Indians. This traditional, Indian predilection is today found to closely
intermingle with the modern, Indian penchant for cricket. Throughout India, rituals, superstitions
and astrology are used to ensure India’s cricket success, thus illuminating the fascinating syncretic
blending of traditional values with modern trends.
For example, Women fasting during Shivaratri, a Hindu festival dedicated to Shiva, were
reported to pledge large sums of money to Lord Shiva to ensure India’s victory. The holy Pandit
Maharishi of Jodhpur chanted ‘Om’ in a marathon sitting for India’s victory (Majumdar, 2004a,
1450-1). Moreover, on the eve of the 2003 World Cup, Christian priests, Hindu sadhus, Muslim
maulavis, Sikh granthis, and fans, accompanied by the mayor of Kolkata, attended a daylong
‘yagna’, a Hindu ritual sacrifice, to boost Indian’s chances in the cup. With conches blowing,
sacred fires burning, and mantras and prayers recited throughout the day, the different religious
strands of Indian society came together in an inter-religious act of devotion to India’s cricket team
(ibid.). Another interesting example comes from Holi, the Hindu festival of color that nowadays
has become ‘Indianized’, with non-Hindus taking part in celebrations.7 With Holi coinciding with
the 2003 World Cup, the festival was smeared with the color blue – the color of the Indian jersey
associated with the cricket team, inviting non-Hindu Indians to paint themselves blue out of
identification with the Indian cricket team and the newly-redefined, pan-Indian festival. Thus, by
fusing cricket with religious sentiments, we again witness cricket as a unifying force in the multi-
faceted Indian society.
This mixing with religious sentiment may be reviewed in light of Gumbrecht’s paper on
sport and re-enchantment. Gumbrecht sees the appeal of modern sports as a compensation for the
loss of enchantment and wonder in modern society. “The growing importance of sports today
stands for something … that we have lost”, something surely religious (Gumbrecht, 2009, pp.151).
Indeed, Gumbrecht claims that sport has become, for spectators and participants alike, a secular

7
An interesting comparison can be made with Christmas in the United States. Christmas, a traditionally Christian
holiday celebrating the birth of Christ, has today become an American festival of consumerism with non-Christians
taking part as well.

10
strategy for “re-enchantment”. India, a country suspended in constant tension between its
aspirations for modernity and its traditional, cultural values, finds in cricket a refuge where the
two are reconciled. As modernity slowly overwrites the charms, enchantments and magic of
India’s various religious practices and rituals, cricket serves as a secular phenomenon adorned with
overtly spiritual overtones, offering “re-enchantment” with traditional Indian rites that are slowly
being seen as anachronistic and primitive. Moreover, as Majumdar writes: “[for the new,
cosmopolitan Indian] cricket has replaced religion as a source of emotional catharsis and spiritual
passion” (Majumdar, 2007, pp.96).
Furthermore, Gumbrecht claims that sport offers the sensation of “disinterestedness” and
“being lost” or disconnected, from everyday life for both spectator and participant. Sport operates
as a portal into a realm where, even if only briefly, the stadium and the match are the only things
that matter. Majumdar, quoting Indian brokers who claimed that watching cricket was a “nice
break” from watching “the quotes on the screen”, claims that cricket is perceived as “a partial
opiate from the mechanical culture of daily life” (Majumdar, 2004a, pp.1451). Sengupta writes:
“It is the cricketers, and they alone, who are asked … to make one forget … the harsh realities of
endemic poverty and corrupt and brutal politicians” (Sengupta, 2004, pp.604). Indeed, in a
troubled country ravaged by poverty, filth, and corruption, “being lost” in cricket plays a vital role
for the everyday Indian. Furthermore, as we shall see next, cricket is a singular realm where Indians
can stand shoulder-to-shoulder, if not taller, than other nations.

Indian Dominance in Cricket

No longer a vehicle for creating the nation, cricket has become a vehicle for transcending the
immediate conditions of the nation, painting a different portrait of India’s stature on the world
stage. Cricket is one of the few stages where India asserts dominance, positively influencing both
how Indians view their country and how they believe foreigners view India.
“We face the ‘Indianization’ of cricket, where nothing India resists will occur, and
everything it approves of will prevail” (Mustafa, 2013, pp.322). Indeed, beyond competitive
ability, worldwide cricket is largely defined by Indian cricket. To borrow from Gupta, whereas
most sports globalization followed the paths of increasing control of wealth and marketing leading
to the domination of Western nations over the rest, cricket is different. Non-Western countries,
chiefly India, are dominating not only on the field, but in shaping the politics and economies of

11
the sport (Gupta 2004). Today’s cricket power center has shifted from the West and today rests in
India. India alone produces 60% of world cricket’s income (Bose, 2005) and draws the largest TV
audiences. India is considered to have among the best teams in the world and its media and
financial influences are unmatched. Cricket is thus an indispensable source of national pride for
Indians. India’s preeminence on the international cricket stage coupled with its lower-ranking in
other areas of modern society has led Nair to claim: “In a national life increasingly bereft of heroes,
cricketers remain as the only surviving idols for the nation to worship” (Nair, 2011, pp.575). In an
otherwise bleak reality for most Indians, cricket remains a hopeful ray of light that shines on the
country’s strengths, not its weaknesses.

India vs. Pakistan: A Game of Conflict and Diplomacy

In his combative The Sporting Spirit, Orwell famously claims that sport is a wellspring of ill-will
between rival factions, that “international level sport is frankly mimic warfare” and that sport is
“war minus the shooting” (Orwell, 1945). With these words ringing in our ears, Indo-Pak cricket
offers a fascinating case study to see how the political conflict between two previously united
nations has spilled over from the battlefield to the cricket field. Nonetheless, amid the rising enmity
between the two nations, friendly ties exist between the international cricket boards of the two
nations and cricket is believed by many to be a major vehicle for the normalization of diplomatic
relations (Bandyopadhyay, 2008). Indo-Pak cricket is thus a fascinating waltz between conflict
and diplomacy, war and peace.

Conflict and Hostility

Interestingly, in 1952, the first bilateral exchange occurred through cricket, with the Pakistani team
touring India. Two years later India toured Pakistan but since then a ‘cricket conflict’ has brewed
between the two, based on nationalist antagonism and passionate fans on both sides
(Bandyopadhyay, 2008). In time, Indo-Pak cricket came to mirror Indo-Pak diplomatic relations.
“The absence of matches between the two countries has been a reminder of the near state-of-war
… and the resumption of matches is an indicator of conflict resolution” writes Nair (Nair, 2011,
pp.575). During the wars of the 60s and 70s, the 90s bout of Pakistani-sponsored terrorism, and
following the Kargil war, cricket wasn’t played between the two (Devan, 2012). As a result, on
the rare occasions when matches are held, the hype and pressure is immense. As Bandyopadhyay

12
notes, with rising tension over Kashmir and nuclear testing, an India-Pakistan cricket match
“cannot be isolated from its overtly political/communal overtones. Victory or defeat in such a
match is now looked on as a test of national superiority” (Bandyopadhyay, 2008, pp.1656). This
sentiment is further exacerbated by the media, who portray each match as a metaphor for war
(ibid., pp.1660). Appadurai puts it best: “While the armies face each other across the borders of
Kashmir, the cricket teams provide a star-studded simulacrum of warfare on the cricket field”
(Appadurai, 2015, pp.19).
In consequence, matches are played with a completely negative, defensive frame of mind.
As a former Pakistani cricketer put it: “Avoiding defeat becomes the primary and overwhelming
objective” (Bandyopadhyay, 2008, pp.1664). The words of Kapil Dev, former Indian captain,
prove even more illuminating:
“The political differences … get translated into the game. If you are batting, you
feel that the fielders are hostile. … It’s the spectators who make it so electrifying
because people are so tense. No politician can understand the level of this hostility
… unless they go and play on the ground” (Bandyopadhyay, 2008, pp.1654-5)
Reading this, we are reminded of Orwell’s words: “as soon as the question of prestige arises, as
soon as you feel that you and some larger unit will be disgraced if you lose, the most savage
combative instincts are aroused” (Orwell, 1945). Indeed, the former cricketers’ experience of
playing against the other team, their fear of losing and the hostility felt, clearly echo Orwell’s
sentiments on sports and war.

Nationalist Sentiment
As we know, war and conflict inevitably breed nationalist sentiments. Indo-Pak cricket, being
linked to war and conflict, thus too stirs nationalist sentiments in the hearts of Indians. India is in
many ways an artificial conglomerate of different ethnic, religious, and social groups. Cricket has
proven itself to be a strong glue in holding this fragmented puzzle in place. Indo-Pak cricket unites
India by its focus on defeating ‘the enemy’. An ‘out-group’, where an ‘in-group’ can direct its
aggression towards, is one of the strongest factors in creating a cohesive ‘in-group’ – a united
India. As Nair notes: “It is interesting to observe the nation coming together to cheer as one,
whenever India plays a big match against Pakistan. The sense of the collective is nowhere so well
pronounced” (Nair, 2011, pp.576). Indeed, celebrations tend to get out of hand following an Indian

13
victory over Pakistan. Following India’s 2003 World Cup win over Pakistan merely in the group
stages, the streets of Kolkata reverberated with blowing conches, firecrackers and mantras.
Through the night, people were seen waving flags with pictures of Sachin Tendulkar, the captain
of the team, including crying out his name with alternate shouts of ‘Pakistan hai hai!’8
(Bandyopadhyay, 2008, pp.1656-7).
More importantly, the reaction of politicians requires notice. Prime Minister Vajpayee and
his deputy, Advani, watched the match on television. Shortly afterwards, Advani called the team
to congratulate them. The following day, India’s Finance Minister sent a congratulatory message
to the team and announced tax concessions on World Cup prize money! Moreover, in a move that
quells any doubts that may remain as to the connection of Indo-Pak cricket with political conflict,
Army chief N.C. Vij called to congratulate the team for their victory (ibid.). Afterwards, he invited
the team to visit Kargil to perk up soldiers engaged on guarding the war-torn border (Sengupta,
2004, pp.606), further strengthening the bonds between Indo-Pak cricket and conflict. Thus, for
all Indians - common-folk, politicians, and Army personnel, India’s victory over ‘the enemy’ was
a climax of triumphal patriotism.

Horizon for Peace

Besides hostility and nationalism, however, cricket has also bred cooperation between the two
nations. Cooperation, albeit in the spirit of decolonization, was seen between the two when
bureaucrats and politicians, including the leaders of both nations, cooperated to shift the venue of
the 1987 World Cup from England to the Indian sub-continent (Appadurai, 2015, pp.19).
Despite the hostility felt by the cricketers quoted in the previous section, many cricketers
and managers see Indo-Pak cricket as a beacon of hope. Shaharyar Khan, former manager of
Pakistani Cricket team, said of his time touring India in 1999 and 2003 that he didn’t expect the
“warm welcome by the people of India to the ‘enemy’ team” and that the “enthusiastic response
of the locals planted the seed in [his] mind … that cricket could act as a bridge of peace”
(Bandyopadhyay, 2008, p.1658). Legendary Pakistani cricketer Imran Khan argued that “cricket
plays a healing role, becomes a cement in bonding the countries together” and Saba Karim, former
Indian cricketer, claimed that “sportspersons can act as ambassadors and go a long way to heal the
rifts” (ibid., p.1659). Many on the ‘cricket battlefield’ thus saw themselves as peace-makers, not

8
Translated into something along the lines of: “Down with Pakistan”

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war-mongers, hopeful of their capacity to heal the wounds of two brotherly nations previously
united.
Madhu Tehran, a prominent Indian journalist, during the 2004 India-Pakistan test series,
the first in five years, movingly relates how, during the match:
A Pakistani asked for my flag … he grabs it and runs around the stalls with three
friends, waving it high, shouting long live India. One of them places a Pakistan
cricket team hat on my head in fair exchange … a commonality developed with the
feeling that we were all stuck in the same boat. Both Indian and Pakistani armchair
cricketers started sharing opinions, which then developed to sharing feelings. It was
agreed that peace was what the people wanted” (Devan, 2012, pp.1419)
Indeed, in a conflict ravaged by mutual distrust and dehumanizing propaganda, people-to-people
contact is essential to foster empathy that has become virtually non-existent. Cricket is an essential
medium for fans on both sides to be exposed to each other’s humanness and their similarities. The
mutual appreciation for a good game often overrides national pride such as the unexpected
applause the Pakistani team received from the Chennai crowds during a thrilling match in 1999
(Bandyopadhyay, 2008, pp.1660). We mustn’t forget that armed conflict, hostility, and propaganda
are the workings of governments and militaries. Their effects trickle down and infiltrate the minds
of the masses. More than simply a metaphor for conflict, cricket remains a prime vehicle to foster
empathy based on similarities between the two sides and to strengthen diplomatic ties based on
mutual interests.

Conclusion
What is it then about cricket that has captured the collective heart of India? Some scholars have
speculated on the Indian consciousness’s natural predisposition towards cricket. For example,
some have claimed that the long form of the game can be appreciated by Hindus who are
accustomed to understanding the world through a cosmic timescale rather than clock time. Others
have argued that the non-linear nature of the game appeals to the Indian mind (Crick, 2007, pp.3).
Leaving pseudo-anthropological musings aside, I believe we may provide a better answer based
on what we have learned from this paper. Simply put – cricket is more than a sport in India.
Initially, cricket was a vehicle for transcending communal divides within pre-colonial
India, offering an invaluable space where Indians cultivated and fashioned their sense of worth

15
and national identity in the face of colonialist rule. Today, cricket pervades the everyday life of
the average Indian, creating an immaterial realm where India reigns supreme, allowing the average
Indian to forget the hardships of everyday life. Furthermore, cricket is a space where age-old
traditions meet and mingle with modernity. Lastly, cricket serves as a metaphor for conflict and
diplomacy with Pakistan – both mimicking war and establishing peace between the two estranged
nations.
Every answered question opens at least two new unanswered questions. Witnessing
cricket’s unique rise to prominence and importance in Indian society, a study of cricket in the rest
of the British Commonwealth is begging. Nowadays, cricket is ruled by the former colonies,
including Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and the Caribbean nations. What role does cricket play in these
countries? Did the British implement a similar policy of instilling cricket to the locals and was the
process of indigenization in other former colonies similar to the process in India? A comparative
study such as this must be answered in search of a more holistic picture of Indian cricket.
Nonetheless, the issues we have touched upon reveal that cricket, more than any other form
of cultural capital, creates and ensures the continuation of a single Indian identity. Where other
forms of cultural capital reiterate differences between Indians, cricket transcends differences. With
dozens of fractured identities of caste, religion, ethnicity and more, contesting for attention, cricket
provides an alternative space for all Indians, rendering a common language above their multiple
identities. This language serves as a glue and symbol of their national identity. Now, as throughout
India’s history, cricket has served to diminish the dividing lines and to strengthen bonds amongst
Indians. This, I believe, is cricket’s ultimate power in India.

16
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