Assignment

ENGLISH VARIETIES

“GRAMMAR”

DAVE GIDEON SHERMANT L. (N1D216138)

MUH. IZHA ASHARI (N1D216116)
INAN SRI UTARI (N1D216034)
REINALDI SIRUMPAH (N1D216094)
MUSYAFAR MALIK (N1D216046)
FIRMAN A. (N1D216024)
YAHYA RAMADHAN (N1D216088)

ENGLISH LITERATURE
FACULTY OF CULTURAL STUDY
HALU OLEO UNIVERSITY
KENDARI
2019
 PREFACE

First of all, give thanks for God’s love and grace for us. Thanks to God for helping
and giving us chance to finish this assignment timely and I would like to say thank you to the
lecturers that always teaches us and give much knowledge about how to practice English
well.

This assignment is the one of English task and we realized this assignment is not
perfect. But we hope it can be useful for us. Critics and suggestion is needed here to make
this assignment be better.

Hopefully, this paper can help the readers to expand their knowledge about varieties
in English especially in Grammar.

Author

Kendari, 20th March 2019

 CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

English is the main language in many places, an important language in others, and
spoken as a second language in most of the rest of the world. However, there are some
significant differences in pronunciation, spelling and word usage around the world. English
variety is a well-established label for varieties of English which are used nationally in
different places in the world. Although ‘national varieties of English’ might be a more
transparent term, this widely accepted though slightly peculiar use of ‘international varieties’
is maintained in this paper. Learning English varieties is important to acknowledge the
dynamics of English that are used by different people on the world. As a student, it also helps
us to understand different kinds of English varieties.
 CHAPTER II

DISCUSSION

A. Grammar
1. Morphology

English has a handful of irregular plural forms of nouns: oxen, brethren, children, men,
women, feet, geese, teeth, lice, mice. These do not vary from variety to variety, except that in
New Zealand English women is becoming homophonous with woman, leading to confusion
of spelling. English also borrows a lot of nouns from Latin, Italian, French and other
languages, and these sometimes retain their foreign plurals: tableaux, tempi, alumni,
cherubim and so on. Such plurals are often variable within a variety, but there is no reported
case of national varieties being distinctive in terms of which plural they choose (despite the
fact that this might seem a natural potential site for such variation). Similarly, English
sometimes shows variation between an unmarked plural form for huntable/edible animals and
a marked one (fish is probably the most variable noun, but consider also deer, sheep and
salmon, which are less variable, and antelope, duck, which show a lot of variation – mainly
semantically or pragmatically based).

2. Syntax

If there is very little syntax which can be used unam

biguously to point to the particular origin of a text, there is nonetheless a lot of syntax
which is variable, and where in principle a good statistical analysis of a large enough text
could provide enough information to say where it originated.
 a. Sentence structure

There is variation in the relative order of direct and indirect objects when these are
both pronouns: some speakers can say give it me while others can only have give me it. Quirk
et al. (1985: 1396) say that the former is only British English, but the comparison they make
is exclusively with American English. Trudgill and Hannah (1994: 67) say that give it me is
only northern, even in England (though the map in Cheshire et al. 1989: 203 shows that it is
not quite as simple as northern versus southern). Everyone can have, and may prefer, give it
to me. So-called collective nouns, such as government, committee, team may take either
singular or plural concord, either on a verb where such words are the subject, or in agreement
with a later pronoun.

b. Auxiliary verbs

One of the points of variation most often cited with reference to auxiliary verbs is the
use of the modal auxiliary shall (and, to a lesser extent, should). The use of shall is usually
seen as being particularly connected with the standard English of England; Australian
(Trudgill and Hannah 1994: 19; Newbrook 2001: 129), New Zealand (Trudgill and Hannah
1994: 26; Hundt 1998: 58–61) Scottish and US Englishes (Trudgill and Hannah 1994: 59, 97)
gain particular mention in the literature as those varieties which avoid shall, and use will in
place of it. The degree to which the word shall is avoided (and the contexts in which it is
avoided) is variable.

c. Complementation

In English we can say both I believed that he was guilty and I suspected that he was
guilty. But while we can equally say I believed him guilty, we cannot say *I suspected him
guilty. The particular patterns a verb can take, whether it is intransitive, transitive or
ditransitive, what kind of preposition follows it, what finite or non-finite clause pattern it
requires, is a matter of complementation. In some cases, complementation depends on the
meaning: the difference between she’s baking (intransitive), she’s baking a cake (transitive)
and she’s baking me a cake (ditransitive) is clearly determined by meaning. But the
suspect/believe distinction illustrated above is not related to meaning, but is an idiosyncratic
feature of the individual verb, and as such it is open to variation (see Miller 2002: 49–52). In
practice, it is only the complementation patterns of a few verbs which are usually considered
in this context, although there may be more variation here than we are aware of: on the whole
we do not have enough information about the alternatives (such as that following believe) to
know whether there is any regional variation in the way in which they are used. Each verb
will be treated individually below, looking at them in alphabetical order.

d. Have

There is variation between have and have got, so that both (17) and (18) are possible.
When such sentences are negated or questioned, this gives rise to the range of possibilities
shown in (19) and (20).

(17) He has a cold/a new car.

 (18) He has got a cold/a new car.
(19) I haven’t a cold/a new car. I don’t have a cold/a new car. I haven’t got a cold/a new
car. (20) Have you a cold/a new car? Do you have a cold/a new car? Have you got a
cold/a new car?
These may or may not be completely synonymous. There could be a distinction between I
have a new car (implying ‘I wouldn’t lower myself to drive around in a used vehicle’) and
I’ve got a new car (meaning ‘I have just acquired a vehicle which I used not to own’).
Trudgill and Hannah (1994: 63) point out another possible difference in meaning between
Have you (got) any fresh cod? (meaning ‘Is there any fresh cod in the shop?’) and Do you
have fresh cod? (meaning ‘Do you generally stock fresh cod?’).

e. Noun phrases

There has been a change in the course of the twentieth century in journalistic texts from
the construction illustrated in (22) to the construction illustrated in (23) (Barber 1964: 142;
Strevens 1972: 50; Trudgill and Hannah 1994: 75):

(22) Margaret Thatcher, the British Prime Minister, arrived in Washington today.

(23) British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher arrived in Washington today.

The difference may be motivated by the (marginal) gain in space. Whatever the reason,
the change appears to be better established in US English than in British English. There are
some nouns, like church, which do not require an article in certain constructions where an
article would otherwise be expected:go to church is good English, but *go to town hall is not.
Which nouns behave like church is a matter which can change from variety to variety. Be in
hospital is good British English, but not good American English, and the same is true of be at
or go to university. On the other hand be in or go to class is probably more usual in US texts
than in British ones

f. Prepositions

Choice of preposition is often variable, as we have already seen with regard to

complementation patterns. Even where there is no preceding verb, though, there can be
variation in the use of prepositions, and, indeed, in whether a preposition is used or not.
Traditional British at the weekend has yielded in the last fifty years or so to the American on
the weekend, although other prepositions such as during, over and (in New Zealand English)
in are also possible in the same construction. Other similar differences are found in the
expressions Monday to/through Friday, Ten to/of/till nine, Quarter past/after ten, to be in/on
the team, and so on. In many temporal expressions, US English can omit a preposition that is
necessary in other varieties: I’ll see you (on) Friday, (On) Saturdays, we like to go fishing,
(At/on) weekends, we play golf, The term starts (on) March 1st, He works (by) day(s) and
studies (at) night(s). In each case the shorter version started out being a US variant, but has
been adopted to some extent in other parts of the world
 g. Adverbs

Where prepositions are omitted in phrases like She works nights, nights becomes an
adverb. Such constructions have already been considered. In some varieties of English,
already and yet can co-occur with a verb in the simple past tense; in other varieties a perfect
is required (26). I ate already. Did you eat yet? (26) I have already eaten. Have you eaten yet?

3. AFRICAN-AMERICAN GRAMMAR

a. The verb "be"

Standard English uses a conjugated be verb (called a copula) in a number of different

sentences. (This may occur as is, 's, are, 're, etc.) In AAVE this verb is often not included.
The frequency of inclusion has been shown to depend on a variety of factors. Here are some
examples:

In future sentences with gonna or gon (see below):

I don't care what he say, you __ gon laugh.

...as long as i's kids around he's gon play rough or however they're playing.

Before verbs with the -ing or -in ending(progressive):

I tell him to be quiet because he don't know what he __ talking about.

I mean, he may say something's out of place but he __ cleaning up behind it and you can't get
mad at him.

Before adjectives and expressions of location:

He __ all right.

And Alvin, he __ kind of big, you know?

She __ at home. The club __ on one corner, the Bock is on the other.

Before nouns (or phrases with nouns)

He __ the one who had to go try to pick up the peacock.

I say, you __ the one jumping up to leave, not me.

 b. Agreement

Standard English varieties mark grammatical agreement between the subject and predicate in
the present tense. If the subject is third person singular (he, she, it or the name of a person or
object), an -s appears at the end of a regular verb. (e.g. John walks to the store). In AAVE
the verb is rarely marked in this way. When regular verbs occur with such -s marking, they
often carry special emphasis. Standard English also has agreement in a number of irregular
and frequently used verbs such as has vs have and is vs are and was vs were. In AAVE these
distinctions are not always made.

c. Tense and aspect

The verb in AAVE is often used without any ending. As is the case with the English creoles,
there are some separate words that come before the verb which show when or how something
happens. These are called "tense/aspect markers".

 Past tense:

Past tense may be conveyed by the surrounding discourse (with the help of adverbials such
as, for example, "last night", "three years ago", "back in them days", etc., or by the use of
conjunctions which convey a sequence of actions (e.g. "then"), or by the use of an ending as
in standard English. The frequency with which the -ed ending occurs depends on a number of
factors including the sounds which follow it.

Some past events are conveyed by placing been before the verb. Speakers of standard
English may mistake this for the standard English "present perfect" with the "have" or "has"
deleted. However the AAVE sentence with been is in fact quite different from the standard
English present perfect. This can be seen by comparing two sentences such as the following:

Standard English present perfect: He has been married.

AAVE been: He been married.

In the standard English sentence the implication is that he is now no longer married.
However, in the AAVE sentence the implication is quite the opposite: he is still married.

Sentences equivalent to standard English perfects such as discussed above may be conveyed
by the use of done in AAVE. For example the standard sentence "He has eaten his dinner"
can be expressed as He done eat his dinner.

 Future:

Future events and those that have not yet occurred are marked by gon or gonna (see above).

Events in progress:

Besides using the verb with the ending -ing or -in to convey that an event is in progress,
AAVE has a number of other words which add particular nuances. For instance, if the
activity is vigorous and intentional, the sentence may include the word steady. The
item steady can be used to mark actions that occur consistently or persistently, as in Ricky
Bell be steady steppin in them number nines.

Events that occur habitually or repeatedly are often marked by be in AAVE as in She be
working all the time.

d. Negatives

AAVE has a number of ways of marking negation. Like a number of other varieties of
English, AAVE uses ain't to negate the verb in a simple sentence. In common with other
nonstandard dialects of English, AAVE uses ain't in standard English sentences which use
"haven't". For example standard "I haven't seen him." is equivalent to AAVE I ain't seen
him. Unlike most other nonstandard varieties of English, AAVE speakers also sometimes
useain't for standard "didn't" as in the following examples

I ain't step on no line.

I said, "I ain't run the stop sign," and he said, "you ran it!"

I ain't believe you that day, man.

As the first sentence above shows, AAVE also allows negation to be marked in more that one
position in the sentence (so called double or multiple negation). In this respect, AAVE
resembles French and a number of other Romance languages and also a number of English
creoles. Certain kinds of nouns actually require negative marking in negative sentences. In so
far as the negation must be expressed with indefinite nouns (e.g. "anything", "anyone" etc.),
this is a form of agreement marking. (e.g. I ain't see nothing).

AAVE also has a special negative construction which linguists call "negative inversion". An
example from Toni Morrison's Song of Solomon follows:

Pilate they remembered as a pretty woods-wild girl "that couldn't nobody put shoes on."

In this example (in the part in italics), a negative auxiliary (couldn't) is moved in front of the
subject (nobody). Some other examples illustrate this:

Ain't nobody talkin' to you!

Can't nobody beat 'em

Can't nobody say nothin' to dem peoples!

Don' nobody say nothing after that. (Ledbetter, born 1861)

Wasn't nobody in there but me an' him. (Isom Moseley, born 1856)

Although AAVE does not necessarily have the simple past-tense marker of other English
varieties (that is, the -ed of "worked"), it does have an optional tense system with at least four
aspects of the past tense and two aspects of the future tense.
 Phases/Tenses of AAVE

Phase Example

Past Pre-recent I been bought it

Recent I done buy ita

Pre-present I did buy it

Past Inceptive I do buy it

Present I be buying it

Future Immediate I'm a-buy it

Post-immediate I'm a-gonna buy it

Indefinite future I gonna buy it

a Syntactically, I bought it is grammatical, but done (always unstressed, pronounced as /dən/)

is used to emphasize the completed nature of the action.
As phase auxiliary verbs, been and done must occur as the first auxiliary; when they occur as
the second, they carry additional aspects:
He been done work means "he finished work a long time ago".
He done been work means "until recently, he worked over a long period of time".
The latter example shows one of the most distinctive features of AAVE: the use of be to
indicate that performance of the verb is of a habitual nature. In most other American English
dialects, this can only be expressed unambiguously by using adverbs such as usually.
This aspect-marking form of been or BIN is stressed and semantically distinct from the
unstressed form: She BIN running ('She has been running for a long time') and She been
running ('She has been running'). This aspect has been given several names, including perfect
phase, remote past, and remote phase (this article uses the third). As shown
above, been places action in the distant past. However, when been is used with stative
verbs or gerund forms, been shows that the action began in the distant past and that it is
continuing now. Rickford (1999) suggests that a better translation when used with stative
verbs is "for a long time". For instance, in response to "I like your new dress", one might
hear Oh, I been had this dress, meaning that the speaker has had the dress for a long time and
that it isn't new.
 To see the difference between the simple past and the gerund when used with been,
consider the following expressions:
I been bought her clothes means "I bought her clothes a long time ago".
I been buying her clothes means "I've been buying her clothes for a long time".

e. Negation
Negatives are formed differently from most other varieties of English:

 Use of ain't as a general negative indicator. As in other dialects, it can be used where
most other dialects would use am not, isn't, aren't, haven't, and hasn't. However, in
marked contrast to other varieties of English in the US, some speakers of AAVE also
use ain't instead of don't, doesn't, or didn't (e.g., I ain't know that). Ain't had its origins in
common English but became increasingly stigmatized since the 19th century. See
also amn't.
 Negative concord, popularly called "double negation", as in I didn't go nowhere; if the
sentence is negative, all negatable forms are negated. This contrasts with standard written
English conventions, which have traditionally prescribed that a double negative is
considered incorrect to mean anything other than a positive (although this was not always
so; see double negative).
 In a negative construction, an indefinite pronoun such as nobody or nothing can be
inverted with the negative verb particle for emphasis (e.g., Don't nobody know the
answer, Ain't nothing going on.)
While AAVE shares these with Creole languages, Howe & Walker (2000) use data from
early recordings of African Nova Scotian English, Samaná English, and the recordings of
former slaves to demonstrate that negation was inherited from nonstandard colonial English.
Negatif
Negatif dibentuk secara berbeda dari kebanyakan varietas bahasa Inggris lainnya:

Penggunaan bukan sebagai indikator umum negatif. Seperti dalam dialek lain, ini dapat digunakan di
mana sebagian besar dialek lain akan menggunakan saya tidak, tidak, tidak, belum, dan belum.
Namun, berbeda dengan varietas bahasa Inggris lainnya di AS, beberapa penutur AAVE juga
menggunakan bukan, bukan, tidak, atau tidak (misalnya, saya tidak tahu itu). Tidak memiliki asal-usul
dalam bahasa Inggris yang sama tetapi menjadi semakin stigmatisasi sejak abad ke-19. Lihat juga
bukan.

Kerukunan negatif, yang populer disebut "negasi ganda", seperti dalam aku tidak pergi ke mana-
mana; jika kalimatnya negatif, semua formulir yang dinegasikan dinegasikan. Ini kontras dengan
konvensi bahasa Inggris tertulis standar, yang secara tradisional menetapkan bahwa negatif ganda
dianggap tidak benar untuk berarti apa pun selain positif (meskipun ini tidak selalu demikian; lihat
negatif ganda).

Dalam konstruksi negatif, kata ganti tak terbatas seperti tidak ada atau tidak sama sekali dapat
dibalikkan dengan partikel kata kerja negatif untuk penekanan (mis., Tidak ada yang tahu
jawabannya, Tidak ada yang terjadi.)

Sementara AAVE membagikannya dengan bahasa Creole, Howe & Walker (2000) menggunakan data
dari rekaman awal Bahasa Afrika Nova Scotian Inggris, Bahasa Samaná Inggris, dan rekaman para
mantan budak untuk menunjukkan bahwa negasi diwarisi dari bahasa Inggris kolonial yang tidak
standar.

f. Other grammatical characteristics

 The copula be in the present tense is often dropped, as in Russian, Hebrew, Arabic and
other languages. For example: You crazy ("You're crazy") or She my sister ("She's my
sister"). The phenomenon is also observed in questions: Who you? ("Who're you?")
and Where you at? ("Where are you (at)?"). This has been sometimes considered a
Southern U.S. regionalism, though it is most frequent in black speech. On the other hand,
a stressed is cannot be dropped: Yes, she is my sister.

Other grammatical characteristics

Kopula yang ada dalam present tense sering dijatuhkan, seperti dalam bahasa Rusia, Ibrani, Arab dan
bahasa lainnya. Misalnya: Kamu gila ("Kamu gila") atau Dia adikku ("Dia adikku"). Fenomena ini juga
diamati dalam pertanyaan: Siapa Anda? ("Siapa kamu?") Dan di mana kamu berada? ("Dimana
kamu)?"). Ini kadang-kadang dianggap sebagai regionalisme A.S. Selatan, meskipun paling sering
dalam pidato hitam. Di sisi lain, stres tidak dapat dijatuhkan: Ya, dia adalah saudara perempuan
saya.

CHAPTER III

CONCLUSION
 REFERENCES

Bauer, Laurie.2002. An Introduction to International Varieties of English. Edinburgh:

Edinburgh University Press.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Variety_(linguistics)

https://en.wikivoyage.org/wiki/English_language_varieties

http://esl.fis.edu/grammar/langdiff/english.htm
https://www.hawaii.edu/satocenter/langnet/definitions/aave.html#grammar-hce

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/African-American_Vernacular_English#Grammar