Apostolic Journey To The United States of America

APOSTOLIC JOURNEY TO THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
ADDRESS OF THE HOLY FATHER JOHN PAUL II

TO THE SECRETARY GENERAL OF THE UNITED NATIONS*
La Guardia Airport, New York
Tuesday, 2 October 1979
Mr. Secretary-General,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I reply with deep gratitude to the greetings of the Secretary-General of the United
Nations Organization. I have looked forward to this moment since the day he extended
to me, immediately after the beginning of my pontificate, the invitation to address the
Thirty-fourth General Assembly. Your kind initiative, that honours me greatly, was thus
at the basis of the journey that has taken me first to Ireland and that I shall continue
in the United States of America.
Your Organization has a special significance for the whole world, for in it the needs and
the aspirations of all the people of our planet come together. The supreme
international forum that it is brings together the efforts and the determination of all
men and women of good will, who have resolved to honour the pledge that the
Founders of the United Nations made thirty-four years ago and inscribed in the first
Article of the Charter: to work together to harmonize the actions of the nations in the
attainment of international peace and security, to develop friendly relations among
nations, to achieve international cooperation, and to promote respect for human rights
and for fundamental freedoms for all, without distinction as to race, sex, language or
religion.
The very first day after the solemn beginning of my ministry as Supreme Pastor of the
Catholic Church, in addressing the representatives of the States and the International
Organizations, I took the opportunity to express my esteem for the important role of
the International Organizations, and of the United Nations in particular. Here I wish to
state again how greatly I value your Institution. For as I stated on that other occasion:
"You are the first to be convinced that there can be no true human progress or lasting
peace without the courageous, loyal and disinterested pursuit of growing cooperation
and unity among peoples" (23 October 1978).
Yes, the conviction that unites us in this common service of humanity is that, at the
basis of all efforts, there must be "the dignity and worth of the human person"
(Charter, Preamble). It is likewise the human person—every individual—who must
make the aims of your Organization come true in the concrete realities of friendly
relations, of tolerance, of freedom and harmony for all. Decisions and resolutions can
be adopted by the representatives of the nations, but their true embodiment will have
to be brought about by the people.
Through you then, Mr. Secretary-General and distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen, at
the beginning of my visit to the United Nations, I greet all the men, women and
children of the countries that are represented at the United Nations. May the hopes
that they place in the efforts and in the solidarity that link us all never be disappointed.
May they experience in the achievements of the United Nations the fact that there is
only one world, and that it is the home of all.
Thank you, and may God sustain you in your high ideals.
*AAS 71 (1979) p. 1143-1144.
L'Osservatore Romano 4.10.1979 p.2.
L'Osservatore Romano. Weekly Edition in English n. 42 p.12.

ADDRESS OF HIS HOLINESS JOHN PAUL II

TO THE 34th GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE UNITED NATIONS*
New York
Mr. President,
1. I desire to express my gratitude to the General Assembly of the United Nations,

which I am permitted today to participate in and to address. My thanks go in the first
place to the Secretary-General of the United Nations Organization, Dr. Kurt Waldheim.
Last autumn, soon after my election to the Chair of Saint Peter, he invited me to make
this visit, and he renewed his invitation in the course of our meeting in Rome last May.
From the first moment I felt greatly honoured and deeply obliged. And today, before
this distinguished Assembly, I also thank you, Mr. President, who have so kindly
welcomed me and invited me to speak.
2. The formal reason for my intervention today is, without any question, the special
bond of cooperation that links the Apostolic See with the United Nations Organization,
as is shown by the presence of the Holy See's Permanent Observer to this
Organization. The existence of this bond, which is held in high esteem by the Holy See,
rests on the sovereignty with which the Apostolic See has been endowed for many
centuries. The territorial extent of that sovereignty is limited to the small State of
Vatican City, but the sovereignty itself is warranted by the need of the papacy to
exercise its mission in full freedom, and to be able to deal with any interlocutor,
whether a government or an international organization, without dependence on other
sovereignties. Of course the nature and aims of the spiritual mission of the Apostolic
See and the Church make their participation in the tasks and activities of the United
Nations Organization very different from that of the States, which are communities in
the political and temporal sense.
3. Besides attaching great importance to its collaboration with the United Nations
Organization, the Apostolic See has always, since the foundation of your Organization,
expressed its esteem and its agreement with the historic significance of this supreme
forum for the international life of humanity today. It also never ceases to support your
Organization's functions and initiatives, which are aimed at peaceful coexistence and
collaboration between nations. There are many proofs of this. In the more than thirty
years of the existence of the United Nations Organization, it has received much
attention in papal messages and encyclicals, in documents of the Catholic episcopate,
and likewise in the Second Vatican Council. Pope John XXIII and Pope Paul VI looked
with confidence on your important institution as an eloquent and promising sign of our
times. He who is now addressing you has, since the first months of his pontificate,
several times expressed the same confidence and conviction as his predecessors.
4. This confidence and conviction on the part of the Apostolic See is the result, as I
have said, not of merely political reasons but of the religious and moral character
of the mission of the Roman Catholic Church. As a universal community embracing
faithful belonging to almost all countries and continents, nations, peoples, races,
languages and cultures, the Church is deeply interested in the existence and activity
of the Organization whose very name tells us that it unites and associates nations and
States. It unites and associates: it does not divide and oppose. It seeks out the ways
for understanding and peaceful collaboration, and endeavours with the means at its
disposal and the methods in its power to exclude war, division and mutual destruction
within the great family of humanity today.
5. This is the real reason, the essential reason, for my presence among you, and I wish
to thank this distinguished Assembly for giving consideration to this reason, which can
make my presence among you in some way useful. It is certainly a highly significant
fact that among the representatives of the States, whose raison d'être is the
sovereignty of powers linked with territory and people, there is also today the
representative of the Apostolic See and the Catholic Church. This Church is the Church
of Jesus Christ, who declared before the tribunal of the Roman judge Pilate that he
was a king, but with a kingdom not of this world (cf. Jn 18 :36-37). When he was then
asked about the reason for the existence of his kingdom among men, he explained :
"For this I was born, and for this I have come into the world, to witness to the truth"
(Jn 18 :37). Here, before the representatives of the States, I wish not only to thank
you but also to offer my special congratulations, since the invitation extended to the
Pope to speak in your Assembly shows that the United Nations Organization accepts
and respects the religious and moral dimension of those human problems that the
Church attends to, in view of the message of truth and love that it is her duty to bring
to the world. The questions that concern your functions and receive your attention—as
is indicated by the vast organic complex of institutions and activities that are part of or
collaborate with the United Nations, especially in the fields of culture, health, food,
labour, and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy—certainly make it essential for us to
meet in the name of man in his wholeness, in all the fullness and manifold riches of his
spiritual and material existence, as I have stated in my encyclical Redemptor Hominis,
the first of my pontificate.
6. Now, availing myself of the solemn occasion of my meeting with the representatives
of the nations of the earth, I wish above all to send my greetings to all the men and
women living on this planet. To every man and every woman, without any exception
whatever. Every human being living on earth is a member of a civil society, of a nation,
many of them represented here. Each one of you, distinguished ladies and gentlemen,
represents a particular State, system and political structure, but what you represent
above all are individual human beings; you are all representatives of men and women,
of practically all the people of the world, individual men and women, communities and
peoples who are living the present phase of their own history and who are also part of
the history of humanity as a whole, each of them a subject endowed with dignity as a
human person, with his or her own culture, experiences and aspirations, tensions and
sufferings, and legitimate expectations. This relationship is what provides the reason
for all political activity, whether national or international, for in the final analysis this
activity comes from man, is exercised by man and is for man. And if political activity is
cut off from this fundamental relationship and finality, if it becomes in a way its own
end, it loses much of its reason to exist. Even more, it can also give rise to a specific
alienation ; it can become extraneous to man ; it can come to contradict humanity
itself. In reality, what justifies the existence of any political activity is service to man,
concerned and responsible attention to the essential problems and duties of his earthly
existence in its social dimension and significance, on which also the good of each
person depends.
7. I ask you, ladies and gentlemen, to excuse me for speaking of questions that are
certainly self-evident for you. But it does not seem pointless to speak of them, since
the most frequent pitfall for human activities is the possibility of losing sight, while
performing them, of the clearest truths, the most elementary principles.
I would like to express the wish that, in view of its universal character, the United
Nations Organization will never cease to be the forum, the high tribune from which all
man's problems are appraised in truth and justice. It was in the name of this
inspiration, it was through this historic stimulus, that on 26 June 1945, towards the
end of the terrible Second World War, the Charter of the United Nations was signed
and on the following 24 October your Organization began its life. Soon after, on 10
December 1948, came its fundamental document, the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, the rights of the human being as a concrete individual and of the human being
in his universal value. This document is a milestone on the long and difficult path of
the human race. The progress of humanity must be measured not only by the progress
of science and technology, which shows man's uniqueness with regard to nature, but
also and chiefly by the primacy given to spiritual values and by the progress of moral
life. In this field is manifested the full dominion of reason, through truth, in the
behaviour of the individual and of society, and also the control of reason over nature ;
and thus human conscience quietly triumphs, as was expressed in the ancient
saying: Genus humanum arte et ratione vivit.
It was when technology was being directed in its one-sided progress towards goals of
war, hegemony and conquest, so that man might kill man and nation destroy nation by
depriving it of its liberty and the right to exist—and I still have before my mind the
image of the Second World War in Europe, which began forty years ago on 1
September 1939 with the invasion of Poland and ended on 9 May 1945—it was
precisely then that the United Nations Organization arose. And three years later the
document appeared which, as I have said, must be considered a real milestone on the
path of the moral progress of humanity—the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. The governments and States of the world have understood that, it they are not
to attack and destroy each other, they must unite. The real way, the fundamental way
to this is through each human being, through the definition and recognition of and
respect for the inalienable rights of individuals and of the communities of peoples.
8. Today, forty years after the outbreak of the Second World War, I wish to recall the
whole of the experiences by individuals and nations that were sustained by a
generation that is largely still alive. I had occasion not long ago to reflect again on
some of those experiences, in one of the places that are most distressing and
overflowing with contempt for man and his fundamental rights—the extermination
camp of Oświęcim (Auschwitz), which I visited during my pilgrimage to Poland last
June. This infamous place is unfortunately only one of the many scattered over the
continent of Europe. But the memory of even one should be a warning sign on the
path of humanity today, in order that every kind of concentration camp anywhere on
earth may once and for all be done away with. And everything that recalls those
horrible experiences should also disappear for ever from the lives of nations and
States, everything that is a continuation of those experiences under different forms,
namely the various kinds of torture and oppression, either physical or moral, carried
out under any system, in any land; this phenomenon is all the more distressing if it
occurs under the pretext of internal "security" or the need to preserve an apparent
peace.
9. You will forgive me, ladies and gentlemen, for evoking this memory. But I would be
untrue to the history of this century, I would be dishonest with regard to the great
cause of man, which we all wish to serve, if I should keep silent, I who come from the
country on whose living body Oświęcim was at one time constructed. But my purpose
in evoking this memory is above all to show what painful experiences and sufferings by
millions of people gave rise to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which has
been placed as the basic inspiration and cornerstone of the United Nations
Organization. This Declaration was paid for by millions of our brothers and sisters at
the cost of their suffering and sacrifice, brought about by the brutalization that
darkened and made insensitive the human consciences of their oppressors and of
those who carried out a real genocide. This price cannot have been paid in vain! The
Universal Declaration of Human Rights—with its train of many declarations and
conventions on highly important aspects of human rights, in favour of children, of
women, of equality between races, and especially the two international covenants on
economic, social and cultural rights and on civil and political rights—must remain the
basic value in the United Nations Organization with which the consciences of its
members must be confronted and from which they must draw continual inspiration. If
the truths and principles contained in this document were to be forgotten or ignored
and were thus to lose the genuine self-evidence that distinguished them at the time
they were brought painfully to birth, then the noble purpose of the United Nations
Organization could be faced with the threat of a new destruction. This is what would
happen if the simple yet powerful eloquence of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights were decisively subjugated by what is wrongly called political interest, but often
really means no more than one-sided gain and advantage to the detriment of others,
or a thirst for power regardless of the needs of others—everything which by its nature
is opposed to the spirit of the Declaration. "Political interest" understood in this sense,
if you will pardon me, ladies and gentlemen, dishonours the noble and difficult mission
of your service for the good of your countries and of all humanity.
10. Fourteen years ago my great predecessor Pope Paul VI spoke from this podium. He
spoke memorable words, which I desire to repeat today: "No more war, war never
again ! Never one against the other", or even "one above the other", but always, on
every occasion, "with each other".
Paul VI was a tireless servant of the cause of peace. I wish to follow him with all my
strength and continue his service. The Catholic Church in every place on earth
proclaims a message of peace, prays for peace, educates for peace. This purpose is
also shared by the representatives and followers of other Churches and Communities
and of other religions of the world, and they have pledged themselves to it. In union
with efforts by all people of good will, this work is certainly bearing fruit. Nevertheless
we are continually troubled by the armed conflicts that break out from time to time.
How grateful we are to the Lord when a direct intervention succeeds in avoiding such a
conflict, as in the case of the tension that last year threatened Argentina and Chile.
It is my fervent hope that a solution also to the Middle East crises may draw nearer.
While being prepared to recognize the value of any concrete step or attempt made to
settle the conflict, I want to recall that it would have no value if it did not truly
represent the "first stone" of a general overall peace in the area, a peace that, being
necessarily based on equitable recognition of the rights of all, cannot fail to include the
consideration and just settlement of the Palestinian question. Connected with this
question is that of the tranquillity, independence and territorial integrity of Lebanon
within the formula that has made it an example of peaceful and mutually fruitful
coexistence between distinct communities, a formula that I hope will, in the common
interest, be maintained, with the adjustments required by the developments of the
situation. I also hope for a special statute that, under international guarantees—as my
predecessor Paul VI indicated—would respect the particular nature of Jerusalem, a
heritage sacred to the veneration of millions of believers of the three great
monotheistic religions, Judaism, Christianity and Islam.
We are troubled also by reports of the development of weaponry exceeding in quality

and size the means of war and destruction ever known before. In this field also we
applaud the decisions and agreements aimed at reducing the arms race. Nevertheless,
the life of humanity today is seriously endangered by the threat of destruction and by
the risk arising even from accepting certain "tranquillizing" reports. And the resistance
to actual concrete proposals of real disarmament, such as those called for by this
Assembly in a special session last year, shows that together with the will for peace that
all profess and that most desire there is also in existence—perhaps in latent or
conditional form but nonetheless real—the contrary and the negation of this will. The
continual preparations for war demonstrated by the production of ever more
numerous, powerful and sophisticated weapons in various countries show that there is
a desire to be ready for war, and being ready means being able to start it; it also
means taking the risk that sometime, somewhere, somehow, someone can set in
motion the terrible mechanism of general destruction.
11. It is therefore necessary to make a continuing and even more energetic effort to
do away with the very possibility of provoking war, and to make such catastrophes
impossible by influencing the attitudes and convictions, the very intentions and
aspirations of governments and peoples. This duty, kept constantly in mind by the
United Nations Organization and each of its institutions, must also be a duty for every
society, every regime, every government. This task is certainly served by initiatives
aimed at international cooperation for the fostering of development. As Paul VI said at
the end of his encyclical Populorum Progressio, "If the new name for peace is
development, who would not wish to labour for it with all his powers?" However, this
task must also be served by constant reflection and activity aimed at discovering the
very roots of hatred, destructiveness and contempt—the roots of everything that
produces the temptation to war, not so much in the hearts of the nations as in the
inner determination of the systems that decide the history of whole societies. In this
titanic labour of building up the peaceful future of our planet the United Nations
Organization has undoubtedly a key function and guiding role, for which it must refer
to the just ideals contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. For this
Declaration has struck a real blow against the many deep roots of war, since the spirit
of war, in its basic primordial meaning, springs up and grows to maturity where the
inalienable rights of man are violated.
This is a new and deeply relevant vision of the cause of peace, one that goes deeper
and is more radical. It is a vision that sees the genesis, and in a sense the substance,
of war in the more complex forms emanating from injustice viewed in all its various
aspects : this injustice first attacks human rights and thereby destroys the organic
unity of the social order and it then affects the whole system of international relations.
Within the Church's doctrine, the encyclical Pacem in Terris by John XXIII provides in
synthetic form a view of this matter that is very close to the ideological foundation of
the United Nations Organization. This must therefore form the basis to which one must
loyally and perseveringly adhere in order to establish true "peace on earth".
12. By applying this criterion we must diligently examine which principal tensions in
connection with the inalienable rights of man can weaken the construction of this
peace which we all desire so ardently and which is the essential goal of the efforts of
the United Nations Organization. It is not easy, but it must be done. Anyone who
undertakes it must take up a totally objective position and be guided by sincerity,
readiness to acknowledge one's prejudices and mistakes and readiness even to
renounce one's own particular interests, including political interests. Peace is
something greater and more important than any of these interests. It is by sacrificing
these interests for the sake of peace that we serve them best. After all, in whose
"political interest" can it ever be to have another war?
Every analysis must necessarily start from the premise that—although each person
lives in a particular concrete social and historical context—every human being is
endowed with a dignity that must never be lessened, impaired or destroyed but must
instead be respected and safeguarded, if peace is really to be built up.
13. In a movement that one hopes will be progressive and continuous, the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and the other international and national juridical
instruments are endeavouring to create general awareness of the dignity of the human
being, and to define at least some of the inalienable rights of man. Permit me to
enumerate some of the most important human rights that are universally recognized :
the right to life, liberty and security of person; the right to food, clothing, housing,
sufficient health care, rest and leisure; the right to freedom of expression, education
and culture; the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, and the right to
manifest one's religion either individually or in community, in public or in private; the
right to choose a state of life, to found a family and to enjoy all conditions necessary
for family life; the right to property and work, to adequate working conditions and a
just wage; the right of assembly and association ; the right to freedom of movement,
to internal and external migration; the right to nationality and residence; the right to
political participation and the right to participate in the free choice of the political
system of the people to which one belongs. All these human rights taken together are
in keeping with the substance of the dignity of the human being, understood in his
entirety, not as reduced to one dimension only. These rights concern the satisfaction of
man's essential needs, the exercise of his freedoms, and his relationship with others;
but always and everywhere they concern man, they concern man's full human
dimension.
14. Man lives at the same time both in the world of material values and in that of
spiritual values. For the individual living and hoping man, his needs, freedoms and
relationships with others never concern one sphere of values alone, but belong to
both. Material and spiritual realities may be viewed separately in order to understand
better that in the concrete human being they are inseparable, and to see that any
threat to human rights, whether in the field of material realities or in that of spiritual
realities, is equally dangerous for peace, since in every instance it concerns man in his
entirety. Permit me, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, to recall a constant rule of the
history of humanity, a rule that is implicitly contained in all that I have already stated
with regard to integral development and human rights. The rule is based on the
relationship between spiritual values and material or economic values. In this
relationship, it is the spiritual values that are pre-eminent, both on account of the
nature of these values and also for reasons concerning the good of man. The pre-
eminence of the values of the spirit defines the proper sense of earthly material goods
and the way to use them. This pre-eminence is therefore at the basis of a just peace.
It is also a contributing factor to ensuring that material development, technical
development and the development of civilization are at the service of what constitutes
man. This means enabling man to have full access to truth, to moral development, and
to the complete possibility of enjoying the goods of culture which he has inherited, and
of increasing them by his own creativity. It is easy to see that material goods do not
have unlimited capacity for satisfying the needs of man : they are not in themselves
easily distributed and, in the relationship between those who possess and enjoy them
and those who are without them, they give rise to tension, dissension and division that
will often even turn into open conflict. Spiritual goods, on the other hand, are open to
unlimited enjoyment by many at the same time, without diminution of the goods
themselves. Indeed, the more people share in such goods, the more they are enjoyed
and drawn upon, the more then do those goods show their indestructible and immortal
worth. This truth is confirmed, for example, by the works of creativity—I mean by the
works of thought, poetry, music, and the figurative arts, fruits of man's spirit.
15. A critical analysis of our modern civilization shows that in the last hundred years it
has contributed as never before to the development of material goods, but that it has
also given rise, both in theory and still more in practice, to a series of attitudes in
which sensitivity to the spiritual dimension of human existence is diminished to a
greater or less extent, as a result of certain premises which reduce the meaning of
human life chiefly to the many different material and economic factors—I mean to the
demands of production, the market, consumption, the accumulation of riches or of the
growing bureaucracy with which an attempt is made to regulate these very processes.
Is this not the result of having subordinated man to one single conception and sphere
of values?
16. What is the link between these reflections and the cause of peace and war? Since,
as I have already stated, material goods by their very nature provoke conditionings
and divisions, the struggle to obtain these goods becomes inevitable in the history of
humanity. If we cultivate this onesided subordination of man to material goods alone,
we shall be incapable of overcoming this state of need. We shall be able to attenuate it
and avoid it in particular cases, but we shall not succeed in eliminating it systematically
and radically, unless we emphasize more and pay greater honour, before everyone's
eyes, in the sight of every society, to the second dimension of the goods of man: the
dimension that does not divide people but puts them into communication with each
other, associates them and unites them.
I consider that the famous opening words of the Charter of the United Nations, in
which "the peoples of the United Nations, determined to save succeeding generations
from the scourge of war", solemnly reaffirmed "faith in fundamental human rights, in
the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and
of nations large and small", are meant to stress this dimension.
Indeed, the fight against incipient wars cannot be carried out on a merely superficial
level, by treating the symptoms. It must be done in a radical way, by attacking the
causes. The reason I have called attention to the dimension constituted by spiritual
realities is my concern for the cause of peace, peace which is built up by men and
women uniting around what is most fully and profoundly human, around what raises
them above the world about them and determines their indestructible grandeur—
indestructible in spite of the death to which everyone on earth is subject. I would like
to add that the Catholic Church and, I think I can say, the whole of Christianity sees in
this very domain its own particular task. The Second Vatican Council helped to
establish what the Christian faith has in common with the various non-Christian
religions in this aspiration. The Church is therefore grateful to all who show respect
and good will with regard to this mission of hers and do not impede it or make it
difficult. An analysis of the history of mankind, especially at its present stage, shows
how important is the duty of revealing more fully the range of the goods that are
linked with the spiritual dimension of human existence. It shows how important this
task is for building peace and how serious is any threat to human rights. Any violation
of them, even in a "peace situation", is a form of warfare against humanity.
It seems that in the modern world there are two main threats. Both concern human
rights in the field of international relations and human rights within the individual
States or societies.
17. The first of these systematic threats against human rights is linked in an overall
sense with the distribution of material goods. This distribution is frequently unjust both
within individual societies and on the planet as a whole. Everyone knows that these
goods are given to man not only as nature's bounty : they are enjoyed by him chiefly
as the fruit of his many activities, ranging from the simplest manual and physical
labour to the most complicated forms of industrial production, and to the highly
qualified and specialized research and study. Various forms of inequality in the
possession of material goods, and in the enjoyment of them, can often be explained by
different historical and cultural causes and circumstances. But, while these
circumstances can diminish the moral responsibility of people today, they do not
prevent the situations of inequality from being marked by injustice and social injury.
People must become aware that economic tensions within countries and in the
relationship between States and even between entire continents contain within
themselves substantial elements that restrict or violate human rights. Such elements
are the exploitation of labour and many other abuses that affect the dignity of the
human person. It follows that the fundamental criterion for comparing social, economic
and political systems is not, and cannot be, the criterion of hegemony and imperialism;
it can be, and indeed it must be, the humanistic criterion, namely the measure in which
each system is really capable of reducing, restraining and eliminating as far as possible
the various forms of exploitation of man and of ensuring for him, through work, not
only the just distribution of the indispensable material goods, but also a participation,
in keeping with his dignity, in the whole process of production and in the social life that
grows up around that process. Let us not forget that, although man depends on the
resources of the material world for his life, he cannot be their slave, but he must be
their master. The words of the book of Genesis, "Fill the earth and subdue it" (Gen 1
:28), are in a sense a primary and essential directive in the field of economy and of
labour policy.
18. Humanity as a whole, and the individual nations, have certainly made remarkable
progress in this field during the last hundred years. But it is a field in which there is
never any lack of systematic threats and violations of human rights. Disturbing factors
are frequently present in the form of the frightful disparities between excessively rich
individuals and groups on the one hand, and on the other hand the majority made up
of the poor or indeed of the destitute, who lack food and opportunities for work and
education and are in great numbers condemned to hunger and disease. And concern is
also caused at times by the radical separation of work from property, by man's
indifference to the production enterprise to which he is linked only by a work
obligation, without feeling that he is working for a good that will be his or for himself.
It is no secret that the abyss separating the minority of the excessively rich from the
multitude of the destitute is a very grave symptom in the life of any society. This must
also be said with even greater insistence with regard to the abyss separating countries
and regions of the earth. Surely the only way to overcome this serious disparity
between areas of satiety and areas of hunger and depression is through coordinated
cooperation by all countries. This requires above all else a unity inspired by an
authentic perspective of peace. Everything will depend on whether these differences
and contrasts in the sphere of the "possession" of goods will be systematically reduced
through truly effective means, on whether the belts of hunger, malnutrition,
destitution, underdevelopment, disease and illiteracy will disappear from the economic
map of the earth, and on whether peaceful cooperation will avoid imposing conditions
of exploitation and economic or political dependence, which would only be a form of
neocolonialism.
19. I would now like to draw attention to a second systematic threat to man in his
inalienable rights in the modern world, a threat which constitutes no less a danger
than the first to the cause of peace. I refer to the various forms of injustice in the field
of the spirit.
Man can indeed be wounded in his inner relationship with truth, in his conscience, in
his most personal belief, in his view of the world, in his religious faith, and in the
sphere of what are known as civil liberties. Decisive for these last is equality of rights
without discrimination on grounds of origin, race, sex, nationality, religion, political
convictions and the like. Equality of rights means the exclusion of the various forms of
privilege for some and discrimination against others, whether they are people born in
the same country or people from different backgrounds of history, nationality, race and
ideology. For centuries the thrust of civilization has been in one direction: that of giving
the life of individual political societies a form in which there can be fully safeguarded
the objective rights of the spirit, of human conscience and of human creativity,
including man's relationship with God. Yet in spite of this we still see in this field
recurring threats and violations, often with no possibility of appealing to a higher
authority or of obtaining an effective remedy.
Besides the acceptance of legal formulas safeguarding the principle of the freedom of
the human spirit, such as freedom of thought and expression, religious freedom, and
freedom of conscience, structures of social life often exist in which the practical
exercise of these freedoms condemns man, in fact if not formally, to become a second-
class or third-class citizen, to see compromised his chances of social advancement, his
professional career or his access to certain posts of responsibility, and to lose even the
possibility of educating his children freely. It is a question of the highest importance
that in internal social life, as well as in international life, all human beings in every
nation and country should be able to enjoy effectively their full rights under any
political regime or system.
Only the safeguarding of this real completeness of rights for every human being
without discrimination can ensure peace at its very roots.
20. With regard to religious freedom, which I, as Pope, am bound to have particularly
at heart, precisely with a view to safeguarding peace, I would like to repeat here, as a
contribution to respect for man's spiritual dimension, some principles contained in the
Second Vatican Council's Declaration Dignitatis Humanae: "In accordance with their
dignity, all human beings, because they are persons, that is, beings endowed with
reason and free will and therefore bearing personal responsibility, are both impelled by
their nature and bound by a moral obligation to seek the truth, especially religious
truth. They are also bound to adhere to the truth once they come to know it and to
direct their whole lives in accordance with its demands" (Dignitatis Humanae, 2).
"The practice of religion of its very nature consists primarily of those voluntary and free
internal acts by which a human being directly sets his course towards God. No merely
human power can either command or prohibit acts of this kind. But man's social nature
itself requires that he give external expression to his internal acts of religion, that he
communicate with others in religious matters and that he profess his religion in
community" (Dignitatis Humanae, 3).
These words touch the very substance of the question. They also show how even the
confrontation between the religious view of the world and the agnostic or even
atheistic view, which is one of the "signs of the times" of the present age, could
preserve honest and respectful human dimensions without violating the essential rights
of conscience of any man or woman living on earth.
Respect for the dignity of the human person would seem to demand that, when the
exact tenor of the exercise of religious freedom is being discussed or determined with
a view to national laws or international conventions, the institutions that are by their
nature at the service of religion should also be brought in. If this participation is
omitted, there is a danger of imposing, in so intimate a field of man's life, rules or
restrictions that are opposed to his true religious needs.
21. The United Nations Organization has proclaimed 1979 the Year of the Child. In the
presence of the representatives of so many nations of the world gathered here, I wish
to express the joy that we all find in children, the springtime of life, the anticipation of
the future history of each of our present earthly homelands. No country on earth, no
political system can think of its own future otherwise than through the image of these
new generations that will receive from their parents the manifold heritage of values,
duties and aspirations of the nation to which they belong and of the whole human
family. Concern for the child, even before birth, from the first moment of conception
and then throughout the years of infancy and youth, is the primary and fundamental
test of the relationship of one human being to another.
And so, what better wish can I express for every nation and the whole of mankind, and
for all the children of the world than a better future in which respect for human rights
will become a complete reality throughout the third millennium, which is drawing near.
22. But in this perspective we must ask ourselves whether there will continue to
accumulate over the heads of this new generation of children the threat of common
extermination for which the means are in the hands of the modern States, especially
the major world powers. Are the children to receive the arms race from us as a
necessary inheritance? How are we to explain this unbridled race?
The ancients said: Si vis pacem, para bellum. But can our age still really believe that
the breathtaking spiral of armaments is at the service of world peace? In alleging the
threat of a potential enemy, is it really not rather the intention to keep for oneself a
means of threat, in order to get the upper hand with the aid of one's own arsenal of
destruction? Here too it is the human dimension of peace that tends to vanish in favour
of ever new possible forms of imperialism.
It must be our solemn wish here for our children, for the children of all the nations on
earth, that this point will never be reached. And for that reason I do not cease to pray
to God each day so that in his mercy he may save us from so terrible a day.
23. At the close of this address, I wish to express once more before all the high
representatives of the States who are present a word of esteem and deep love for all
the peoples, all the nations of the earth, for all human communities. Each one has its
own history and culture. I hope that they will live and grow in the freedom and truth of
their own history. For that is the measure of the common good of each one of them. I
hope that each person will live and grow strong with the moral force of the
community that forms its members as citizens. I hope that the State authorities, while
respecting the just rights of each citizen, will enjoy the confidence of all for the
common good. I hope that all the nations, even the smallest, even those that do not
yet enjoy full sovereignty, and those that have been forcibly robbed of it, will meet in
full equality with the others in the United Nations Organization. I hope that the United
Nations will ever remain the supreme forum of peace and justice, the authentic seat of
freedom of peoples and individuals in their longing for a better future.
*AAS 71 (1979), p.1144-1160.
L'Osservatore Romano 4.10.1979 p.1, 2, 3.
L'Osservatore Romano. Weekly Edition in English n. 42 p. 1, 8-12.
Paths to Peace p. 16-24.


TO THE MEMBERS OF THE UNITED NATIONS STAFF*
New York
Ladies and gentlemen, dear friends,
It is with great pleasure that I take this opportunity to greet all the Members of the
Staff of the United Nations Headquarters in New York, and to reiterate before you my
firm belief in the extraordinary value and importance of the role and activities of this
international institution, of all its agencies and programmes.
When you accepted to serve here, either in study or research, in administrative tasks
or in planning, in secretarial or logistical activities, you did so because you believed
that your work, often hidden and unnoticed in the complexity of this operation, would
constitute a valuable contribution to the aims and objectives of this Organization. And
rightly so. For the first time in the history of humanity, there exists the possibility for all
peoples, through their representatives, to meet constantly with each other in order to
exchange views; to confer on and to seek peaceful solutions, effective solutions to the
conflicts and problems that are causing suffering in all parts of the world to large
numbers of men, women and children. You are part of this great and universal
endeavour. You provide the necessary services, information and help that are
indispensable for the success of this exciting adventure—you guarantee continuity of
action and implementation. Each one of you is a servant of the unity, peace and
brotherhood of all men.
Your task is no less important than that of the Representatives of the nations of the
world, provided you are motivated by the great ideal of world peace and fraternal
collaboration between all peoples: what counts is the spirit with which you perform
your tasks. Peace and harmony among the nations, the progress of all humanity, the
possibility for all men and women to live in dignity and happiness depend on you, on
each one of you, and on the tasks that you perform here.
The builders of the pyramids in Egypt and Mexico, of the temples in Asia, of the
cathedrals in Europe were not only the architects who laid out the designs, or those
who provided financing, but also, and in no small way, the carvers of the stones, many
of whom never had the satisfaction of contemplating in its entirety the beauty of the
masterpiece that their hands helped create. And yet, they were producing a work of art
that would be the object of admiration for generations to come.
You are in so many ways the carvers of the stones. Even a lifetime of dedicated service
will not always enable you to see the finished monument of universal peace, of
fraternal collaboration and of harmony between peoples. Sometimes you will catch a
glimpse of it, in a particularly successful achievement, in a problem solved, in the smile
of a happy and healthy child, in a conflict avoided, in a reconciliation of minds and
hearts achieved. More often, you will experience only the monotony of your daily
labours, or the frustrations of bureaucratic entanglements. But know that your work is
great and that history will judge your achievements with favour.
The challenges that the world community will face in the coming years and decades
will not diminish. The rapidly changing pace of world events, the tremendous steps
forward of science and technology will increase both the potential for development and
the complexity of the problems. Be prepared, be capable, but above all have
confidence in the ideal you serve.
Look upon your contribution not only in terms of increased industrial production, of
enhanced efficiency, of eliminated suffering. Above all look upon it in terms of growing
dignity for every human being, of increased possibility for every person to advance to
the fullest measure of spiritual, cultural and human completion. Your calling as
international servants takes its value from the objectives pursued by the international
organizations. These aims transcend the mere material or intellectual spheres; they
reach out into the moral and spiritual fields. Through your work, you are able to
extend your love to the entire human family, to every person who has received the
wondrous gift of life, so that all may live together in peace and harmony, in a just and
peaceful world, where all their basic needs—physical, moral and spiritual—may be
fulfilled.
You have in the visitor who stands before you someone who admires what you do and
who believes in the value of your task.
Thank you for your welcome. I send my heartfelt greetings also to your families. I
especially hope that you may experience a deep and never fading joy in the work that
you perform for the benefit of all men, women and children on this earth.
*AAS 71 (1979), p. 1163-1164.


AT THE DEPARTURE FROM THE UNITED NATIONS*
New York
Mr. Secretary-General,
As I am about to conclude my all too brief visit at the world Headquarters of the United
Nations, I wish to express my heartfelt thanks to all who were instrumental in making
this visit possible.
My thanks go first of all to you, Mr. Secretary-General, for your kind invitation, which I
considered not only a great honour but also an obligation, since it allowed me by my
presence here to attest publicly and solemnly to the commitment of the Holy See to
collaborate, to the extent consonant with its own mission, with this worthy
Organization.
My gratitude goes also to the distinguished President of the Thirty-fourth General

Assembly, who honoured me in inviting me to address this unique forum of the
delegates of nearly all the nations of the world. By proclaiming the incomparable
dignity of every human being and by manifesting my firm belief in the unity and
solidarity of all nations, I have been permitted to affirm once again a basic tenet of my
Encyclical Letter: "After all, peace comes down to respect for man's inviolable rights"
(Redemptor Hominis, 17).
May I also thank all the distinguished delegates of the nations represented here, as
well as the whole Staff of the United Nations, for the friendly reception which they
have given to the representatives of the Holy See, particularly to our Permanent
Observer, Archbishop Giovanni Cheli.
The message which I wish to leave with you is a message of certitude and hope: the
certitude that peace is possible when it is based on the recognition of the fatherhood
of God and the brotherhood of all men; the hope that the sense of moral responsibility
which every person must assume will make it possible to create a better world in
freedom, in justice and in love.
As one whose ministry is void of meaning except insofar as he is the faithful Vicar of
Christ on earth, I now take leave of you with the words of the one whom I represent,
of Jesus Christ himself : "Peace I leave with you, my peace I give to you" (Jn 14 :27).
My constant prayer for all of you is this : that there may be peace in justice and in
love. May the praying voice of all those who believe in God—Christians and non-
Christians alike—bring it about that the moral resources present in the hearts of men
and women of good will be united for the common good, and call down from heaven
that peace which human efforts alone cannot effect.
Maw God bless the United Nations.

*AAS 71 (1979), p. 1164-1165.
L'Osservatore Romano. Weekly Edition in English n.42 p.13.

APOSTOLIC JOURNEY
OF HIS HOLINESS JOHN PAUL II
TO THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
THE FIFTIETH GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF

THE UNITED NATIONS ORGANIZATION
ADDRESS OF HIS HOLINESS JOHN PAUL II*
United Nations Headquarters (New York)

Thursday, 5 October 1995
Mr. President,
1. It is an honour for me to have the opportunity to address this international

Assembly and to join the men and women of every country, race, language and culture
in celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations
Organization. In coming before this distinguished Assembly, I am vividly aware that
through you I am in some way addressing the whole family of peoples living on the
face of the earth. My words are meant as a sign of the interest and esteem of the
Apostolic See and of the Catholic Church for this Institution. They echo the voices of all
those who see in the United Nations the hope of a better future for human society.
I wish to express my heartfelt gratitude in the first place to the Secretary General, Dr.
Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for having warmly encouraged this visit. And I thank you, Mr.
President, for your cordial welcome. I greet all of you, the members of this General
Assembly: I am grateful for your presence and for your kind attention.
I come before you today with the desire to be able to contribute to that thoughtful
meditation on the history and role of this Organization which should accompany and
give substance to the anniversary celebrations. The Holy See, in virtue of its specifically
spiritual mission, which makes it concerned for the integral good of every human
being, has supported the ideals and goals of the United Nations Organization from the
very beginning. Although their respective purposes and operative approaches are
obviously different, the Church and the United Nations constantly find wide areas of
cooperation on the basis of their common concern for the human family. It is this
awareness which inspires my thoughts today; they will not dwell on any particular
social, political, or economic question; rather, I would like to reflect with you on what
the extraordinary changes of the last few years imply, not simply for the present, but
for the future of the whole human family.
A Common Human Patrimony
2. Ladies and Gentlemen! On the threshold of a new millennium we are witnessing an

extraordinary global acceleration of that quest for freedom which is one of the great
dynamics of human history. This phenomenon is not limited to any one part of the
world; nor is it the expression of any single culture. Men and women throughout the
world, even when threatened by violence, have taken the risk of freedom, asking to be
given a place in social, political, and economic life which is commensurate with their
dignity as free human beings. This universal longing for freedom is truly one of the
distinguishing marks of our time.
During my previous Visit to the United Nations on 2 October 1979, I noted that the
quest for freedom in our time has its basis in those universal rights which human
beings enjoy by the very fact of their humanity. It was precisely outrages against
human dignity which led the United Nations Organization to formulate, barely three
years after its establishment, that Universal Declaration of Human Rights which
remains one of the highest expressions of the human conscience of our time. In Asia
and Africa, in the Americas, in Oceania and Europe, men and women of conviction and
courage have appealed to this Declaration in support of their claims for a fuller share in
the life of society.
3. It is important for us to grasp what might be called the inner structure of this
worldwide movement. It is precisely its global character which offers us its first and
fundamental "key" and confirms that there are indeed universal human rights, rooted
in the nature of the person, rights which reflect the objective and inviolable demands
of a universal moral law. These are not abstract points; rather, these rights tell us
something important about the actual life of every individual and of every social
group. They also remind us that we do not live in an irrational or meaningless world.
On the contrary, there is a moral logic which is built into human life and which makes
possible dialogue between individuals and peoples. If we want a century of violent
coercion to be succeeded by a century of persuasion, we must find a way to discuss
the human future intelligibly. The universal moral law written on the human heart is
precisely that kind of "grammar" which is needed if the world is to engage this
discussion of its future.
In this sense, it is a matter for serious concern that some people today deny the
universality of human rights, just as they deny that there is a human nature shared by
everyone. To be sure, there is no single model for organizing the politics and
economics of human freedom; different cultures and different historical experiences
give rise to different institutional forms of public life in a free and responsible society.
But it is one thing to affirm a legitimate pluralism of "forms of freedom", and another
to deny any universality or intelligibility to the nature of man or to the human
experience. The latter makes the international politics of persuasion extremely difficult,
if not impossible.
Taking the Risk of Freedom
4. The moral dynamics of this universal quest for freedom clearly appeared in Central
and Eastern Europe during the non-violent revolutions of 1989. Unfolding in specific
times and places, those historical events nonetheless taught a lesson which goes far
beyond a specific geographical location. For the non-violent revolutions of 1989
demonstrated that the quest for freedom cannot be suppressed. It arises from a
recognition of the inestimable dignity and value of the human person, and it cannot fail
to be accompanied by a commitment on behalf of the human person. Modern
totalitarianism has been, first and foremost, an assault on the dignity of the person, an
assault which has gone even to the point of denying the inalienable value of the
individual's life. The revolutions of 1989 were made possible by the commitment of
brave men and women inspired by a different, and ultimately more profound and
powerful, vision: the vision of man as a creature of intelligence and free will, immersed
in a mystery which transcends his own being and endowed with the ability to reflect
and the ability to choose — and thus capable of wisdom and virtue. A decisive factor in
the success of those non-violent revolutions was the experience of social solidarity: in
the face of regimes backed by the power of propaganda and terror, that solidarity was
the moral core of the "power of the powerless", a beacon of hope and an enduring
reminder that it is possible for man's historical journey to follow a path which is true to
the finest aspirations of the human spirit.
Viewing those events from this privileged international forum, one cannot fail to grasp
the connection between the values which inspired those people's liberation movements
and many of the moral commitments inscribed in the United Nations Charter: I am
thinking for example of the commitment to "reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights
(and) in the dignity and worth of the human person"; and also the commitment "to
promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom" (Preamble).
The fifty-one States which founded this Organization in 1945 truly lit a lamp whose
light can scatter the darkness caused by tyranny — a light which can show the way to
freedom, peace, and solidarity.
The Rights of Nations
5. The quest for freedom in the second half of the twentieth century has engaged not
only individuals but nations as well. Fifty years after the end of the Second World War,
it is important to remember that that war was fought because of violations of the
rights of nations. Many of those nations suffered grievously for no other reason than
that they were deemed "other". Terrible crimes were committed in the name of lethal
doctrines which taught the "inferiority" of some nations and cultures. In a certain
sense, the United Nations Organization was born from a conviction that such doctrines
were antithetical to peace; and the Charter's commitment to "save future generations
from the scourge of war" (Preamble) surely implied a moral commitment to defend
every nation and culture from unjust and violent aggression.
Unfortunately, even after the end of the Second World War, the rights of nations
continued to be violated. To take but one set of examples, the Baltic States and
extensive territories in Ukraine and Belarus were absorbed into the Soviet Union, as
had already happened to Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia in the Caucasus. At the
same time the so-called "People's Democracies" of Central and Eastern Europe
effectively lost their sovereignty and were required to submit to the will dominating the
entire bloc. The result of this artificial division of Europe was the "cold war", a situation
of international tension in which the threat of a nuclear holocaust hung over humanity.
It was only when freedom was restored to the nations of Central and Eastern Europe
that the promise of the peace which should have come with the end of the war began
to be realized for many of the victims of that conflict.
6. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted in 1948, spoke eloquently of

the rights of persons; but no similar international agreement has yet adequately
addressed the rights of nations. This situation must be carefully pondered, for it raises
urgent questions about justice and freedom in the world today.
In reality the problem of the full recognition of the rights of peoples and nations has
presented itself repeatedly to the conscience of humanity, and has also given rise to
considerable ethical and juridical reflection. I am reminded of the debate which took
place at the Council of Constance in the fifteenth century, when the representatives of
the Academy of Krakow, headed by Pawel Wlodkowic, courageously defended the right
of certain European peoples to existence and independence. Still better known is the
discussion which went on in that same period at the University of Salamanca with
regard to the peoples of the New World. And in our own century, how can I fail to
mention the prophetic words of my predecessor, Pope Benedict XV, who in the midst
of the First World War reminded everyone that "nations do not die", and invited them
"to ponder with serene conscience the rights and the just aspirations of peoples"
(Benedict XV, To the Peoples at War and their Leaders, 28 July 1915)?
7. Today the problem of nationalities forms part of a new world horizon marked by a
great "mobility" which has blurred the ethnic and cultural frontiers of the different
peoples, as a result of a variety of processes such as migrations, mass-media and the
globalization of the economy. And yet, precisely against this horizon of universality we
see the powerful re-emergence of a certain ethnic and cultural consciousness, as it
were an explosive need for identity and survival, a sort of counterweight to the
tendency toward uniformity. This is a phenomenon which must not be underestimated
or regarded as a simple left-over of the past. It demands serious interpretation, and a
closer examination on the levels of anthropology, ethics and law.
This tension between the particular and the universal can be considered immanent in
human beings. By virtue of sharing in the same human nature, people automatically
feel that they are members of one great family, as is in fact the case. But as a result of
the concrete historical conditioning of this same nature, they are necessarily bound in
a more intense way to particular human groups, beginning with the family and going
on to the various groups to which they belong and up to the whole of their ethnic and
cultural group, which is called, not by accident, a "nation", from the Latin word "nasci":
"to be born". This term, enriched with another one, "patria" (fatherland/motherland),
evokes the reality of the family. The human condition thus finds itself between these
two poles — universality and particularity — with a vital tension between them; an
inevitable tension, but singularly fruitful if they are lived in a calm and balanced way.
8. Upon this anthropological foundation there also rest the "rights of nations", which
are nothing but "human rights" fostered at the specific level of community life. A study
of these rights is certainly not easy, if we consider the difficulty of defining the very
concept of "nation", which cannot be identified a priori and necessarily with the State.
Such a study must nonetheless be made, if we wish to avoid the errors of the past and
ensure a just world order.
A presupposition of a nation's rights is certainly its right to exist: therefore no one —

neither a State nor another nation, nor an international organization — is ever justified
in asserting that an individual nation is not worthy of existence. This fundamental right
to existence does not necessarily call for sovereignty as a state, since various forms of
juridical aggregation between different nations are possible, as for example occurs in
Federal States, in Confederations or in States characterized by broad regional
autonomies. There can be historical circumstances in which aggregations different from
single state sovereignty can even prove advisable, but only on condition that this takes
place in a climate of true freedom, guaranteed by the exercise of the self-
determination of the peoples concerned. Its right to exist naturally implies that every
nation also enjoys the right to its own language and culture, through which a people
expresses and promotes that which I would call its fundamental spiritual "sovereignty".
History shows that in extreme circumstances (such as those which occurred in the land
where I was born) it is precisely its culture that enables a nation to survive the loss of
political and economic independence. Every nation therefore has also the right to
shape its life according to its own traditions, excluding, of course, every abuse of basic
human rights and in particular the oppression of minorities. Every nation has the right
to build its future by providing an appropriate education for the younger generation.
But while the "rights of the nation" express the vital requirements of "particularity", it
is no less important to emphasize the requirements of universality, expressed through
a clear awareness of the duties which nations have vis-à-vis other nations and
humanity as a whole. Foremost among these duties is certainly that of living in a spirit
of peace, respect and solidarity with other nations. Thus the exercise of the rights of
nations, balanced by the acknowledgement and the practice of duties, promotes a
fruitful "exchange of gifts", which strengthens the unity of all mankind.
Respect for Differences
9. During my pastoral pilgrimages to the communities of the Catholic Church over the
past seventeen years, I have been able to enter into dialogue with the rich diversity of
nations and cultures in every part of the world. Unhappily, the world has yet to learn
how to live with diversity, as recent events in the Balkans and Central Africa have
painfully reminded us. The fact of "difference", and the reality of "the other", can
sometimes be felt as a burden, or even as a threat. Amplified by historic grievances
and exacerbated by the manipulations of the unscrupulous, the fear of "difference" can
lead to a denial of the very humanity of "the other": with the result that people fall into
a cycle of violence in which no one is spared, not even the children. We are all very
familiar today with such situations; at this moment my heart and my prayers turn in a
special way to the sufferings of the sorely tried peoples of Bosnia-Hercegovina.
From bitter experience, then, we know that the fear of "difference", especially when it
expresses itself in a narrow and exclusive nationalism which denies any rights to "the
other", can lead to a true nightmare of violence and terror. And yet if we make the
effort to look at matters objectively, we can see that, transcending all the differences
which distinguish individuals and peoples, there is a fundamental commonality. For
different cultures are but different ways of facing the question of the meaning of
personal existence. And it is precisely here that we find one source of the respect
which is due to every culture and every nation: every culture is an effort to ponder the
mystery of the world and in particular of the human person: it is a way of giving
expression to the transcendent dimension of human life. The heart of every culture is
its approach to the greatest of all mysteries: the mystery of God.
10. Our respect for the culture of others is therefore rooted in our respect for each
community's attempt to answer the question of human life. And here we can see how
important it is to safeguard the fundamental right to freedom of religion and freedom
of conscience, as the cornerstones of the structure of human rights and the foundation
of every truly free society. No one is permitted to suppress those rights by using
coercive power to impose an answer to the mystery of man.
To cut oneself off from the reality of difference — or, worse, to attempt to stamp out
that difference — is to cut oneself off from the possibility of sounding the depths of the
mystery of human life. The truth about man is the unchangeable standard by which all
cultures are judged; but every culture has something to teach us about one or other
dimension of that complex truth. Thus the "difference" which some find so threatening
can, through respectful dialogue, become the source of a deeper understanding of the
mystery of human existence.
11. In this context, we need to clarify the essential difference between an unhealthy
form of nationalism, which teaches contempt for other nations or cultures,
and patriotism, which is a proper love of one's country. True patriotism never seeks to
advance the well-being of one's own nation at the expense of others. For in the end
this would harm one's own nation as well: doing wrong damages both aggressor and
victim. Nationalism, particularly in its most radical forms, is thus the antithesis of true
patriotism, and today we must ensure that extreme nationalism does not continue to
give rise to new forms of the aberrations of totalitarianism. This is a commitment
which also holds true, obviously, in cases where religion itself is made the basis of
nationalism, as unfortunately happens in certain manifestations of so-called
"fundamentalism".
Freedom and Moral Truth
12. Ladies and Gentlemen! Freedom is the measure of man's dignity and greatness.
Living the freedom sought by individuals and peoples is a great challenge to man's
spiritual growth and to the moral vitality of nations. The basic question which we must
all face today is the responsible use of freedom, in both its personal and social
dimensions. Our reflection must turn then to the question of the moral structure of
freedom, which is the inner architecture of the culture of freedom.
Freedom is not simply the absence of tyranny or oppression. Nor is freedom a licence
to do whatever we like. Freedom has an inner "logic" which distinguishes it and
ennobles it: freedom is ordered to the truth, and is fulfilled in man's quest for truth and
in man's living in the truth. Detached from the truth about the human person, freedom
deteriorates into license in the lives of individuals, and, in political life, it becomes the
caprice of the most powerful and the arrogance of power. Far from being a limitation
upon freedom or a threat to it, reference to the truth about the human person — a
truth universally knowable through the moral law written on the hearts of all — is, in
fact, the guarantor of freedom's future.
13. In the light of what has been said we understand how utilitarianism, the doctrine
which defines morality not in terms of what is good but of what is advantageous,
threatens the freedom of individuals and nations and obstructs the building of a true
culture of freedom. Utilitarianism often has devastating political consequences,
because it inspires an aggressive nationalism on the basis of which the subjugation, for
example, of a smaller or weaker nation is claimed to be a good thing solely because it
corresponds to the national interest. No less grave are the results
of economic utilitarianism, which drives more powerful countries to manipulate and
exploit weaker ones.
Nationalistic and economic utilitarianism are sometimes combined, a phenomenon

which has too often characterized relations between the "North" and the "South". For
the emerging countries, the achievement of political independence has too frequently
been accompanied by a situation of de facto economic dependence on other countries;
indeed, in some cases, the developing world has suffered a regression, such that some
countries lack the means of satisfying the essential needs of their people. Such
situations offend the conscience of humanity and pose a formidable moral challenge to
the human family. Meeting this challenge will obviously require changes in both
developing and developed countries. If developing countries are able to offer sure
guarantees of the proper management of resources and of assistance received, as well
as respect for human rights, by replacing where necessary unjust, corrupt, or
authoritarian forms of government with participatory and democratic ones, will they
not in this way unleash the best civil and economic energies of their people? And must
not the developed countries, for their part, come to renounce strictly utilitarian
approaches and develop new approaches inspired by greater justice and solidarity?
Yes, distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen! The international economic scene needs
an ethic of solidarity, if participation, economic growth, and a just distribution of goods
are to characterize the future of humanity. The international cooperation called for by
the Charter of the United Nations for "solving international problems of an economic,
social, cultural, or humanitarian character" (art. 1.3) cannot be conceived exclusively in
terms of help and assistance, or even by considering the eventual returns on the
resources provided. When millions of people are suffering from a poverty which means
hunger, malnutrition, sickness, illiteracy, and degradation, we must not only remind
ourselves that no one has a right to exploit another for his own advantage, but also
and above all we must recommit ourselves to that solidarity which enables others to
live out, in the actual circumstances of their economic and political lives, the creativity
which is a distinguishing mark of the human person and the true source of the wealth
of nations in today's world.
The United Nations and the Future of Freedom
14. As we face these enormous challenges, how can we fail to acknowledge the role of
the United Nations Organization? Fifty years after its founding, the need for such an
Organization is even more obvious, but we also have a better understanding, on the
basis of experience, that the effectiveness of this great instrument for harmonizing and
coordinating international life depends on the international culture and ethic which it
supports and expresses. The United Nations Organization needs to rise more and more
above the cold status of an administrative institution and to become a moral centre
where all the nations of the world feel at home and develop a shared awareness of
being, as it were, a "family of nations". The idea of "family" immediately evokes
something more than simple functional relations or a mere convergence of interests.
The family is by nature a community based on mutual trust, mutual support and
sincere respect. In an authentic family the strong do not dominate; instead, the
weaker members, because of their very weakness, are all the more welcomed and
served.
Raised to the level of the "family of nations", these sentiments ought to be, even
before law itself, the very fabric of relations between peoples. The United Nations has
the historic, even momentous, task of promoting this qualitative leap in international
life, not only by serving as a centre of effective mediation for the resolution of conflicts
but also by fostering values, attitudes and concrete initiatives of solidarity which prove
capable of raising the level of relations between nations from the "organizational" to a
more "organic" level, from simple "existence with" others to "existence for" others, in a
fruitful exchange of gifts, primarily for the good of the weaker nations but even so, a
clear harbinger of greater good for everyone.
15. Only on this condition shall we attain an end not only to "wars of combat" but also
to "cold wars". It will ensure not only the legal equality of all peoples but also their
active participation in the building of a better future, and not only respect for individual
cultural identities, but full esteem for them as a common treasure belonging to the
cultural patrimony of mankind. Is this not the ideal held up by the Charter of the
United Nations when it sets as the basis of the Organization "the principle of the
sovereign equality of all its Members" (art. 2.1), or when it commits it to "develop
friendly relations between nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights
and of self-determination" (art. 1.2)? This is the high road which must be followed to
the end, even if this involves, when necessary, appropriate modifications in the
operating model of the United Nations, so as to take into account everything that has
happened in this half century, with so many new peoples experiencing freedom and
legitimately aspiring to "be" and to "count for" more.
None of this should appear an unattainable utopia. Now is the time for new hope,
which calls us to expel the paralyzing burden of cynicism from the future of politics and
of human life. The anniversary which we are celebrating invites us to do this by
reminding us of the idea of "united nations", an idea which bespeaks mutual trust,
security and solidarity. Inspired by the example of all those who have taken the risk of
freedom, can we not recommit ourselves also to taking the risk of solidarity — and
thus the risk of peace?
Beyond Fear: the Civilization of Love
16. It is one of the great paradoxes of our time that man, who began the period we
call "modernity" with a self-confident assertion of his "coming of age" and "autonomy",
approaches the end of the twentieth century fearful of himself, fearful of what he
might be capable of, fearful for the future. Indeed, the second half of the twentieth
century has seen the unprecedented phenomenon of a humanity uncertain about
the very likelihood of a future, given the threat of nuclear war. That danger, mercifully,
appears to have receded — and everything that might make it return needs to be
rejected firmly and universally; all the same, fear for the future and of the future
remains.
In order to ensure that the new millennium now approaching will witness a new
flourishing of the human spirit, mediated through an authentic culture of freedom, men
and women must learn to conquer fear. We must learn not to be afraid, we must
rediscover a spirit of hope and a spirit of trust. Hope is not empty optimism springing
from a naive confidence that the future will necessarily be better than the past. Hope
and trust are the premise of responsible activity and are nurtured in that inner
sanctuary of conscience where "man is alone with God" (Gaudium et Spes, 16) and he
thus perceives that he is not alone amid the enigmas of existence, for he is surrounded
by the love of the Creator!
Hope and trust: these may seem matters beyond the purview of the United Nations.
But they are not. The politics of nations, with which your Organization is principally
concerned, can never ignore the transcendent, spiritual dimension of the human
experience, and could never ignore it without harming the cause of man and the cause
of human freedom. Whatever diminishes man — whatever shortens the horizon of
man's aspiration to goodness — harms the cause of freedom. In order to recover our
hope and our trust at the end of this century of sorrows, we must regain sight of that
transcendent horizon of possibility to which the soul of man aspires.
17. As a Christian, my hope and trust are centered on Jesus Christ, the two thousandth
anniversary of whose birth will be celebrated at the coming of the new millennium. We
Christians believe that in his Death and Resurrection were fully revealed God's love and
his care for all creation. Jesus Christ is for us God made man, and made a part of the
history of humanity. Precisely for this reason, Christian hope for the world and its
future extends to every human person. Because of the radiant humanity of Christ,
nothing genuinely human fails to touch the hearts of Christians. Faith in Christ does
not impel us to intolerance. On the contrary, it obliges us to engage others in a
respectful dialogue. Love of Christ does not distract us from interest in others, but
rather invites us to responsibility for them, to the exclusion of no one and indeed, if
anything, with a special concern for the weakest and the suffering. Thus, as we
approach the two thousandth anniversary of the birth of Christ, the Church asks only
to be able to propose respectfully this message of salvation, and to be able to
promote, in charity and service, the solidarity of the entire human family.
Ladies and Gentlemen! I come before you, as did my predecessor Pope Paul VI exactly
thirty years ago, not as one who exercises temporal power — these are his words —
nor as a religious leader seeking special privileges for his community. I come before
you as a witness: a witness to human dignity, a witness to hope, a witness to the
conviction that the destiny of all nations lies in the hands of a merciful Providence.
18. We must overcome our fear of the future. But we will not be able to overcome it
completely unless we do so together. The "answer" to that fear is neither coercion nor
repression, nor the imposition of one social "model" on the entire world. The answer to
the fear which darkens human existence at the end of the twentieth century is the
common effort to build the civilization of love, founded on the universal values of
peace, solidarity, justice, and liberty. And the "soul" of the civilization of love is the
culture of freedom: the freedom of individuals and the freedom of nations, lived in self-
giving solidarity and responsibility.
We must not be afraid of the future. We must not be afraid of man. It is no accident
that we are here. Each and every human person has been created in the "image and
likeness" of the One who is the origin of all that is. We have within us the capacities for
wisdom and virtue. With these gifts, and with the help of God's grace, we can build in
the next century and the next millennium a civilization worthy of the human person, a
true culture of freedom. We can and must do so! And in doing so, we shall see that the
tears of this century have prepared the ground for a new springtime of the human
spirit.
*L'Osservatore Romano. Weekly Edition in English n. 41 p. 8-10.

APOSTOLIC JOURNEY
THE FIFTIETH GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF

THE UNITED NATIONS ORGANIZATION

Mr. President,
1. It is an honour for me to have the opportunity to address this international

Assembly and to join the men and women of every country, race, language and culture
in celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations
Organization. In coming before this distinguished Assembly, I am vividly aware that
through you I am in some way addressing the whole family of peoples living on the
face of the earth. My words are meant as a sign of the interest and esteem of the
Apostolic See and of the Catholic Church for this Institution. They echo the voices of all
those who see in the United Nations the hope of a better future for human society.
I wish to express my heartfelt gratitude in the first place to the Secretary General, Dr.
Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for having warmly encouraged this visit. And I thank you, Mr.
President, for your cordial welcome. I greet all of you, the members of this General
Assembly: I am grateful for your presence and for your kind attention.
I come before you today with the desire to be able to contribute to that thoughtful
meditation on the history and role of this Organization which should accompany and
give substance to the anniversary celebrations. The Holy See, in virtue of its specifically
spiritual mission, which makes it concerned for the integral good of every human
being, has supported the ideals and goals of the United Nations Organization from the
very beginning. Although their respective purposes and operative approaches are
obviously different, the Church and the United Nations constantly find wide areas of
cooperation on the basis of their common concern for the human family. It is this
awareness which inspires my thoughts today; they will not dwell on any particular
social, political, or economic question; rather, I would like to reflect with you on what
the extraordinary changes of the last few years imply, not simply for the present, but
for the future of the whole human family.
A Common Human Patrimony
2. Ladies and Gentlemen! On the threshold of a new millennium we are witnessing an

extraordinary global acceleration of that quest for freedom which is one of the great
dynamics of human history. This phenomenon is not limited to any one part of the
world; nor is it the expression of any single culture. Men and women throughout the
world, even when threatened by violence, have taken the risk of freedom, asking to be
given a place in social, political, and economic life which is commensurate with their
dignity as free human beings. This universal longing for freedom is truly one of the
distinguishing marks of our time.
During my previous Visit to the United Nations on 2 October 1979, I noted that the
quest for freedom in our time has its basis in those universal rights which human
beings enjoy by the very fact of their humanity. It was precisely outrages against
human dignity which led the United Nations Organization to formulate, barely three
years after its establishment, that Universal Declaration of Human Rights which
remains one of the highest expressions of the human conscience of our time. In Asia
and Africa, in the Americas, in Oceania and Europe, men and women of conviction and
courage have appealed to this Declaration in support of their claims for a fuller share in
the life of society.
3. It is important for us to grasp what might be called the inner structure of this
worldwide movement. It is precisely its global character which offers us its first and
fundamental "key" and confirms that there are indeed universal human rights, rooted
in the nature of the person, rights which reflect the objective and inviolable demands
of a universal moral law. These are not abstract points; rather, these rights tell us
something important about the actual life of every individual and of every social
group. They also remind us that we do not live in an irrational or meaningless world.
On the contrary, there is a moral logic which is built into human life and which makes
possible dialogue between individuals and peoples. If we want a century of violent
coercion to be succeeded by a century of persuasion, we must find a way to discuss
the human future intelligibly. The universal moral law written on the human heart is
precisely that kind of "grammar" which is needed if the world is to engage this
discussion of its future.
In this sense, it is a matter for serious concern that some people today deny the
universality of human rights, just as they deny that there is a human nature shared by
everyone. To be sure, there is no single model for organizing the politics and
economics of human freedom; different cultures and different historical experiences
give rise to different institutional forms of public life in a free and responsible society.
But it is one thing to affirm a legitimate pluralism of "forms of freedom", and another
to deny any universality or intelligibility to the nature of man or to the human
experience. The latter makes the international politics of persuasion extremely difficult,
if not impossible.
Taking the Risk of Freedom
4. The moral dynamics of this universal quest for freedom clearly appeared in Central
and Eastern Europe during the non-violent revolutions of 1989. Unfolding in specific
times and places, those historical events nonetheless taught a lesson which goes far
beyond a specific geographical location. For the non-violent revolutions of 1989
demonstrated that the quest for freedom cannot be suppressed. It arises from a
recognition of the inestimable dignity and value of the human person, and it cannot fail
to be accompanied by a commitment on behalf of the human person. Modern
totalitarianism has been, first and foremost, an assault on the dignity of the person, an
assault which has gone even to the point of denying the inalienable value of the
individual's life. The revolutions of 1989 were made possible by the commitment of
brave men and women inspired by a different, and ultimately more profound and
powerful, vision: the vision of man as a creature of intelligence and free will, immersed
in a mystery which transcends his own being and endowed with the ability to reflect
and the ability to choose — and thus capable of wisdom and virtue. A decisive factor in
the success of those non-violent revolutions was the experience of social solidarity: in
the face of regimes backed by the power of propaganda and terror, that solidarity was
the moral core of the "power of the powerless", a beacon of hope and an enduring
reminder that it is possible for man's historical journey to follow a path which is true to
the finest aspirations of the human spirit.
Viewing those events from this privileged international forum, one cannot fail to grasp
the connection between the values which inspired those people's liberation movements
and many of the moral commitments inscribed in the United Nations Charter: I am
thinking for example of the commitment to "reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights
(and) in the dignity and worth of the human person"; and also the commitment "to
promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom" (Preamble).
The fifty-one States which founded this Organization in 1945 truly lit a lamp whose
light can scatter the darkness caused by tyranny — a light which can show the way to
freedom, peace, and solidarity.
The Rights of Nations
5. The quest for freedom in the second half of the twentieth century has engaged not
only individuals but nations as well. Fifty years after the end of the Second World War,
it is important to remember that that war was fought because of violations of the
rights of nations. Many of those nations suffered grievously for no other reason than
that they were deemed "other". Terrible crimes were committed in the name of lethal
doctrines which taught the "inferiority" of some nations and cultures. In a certain
sense, the United Nations Organization was born from a conviction that such doctrines
were antithetical to peace; and the Charter's commitment to "save future generations
from the scourge of war" (Preamble) surely implied a moral commitment to defend
every nation and culture from unjust and violent aggression.
Unfortunately, even after the end of the Second World War, the rights of nations
continued to be violated. To take but one set of examples, the Baltic States and
extensive territories in Ukraine and Belarus were absorbed into the Soviet Union, as
had already happened to Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia in the Caucasus. At the
same time the so-called "People's Democracies" of Central and Eastern Europe
effectively lost their sovereignty and were required to submit to the will dominating the
entire bloc. The result of this artificial division of Europe was the "cold war", a situation
of international tension in which the threat of a nuclear holocaust hung over humanity.
It was only when freedom was restored to the nations of Central and Eastern Europe
that the promise of the peace which should have come with the end of the war began
to be realized for many of the victims of that conflict.
6. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted in 1948, spoke eloquently of

the rights of persons; but no similar international agreement has yet adequately
addressed the rights of nations. This situation must be carefully pondered, for it raises
urgent questions about justice and freedom in the world today.
In reality the problem of the full recognition of the rights of peoples and nations has
presented itself repeatedly to the conscience of humanity, and has also given rise to
considerable ethical and juridical reflection. I am reminded of the debate which took
place at the Council of Constance in the fifteenth century, when the representatives of
the Academy of Krakow, headed by Pawel Wlodkowic, courageously defended the right
of certain European peoples to existence and independence. Still better known is the
discussion which went on in that same period at the University of Salamanca with
regard to the peoples of the New World. And in our own century, how can I fail to
mention the prophetic words of my predecessor, Pope Benedict XV, who in the midst
of the First World War reminded everyone that "nations do not die", and invited them
"to ponder with serene conscience the rights and the just aspirations of peoples"
(Benedict XV, To the Peoples at War and their Leaders, 28 July 1915)?
7. Today the problem of nationalities forms part of a new world horizon marked by a
great "mobility" which has blurred the ethnic and cultural frontiers of the different
peoples, as a result of a variety of processes such as migrations, mass-media and the
globalization of the economy. And yet, precisely against this horizon of universality we
see the powerful re-emergence of a certain ethnic and cultural consciousness, as it
were an explosive need for identity and survival, a sort of counterweight to the
tendency toward uniformity. This is a phenomenon which must not be underestimated
or regarded as a simple left-over of the past. It demands serious interpretation, and a
closer examination on the levels of anthropology, ethics and law.
This tension between the particular and the universal can be considered immanent in
human beings. By virtue of sharing in the same human nature, people automatically
feel that they are members of one great family, as is in fact the case. But as a result of
the concrete historical conditioning of this same nature, they are necessarily bound in
a more intense way to particular human groups, beginning with the family and going
on to the various groups to which they belong and up to the whole of their ethnic and
cultural group, which is called, not by accident, a "nation", from the Latin word "nasci":
"to be born". This term, enriched with another one, "patria" (fatherland/motherland),
evokes the reality of the family. The human condition thus finds itself between these
two poles — universality and particularity — with a vital tension between them; an
inevitable tension, but singularly fruitful if they are lived in a calm and balanced way.
8. Upon this anthropological foundation there also rest the "rights of nations", which
are nothing but "human rights" fostered at the specific level of community life. A study
of these rights is certainly not easy, if we consider the difficulty of defining the very
concept of "nation", which cannot be identified a priori and necessarily with the State.
Such a study must nonetheless be made, if we wish to avoid the errors of the past and
ensure a just world order.
A presupposition of a nation's rights is certainly its right to exist: therefore no one —

neither a State nor another nation, nor an international organization — is ever justified
in asserting that an individual nation is not worthy of existence. This fundamental right
to existence does not necessarily call for sovereignty as a state, since various forms of
juridical aggregation between different nations are possible, as for example occurs in
Federal States, in Confederations or in States characterized by broad regional
autonomies. There can be historical circumstances in which aggregations different from
single state sovereignty can even prove advisable, but only on condition that this takes
place in a climate of true freedom, guaranteed by the exercise of the self-
determination of the peoples concerned. Its right to exist naturally implies that every
nation also enjoys the right to its own language and culture, through which a people
expresses and promotes that which I would call its fundamental spiritual "sovereignty".
History shows that in extreme circumstances (such as those which occurred in the land
where I was born) it is precisely its culture that enables a nation to survive the loss of
political and economic independence. Every nation therefore has also the right to
shape its life according to its own traditions, excluding, of course, every abuse of basic
human rights and in particular the oppression of minorities. Every nation has the right
to build its future by providing an appropriate education for the younger generation.
But while the "rights of the nation" express the vital requirements of "particularity", it
is no less important to emphasize the requirements of universality, expressed through
a clear awareness of the duties which nations have vis-à-vis other nations and
humanity as a whole. Foremost among these duties is certainly that of living in a spirit
of peace, respect and solidarity with other nations. Thus the exercise of the rights of
nations, balanced by the acknowledgement and the practice of duties, promotes a
fruitful "exchange of gifts", which strengthens the unity of all mankind.
Respect for Differences
9. During my pastoral pilgrimages to the communities of the Catholic Church over the
past seventeen years, I have been able to enter into dialogue with the rich diversity of
nations and cultures in every part of the world. Unhappily, the world has yet to learn
how to live with diversity, as recent events in the Balkans and Central Africa have
painfully reminded us. The fact of "difference", and the reality of "the other", can
sometimes be felt as a burden, or even as a threat. Amplified by historic grievances
and exacerbated by the manipulations of the unscrupulous, the fear of "difference" can
lead to a denial of the very humanity of "the other": with the result that people fall into
a cycle of violence in which no one is spared, not even the children. We are all very
familiar today with such situations; at this moment my heart and my prayers turn in a
special way to the sufferings of the sorely tried peoples of Bosnia-Hercegovina.
From bitter experience, then, we know that the fear of "difference", especially when it
expresses itself in a narrow and exclusive nationalism which denies any rights to "the
other", can lead to a true nightmare of violence and terror. And yet if we make the
effort to look at matters objectively, we can see that, transcending all the differences
which distinguish individuals and peoples, there is a fundamental commonality. For
different cultures are but different ways of facing the question of the meaning of
personal existence. And it is precisely here that we find one source of the respect
which is due to every culture and every nation: every culture is an effort to ponder the
mystery of the world and in particular of the human person: it is a way of giving
expression to the transcendent dimension of human life. The heart of every culture is
its approach to the greatest of all mysteries: the mystery of God.
10. Our respect for the culture of others is therefore rooted in our respect for each
community's attempt to answer the question of human life. And here we can see how
important it is to safeguard the fundamental right to freedom of religion and freedom
of conscience, as the cornerstones of the structure of human rights and the foundation
of every truly free society. No one is permitted to suppress those rights by using
coercive power to impose an answer to the mystery of man.
To cut oneself off from the reality of difference — or, worse, to attempt to stamp out
that difference — is to cut oneself off from the possibility of sounding the depths of the
mystery of human life. The truth about man is the unchangeable standard by which all
cultures are judged; but every culture has something to teach us about one or other
dimension of that complex truth. Thus the "difference" which some find so threatening
can, through respectful dialogue, become the source of a deeper understanding of the
mystery of human existence.
11. In this context, we need to clarify the essential difference between an unhealthy
form of nationalism, which teaches contempt for other nations or cultures,
and patriotism, which is a proper love of one's country. True patriotism never seeks to
advance the well-being of one's own nation at the expense of others. For in the end
this would harm one's own nation as well: doing wrong damages both aggressor and
victim. Nationalism, particularly in its most radical forms, is thus the antithesis of true
patriotism, and today we must ensure that extreme nationalism does not continue to
give rise to new forms of the aberrations of totalitarianism. This is a commitment
which also holds true, obviously, in cases where religion itself is made the basis of
nationalism, as unfortunately happens in certain manifestations of so-called
"fundamentalism".
Freedom and Moral Truth
12. Ladies and Gentlemen! Freedom is the measure of man's dignity and greatness.
Living the freedom sought by individuals and peoples is a great challenge to man's
spiritual growth and to the moral vitality of nations. The basic question which we must
all face today is the responsible use of freedom, in both its personal and social
dimensions. Our reflection must turn then to the question of the moral structure of
freedom, which is the inner architecture of the culture of freedom.
Freedom is not simply the absence of tyranny or oppression. Nor is freedom a licence
to do whatever we like. Freedom has an inner "logic" which distinguishes it and
ennobles it: freedom is ordered to the truth, and is fulfilled in man's quest for truth and
in man's living in the truth. Detached from the truth about the human person, freedom
deteriorates into license in the lives of individuals, and, in political life, it becomes the
caprice of the most powerful and the arrogance of power. Far from being a limitation
upon freedom or a threat to it, reference to the truth about the human person — a
truth universally knowable through the moral law written on the hearts of all — is, in
fact, the guarantor of freedom's future.
13. In the light of what has been said we understand how utilitarianism, the doctrine
which defines morality not in terms of what is good but of what is advantageous,
threatens the freedom of individuals and nations and obstructs the building of a true
culture of freedom. Utilitarianism often has devastating political consequences,
because it inspires an aggressive nationalism on the basis of which the subjugation, for
example, of a smaller or weaker nation is claimed to be a good thing solely because it
corresponds to the national interest. No less grave are the results
of economic utilitarianism, which drives more powerful countries to manipulate and
exploit weaker ones.
Nationalistic and economic utilitarianism are sometimes combined, a phenomenon

which has too often characterized relations between the "North" and the "South". For
the emerging countries, the achievement of political independence has too frequently
been accompanied by a situation of de facto economic dependence on other countries;
indeed, in some cases, the developing world has suffered a regression, such that some
countries lack the means of satisfying the essential needs of their people. Such
situations offend the conscience of humanity and pose a formidable moral challenge to
the human family. Meeting this challenge will obviously require changes in both
developing and developed countries. If developing countries are able to offer sure
guarantees of the proper management of resources and of assistance received, as well
as respect for human rights, by replacing where necessary unjust, corrupt, or
authoritarian forms of government with participatory and democratic ones, will they
not in this way unleash the best civil and economic energies of their people? And must
not the developed countries, for their part, come to renounce strictly utilitarian
approaches and develop new approaches inspired by greater justice and solidarity?
Yes, distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen! The international economic scene needs
an ethic of solidarity, if participation, economic growth, and a just distribution of goods
are to characterize the future of humanity. The international cooperation called for by
the Charter of the United Nations for "solving international problems of an economic,
social, cultural, or humanitarian character" (art. 1.3) cannot be conceived exclusively in
terms of help and assistance, or even by considering the eventual returns on the
resources provided. When millions of people are suffering from a poverty which means
hunger, malnutrition, sickness, illiteracy, and degradation, we must not only remind
ourselves that no one has a right to exploit another for his own advantage, but also
and above all we must recommit ourselves to that solidarity which enables others to
live out, in the actual circumstances of their economic and political lives, the creativity
which is a distinguishing mark of the human person and the true source of the wealth
of nations in today's world.
The United Nations and the Future of Freedom
14. As we face these enormous challenges, how can we fail to acknowledge the role of
the United Nations Organization? Fifty years after its founding, the need for such an
Organization is even more obvious, but we also have a better understanding, on the
basis of experience, that the effectiveness of this great instrument for harmonizing and
coordinating international life depends on the international culture and ethic which it
supports and expresses. The United Nations Organization needs to rise more and more
above the cold status of an administrative institution and to become a moral centre
where all the nations of the world feel at home and develop a shared awareness of
being, as it were, a "family of nations". The idea of "family" immediately evokes
something more than simple functional relations or a mere convergence of interests.
The family is by nature a community based on mutual trust, mutual support and
sincere respect. In an authentic family the strong do not dominate; instead, the
weaker members, because of their very weakness, are all the more welcomed and
served.
Raised to the level of the "family of nations", these sentiments ought to be, even
before law itself, the very fabric of relations between peoples. The United Nations has
the historic, even momentous, task of promoting this qualitative leap in international
life, not only by serving as a centre of effective mediation for the resolution of conflicts
but also by fostering values, attitudes and concrete initiatives of solidarity which prove
capable of raising the level of relations between nations from the "organizational" to a
more "organic" level, from simple "existence with" others to "existence for" others, in a
fruitful exchange of gifts, primarily for the good of the weaker nations but even so, a
clear harbinger of greater good for everyone.
15. Only on this condition shall we attain an end not only to "wars of combat" but also
to "cold wars". It will ensure not only the legal equality of all peoples but also their
active participation in the building of a better future, and not only respect for individual
cultural identities, but full esteem for them as a common treasure belonging to the
cultural patrimony of mankind. Is this not the ideal held up by the Charter of the
United Nations when it sets as the basis of the Organization "the principle of the
sovereign equality of all its Members" (art. 2.1), or when it commits it to "develop
friendly relations between nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights
and of self-determination" (art. 1.2)? This is the high road which must be followed to
the end, even if this involves, when necessary, appropriate modifications in the
operating model of the United Nations, so as to take into account everything that has
happened in this half century, with so many new peoples experiencing freedom and
legitimately aspiring to "be" and to "count for" more.
None of this should appear an unattainable utopia. Now is the time for new hope,
which calls us to expel the paralyzing burden of cynicism from the future of politics and
of human life. The anniversary which we are celebrating invites us to do this by
reminding us of the idea of "united nations", an idea which bespeaks mutual trust,
security and solidarity. Inspired by the example of all those who have taken the risk of
freedom, can we not recommit ourselves also to taking the risk of solidarity — and
thus the risk of peace?
Beyond Fear: the Civilization of Love
16. It is one of the great paradoxes of our time that man, who began the period we
call "modernity" with a self-confident assertion of his "coming of age" and "autonomy",
approaches the end of the twentieth century fearful of himself, fearful of what he
might be capable of, fearful for the future. Indeed, the second half of the twentieth
century has seen the unprecedented phenomenon of a humanity uncertain about
the very likelihood of a future, given the threat of nuclear war. That danger, mercifully,
appears to have receded — and everything that might make it return needs to be
rejected firmly and universally; all the same, fear for the future and of the future
remains.
In order to ensure that the new millennium now approaching will witness a new
flourishing of the human spirit, mediated through an authentic culture of freedom, men
and women must learn to conquer fear. We must learn not to be afraid, we must
rediscover a spirit of hope and a spirit of trust. Hope is not empty optimism springing
from a naive confidence that the future will necessarily be better than the past. Hope
and trust are the premise of responsible activity and are nurtured in that inner
sanctuary of conscience where "man is alone with God" (Gaudium et Spes, 16) and he
thus perceives that he is not alone amid the enigmas of existence, for he is surrounded
by the love of the Creator!
Hope and trust: these may seem matters beyond the purview of the United Nations.
But they are not. The politics of nations, with which your Organization is principally
concerned, can never ignore the transcendent, spiritual dimension of the human
experience, and could never ignore it without harming the cause of man and the cause
of human freedom. Whatever diminishes man — whatever shortens the horizon of
man's aspiration to goodness — harms the cause of freedom. In order to recover our
hope and our trust at the end of this century of sorrows, we must regain sight of that
transcendent horizon of possibility to which the soul of man aspires.
17. As a Christian, my hope and trust are centered on Jesus Christ, the two thousandth
anniversary of whose birth will be celebrated at the coming of the new millennium. We
Christians believe that in his Death and Resurrection were fully revealed God's love and
his care for all creation. Jesus Christ is for us God made man, and made a part of the
history of humanity. Precisely for this reason, Christian hope for the world and its
future extends to every human person. Because of the radiant humanity of Christ,
nothing genuinely human fails to touch the hearts of Christians. Faith in Christ does
not impel us to intolerance. On the contrary, it obliges us to engage others in a
respectful dialogue. Love of Christ does not distract us from interest in others, but
rather invites us to responsibility for them, to the exclusion of no one and indeed, if
anything, with a special concern for the weakest and the suffering. Thus, as we
approach the two thousandth anniversary of the birth of Christ, the Church asks only
to be able to propose respectfully this message of salvation, and to be able to
promote, in charity and service, the solidarity of the entire human family.
Ladies and Gentlemen! I come before you, as did my predecessor Pope Paul VI exactly
thirty years ago, not as one who exercises temporal power — these are his words —
nor as a religious leader seeking special privileges for his community. I come before
you as a witness: a witness to human dignity, a witness to hope, a witness to the
conviction that the destiny of all nations lies in the hands of a merciful Providence.
18. We must overcome our fear of the future. But we will not be able to overcome it
completely unless we do so together. The "answer" to that fear is neither coercion nor
repression, nor the imposition of one social "model" on the entire world. The answer to
the fear which darkens human existence at the end of the twentieth century is the
common effort to build the civilization of love, founded on the universal values of
peace, solidarity, justice, and liberty. And the "soul" of the civilization of love is the
culture of freedom: the freedom of individuals and the freedom of nations, lived in self-
giving solidarity and responsibility.
We must not be afraid of the future. We must not be afraid of man. It is no accident
that we are here. Each and every human person has been created in the "image and
likeness" of the One who is the origin of all that is. We have within us the capacities for
wisdom and virtue. With these gifts, and with the help of God's grace, we can build in
the next century and the next millennium a civilization worthy of the human person, a
true culture of freedom. We can and must do so! And in doing so, we shall see that the
tears of this century have prepared the ground for a new springtime of the human
spirit.
*L'Osservatore Romano. Weekly Edition in English n. 41 p. 8-10.

APOSTOLIC JOURNEY
MEETING WITH THE PERSONNEL OF THE UNITED NATIONS ORGANIZATION

1. It gives me great pleasure to greet you, the staff members of the United Nations
Organization, and to acknowledge the important contribution which you make to this
worldwide Organization in its efforts to promote harmony and solidarity among
peoples. Your service here is not only a tribute to yourselves, but also a sign that the
countries from which you come are committed to working for justice and peace in the
world.
2. Unfortunately, as all of us are painfully aware, our modern world is still witnessing
terrible armed conflicts and political and economic tensions which give rise to
unspeakable offenses against human life and freedom. Against that background, how
can we fail to remember, and commend to God's loving mercy, all those who have
given their lives in the service of the United Nations and its ideals, especially those who
have fallen in peace-keeping and humanitarian missions. Their sacrifice is an integral
part of United Nations history.
In the face of continuing tragedy and evil, however, we do not lose hope with regard
to the future. For we witness the sincere efforts of nations striving to work together,
actively pursuing policies of partnership and joint responsibility in addressing problems
both old and new.
In this climate of international cooperation, your contribution as staff members of the

United Nations Organization is indispensable. You bring a wealth of insights and
experiences from your own countries and peoples; you exhibit a faithfulness and
loyalty to your own traditions and cultures, while being able at the same time to see
beyond them; you show a special concern for the entire human family. I would assure
you that in the work of promoting justice, building peace and ensuring that human
dignity and human rights are respected throughout the world you have the full and
complete support of the Catholic Church.
3. The Church herself does not give technical advice, nor does she promote any
specific political or economic program. Rather, she speaks to the human heart and
magnifies the voice of human conscience. She seeks to educate and ennoble people so
that they accept responsibility for themselves and for others. In the context of the
community of nations, the Church' s message is simple yet absolutely crucial for the
survival of humanity and the world: the human person must be the true focus of all
social, political and economic activity.
This truth, when effectively put into practice, will point the way to healing the divisions
between rich and poor, to overcoming the inequality between the strong and the weak,
to reconciling man with himself and with God. For men and women are made in the
image and likeness of God (cf. Gen 1:27). So people may never be regarded as mere
objects, nor may they be sacrificed for political, economic or social gain. We must
never allow them to be manipulated or enslaved by ideologies or technology. Their
God-given dignity and worth as human beings forbid this.
4. Dear friends, this truth which is so critical for national and international
policy-making is no less important in the context of your daily work here at the United
Nations Headquarters. For you, it means being resolutely committed to honesty and
personal integrity in your work and professional relationships. It means respecting the
religious and cultural traditions of others, and even protecting and promoting them
when necessary. It means applying to yourselves the same standards of conduct and
courtesy which your expect from others.
And not only this: it also means having a very special concern for family life, your own
and that of others. The struggles involved in raising a family, caring for children and
making sure that they receive a proper education, are personal concerns to be sure,
but they can also indicate the love and attention with which you serve your peoples,
your nations, and the world.
5. At the beginning of my Pontificate, some seventeen years ago, I wrote that it was
difficult to say what mark the year 2000 would leave on the face of human history, to
know what it would bring to each people, nation, country and continent (cf. Encyclical
Letter Redemptor Hominis, 1). It is no easier to foretell these things today; but I do
know that your dedicated work here at the United Nations is a promising sign that the
new millennium will see a reflowering of true humanity in compassion, openness and
solidarity between peoples and nations.
My prayers are with you and your families. May Almighty God bless you always and
strengthen you with his grace and peace, that you may continue to serve him in the
service you give to the whole human family!
*Insegnamenti di Giovanni Paolo II, vol. XVIII, 2 p. 745-747.
L'Osservatore Romano 11.10.1995 p. VII.

MENSAJE DE SU SANTIDAD
JUAN PABLO II
PARA LA CELEBRACIÓN DE LA
XXXII JORNADA MUNDIAL DE LA PAZ
1 DE ENERO DE 1999
EL SECRETO DE LA PAZ VERDADERA

RESIDE EN EL RESPETO DE LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS
1. En la primera Encíclica, Redemptor hominis, que dirigí hace casi veinte años a todos
los hombres y mujeres de buena voluntad, ya puse de relieve la importancia del
respeto de los derechos humanos. La paz florece cuando se observan íntegramente
estos derechos, mientras que la guerra nace de su transgresión y se convierte, a su
vez, en causa de ulteriores violaciones aún más graves de los mismos[1].
A las puertas de un nuevo año, el último antes del Gran Jubileo, quisiera detenerme
una vez más sobre este tema de capital importancia con todos vosotros, hombres y
mujeres de todas las partes del mundo, con vosotros, responsables políticos y guías
religiosos de los pueblos, con vosotros, que amáis la paz y queréis consolidarla en el
mundo.
Esta es la convicción que, con vistas a la Jornada Mundial de la Paz, deseo compartir
con vosotros: cuando la promoción de la dignidad de la persona es el principio
conductor que nos inspira, cuando la búsqueda del bien común es el compromiso
predominante, entonces es cuando se ponen fundamentos sólidos y duraderos a la
edificación de la paz. Por el contrario, si se ignoran o desprecian los derechos
humanos, o la búsqueda de intereses particulares prevalece injustamente sobre el bien
común, se siembran inevitablemente los gérmenes de la inestabilidad, la rebelión y la
violencia.
Respeto de la dignidad humana patrimonio de la humanidad
2. La dignidad de la persona humana es un valor transcendente, reconocido siempre

como tal por cuantos buscan sinceramente la verdad. En realidad, la historia entera de
la humanidad se debe interpretar a la luz de esta convicción. Toda persona, creada a
imagen y semejanza de Dios (cf. Gn 1, 26-28), y por tanto radicalmente orientada a su
Creador, está en relación constante con los que tienen su misma dignidad. Por eso, allí
donde los derechos y deberes se corresponden y refuerzan mutuamente, la promoción
del bien del individuo se armoniza con el servicio al bien común.
La historia contemporánea ha puesto de relieve de manera trágica el peligro que

comporta el olvido de la verdad sobre la persona humana. Están a la vista los frutos de
ideologías como el marxismo, el nazismo y el fascismo, así como también los mitos de
la superioridad racial, del nacionalismo y del particularismo étnico. No menos
perniciosos, aunque no siempre tan vistosos, son los efectos del consumismo
materialista, en el cual la exaltación del individuo y la satisfacción egocéntrica de las
aspiraciones personales se convierten en el objetivo último de la vida. En esta
perspectiva, las repercusiones negativas sobre los demás son consideradas del todo
irrelevantes. Es preciso reafirmar, sin embargo, que ninguna ofensa a la dignidad
humana puede ser ignorada, cualquiera que sea su origen, su modalidad o el lugar en
que sucede.
Universalidad e indivisibilidad de los derechos humanos
3. En 1998 se ha cumplido el 50° aniversario de la adopción de la « Declaración

Universal de los Derechos Humanos ». Ésta fue deliberadamente vinculada a Carta de
las Naciones Unidas, con la que comparte una misma inspiración. La Declaración tiene
como premisa básica la afirmación de que el reconocimiento de la dignidad innata de
todos los miembros de la familia humana, así como la igualdad e inalienabilidad de sus
derechos, es el fundamento de la libertad, de la justicia y de la paz en el mundo[2].
Todos los documentos internacionales sucesivos sobre los Derechos Humanos reiteran
esta verdad, reconociendo y afirmando que derivan de la dignidad y del valor
inherentes a la persona humana[3].
La Declaración Universal es muy clara: reconoce los derechos que proclama, no los
otorga; en efecto, éstos son inherentes a la persona humana y a su dignidad. De aquí
se desprende que nadie puede privar legítimamente de estos derechos a uno sólo de
sus semejantes, sea quien sea, porque sería ir contra su propia naturaleza. Todos los
seres humanos, sin excepción, son iguales en dignidad. Por la misma razón, tales
derechos se refieren a todas las fases de la vida y en cualquier contexto político, social,
económico o cultural. Son un conjunto unitario, orientado decididamente a la
promoción de cada uno de los aspectos del bien de la persona y de la sociedad.
Los derechos humanos son agrupados tradicionalmente en dos grandes categorías que
incluyen, por una parte, los derechos civiles y políticos y, por otra, los económicos,
sociales y culturales. Ambas categorías están garantizadas, si bien en grado diverso,
por acuerdos internacionales; en efecto, los derechos humanos están estrechamente
entrelazados unos con otros, siendo expresión de aspectos diversos del único sujeto,
que es la persona. La promoción integral de todas las categorías de los derechos
humanos es la verdadera garantía del pleno respeto por cada uno de los derechos.
La defensa de la universalidad y de la indivisibilidad de los derechos humanos es

esencial para la construcción de una sociedad pacífica y para el desarrollo integral de
individuos, pueblos y naciones. La afirmación de esta universalidad e indivisibilidad no
excluye, en efecto, diferencias legítimas de índole cultural y política en la actuación de
cada uno de los derechos, siempre que, en cualquier caso, se respeten los términos
fijados por la Declaración Universal para toda la humanidad.
Teniendo muy presentes estos presupuestos fundamentales, quisiera ahora resaltar

algunos derechos específicos, que hoy parecen estar particularmente expuestos a
violaciones más o menos manifiestas.
El derecho a la vida
4. Entre ellos, el primero es el fundamental derecho a la vida. La vida humana es

sagrada e inviolable desde su concepción hasta su término natural. « No matar » es el
mandamiento divino que señala el límite extremo, que nunca es lícito traspasar. « La
eliminación directa y voluntaria de un ser humano inocente es siempre gravemente
inmoral »[4].
El derecho a la vida es inviolable. Esto implica una opción positiva, una opción por la
vida. El desarrollo de una cultura orientada en este sentido se extiende a todas las
circunstancias de la existencia y asegura la promoción de la dignidad humana en
cualquier situación. Una auténtica cultura de la vida, al mismo tiempo que garantiza el
derecho a venir al mundo a quien aún no ha nacido, protege también a los recién
nacidos, particularmente a las niñas, del crimen del infanticidio. Asegura igualmente a
los minusválidos el desarrollo de sus posibilidades y la debida atención a los enfermos
y ancianos. Un reto que suscita profundas inquietudes proviene de los recientes
descubrimientos en el campo de la ingeniería genética. Para que la investigación
científica en dicho ámbito esté al servicio de la persona, es preciso que esté
acompañada en cada fase por una atenta reflexión ética, que inspire adecuadas
normas jurídicas para salvaguardar la integridad de la vida humana. Jamás la vida
puede ser degradada a objeto.
Optar por la vida comporta el rechazo de toda forma de violencia. La violencia de la

pobreza y del hambre, que aflige a tantos seres humanos; la de los conflictos armados;
la de la difusión criminal de las drogas y el tráfico de armas; la de los daños insensatos
al ambiente natural[5]. El derecho a la vida debe ser promovido y tutelado en
cualquier circunstancia con oportunas garantías legales y políticas, puesto que ninguna
ofensa contra el derecho a la vida, contra la dignidad de cada persona, es irrelevante.
La libertad religiosa, centro de los derechos humanos
5. La religión expresa las aspiraciones más profundas de la persona humana,

determina su visión del mundo y orienta su relación con los demás. En el fondo, ofrece
la respuesta a la cuestión sobre el verdadero sentido de la existencia, tanto en el
ámbito personal como social. La libertad religiosa, por tanto, es como el corazón
mismo de los derechos humanos. Es inviolable hasta el punto de exigir que se
reconozca a la persona incluso la libertad de cambiar de religión, si así lo pide su
conciencia. En efecto, cada uno debe seguir la propia conciencia en cualquier
circunstancia y no puede ser obligado a obrar en contra de ella[6]. Precisamente por
eso, nadie puede ser obligado a aceptar por la fuerza una determinada religión, sean
cuales fueran las circunstancias o los motivos.
La Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos reconoce que el derecho a la

libertad religiosa incluye el derecho a manifestar las propias creencias, tanto
individualmente como con otros, en público o en privado[7]. A pesar de ello, existen
aún hoy lugares en los que el derecho a reunirse por motivos de culto, o no es
reconocido o está limitado a los miembros de una sola religión. Esta grave violación de
uno de los derechos fundamentales de la persona es causa de enormes sufrimientos
para los creyentes. Cuando un Estado concede un estatuto especial a una religión, esto
no puede hacerse en detrimento de las otras. Sin embargo, es notorio que hay
naciones en las que individuos, familias y grupos enteros siguen siendo discriminados y
marginados a causa de su credo religioso.
Tampoco se debe pasar por alto otro problema indirectamente relacionado con la
libertad religiosa. A veces se crean entre comunidades o pueblos de diferentes
convicciones y culturas religiosas tensiones crecientes que, por la pasión suscitada,
terminan por transformarse en conflictos violentos. El recurso a la violencia en nombre
del propio credo religioso es una deformación de las enseñanzas mismas de las
principales religiones. Como han repetido tantas veces diversos exponentes religiosos,
también yo reitero que el uso de la violencia no puede tener nunca una fundada
justificación religiosa, y tampoco promueve el auge del auténtico sentimiento religioso.
El derecho a participar
6. Cada ciudadano tiene el derecho a participar en la vida de la propia comunidad. Esta

es una convicción generalmente compartida hoy en día. No obstante, este derecho se
desvanece cuando el proceso democrático pierde su eficacia a causa del favoritismo y
los fenómenos de corrupción, los cuales no solamente impiden la legítima participación
en la gestión del poder, sino que obstaculizan el acceso mismo a un disfrute equitativo
de los bienes y servicios comunes. Incluso las elecciones pueden ser manipuladas con
el fin de asegurar la victoria de ciertos partidos o personas. Se trata de una ofensa a la
democracia que comporta consecuencias muy serias, puesto que los ciudadanos,
además del derecho, tienen también la responsabilidad de participar; cuando se les
impide esto, pierden la esperanza de poder intervenir eficazmente y se abandonan a
una actitud de indiferencia pasiva. De este modo, se hace prácticamente imposible el
desarrollo de un sano sistema democrático.
Recientemente se han adoptado diversas medidas para asegurar elecciones legítimas

en Estados que intentan pasar con dificultad de una forma de totalitarismo a un
régimen democrático. Sin embargo, aún siendo útiles y eficaces en situaciones de
emergencia, tales iniciativas no eximen del esfuerzo que comporta la creación en los
ciudadanos de una plataforma de convicciones compartidas, con las cuales se evite
definitivamente la manipulación del proceso democrático.
En el ámbito de la comunidad internacional, las naciones y los pueblos tienen derecho

a participar en las decisiones que con frecuencia modifican profundamente su modo de
vivir. El carácter técnico de ciertos problemas económicos provoca la tendencia a
limitar su discusión a círculos restringidos, con el consiguiente peligro de concentración
del poder político y financiero en un número limitado de gobiernos o grupos de interés.
La búsqueda del bien común nacional e internacional exige poner en práctica, también
en el campo económico, el derecho de todos a participar en las decisiones que les
conciernen.
Una forma particularmente grave de discriminación
7. Una de las formas más dramáticas de discriminación consiste en negar a grupos

étnicos y minorías nacionales el derecho fundamental a existir como tales. Esto ocurre
cuando se intenta su supresión o deportación, o también cuando se pretende debilitar
su identidad étnica hasta hacerlos irreconocibles. ¿Se puede permanecer en silencio
ante crímenes tan graves contra la humanidad? Ningún esfuerzo ha de ser considerado
excesivo cuando se trata de poner término a semejantes aberraciones, indignas de la
persona humana.
Un signo positivo de la creciente voluntad de los Estados de reconocer la propia

responsabilidad en la protección de las víctimas de tales crímenes y en el compromiso
por prevenirlos, es la reciente iniciativa de una Conferencia Diplomática de las
Naciones Unidas, que, con una deliberación específica, ha aprobado los Estatutos de
una Corte Penal Internacional, destinada a determinar las culpas y castigar a los
responsables de los crímenes de genocidio, crímenes contra la humanidad, crímenes
de guerra y de agresión. Esta nueva institución, si se constituye sobre buenas bases
jurídicas, podría contribuir progresivamente a asegurar a escala mundial una tutela
eficaz de los derechos humanos.
Derecho a la propia realización
8. Todo ser humano posee capacidades innatas que han de ser desarrolladas. De ello
depende la plena realización de su personalidad y también su conveniente inserción en
el contexto social del propio ambiente. Por eso es necesario, ante todo, proveer a la
educación apropiada de quienes comienzan la aventura de la vida, pues de ello
depende su éxito futuro.
Desde este punto de vista, ¿cómo no preocuparse al ver que, en algunas de las
regiones más pobres del mundo, las oportunidades de formación, especialmente por lo
que se refiere a la instrucción primaria, están en realidad disminuyendo? Esto se debe
a veces a la situación económica del país, que no permite retribuir convenientemente a
los profesores. En otros casos, parece haber dinero disponible para proyectos de
prestigio o para la educación secundaria, pero no para la primaria. Cuando se limitan
las oportunidades formativas, especialmente para las niñas, se predisponen estructuras
de discriminación que pueden influir sobre el desarrollo integral de la sociedad. El
mundo acabaría por estar dividido según un nuevo criterio: por una parte, Estados e
individuos dotados de tecnologías avanzadas y, por otra, países y personas con
conocimientos y aptitudes muy limitadas. Como es fácil intuir, esto no haría más que
reforzar las ya notables desigualdades económicas existentes no sólo entre los
Estados, sino incluso dentro de ellos. La educación y la formación profesional deben
estar en primera línea, tanto en los planes de los países en vías de desarrollo como en
los programas de renovación urbana y rural de los pueblos económicamente más
avanzados.
Otro derecho fundamental, de cuya realización depende la consecución de un digno

nivel de vida, es el derecho al trabajo ¿Cómo se pueden adquirir si no los alimentos,
los vestidos, la casa, la asistencia médica y tantas otras necesidades de la vida? Sin
embargo, la falta de trabajo representa hoy un grave problema: es incontable el
número de personas que en muchas partes del mundo están afectadas por el
desolador fenómeno del desempleo. Es necesario y urgente que todos, especialmente
los que tienen en sus manos los hilos del poder político o económico, hagan todo lo
posible para poner remedio a una situación tan penosa. Aún siendo necesarias, no es
posible limitarse a las intervenciones de emergencia en caso de desempleo,
enfermedad o circunstancias semejantes que no dependen de la voluntad de cada
sujeto[8], sino que se ha de trabajar para que los desocupados puedan asumir la
responsabilidad de su propia existencia, emancipándose de un régimen de
asistencialismo humillante.
Progreso global en solidaridad
9. La rápida carrera hacia la globalización de los sistemas económicos y financieros, a

su vez, hace más clara la urgencia de establecer quién debe garantizar el bien común y
global, y la realización de los derechos económicos y sociales. El libre mercado de por
sí no puede hacerlo, ya que, en realidad, existen muchas necesidades humanas que no
tienen salida en el mercado. « Por encima de la lógica de los intercambios a base de
los parámetros y de sus formas justas, existe algo que es debido al hombre porque es
hombre, en virtud de su eminente dignidad »[9].
Los efectos de las recientes crisis económicas y financieras han repercutido
gravemente sobre muchas personas, reducidas a condiciones de extrema pobreza.
Muchas de ellas sólo desde hacía poco tiempo habían alcanzado una situación que
justificaba su esperanza alentadora de cara al futuro. Sin ninguna responsabilidad por
su parte, tales esperanzas se han visto cruelmente truncadas, con consecuencias
trágicas para ellos y para sus hijos. Y ¿cómo ignorar los efectos de las fluctuaciones de
los mercados financieros? Es urgente una nueva visión de progreso global en la
solidaridad, que prevea un desarrollo integral y sostenible de la sociedad, permitiendo
a cada uno de sus miembros llevar a cabo sus potencialidades.
En este contexto, dirijo una llamada apremiante a los que tienen la responsabilidad a
escala mundial de las relaciones económicas, para que se interesen por la solución del
problema acuciante de la deuda internacional de las naciones más pobres. A este
respecto, instituciones financieras internacionales han tomado una iniciativa concreta
digna de aprecio. Dirijo mi llamada a todos los que están interesados en este
problema, especialmente a las naciones más ricas, para que den el apoyo necesario
que asegure el pleno éxito de esta iniciativa. Es preciso un esfuerzo rápido y vigoroso
que consienta al mayor número posible de países, de cara al año 2000, salir de una
situación ya insostenible. El diálogo entre las instituciones competentes, si está
animado por una voluntad de entendimiento, conducirá —estoy seguro de ello— a una
solución satisfactoria y definitiva. De ese modo, será posible un desarrollo duradero
para las naciones más desfavorecidas, y el milenio que tenemos delante será también
para ellas un tiempo de esperanza renovada.
Responsabilidad respecto al medio ambiente
10. Con la promoción de la dignidad humana se relaciona el derecho a un medio

ambiente sano, ya que éste pone de relieve el dinamismo de las relaciones entre el
individuo y la sociedad. Un conjunto de normas internacionales, regionales y
nacionales sobre el medio ambiente está dando forma jurídica gradualmente a este
derecho. Sin embargo, por sí solas, las medidas jurídicas no son suficientes. El peligro
de daños graves a la tierra y al mar, al clima, a la flora y a la fauna, exige un cambio
profundo en el estilo de vida típico de la moderna sociedad de consumo,
particularmente en los países más ricos. No se debe infravalorar otro riesgo, aunque
sea menos drástico: empujados por la necesidad, los que viven míseramente en las
áreas rurales pueden llegar a explotar por encima de sus límites la poca tierra de que
disponen. Por eso, se debe favorecer una formación específica que les enseñe cómo
armonizar el cultivo de la tierra con el respeto por el medio ambiente.
El presente y el futuro del mundo dependen de la salvaguardia de la creación, porque

hay una constante interacción entre la persona humana y la naturaleza. El poner el
bien del ser humano en el centro de la atención por el medio ambiente es, en realidad,
el modo más seguro para salvaguardar la creación; de ese modo, en efecto, se
estimula la responsabilidad de cada uno en relación con los recursos naturales y su uso
racional.
El derecho a la paz
11. La promoción del derecho a la paz asegura en cierto modo el respeto de todos los
otros derechos porque favorece la construcción de una sociedad en cuyo seno las
relaciones de fuerza se sustituyen por relaciones de colaboración con vistas al bien
común. La situación actual prueba sobradamente el fracaso del recurso a la violencia
como medio para resolver los problemas políticos y sociales. La guerra destruye, no
edifica; debilita las bases morales de la sociedad y crea ulteriores divisiones y
tensiones persistentes. No obstante, las noticias continúan hablando de guerras y
conflictos armados con un sinfín de víctimas. ¡Cuántas veces mis Predecesores y yo
mismo hemos implorado el fin de estos horrores! Continuaré haciéndolo hasta que se
comprenda que la guerra es el fracaso de todo auténtico humanismo[10].
Gracias a Dios, son muchos los pasos que se han dado en algunas regiones hacia la
consolidación de la paz. Se debe reconocer el gran mérito de aquellos políticos
decididos que tienen el valor de continuar las negociaciones incluso cuando la situación
parece hacerlas imposibles. Pero, a la vez, ¿cómo no denunciar las masacres que
continúan en otras partes, con la deportación de pueblos enteros de sus tierras y la
destrucción de casas y cultivos? Ante las víctimas ya incontables, me dirijo a los
responsables de las naciones y a los hombres de buena voluntad para que acudan en
auxilio de los que están implicados en atroces conflictos, especialmente en África, tal
vez inspirados por intereses económicos externos, y les ayuden a poner fin a los
mismos. Un paso concreto en este sentido es seguramente la abolición del tráfico de
armas hacia los países en guerra y el apoyo a los responsables de esos pueblos en la
búsqueda de la vía del diálogo. ¡Ésta es la vía digna del hombre, ésta es la vía de la
paz!
Mi pensamiento se dirige con aflicción a quienes viven y crecen en un ambiente de

guerra, a quienes no han conocido otra cosa que conflictos y violencias. Los que
sobrevivan llevarán para el resto de sus vidas las heridas de tan terrible experiencia. Y
¿qué decir de los niños soldado? ¿Se puede aceptar en algún caso que se arruinen así
estas vidas apenas estrenadas? Adiestrados para matar, y a menudo empujados a
hacerlo, estos niños tendrán graves problemas en su posterior inserción en la sociedad
civil. Si se interrumpe su educación y se daña su capacidad de trabajo, ¡qué
consecuencias para su futuro! Los niños tienen necesidad de paz; tienen derecho a
ella.
Al recuerdo de estos niños quisiera unir el de los muchachos víctimas de las minas
antipersonales y de otros medios de guerra. A pesar de los esfuerzos ya realizados
para limpiar los campos minados, se asiste ahora a una paradoja increíble e inhumana:
desobedeciendo a la voluntad claramente expresada por los gobiernos y los pueblos de
poner definitivamente fin al uso de un arma tan perversa, se han seguido colocando
otras minas en lugares ya limpiados.
Gérmenes de guerra se difunden también por la proliferación masiva e incontrolada de

armas ligeras que, al parecer, circulan libremente de un área de conflicto a otra,
sembrando violencia a lo largo de su recorrido. Corresponde a los gobiernos adoptar
medidas apropiadas para el control de la producción, la venta, la importación y la
exportación de estos instrumentos de muerte. Sólo de ese modo es posible afrontar
eficazmente en su conjunto el problema del considerable tráfico ilícito de armas.
Una cultura de los derechos humanos, responsabilidad de todos
12. No es posible ahora extendernos sobre este punto. Quisiera destacar, sin embargo,
que ningún derecho humano está seguro si no nos comprometemos a tutelarlos todos.
Cuando se acepta sin reaccionar la violación de uno cualquiera de los derechos
humanos fundamentales, todos los demás están en peligro. Es indispensable, por lo
tanto, un planteamiento global del tema de los derechos humanos y un compromiso
serio en su defensa. Sólo cuando una cultura de los derechos humanos, respetuosa
con las diversas tradiciones, se convierte en parte integrante del patrimonio moral de
la humanidad, se puede mirar con serena confianza al futuro.
En efecto, ¿cómo podría existir la guerra, si cada derecho humano fuera respetado? El
respeto integral de los derechos humanos es el camino más seguro para estrechar
relaciones sólidas entre los Estados. La cultura de los derechos humanos no puede ser
sino cultura de paz. Toda violación de los mismos contiene en sí el germen de un
posible conflicto. Ya mi venerado Predecesor, el Siervo de Dios Pío XII, al final de la
segunda Guerra mundial, hacía la pregunta: « Cuando un pueblo es expulsado por la
fuerza, ¿quién tendría el valor de prometer seguridad al resto del mundo en el
contexto de una paz duradera? »[11].
Para promover una cultura de los derechos humanos que repercuta en las conciencias,
es necesaria la colaboración de todas las fuerzas sociales. Quisiera referirme
específicamente al papel de los medios de comunicación social, tan importantes en la
formación de la opinión pública y, en consecuencia, en la orientación de los
comportamientos de los ciudadanos. Al mismo tiempo que es innegable su
responsabilidad en aquellas violaciones de los derechos humanos que tienen su origen
en la exaltación de la violencia eventualmente fomentada en ellos, es justo
reconocerles el mérito de las nobles iniciativas de diálogo y solidaridad que han
madurado gracias a los mensajes difundidos en los mismos medios en favor de la
comprensión recíproca y de la paz.
Tiempo de opciones, tiempo de esperanza
13. El nuevo milenio está ya a las puertas y su cercanía ha alimentado en los

corazones de muchos la esperanza de un mundo más justo y solidario. Es una
aspiración que puede, más aún, debe ser llevada a término.
En esta perspectiva me dirijo ahora en particular a todos vosotros, queridos hermanos

y hermanas en Cristo, que en las distintas partes del mundo tomáis el Evangelio como
norma de vida: ¡haceos heraldos de la dignidad del hombre! La fe nos enseña que toda
persona ha sido creada a imagen y semejanza de Dios. Ante el rechazo del hombre, el
amor del Padre celestial permanece fiel; su amor no tiene fronteras. Él ha enviado a su
Hijo Jesús para redimir a cada persona, restituyéndole su plena dignidad[12]. Ante tal
actitud, ¿cómo podríamos excluir a alguno de nuestra atención? Al contrario, debemos
reconocer a Cristo en los más pobres y marginados, a los que la Eucaristía, comunión
con el cuerpo y la sangre de Cristo ofrecidos por nosotros, nos compromete a
servir[13]. Como indica claramente la parábola del rico, que quedará siempre sin
nombre, y del pobre llamado Lázaro, « en el fuerte contraste entre ricos insensibles y
pobres necesitados de todo, Dios está de parte de estos últimos »[14]. También
nosotros debemos ponernos de esta parte.
El tercero y último año de preparación al Jubileo está marcado por una peregrinación
espiritual hacia el Padre: cada uno está invitado a un camino de auténtica conversión,
que comporta el abandono del mal y la positiva elección del bien. Ya en el umbral del
Año 2000, es deber nuestro tutelar con renovado empeño la dignidad de los pobres y
de los marginados y reconocer concretamente los derechos de los que no tienen
derechos. Elevemos juntos la voz por ellos, viviendo en plenitud la misión que Cristo ha
confiado a sus discípulos. Es éste el espíritu del Jubileo ya inminente[15].
Jesús nos ha enseñado a llamar a Dios con el nombre de Padre, Abbá, revelándonos
así la profundidad de nuestra relación con él. Su amor por cada persona y por toda la
humanidad es infinito y eterno. Son elocuentes a este propósito las palabras de Dios
en el libro del profeta Isaías:
« ¿Acaso olvida una mujer a su niño de pecho,

sin compadecerse del hijo de sus entrañas?
Pues aunque ésas llegasen a olvidar,
yo no te olvido.
Míralo, en las palmas de mis manos te tengo
tatuada » (49, 15-16).
¡Aceptemos la invitación a compartir este amor! En él está el secreto del respeto de los
derechos de cada mujer y de cada hombre. El alba del nuevo milenio nos encontrará
así mejor dispuestos para construir juntos la paz.
Vaticano, 8 de diciembre de 1998.
JOANNES PAULUS PP. II
[1] Cf. Redemptor hominis, (4 de marzo de 1979), 17: AAS 71 (1979), 296.
[2] Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos, Preámbulo, primer párrafo.
[3] Véase, en particular, la Declaración de Viena (25 de junio de 1993), Preámbulo, 2.
[4] Carta enc. Evangelium vitae (25 de marzo de 1995), 57: AAS 87 (1995), 465.
[5] Cf. ibíd., 10, l.c., 412.
[6] Cf. Conc. Ecum. Vat. II, Decl. Dignitatis humanae, sobre la libertad religiosa, 3.
[7] Cf. art. 18.
[8] Cf. Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos, art. 25, 1.
[9] Carta enc. Centesimus annus (1 de mayo de 1991), 34: AAS 83 (1991), 836.
[10] Cf. a este propósito el Catecismo de la Iglesia Católica, nn. 2307-2317.
[11] Discurso a una Comisión del Congreso de los Estados Unidos de América (21 de
agosto de 1945): Discorsi e Radiomessaggi di S.S. Pio XII, VII (1945-1946), 141.
[12] Cf. Carta enc. Redemptor hominis (4 de marzo de 1979), 13-14: AAS 71 (1979),
282-286.
[13] Cf. Catecismo de la Iglesia Católica, n. 1397.
[14] Ángelus del 27 de septiembre de 1998, 1: L'Osservatore Romano, ed. semanal en

lengua española, 2 de octubre de 1998, p. 1.
[15] Cf. Carta ap. Tertio millennio adveniente (10 de noviembre de 1994), 49-
51: AAS 87 (1995), 35-36.

Apostolic Journey To The United States of America

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APOSTOLIC JOURNEY TO THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

ADDRESS OF THE HOLY FATHER JOHN PAUL II

*AAS 71 (1979) p. 1143-1144.

L'Osservatore Romano 4.10.1979 p.2.

L'Osservatore Romano. Weekly Edition in English n. 42 p.12.

ADDRESS OF HIS HOLINESS JOHN PAUL II

1. I desire to express my gratitude to the General Assembly of the United Nations,

We are troubled also by reports of the development of weaponry exceeding in quality

*AAS 71 (1979), p.1144-1160.

L'Osservatore Romano 4.10.1979 p.1, 2, 3.

L'Osservatore Romano. Weekly Edition in English n. 42 p. 1, 8-12.

Paths to Peace p. 16-24.

ADDRESS OF HIS HOLINESS JOHN PAUL II

Ladies and gentlemen, dear friends,

*AAS 71 (1979), p. 1163-1164.

L'Osservatore Romano 4.10.1979 p.4.

L'Osservatore Romano. Weekly Edition in English n. 42 p.12.

ADDRESS OF HIS HOLINESS JOHN PAUL II

My gratitude goes also to the distinguished President of the Thirty-fourth General

Maw God bless the United Nations.

L'Osservatore Romano 4.10.1979 p.4.

L'Osservatore Romano. Weekly Edition in English n.42 p.13.

THE FIFTIETH GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF

ADDRESS OF HIS HOLINESS JOHN PAUL II*

United Nations Headquarters (New York)

1. It is an honour for me to have the opportunity to address this international

A Common Human Patrimony

2. Ladies and Gentlemen! On the threshold of a new millennium we are witnessing an

Taking the Risk of Freedom

The Rights of Nations

6. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted in 1948, spoke eloquently of

A presupposition of a nation's rights is certainly its right to exist: therefore no one —

Respect for Differences

Freedom and Moral Truth

Nationalistic and economic utilitarianism are sometimes combined, a phenomenon

The United Nations and the Future of Freedom

Beyond Fear: the Civilization of Love

*L'Osservatore Romano. Weekly Edition in English n. 41 p. 8-10.

THE FIFTIETH GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF

ADDRESS OF HIS HOLINESS JOHN PAUL II*

United Nations Headquarters (New York)

1. It is an honour for me to have the opportunity to address this international

A Common Human Patrimony

2. Ladies and Gentlemen! On the threshold of a new millennium we are witnessing an

Taking the Risk of Freedom

The Rights of Nations

6. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted in 1948, spoke eloquently of

A presupposition of a nation's rights is certainly its right to exist: therefore no one —

Respect for Differences

Freedom and Moral Truth

Nationalistic and economic utilitarianism are sometimes combined, a phenomenon

The United Nations and the Future of Freedom

Beyond Fear: the Civilization of Love

*L'Osservatore Romano. Weekly Edition in English n. 41 p. 8-10.

MEETING WITH THE PERSONNEL OF THE UNITED NATIONS ORGANIZATION

ADDRESS OF HIS HOLINESS JOHN PAUL II*

United Nations Headquarters (New York)

Ladies and Gentlemen,

In this climate of international cooperation, your contribution as staff members of the

*Insegnamenti di Giovanni Paolo II, vol. XVIII, 2 p. 745-747.

L'Osservatore Romano 11.10.1995 p. VII.

L'Osservatore Romano. Weekly Edition in English n. 41 p.12.

EL SECRETO DE LA PAZ VERDADERA