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SOCIOLOGY OF CONTEMPORARY CITIES

IMPACTS OF DEINDUSTRIALIZATION

NORTHERN IRELAND - GERMANY - CHINA - JAPAN

Prof. Marco Arlotti

DEVVRAT CHOWDHARY
ZHI MIN GOH
ZHU YUAN ZHENG
LELENTLE RAMPHELE
VARSHINI VARANASI
JIGAR SARVAIYA
STRUCTURE OF THE PRESENTATION:
CASE STUDY(s)
1. OVERVIEW
2. PROBLEMS (of Deindustrialisation)
a. Cause
b. Effect
3. POLICIES (to deal with mentioned Problems)
a. Problems
b. Policy
c. Intervention
4. OUTCOMES (As a resultant of the Policies)

COMPARISON
1. GENTRIFICATION
2. SOCIAL EXCLUSION
3. POPULATION
4. UNEMPLOYMENT
5. SHIFT IN ECONOMY
6. AVERAGE AGE
BELFAST - N. IRELAND
OVERVIEW
● Belfast is the capital and most important city
in Northern Ireland, United Kingdom.

● On the Eastern corner of the island of Ireland,


its main industrial characteristics are the
large, Belfast Port, housing the Wolff &
Harland shipyard

● England encouraged the immigration of


settlers from the British Isles, among them
many Scottish Protestants. Ulster thus
became the most significant ‘Protestant
settlement’ in Ireland. This resulted in severe
clashes between the Protestant immigrants Source: European Commission (online) Source: www.geoatlas.com

and the majority predominantly rural and


Catholic indigenous population. The
ethnic-religious tensions in Northern Ireland
that persist today can be traced back to these
early conflicts.
PROBLEMS
PROBLEMS

Harland & Wolff shipyard cranes: reminders of a once important industry


CAUSE OF DEINDUSTRIALISATION:

1. The worldwide economic recession of that


period badly affected Belfast’s
export-dependent economy.

2. Its importance as a centre for shipbuilding


and engineering industries made the city a
major target for German air attacks during
World War II.

3. Ethno Religious Territoriality and the


escalation of social tension.
PROBLEMS
Employment in manufacturing, Belfast (1960-1991)

EFFECT OF DEINDUSTRIALISATION:

● Overall employment losses with a sharp


decline in manufacturing jobs

The ongoing decline of manufacturing


could no longer be offset by the growth of
the service sector, particularly in the public
sector.

Deindustrialisation was aggravated by the


dominance of older, less competitive
industries (Borooah, 1998, p 269)
PROBLEMS
Riot police during the ‘Troubles’
EFFECT OF DEINDUSTRIALISATION:

● The Violent Conflict - The Troubles


(1960-1990s)

● “”The ‘Troubles’ broke out over civil rights


and [conflicting] ideals in the late 1960s.”

● The troubles ended with the signing of the


Good Friday Agreement and the beginning
of the peace process in 1998

● It left a legacy of a further divided city

Source: www.flashpoints.info/CB-Northern%20Ireland.htm
PROBLEMS

EFFECT OF DEINDUSTRIALISATION: Belfast's suburbanisation: City and Metropolitan Area population


(1951 - 2011)

● Population decline - Suburbanisation

The loss of employment and increasing


problems associated with living in a divided
city, were mirrored by a sharp decline in
Belfast’s population.

Many households relocated to the suburbs


to escape the divisions, insecurity and
decline of the city. Between 1951 and 1991
the City of Belfast lost about 205,000
inhabitant
Sources: LSE Housing and Communities, online;CASEreport 102: May
2016
PROBLEMS

EFFECT OF DEINDUSTRIALISATION:

● Social exclusion

The conflict between these two communities


also means that businesses would look for
ways to ensure safety in the city by avoiding
accessibility from certain points and allowing
it from only certain points.

“social groups attempt to overcome their


sense of insecurity by fortressing behind
physical boundaries that become part of
their identities”

Spatial partitioning of Belfast. Section of Southwest Belfast that shows


the spatial partitioning of the city’s urban structure around natural and
infrastructural barriers. Source : Mohamed and Rachel 2015
POLICIES (METHODS)
PROBLEM:

● The Violent Conflict - The Troubles


(1960-1990s)

POLICY:

● Community Segregation, Belfast (2000)

INTERVENTION:

● ‘Peace Lines’ form a physical divide between Protestant


and Catholic neighbourhoods. Since the outbreak of the
violence, 17 miles of ‘Peace Lines’ have been erected
(Murtagh, 2002, p 46). These security divides are usually
closed during the night and on weekends to provide
protection to communities from possible hostilities.

Source: Boal, 2006, p 75


POLICY:

● Community Segregation, Belfast (2000)

OUTCOME:

● “Social groups attempt to overcome their The British Union flag flies from the protestant
sense of insecurity by fortressing behind cluan place area of east Belfast. (Peter Morrison.
2014)
physical boundaries that become part of
their identities”

● “In these enclaves, myths about the


‘other side’ prosper and provoke fear that
hinders the possibility of
engagement”(Jarman, 2005)

The Cuper Way Wall.


Inscribed:”Separation; Perception; Reality; Fear
(Peter Morrison. 2014)
PROBLEM:

● Social exclusion

POLICY:

● A Shared Future, 2005

INTERVENTION:

● “Policy vision of addressing sectarianism and


divisions and of achieving an ‘integrated’ and
‘shared’ society.”(O’Dowd and Komarova)
OUTCOME:

● areas still characterized by the ‘Peace walls’ and


‘interfaces’ between socially deprived working
class communities deeply segregated along
ethno-national lines.” (Murtagh. 2008)

● Its a policy often criticised for failing to deal with


“cultural identity”at a deeper level and to tackle
other dimensions of urban deprivation”in
segregated working-class neighbourhoods”(Neill,
2004)

● “the document has approached the task through


a ‘constructive ambiguity’, attempting to be all
things to all people and not to alienate the main
political parties too much”(Graham and Nash.
2006)
PROBLEM:

● Social exclusion

POLICY:

● Integrated parks as urban devices for


sharing: Good Relations Plan, 2011

INTERVENTION:

● A rejuvenated vision of public space in Northern Ireland


appears to escape this state of conflict by recognizing
the precondition of diversity as a democratic space that
is not neutral but open and non-hostile. Alexandra Park. The separation wall between the Protestant-driven western side and the
catholic-dominated eastern end. Source: Mohamed and Rachel (2015)
Revitalisation was based on the notion of creating a
‘neutral space’. The success of this strategy was then
taken further with the idea of ‘shared spaces’ (P. Elliott,
interview).
OUTCOME:

● Separation and conflict intensified

● “The urban architecture has


unintentionally reinforced the existing
problems between the
communities.”(Jarman, 2005)

Territorial contestation in Belfast. Patterns of territorial


contestation in urban parks based in a spatial analysis of
movements and everyday interaction in the case study urban
parks in Belfast.
PROBLEM:

● Population decline - Suburbanisation

POLICY:

● Urban Regeneration (Laganside redevelopment;


city centre revitalisation; crumlin road)

INTERVENTION:

● The reaction to suburbanisation by regenerating the city


centre through various projects in the city centre

● “One of the objectives of urban regeneration was to


reinstate the city centre as a central focus for commercial
activities and jobs as well as creating attractive spaces
and residential uses”(Ploger, J. 2005)
Urban regeneration plans along the Lagan
● “Government and EU money was used, as a catalyst to
attract private-sector investment. Up to 1998, the
Laganside Corporation received £55 million from central
government, £29 million from the European Regional
Development Fund (Objective 1) and an additional £40
million for a Millennium Project.”(Ploger, J. 2005)
PROBLEM:

● Population decline - Suburbanisation

INTERVENTION:

● Laganside redevelopment_Urban regeneration

CHARACTERISTICS:

● 300 acres of derelict and industry contaminated land


along the river Lagan

● “potential of the property market to recover the city from


economic decline and political turmoil” (Sterrett et al,
2005, p 380)

● “The Laganside Corporation, an Urban Development


Corporation (UDC), was set up as a public-private
partnership with major British government funding”

● The corporation had two main tasks: to tackle the


environmental problems of the river and used sites and
to create residential, civic and commercial properties
along the riverbank.
PROBLEM:

● Population decline - Suburbanisation

INTERVENTION:

● Laganside redevelopment_Urban regeneration


Lagan before project,
CHARACTERISTICS: creating smelly mud flats vs
after intervention, public
space and circulation over
● Key Projects: weir and adjacent lands are
Lagan Weir: safe from tides
Aim: increase the value of the adjacent land (tidal mud
flats); Open the river for leisure activities; Market the
riverside land for property development
Lanyon Place:
Lanyon Place with Waterfront Hotel Gasworks site with Radisson Hotel
Conferences and cultural events; Hilton Hotel; Business
HQ’s
Gasworks Complex:
Previous gas production contaminated the site.
A repurposing approach with the aim to decontaminate
the site. Mostly office park and commercial use.
POLICY:

● Urban regeneration_Laganside waterfront

OUTCOME:

● The urban regeneration results in a gentrification


of deindustrialised spaces

● “the new ‘consumerist Belfast’, as represented by


the Laganside, [...] and large retail and leisure
developments—the city centre—contrasts starkly
[...] areas still characterised by the ‘peace walls’
and ‘interfaces’ between socially deprived
working class communities deeply segregated
along ethno-national lines.”(O’Dowd and
Komarova)
Stark contrast between areas of regeneration and ‘Trouble Belfast’
● “there’s been no commitment by the government,
[...] in the redevelopment [...] to address the
interface issues. [...] if you don’t address that then
you are operating in a spirit of isolation”(O’Dowd
and Komarova)
PROBLEM:

● Social Exclusion - Suburbanisation

INTERVENTION:

● Crumlin Road_Urban regeneration

CHARACTERISTICS:

● The biggest regeneration project plan in Northern Ireland Crumlin Road, the site with the Gaol and courthouse

● “the five electoral wards immediately surrounding the “Consultation meeting


regeneration site in question all rank in the top 5 percent on the future of
most deprived in Northern Ireland”(NISRA. 2005) Girdwood Barracks and
Crumlin Road Gaol in
● “The planned regeneration project is located in a mosaic 174 Trust”
of loyalist and Republican communities, fractured by
walls and peace lines.”(O’Dowd)

● The regeneration plan “has the potential to modify or


transform intercommunal divisions and their inscription
into the spatial and physical fabric of the city.”(O’Dowd)
PROBLEM:

● Social Exclusion - Suburbanisation


Crumlin Gaol site and image
INTERVENTION:

● Crumlin Road_Urban regeneration

CHARACTERISTICS:

● Key Projects: Courthouse site and image


Crumlin Road Goal:
“(a Grade A listed building and iconic Victorian
prison with over 100 years of penal history) has
housed thousands of Loyalist and Republican
prisoners”(O’Dowd)
The Courthouse:
the Courthouse opposite the prison and Girdwood
Barracks (a former regeneration in Belfast 2017
army site and a symbol, in the eyes of local
nationalist communities, of the British Army
occupation of Ireland).
POLICY:

● Urban regeneration_Crumlin Road

OUTCOME:

● There is a disagreement amongst stakeholders in


the regeneration plan along nationalist/unionist
lines.

Sinn Fein, [nationalists] believing that the


regeneration needs to “deliver on an ‘objective
need’ ”which is later explained to be “addressing
historical unionist-maintained structural inequality
between the nationalist and unionist communities
in Northern Ireland”(O’Dowd and Komarova) Crumlin Road, urban regeneration (an example of urban
through housing needed mostly by the nationalist regeneration)
A highly contested urban plan
community.
the attempts to develop the regeneration site as shared
The unionists propose to, “prioritize economic space are obstructed by a lack of wider spatial policy vision
development through other types of ‘activity capable of applying progressive urban development policies
space’ on the site, such as work, leisure, health to the specific needs of interface areas with their particular
and education:”(O’Dowd and Komarova) compounds of political, social, economic and relational
problems
PROBLEM:

● Social exclusion
● Population decline - Suburbanisation

POLICY:

● Housing-led regeneration in Belfast in the


1980

INTERVENTION:

● Throughout the 1980s social housing was the single


most important public spending priority in Northern
Ireland (Murtagh, 2002) New housing development in Catholic Source: Belfast City Report, Jörg Plöger (2007)
OUTCOME:

● “Territoriality, especially sharply


expressed with respect to public
housing”(Boal,1995)

● “overcrowded Catholic/nationalist areas


are juxtaposed with vacant dilapidated
spaces in some protestant/ unionist
areas’’ (Dunlop et al, 2002)

● The problem of territoriality when it


comes to regeneration through providing
housing arises from the location of
certain sites and the fact that the
Nationalist community have a longer
waiting list for housing than the unionist
side does.
This aim has been pursued through a policy of socio-political
normalisation and the adoption of practices whose primary goal
is to secure the construction of a set of social relationships
which, it is hoped, will transcend sectarian hostilities and
engender socioeconomic normality (Shirlow, 1997, p. 99).
RUHR VALLEY - GERMANY
● The Ruhr is a polycentric urban area in North
Rhine-Westphalia, Germany.

● With a population density of 2,800/km2 and a


population of over 5 million (2011), it is the
largest urban area in Germany, and
third-largest in the European Union.

Metropolis Ruhr - Andreas Keil and Burkhard


Wetterau : www.ruhrgebiet-regionalkunde.de

● It consists of several large, industrial cities


bordered by the rivers Ruhr to the south,
Rhine to the west, and Lippe to the north. In
the southwest it borders the Bergisches Land.

● The Ruhr area has no administrative center;


each city in the area has its own
administration, although there exists the
supracommunal Regionalverband Ruhr
institution in Essen.
● The fertile soils of the Ruhr and Hellweg zones have favoured
agricultural activities since pre-historical times. Archeological
findings have proved continuous populating of the region for
more than 5,000 years, i.e. since the younger Stone Age.

● The inner banks and the terraces of the Ruhr valley are covered
with fertile loam and loess soils that favoured settlements and
agriculture.

● Places like Duisburg, Dortmund, Recklinghausen and Werden
abbey became important both locally and regionally; here
countrymen and craftsmen sold their products, travelling
tradesmen came here for business.

● Carboniferous strata of the Schiefergebirge that gave birth to the
regional coal mining starting in small open diggings and in
galleries.

● The development of the region into an urbanized industrial area
started in the late 18th century with the early industrialisation in
the nearby Wupper Valley in the Bergisches Land.

● During the 2 World Wars the industrial capacities of the Ruhr had
predominantly been used by the armaments industries and the
war economy. After World War II the production of coal had
quickly been resumed as coal became the basis of Germany’s
economic reconstruction. Industrial: Factories in the Ruhr Valley, which were targeted because of
their importance to the German war effort.
(Daily Mail Online PUBLISHED:26 February 2013)
CAUSES OF DE-INDUSTRIALISATION

● Unfavorable mining conditions and low cost


of imported coal after joining the western
alliance as Ruhr production of coal seams
are located in great depths and that they are
affected by unfavourable tectonics.

● Solely dependent on a monolithic sunset


industry with little diversity in the regional
economy and no history of developing more
diverse undertakings.

● Slow restoration process after the war with


development till the 1960’s base on a 1930’s
model that was not sustainable, preventing
future orientated basic innovations from being
established.

● Demand for coal began to fall overall due to The development of coal mining: shallow mining, near-surface mining and deep mining in Ruhr
MWEBV (2010) S. 21
the rise of oil/petroleum as a fuel.
EFFECTS OF DE-INDUSTRIALISATION

Urban Issues

● Vast industrial brownfields (estimated around


10,000ha) causing huge fragmentation
between certain parts of towns and the
natural landscape

● The monostructural economy caused the lack


of innovative activity space for the labour
force (etc.urban recreational facilities)

● Urban Shrinkage due to population loss and


economic down turn therefore creating
vacant spaces

● The worsening state of the housing


conditions due to vacancy of units and poor
maintenance effort in poor neighbourhood
Abandoned buildings in Duisburg-Bruckhausen
(https://www.lvblcity.com/blog/2014/5/16/the-ruhr-declining-region-looking-for-solutions)

.
EFFECTS OF DE-INDUSTRIALISATION

Ecological Issues

● Decades of heavy industrial production and


mining had caused severe ecological and
geological problems in Ruhr

● The river Emscher was used as a dumping


ground for sewerage. It then became a
symbolic icon of the challenge to transform
the area

● Air pollution from heavy industry was poorly


controlled. Water pollution was severe, and
was exacerbated by a naturally high water
Flooding caused epidemics and diseases – municipalities were not able to solve the problems on their own
table, falling ground levels due to mining, and (Dr. Mario Sommerhäuser, University of Koblenz-Landau July 11th, 2017)
difficulties in evacuating standing water.

.
EFFECTS OF DE-INDUSTRIALISATION

Social Issues

● Unemployment began to contract sharply


during the 1960’s and 1970’s, by 1990’s ⅔ of
the coal, steel and related industries were
gone

● The combined effect of out-migration of the


local workforce, decrease in fertility and an
ever ageing population , created a
‘demographic shock’ (Steinfu¨ hrer & Haase,
2007)

● The huge influx of foreign workers during the


RVR data file
fordist period was the worst affected due to Primary sector= gaining yields in agriculture and forestry
the high unemployment rate and low Secondary sector = mining and product processing by industries
tertiary sector = services
participation in education

● Foreign population socially segregated from


local population
EFFECTS OF DE-INDUSTRIALISATION

Social Issues

● For example ThyssenKrupp steel works (district of


Duisburg-Marxloh) Since the early 1960s this workers’
quarter has been the main destination of migrants

● The motorway A59 divides the district not only


geographically but also ethnically; east of it there is
middle class and upper middle class quarter with
predominant German population and in parts a high
housing standard.

● The area west of the motorway, however, is adjacent


to the industrial site and the living quality is clearly
lower. In some housing blocks the share of the Turkish
population is above 90 percent, an ethnic segregation
Ethnic segregation in Duisburg-Marxloh
is prevailing. Source: after Hanhörster 1999, in: Hoppe et al. (2010) S. 65

● Bruckhausen is characterized by a high rate of


unemployment, a high share of foreign population, bad
housing conditions and a pronounced amount of
vacant flats.
“A kind of economic apartheid cleaved the city into two when it was prosperous,” he recalls. While
the rich lived in upscale southern neighbourhoods such as Margarethenhöhe, replete with row
houses and tree-lined avenues, the poor were relegated to the northern neighbourhoods of
Gelsenkirchen or Katernberg, where they lived in miners housing close to the collieries. When the
mines shut and unemployment rose, labourers who couldn’t find alternative employment were
pushed into what Zoellner calls “inter-generational inherited poverty”

Oliver Zöllner

Source: (Excepts from The Guardian Newspaper)


STRATEGIES
Source: Transforming City Region (Workshop by TU Dortmund)
PROBLEM:

● Brownfields causing huge fragmentation


between certain parts of towns and the natural
landscape

INTERVENTION:

● International Building Exhibition

CHARACTERISTICS:
● Working in the Park : industrial brownfields were
recycled and transferred into industrial service
and science parks. The remains of the built
industrial heritage became listed (industrial Spatial distribution of the competence fields in the Ruhr
source:compiled by Keil 2009, in: Hoppe et al.(2010) S. 92
monuments) and were refurbished to attract
private investors.
● Reuse strategies to include environmental
planning in the landscaping of the various
projects.
● Returning many brownfields to greenfields.
PROBLEM:

● Lack of innovative activity space for the labour


force

INTERVENTION:

● International Building Exhibition &


Redevelopment of Emscher Park by RVR
7 Regional Green Corridor
CHARACTERISTICS:
East West green backbone divided into 5 Areas
● Protection of seven regional green belts that
were to become recreational areas of
ecological compensation for the regional
population as well as structuring elements of
the urban development.

● Emscher Landscape Park connects strips of


parkland running from north to south, to form a
green belt between the Ruhr cities from east to
west.
11 Leading Projects 137 km2 green extension 320 km2 existing green

http://beyondplanb.eu/projects/project_emscherpark.html
Biking Trial interconnecting Industrial heritage sites, city
centers and settlement areas

Source: A Flood and Heat-Proof Green Emscher Valley,


Germany; European Commission
PROBLEM: Decentral wastewater treatment plants
(Top Left)

● Severe ecological and geological problems Waste water canal (Bottom left)
● The river Emscher was used as an open
Emscher 3.0 Proposal a ecological &
sewer sustainable proposal

INTERVENTION:

● International Building Exhibition &


Redevelopment of Emscher Park by RVR

CHARACTERISTICS:
● Ecological Conversion of the Emscher System
is going to redevelop an ecological river
system

● Construction of 4 decentral wastewater


treatment plants, 420 km of sewers, 330 km
of renatured waterways
POLICY:

● International Building Exhibition + RVR Act


2007

OUTCOME:

● A park of 300 km², comprises industrial nature,


industrial culture, events as well as
educational and leisure aspects.
Significantly improves the image of the region
and quality of life, reduced air pollution.
● The projects introduced ‘industrial heritage &
culture’, creating new identities referencing to
roots in the past. Renovated/restored old
industrial buildings/brownfield areas, adapted
to re-use - recreational as well as office space
including 17 tech-centres, employing 8500
highly educated people from the region.
● 3000 homes have been built/renovated. Outcomes of IBA (Emscher Park) + RVR Act 2007
● The Emscher River is cleaner, 30 streams
Source: www.beyondplanb.eu
have been restored to clean water condition.
About 90 endangered invertebrae species now
inhabit the river.
● The project attracts 1.5 million tourists a year.
Landschaftspark Duisburg Nord

The existing patterns and fragments


formed by industrial use were taken,
developed and re – interpreted with a
new syntax, existing fragments were
interlaced into a new ”landscape”.

Latz + Partner

http://www.landezin
e.com/index.php/20
11/08/post-industrial
-landscape-architect
ure/
PROBLEM:

● Urban Shrinkage due to population loss and


economic down turn

INTERVENTION:

● “Back into the city”

CHARACTERISTICS:
● Well educated young people and well-off old
persons with a consumptive lifestyle move
back into the centers and prefer new and old
luxurious houses.

● Renovating old buildings within the city to


provide better living conditions and office
space to employ people.
(Source: Stadt Bochum)
POLICY / TREND:

● “Back into the city”

OUTCOME:
● A former barracks site of 50 hectares situated
close to the city-center and well connected to Renovation of old residential quarters into
motorways, to public transport and to the airport modern buildings.

has been converted into a technology park.

● More than 2,000 new jobs (IT businesses,


insurances, services) have been allocated in
Stadtkrone East and a housing quarter for
sophisticated demands has been realized.

● Severe damages to old buildings have been


removed by means of millions of Euros of public
and private investments, creating modern living
spaces of good quality. Conversion of former British
barracks into sophisticated housing
quarters in Dortmund

Source: Metropolis Ruhr-A Regional Study of the New Ruhr


● New open spaces have been laid out.
PROBLEM:

● Urban Shrinkage due to population loss and


economic down turn

INTERVENTION:

● Integrated District Program - “Social City”

CHARACTERISTICS & OUTCOME:


● Injecting momentum in the complex
revaluation processes for poor
neighbourhoods. This comprises labour
market policies, urban planning, and social
and image-related measures (Häußermann
2005)

● New housing quarters have been established;


new shops and an attractive park have been
planned and realized in cooperation with the
population.
PROBLEM:

● Low participation in education

INTERVENTION:
● Education reform of the year 1962

CHARACTERISTICS:
● Attempt to establish more schools and
institutions of higher education.

● The first university in the Ruhr region was built


in Bochum, related to the education reform of
the year 1962.

Distribution of universities and universities of applied sciences


● After that, in 1968 the university of Dortmund (Andreas Keil and Burkhard Wetterau
Metropolis Ruhr-A Regional Study of the New Ruhr)
was built.
POLICY:
● Education reform of the year 1962

OUTCOME:
● Over 1,700 schools and 22
universities - universities of applied
sciences and schools of art taking
560,000 pupils and 180,000 students
respectively. Number of Students per year in various Universities in the Ruhr

Source: Metropolis Ruhr-A Regional Study of the New Ruhr

● Low numbers of PhDs, habilitations


and patent applications.

● To sum up, in the last decades the


Metropolis Ruhr could establish itself
in terms of education and research.
But qualitative challenges will still
have to be met in order to evolve to
an innovative region of education.
PROBLEM:

● Social segregation

INTERVENTION:

● European Capital of Culture - 2010


“To move Europe”

CHARACTERISTICS:
● Culture and intercultural living together are regarded
as the essence of the European society of tomorrow. Impact model of urban district renewal

Source: ZEFIR
● The MELEZ festival was to present internationality,
cultural variety and intercultural activities.

● "Socially Integrative City" or "Districts with Special


Development Needs" was establish to improvement
and enhancement of civic engagement, social
integration, and identification of residents with "their"
neighbourhood.
PROBLEM:

● Social segregation

INTERVENTION:

● EU program - URBAN I & II

CHARACTERISTICS & OUTCOME:


● Germany’s largest mosque has been
dedicated in Marxloh in 2008. Next to the
mosque an open education and meeting
center has been built, to bring together youth
of various ethnic groups.

● The head frame and a power house have


been converted into a center of culture and
events - a wide ranging cultural offer has been
established in the middle of
Gelsenkirchen-Bismarck (youth theatre, music
center with 38 rehearsal rooms for local
bands)
TRANSITION TIMELINE
FORDIST PERIOD TO POST FORDIST PERIOD
CHANGCHUN - CHINA
The Industrial Area in Northeast area of China

In the process of urbanization and


modernization, Changchun’s political
CHANGCHUN status and functions have altered
dramatically, as explicitly reflected in
its urban form and the physical
BEIJING construction undertaken during each
phase to match these alterations.

In each phase of Changchun’s urban


development, modernity found
different forms in the construction of
the city.
History of Changchun

A Frontier Garrison (1800–1898)


Twenty-five years after the establishment of the subprefecture of Changchun in 1800, the seat of the
administrative office was moved, because of frequent flooding the old city of Changchun developed
organically; its urban plan and streets were not designed in advance but emerged as the result of
spontaneous development.

A Collaged Railway Junction (1898–1932)


Changchun underwent a qualitative change from garrison to railway city, while its city functions became
diversified. Being at the nexus of political and economic conflicts among Chinese, Russians, and
Japanese, the city of Changchun before 1932 was a collage of territories divided according to ethnic
sovereignty

A Capital City (1932–1945)


Following Japan’s military occupation of the whole of Manchuria in 1931 and the
establishment of the puppet state of Manchukuo the following year, Changchun was made into the capital
city of the colonial state and renamed Xinjing.
History of Changchun

A Transitional Period (1945–1952)


The Soviet Red Army entered Xinjing in late August 1945 and immediately set up a
military government in the city. Erecting monuments was a common practice in the
aftermath of the Soviet victory in World War II. After the Chinese Civil War
(1946–1949) broke out, the Kuomintang (KMT) occupied Changchun for most of the
time until the city was finally liberated by the Communists in October 1948.

When the Korean War broke out in 1950, Changchun, and Northeast China as a
whole, became a base for “supporting the front”. Due to turbulent warfare in
Changchun during the transitional years up to 1952, urban construction came
to a halt and the city deteriorated. The Soviet monument at the central plaza was
perhaps the only significant building project in this period, as it shed influence on
socialist construction that followed the founding of the People’s Republic of China
(PRC) in 1949.
History of Changchun

An Industrial City under Maoism (1953–1962)

China's Five-Year Plans are a series of social and economic development initiatives issued since
1953.

Planning is a key characteristic of socialist economies, and one plan established for the entire country
normally contains detailed economic development guidelines for all its regions.

The new government launched various movements and construction projects aimed at modifying
Changchun into an industrial city. Changchun was eventually transformed from a city of consumption
to one of production under Chinese socialism.

Since this era, Changchun has been known as China’s famous “Auto City,” “Movie City,” , “City of
Science, Technology and Culture” and ”Detroit of China”

Rebuilding Changchun Downtown under Socialism


In the core urban area of Changchun, three basic methods of (re) construction were applied: the
manipulation of names, the erection of statues of Chairman Mao and revolutionary martyrs in front of
existing colonial buildings, and the construction of new buildings in the socialist realist style. In this
manner, supplementation, rather than demolition, played the more active role in erasing the past.
Building the Automobile Town in Changchun – Policies Adopted

▪ Rebuilding downtown Changchun, posed a great challenge to socialist planners asked by the new
regime to eliminate any residue of the infamous history of Manchukuo, colonial legacy.

▪ However the most effective strategy for erasing Changchun’s colonial past involved the construction of
the First Automobile Works (FAW) and housing compounds for its workers, which together
comprised a large modern factory community on the southwestern outskirts of the city. In this way,
Changchun was gradually transformed from a colonial centre of consumption to a prosperous
industrial centre under Chinese socialism.

▪ The new automobile town packed in everything: planned economy, heavy industry, mobilization of
workers, aid from the Soviet Union, new working methods, socialist competition.

▪ The deficiencies of the Soviet model of industrialization taught the Chinese Communist Party
(CCP) to avoid an overemphasis on opening new factories at the cost of improving workers’
standard of living. Therefore, housing, groceries, and other auxiliary facilities of residential
compounds were built concurrently with the construction of the factories of the FAW.

▪ According to Soviet residential planning theories, auxiliary facilities such as dining halls, public
baths, workers’ clubs, and auditorium halls were to be situated in the centre of the residential area.

▪ In 1953, the CCP commenced fulfilling large scale modernizing projects throughout China. In 1958,
the second FYP was launched, and several more major industrial projects were situated in
Changchun.
The First Auto Work in Changchun

With the support of USSR, the Chinese government


started their first five year plan. The plan emphasized
rapid industrial development, the bulk of the state’s
investment was channeled into the industrial sector,
within industry, iron and steel, electric power, coal,
heavy engineering, building materials, and basic
chemicals were given first priority;

First Automobile Works broke ground on its first factory


although it didn't produce its first product, the Jie Fang
CA-10 truck, until 1956. The city boasted an industrial
base left over from Japanese occupation

Learn from the Soviet Union to


build our own country
The First Auto Work in Changchun

Plaza in front of factory area

Accommodation building “Red flag”


The Achievement of First Five Year Plan (1953-1957)

A good deal of China’s economic growth in the mid-1950s centered on urban, industrial and
infrastructure projects. These works enhanced the quality of life for urban populations,
whose numbers increased from 57 million to 100 million between 1949 and 1957. Life
expectancy rose from 36 to 57 years, city housing standards improved and urban incomes
increased by 40 per cent.

The greatest increases were in steel and coal, with steel production beating expected
targets. Steel production grew from 1.3 million tones in 1952 to 5.2 million tones in 1957.

State ownership dramatically expanded during this period so that most enterprises, food
distribution and land all came under centralized government control. This had adverse effects
on rural areas, with grain production not keeping pace with industrial and population growth.
The First Auto Work in Changchun

The living conditions of employees in state-owned


enterprises:
1. First of all, employees will not be unemployed.
After entering the job, they will be hired for life if
they don’t make serious mistakes.

2. Because the company's finances come from state


funds, the company's goal is to complete the
production tasks assigned by the state, not making
profit, and there is no operating pressure.

3. The characteristics of the employees of


state-owned enterprises are characterized by low
wages and high welfare. State-owned enterprises
have created a society, took over your life and
death, established apartments for workers,
provided housing, and established hospitals and
schools to meet the needs of medical care and
education.

4. With corporate security rather than social security,


employees’ positions can be “inherited” by their
children after retirement, which enhances people’s
dependence on the unit.
The Accommodation Building of State-Owned Enterprise (SOEs)

Accommodation building of the first auto work


factory
The factory area is centered on the two functions of
office and production.

The spatial layout presents the model of “office


building outside and production building inside ”; the
residential area including related service facilities and
living function, presenting a block-style residence.

Accommodation building of the first auto work

• Soviet Union style building


• Public courtyard in side the block

Accommodation area
Community Identity

The unit settlement consists of multiple courtyards. In the process of arranging and
combining, it will follow a certain spatial axis relationship, and arrange public service
facilities and large public green spaces between the groups. The supporting facilities in
the unit settlement mainly include auditorium, canteen, kindergarten, activity room,
guest house, health station, sports ground, etc. The employees of the unit can
complete daily activities such as work, life, leisure and entertainment in the enterprise
space field. Such a functional layout mode provides maximum convenience for the
workers to put into production, and quickly solves the problem of the workers' lives in the
case of low productivity and low level of urbanization.
Problems of State Owned Enterprises (SOEs)

• There is no legislation for state-owned enterprises for a long time. They are completely adjusted by
policies and administrative means. Administrative power often interferes and affects the independent
management decision-making of enterprises. The special combination system between party
committees and enterprises weakens the economic attributes of enterprises. Party committee has
the ultimate control power over the management of state-owned enterprises

• High welfare has caused enterprises to have a heavy financial burden. In 1982, 92% of workers'
households spent on daily necessities and necessities, of which only 58% were food. 5.2% of
household expenses are for housing, hydropower, transportation, and medical care. Among
household expenses in the United States, these projects account for 45%, and Japan accounts for
21%. The proportion of household expenditure reflects the state’s high subsidies for employees of
state-owned enterprises.

• Enterprises support non-operating personnel, as well as hospitals, schools, cinemas, etc. By


the end of the 1990s, many state-owned enterprises had a history of 30 to 40 years, and the number
of retired employees increased, the cost of old-age care was high, and most of the profits of
state-owned enterprises were turned over. There is no funds to update equipment

• The egalitarianism is prevalent, and there is no crisis of unemployment. In the end, there is no
enthusiasm and initiative in labor.
The reform of state-owned enterprises

By the end of the 1970s, Chinese economy has been almost at the edge of collapse, while
striking appeared in the Northeast Old Industrial Base for long-term absence of investment on
upgrading technology and adjusting structure of hundreds of thousands of overburdened
state-owned enterprises.

In 1978, China implemented the reform and opening up policy to begin with the southeast
coastal area, which indicated the shift of regional policy focus from the inner lands to coastal
areas.

Northeast China, far away from the economic frontier areas, was no longer at the core of
preferable policies

The purpose of the reform program was not to abandon communism but to make it work better
by substantially increasing the role of market mechanisms in the system and by reducing—not
eliminating—government planning and direct control.
The reform of state-owned enterprises

The reform of state-owned enterprises is the core and key link in China's economic system reform. In
the early days of reform, there are more than 2 million state-owned and collective enterprises, with 110
million employees, 80 million Chinese enterprises, and more than 3,000 collective enterprises.

To transfer such a huge economic system from a planned economy to a market economy, this is
the task of China’s state-owned enterprise reform.

The first stage (1984 -1998). At this stage, the institutional orientation of state-owned enterprises is the
contractual management responsibility system. The contracting system itself has its positive significance
and solves two problems: The first is to shift from planning to market orientation. Originally, state-owned
enterprises did not know what the market was and produced for the plan. Under the contracting system,
enterprises contract for profit indicators, and enterprise products can only be profitable if they are sold in
the market. Then it also mobilized enthusiasm.
In the second stage (1998 - 2003), the state-owned economy took the initiative to withdraw from the
SME level. The reform of the property rights system included two methods. One was enterprise
restructuring, and the other was the overall sale of enterprises, involving more than 100,000
state-owned enterprises and millions of companies. The 40-50 million employees of collective
enterprises, the rest are large-scale state-owned enterprises, shutting down and reorganizing
state-owned enterprises, and building a social security system for laid-off workers.
The third stage (after 2003) establishes a state-owned assets monitoring system
Privatization & unemployment

In 1995, the total number of employees of state-owned enterprises in the country was 109.55 million.
But since 1998, the number has plummeted: in 1998, it was 88.09 million; by 2002, this figure had
fallen to 69.24 million. In the past six years, the number of employees in state-owned units has
decreased by more than 30 million.
With the adjustment and upgrading of the industrial structure, many old factories have been
shut down one after another. These old factories were either abandoned or were protected and
reused as an “industrial heritage” of the era, and some were dismantled and developed into new
functional areas of the city. In the process of shutting down a large number of factories, a large
number of workers were laid off and unemployed, and their lives did not receive the attention they
deserved. Many people have no guarantee of their basic life because of their embarrassment. They
are even less able to improve their living conditions.
The Industrial Area Distribution in Northeast area of China and Changchun

1970 1985 2001 2010


Private Residential Area Today

The opening of the economic system and


the land market has changed people's
living patterns, and the accumulation of
wealth has led to the emergence of
classes.

Some of the shanty towns became slums,


and the relocated households cannot
return to their original residences.
Revitalization

Most of the quality of residential buildings is low and it is


difficult to meet today's living needs.

The current population is mostly low-income groups and


elderly groups who are unable to improve their living
conditions. Residents complain that they are more emotional.
The high-end residences that have been neighbors and have a
family have become the urban sub-spaces that need to be
improved.
Revitalization

The reuse of diesel engine factory

The surrounding area of ​the building is


surrounded by residential areas and some
industrial areas that are about to be relocated.
The purpose of the renovation is to create a
commercial center that includes catering and
entertainment functions. The renovation
project will be repaired and expanded on the
basis of the original building structure to
adapt to the new functions.
General Focus Areas
Innovation: Move up in the value chain by abandoning old heavy industry and building up bases of modern information-intensive
infrastructure
Achieve significant results in innovation-driven development
Balancing: Bridge the welfare gaps between countryside and cities by distributing and managing resources more efficiently
Greening: Develop environmental technology industry, as well as ecological living and ecological culture.
Achieve an overall improvement in the quality of the environment and ecosystems
Opening up: Deeper participation in supranational power structures, more international co-operation
Sharing: Encourage people of China to share the fruits of economic growth, so to bridge the existing welfare gaps
Healthcare: Implement universal health care proposed in 2020 Health Action Plan.
Moderately prosperous society: Finish building a moderately prosperous society in all respects

Developed Policies
"Everyone is an entrepreneur, creativity of the masses"
"Made in China 2025"
Initiative to comprehensively upgrade Chinese industry and to obtain a bigger part of the global production chains.
Aims to address four worrying trends in current situation:
1. (Nationally) vital technologies lack a (domestic) core platform
2. Chinese industrial products are perceived internationally as inferior quality
3. Domestic industrial competition is fierce due to overly homogeneous structure
4. Poor conversion of academic research results to practical application
"Economy needs a Rule of Law"
"National defence reform"
Organisational reform of the army, slashing number of highest generals, as well as concentrating branches' functions, moving some
under Defence Ministry
"Urbanization with Chinese characteristics"
"Reformed one-child policy" Now called "two-child policy"
HOKKAIDO - JAPAN
Japan – Since World War II

Since the Second World War, Japan's economy has experienced considerable structural change.
In the high economic growth era, Japan strengthened its international competitiveness through
heavy and chemical industrialisation, by seeking to economies of scale. Following the US and
UK's economies, the greatest growth has been in the industries that produce services. The
largest relative expansion in the tertiary sector has occurred since the First Oil Crisis in 1973.
Changes in the allocation of inputs, materials and labour force, have resulted in changes of industrial
structure and also changes in the interdependence of industries. The locomotive of Japan's
economy has changed from the heavy and chemical industries to the processing and
assembly industries. Japan's economy has gradually changed to a deindustrialised situation as the
decade proceeded after the first oil crisis.
JAPAN - Timeline

MUTSUHITO YOSHIHITO HIROHITO AKIHITO


Emperor Meiji Emperor Taishō Emperor Shōwa Emperor Kinjo
1867-1912 1912-1926 1926-1989 1989-2019

CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHY
1945-2018
Source - https://traditionalnihongo.weebly.com/history.html
HOKKAIDO

‘Deindustrialization’ meaning for Japan

For Japan, the term 'deindustrialisation' or the


'deindustrialised society' was thought of as a desired
situation which could free workers from routine
and hard jobs and open the way to creative jobs.
They regarded the more service-oriented economy,
such as that in the US and the UK, as advanced, at
that time. It seems likely that Japan's manufactures
have strengthened international competitiveness
through deindustrialisation in contrast to the other
advanced countries like UK’s and America’s
experience so far.

source - https://www.istockphoto.com/it/vettoriale/30-japan-grayscale-isolated-10-gm952402474-260004353
Regional Policy in Post-War Japan

To understand characteristics and the change of the central-local government relations in regards to the
Hokkaido Development Policy, which was established after World War II, there were these three factors:

1) Socio Economic Dimension;


2) Administrative Dimension;
3) Political Dimension.

Source - Region and Regionalism in Hokkaido -Centralized Development Versus Local Democracy- Ⅳ-13 Mikine Yamazaki, Hokkaido University
1 - Socio Economic Dimension

After WW II, Japan had some serious problems, shortage of food, drastic increase in population due to
people returning back from abroad.
To solve these problems, under the new constitution, the Hokkaido Development Law was set up, as well
as the Hokkaido Development Agency which was established in 1950

Results of these establishments :


● The economy of Japan recovered rapidly, regardless of the result of the Hokkaido development
policy to obtain its objectives.
● In 1960’s the Hokkaido Development Agency stressed the significance of development policy for
contributing to nationwide economic growth and resolving the condition of overcrowding in cities,
under population in rural areas, and economic disparities in Japan until 1990’s.

Source - Region and Regionalism in Hokkaido -Centralized Development Versus Local Democracy- Ⅳ-13 Mikine Yamazaki, Hokkaido University
1 - Socio Economic Dimension – Outcomes

The values being sought by Hokkaido people have diversified. Their values have gradually changed
from the demand for the improvement of the infrastructure to human welfare, environment
conservation, and participation in public affairs. In fact, from the standpoint of economic rationality,
ecology, and local democracy, many development projects have drawn criticism from many people.
Thus, central and local government have to consider these values when they decide and implement
development policy and projects.

Source - Region and Regionalism in Hokkaido -Centralized Development Versus Local Democracy- Ⅳ-13 Mikine Yamazaki, Hokkaido University
2 - Administrative Dimension

The Hokkaido Development Plan - Objectives

• Transferring leading industries from overpopulated areas of Japan to Hokkaido, which has vast
land and good water resources.
• The system was extremely centralized in terms of the decision-making process and the allocation
of resources, as far as the provision of the law was concerned. Although the system was criticized and
was called to be abolished by the central government in order to attain administrative reform, the
foundation of the system endured until 2000.
• To allocate fiscal resources to promote the improvement of infrastructure in Hokkaido.

Source - Region and Regionalism in Hokkaido -Centralized Development Versus Local Democracy- Ⅳ-13 Mikine Yamazaki, Hokkaido University
2 - Administrative Dimension

The Hokkaido Development Plan - Implementation

There are two main ways to implement public works in Hokkaido.

1. Hokkaido Development Bureau, which is the national branch of the Hokkaido Development Agency
that deals with large scale projects.
2. The other is where central ministries allocate grant-in-aid to the Hokkaido government and local
governments in Hokkaido. They carry out medium and small sized projects.

Source - Region and Regionalism in Hokkaido -Centralized Development Versus Local Democracy- Ⅳ-13 Mikine Yamazaki, Hokkaido University
2 - Administrative Dimension - Outcomes

Since the merit of the Hokkaido development system has decreased, the its advantage for the Hokkaido
government has decreased as well. The Hokkaido government has tried several new policies that are
different from traditional development policy. However, the successful examples of endogenous
development projects are rare in Hokkaido.

In mid 1990’s, many people blamed the Hokkaido government for using budget illegally. Thus
afterwards, the Hokkaido government has decided to the reform the administrative system completely.

Ultimately, the Hokkaido government intends to establish new regional government that doesn’t
exist in Japan yet.

Source - Region and Regionalism in Hokkaido -Centralized Development Versus Local Democracy- Ⅳ-13 Mikine Yamazaki, Hokkaido University
2 - Administrative Dimension – Example of Outcome

The most typical development project in post war Hokkaido Development Policy is The East Tomakomai
Industrial Base Development Project.

The project started in 1971, by constructing an industrial site and a port to entice resource-oriented basic
industries to Hokkaido in 1971. The project set its final objective to create 50,000 jobs and 3.3 trillion yen
(27.5 billion $), by locating plants related to steel, petroleum refineries, petrochemical, and automobiles
there. The Hokkaido Development Agency, the Hokkaido government and local governments had spent more
than 212 billion yen (1.7 billion $) over 30 years, but the more than 10,000 hectare area industrial site has
only sold about 10% its building sites.

In 1999, the site-selling enterprise that was established by the central and local governments, and private
companies went bankrupt, owing 180 billion yen (1.5 billion $) .

Source - Hokkaido Bureau - http://www.mlit.go.jp/english/2006/m_hokkaido_bureau/06_industrial/index.html


The East Tomakomai Industrial Base
Development Project.

Source - Hokkaido Bureau - http://www.mlit.go.jp/english/2006/m_hokkaido_bureau/06_industrial/index.html


3 - Political Dimension
For the most part in the post war era, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has been in power and the
Hokkaido governor has been supported by LDP or the Japan Socialist Party (JSP) during this era.
However, changes of political power in central government or changes of the governor didn’t have
much influence on directions of Hokkaido development policy and its system. Most of central and
local politicians elected by Hokkaido constituency, regardless of political parties, have maintained the
Hokkaido Development System and vested interests in allocating fiscal resources for Hokkaido.

3 - Political Dimension - Outcomes


One of the important factors in change of Hokkaido is the factor of local politics. Civil Movement is
also grown by some margin over the years, more than 250 Non Profit Organization Corporations
operate in many various fields in Hokkaido.

The Hokkaido Development Agency and the Hokkaido Government have jointly invested much fiscal
resources into Hokkaido. In the circumstances of changing citizen’s value and increasing criticism of
traditional development policy and administrative system, the Hokkaido government has tried some
reforms, but these reforms were not direct and did not show remarkable results.

Source - Region and Regionalism in Hokkaido -Centralized Development Versus Local Democracy- Ⅳ-13 Mikine Yamazaki, Hokkaido University
Major Policies under the Hokkaido Development Plan

Section 1 - Creating a Self-Reliant, Stable, and Globally Competitive Economy


● Strengthening Food Supply Capabilities, Adding Value to and Enhancing the Competitiveness of
Food-related Industries
● Promoting Tourism to Develop Attractive, Internationally Competitive Tourist Spots
● Establishing Accumulated Industries that will Develop Together with East Asia

Section 2 Establishment of Sustainable Communities to Lead the Era of the Global Environment
and Coexistence with Nature
● Realizing a society based on the harmonious coexistence of nature and humans
● Creating a recycling-oriented society
● Achieving a low-carbon society

Source - paper, - Hokkaido Comprehensive Development Plan, stipulated in Paragraph 1 of Article 2 of Hokkaido Development Law ( Law No.126,1950 ).
Major Policies under the Hokkaido Development Plan

Section 3 - Attractive and Vigorous Regional and Community Development in the Northern Region
● Creating vast regional areas and strengthening exchanges and cooperation
● Strengthening urban functions and enhancing urban attraction
● Striving to create a model for vibrant local communities in sparsely inhabited areas
● Creating diverse and distinctive local communities in the northern region

Section 4 - Enhancement of Networks and Mobility that Support Domestic and International
Exchanges
● Establishing wide-area traffic networks connected to the rest of the nation and the world
● Creating regional transport infrastructures as well as information and communication infrastructures
● Improving the reliability of transportation services in winter

Source - paper, - Hokkaido Comprehensive Development Plan, stipulated in Paragraph 1 of Article 2 of Hokkaido Development Law ( Law No.126,1950 ).
Major Policies under the Hokkaido Development Plan

Section 5 - Safe and Reassuring National Land Development

● Promoting disaster prevention measure in preparation for frequently occurring natural disasters.
● Promoting comprehensive disaster prevention and mitigation measures integrating structural and
non-structural measures
● Promoting traffic safety measures with the aim of creating a traffic accident free society

Source - paper, - Hokkaido Comprehensive Development Plan, stipulated in Paragraph 1 of Article 2 of Hokkaido Development Law ( Law No.126,1950 ).
Regional Policy in Japan: Hokkaido Case

During the 20th century, Hokkaido has been the object of many development plans and projects. Moreover, as of 1962 the
Japanese Government has started to develop Comprehensive National Land Use Plans in parallel with National Development
Plans. These plans are intended to implement regional policy, Its prefectural development plans are coherent with National
Plans. A short overview shows the following stages:

1950 - 1960s 1960 - 1970s


Agricultural Development. Industry and Infrastructure Development.
New Dairy Farms in Kushiro and Nemuro Muroran and Tomakomai Ports.

Source Paper - Regional Policy in Post-Industrial Japan - Olga Merkusheva PL ISSN 0239-8818 - HEMISPHERES - No. 28°, 2013
Regional Policy in Japan: Hokkaido case

1970 - 1980s 1980 - 1990s


Industry and Infrastructure Development. Industry and Infrastructure Development.
Hakodate Technopolis. Regionalization, Tourism Development.
Seikan Tunnel Building (connects Aomori and Hokkaido) Shin-Chitose airport.

Source Paper - Regional Policy in Post-Industrial Japan - Olga Merkusheva PL ISSN 0239-8818 - HEMISPHERES - No. 28°, 2013
Chitos Airport

Source Paper - Regional Policy in


Post-Industrial Japan - Olga Merkusheva
PL ISSN 0239-8818 - HEMISPHERES -
No. 28°, 2013
Source Paper - Regional Policy in
Post-Industrial Japan - Olga Merkusheva
PL ISSN 0239-8818 - HEMISPHERES -
No. 28°, 2013
Source Paper - Regional Policy in
Post-Industrial Japan - Olga Merkusheva
PL ISSN 0239-8818 - HEMISPHERES -
No. 28°, 2013
Japan Population Density

Japan Hokkaido

Source -http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/japan-population/
Local Responses to the General Development Plan
Yubari, Hokkaido, Japan

Yubari, on Japan’s island of Hokkaido and known in its


heyday as the capital of coal. From a peak of just shy of
120,000 people in 1960, Yubari’s population plummeted
to 21,000 in 1990, the year the last colliery closed and
the last miners fled. It has since more than halved again,
to below 10,000, as those who stayed on aged and died
or drifted away in the wake of the city’s tumultuous 2007
bankruptcy.
Demographically, it is the oldest city in Japan, probably
the world, and possibly ever to have existed, with a
median age of 57 in 2010 that is set to rise to 65 by
2020, at which time more people will be over 80 than
under 40.
Yubari – A Shrinking Mining City
Once prosperous settlement servicing a major mining site. Yubari experienced periods of growth and shrinkage, mirroring
the ebbs and flows of international mineral markets which determine the fortunes of the dominant mining corporation upon
which yubari heavily depended on. So the strategies of the main company in these towns can, to a great extent,
determine future developments and have a great impact on urban management plans.
Unfortunately, most responses to decline in mining cities are developed after decline has begun, and these strategies,
which may be undertaken by various community actors, have produced mixed results. Examples of these strategies,
provide important lessons for mining communities either planning for future shrinkage or facing present population decline.

Source - Volume 36.2 March 2012 245–60 International Journal of Urban and Regional Research - The Shrinking Mining City: Urban Dynamics and Contested Territory CRISTINA MARTINEZ-FERNANDEZ,
After the war, coal was thought as the very important indigenous energy source and the government strongly supported to
increase the production. The production level was dropped to 29.9 million tons in 1945, and then recovered to 51.2
million tons in 1960. But in this recovery, various protective and supportive policy measures were applied.
Under the threat and competition against cheap imported oil and coal, domestic coal industry made efforts to modernize
their production system and tried to decrease production cost by getting government supports. But failing, government
started to smoothly phase out the policy.
The production of domestic coal was 49.5 million tons in 1965 then 39.7 million tons in 1970, 19 million tons in 1975
and less than 10 million tons in 1990. Finally in 2002 the last commercial coal mine which was in Hokkaido was
closed.

Source - Volume 36.2 March 2012 245–60 International Journal of Urban and Regional Research - The Shrinking Mining City: Urban Dynamics and Contested Territory CRISTINA MARTINEZ-FERNANDEZ,
Problems of Mining Cities - Yubari

▪ Mining cities are dependent on resources that are non-renewable.


▪ Mining communities tend to be located in areas that are peripheral (economically and/or physically)
to large metropolitan areas.
▪ Most mining communities—indeed single-industry communities in general— are characterized by
economic instability. In addition, mining cities are now affected by another outside force:
technological change.
▪ Mining communities around the world share a legacy of environmental degradation and negative
health impacts. In mining cities where the industry has left the community or has abandoned certain
sites, communities are faced with the unenviable task of cleaning up large brownfield areas, a process
that can take many years.

Source - Volume 36.2 March 2012 245–60 International Journal of Urban and Regional Research - The Shrinking Mining City: Urban Dynamics and Contested Territory CRISTINA MARTINEZ-FERNANDEZ,
Community Action in Yubari, Japan

A long history of neighbourhood associations and labour unions had prepared the citizens for civic action
when their city was faced with its difficult times. The city government established a Yubari Regeneration
Citizens Council to assist in promoting citizen activities in the field of public services and community
management.

The Citizens Council organized itself into three working groups to deal with
1) Environment, Crime Prevention and Traffic Safety
2) Tourism and Culture
3) Social Welfare and Life

A distinguishing feature of Yubari is that citizen groups have taken an active role in assisting a city
council to overcome its financial difficulties. The citizens of Yubari have adopted a self-help approach
that regards the survival and the future prosperity of the community as a collaborative effort involving
citizens and government officials.

Source - Volume 36.2 March 2012 245–60 International Journal of Urban and Regional Research - The Shrinking Mining City: Urban Dynamics and Contested Territory CRISTINA MARTINEZ-FERNANDEZ,
Implementation of Policies - Yubari

For example, when the city administration decided to close the Numbu
Community Centre as a cost-saving measure, the citizens in the
Numbu district of the city, through the Numbu Coordination council,
decided to take over the Centre’s operating costs.

Citizens also established the Association to Regenerate Yubari Hall


to prevent its closure by the city administration because the hall was
regarded as the centre of all the city’s cultural activities.

From 1990 onward, Yubari held an Annual Film Festival managed by


a committee composed of representatives of the city and citizens. The
film festival, known for its avant-garde films, attracted an average of
over 21,000 visitors each year over the period 1990–2006, though it
cost about 100 million yen (US $1.19 million) a year with a 68%
contribution from the City

Source - Volume 36.2 March 2012 245–60 International Journal of Urban and Regional Research - The Shrinking Mining City: Urban Dynamics and Contested Territory CRISTINA MARTINEZ-FERNANDEZ,
Implementation of Policies - Yubari

As early as 1960, Yubari city started to make adjustment effort


melon project. Yubari is located in mountainous area and they, for
their future, considering the time when coal mines has to close their
operation. Utilizing the region’s climate characters and also expecting
commercially profitable business, they selected melon, asparagus,
yam potato and strawberry. Then test growing started. In 1960,
several farmers established “Melon Growing Union” and tried to
develop new breeding melon which fit to the climate and soil
condition of the region. After many trials and errors, they finally
succeeded to develop a delicious and strong melon plant.

A single pair of premium melons in 2018 fetched a record 3.2


million yen ($29,300) at auction in Japan, where the fruit is
regarded as a status symbol.

https://www.japantimes.co.jp/

Source - Volume 36.2 March 2012 245–60 International Journal of Urban and Regional Research - The Shrinking Mining City: Urban Dynamics and Contested Territory CRISTINA MARTINEZ-FERNANDEZ,
Implementation of Policies - Yubari

Development of Tourism Business in Yubari

In 1979, Knowing that its mining industries would close soon, the
city began building a coal mining amusement park in the late
1970s, hoping to attract visitors this way. Although the park
survived for a while a thanks to the financial support of the city.

The Theme Park was busy in 1990’s but the boom was over in
2000’s and numbers of visitors to the park dropped heavily.

In 2007,”Historical Village of Coal” was bankrupted and many


leisure facilities were demolished and more over Yubari city itself
announced their bankruptcy in 2008.

Source - Volume 36.2 March 2012 245–60 International Journal of Urban and Regional Research - The Shrinking Mining City: Urban Dynamics and Contested Territory CRISTINA MARTINEZ-FERNANDEZ,
Major Downfall Factors - Yubari

The closure of coal mines turned out to be only the


beginning of Yubari’s difficulties. Between 1979 and
1994, 58.3 billion yen (or US $566 million) was spent by
the government (60% by the city of Yubari) for the
purchase and renovation of the housing and related
facilities. This proved to be its first major financial
misfortune.
A second step into financial disaster was the
decision by the city to establish a public–private
partnership to develop a theme park—‘Coal History
Village. The investment of 5.5 billion yen (US $23.4
million) represented half of the city’s budget in 1983.

Source - Volume 36.2 March 2012 245–60 International Journal of Urban and Regional Research - The Shrinking Mining City: Urban Dynamics and Contested Territory CRISTINA MARTINEZ-FERNANDEZ,
General Outcomes of the Post War Hokkaido Development Policy

For the past few decades, more than 10% of the budget for public works has been allocated to Hokkaido.
As a result, the economical infrastructure in Hokkaido has been improved rapidly and remarkably. The level of
infrastructure in Hokkaido is higher than other areas in Japan (e.g. road, port, airport, water, sewage).
The Hokkaido Development Agency however, could not attain the goal of the Hokkaido Development Policy, with respect
to population and growth rate. In other words there is no confirmation that there has been an increase and advancement of
industrialization in Hokkaido.
1. The economic growth rate of Hokkaido is always lower than the rate nationwide.
2. The ratio of the Gross Hokkaido Product to the Gross Domestic Product has been diminished for decades.
Nevertheless, Hokkaido’s per capita income has not been particularly low. It has been almost 90% of the national per capita
income for decades.
The multipolar policy is considered suitable for a region such as Hokkaido, which was considered backward due to
insufficient industrial development. However, some towns (such as Yubari) have faced bankruptcy and a major problem of
decrease in population and other problems.
Sometimes this situation is connected with incorrect regional policy, but this is probably a problem of poor management.
For example, another town with a similar population and location, Kutchan, became the Japanese leader by real estate price
growth (40.9% during 2007.2008) and managed to attract tourists not only from Japan, but also China, Hong Kong and
Korea.

Source - Region and Regionalism in Hokkaido -Centralized Development Versus Local Democracy- Ⅳ-13 Mikine Yamazaki, Hokkaido University
Parameters of Comparison

In order to compare all 4 regions/cities in a comprehensive way we have decided to use certain
parameters which we found fitting to extrapolate the characteristics of the certain industries,
deindustrialisation of them and the response of the public institutions to them.

Ruhr, Germany Belfast, N. Ireland Hokkaido, Japan Changchun, China


GENTRIFICATION

Ruhr, Germany Belfast, N. Ireland Hokkaido, Japan Changchun, China

Wave of gentrification (1) A market driven strategy to The revitalised city in the Seems non-existent
Programs that accompanied the revitalise dilapidated urban capitals of the region are
post-industrial urban development areas along the Lagan river being developed in a manner Before 1979, the socialism
by means of public subsidies targeting the middle class that allows for the educated policy was trying to eliminate
(Soziale Stadt NRW, URBAN I and and in turn excluding the middle class to find more the class difference.
II, Stadtumbau West). Housing
working class areas. opportunities as a result Since 1979 , after the reform
quality has been improved, young
& old people are moving back into excluding the original lower and opening-up policy, private
the city. Lagan Site redevelopment class inhabitants. capital is allowed and many
people become rich, shows a
Wave of gentrification (4) possibility to gentrification.
Renovation of old/unused buildings
within the city to create better
housing, making the tax paying
consumers move back into the
centers to revitalize the core of the
city and limit suburban expansion.
SOCIAL EXCLUSION

Ruhr, Germany Belfast, N. Ireland Hokkaido, Japan Changchun, China


Social segregation and
The investment into commercial The policies applied continue to The urban social exclusion has
exclusion intensifies as housing
and cultural areas in order to work for the region. The focus increased in the context of
situation is less fierce (Urban
create ‘shared spaces’ where being on bringing in revenue globalization and accelerated
Shrinkage) and high-income
households can move to interaction between conflicting from tourism, service industry economic growth. The capital
communities can happen and high tech industry. So the intensive and high tech
preferred districts, leaving
working class who were out of industries has not been able to
behind those who cannot afford
opportunities had to move to compensate for job loss in
to move, creating a downward
Japan to survive and new wave labour intensive manufacturing.
spiral (chain effect) in the
of people who were skilled to
disadvantaged districts.
work in those specific industries
flocked in Hokkaido,
Gentrification process
contributing to the rise in
transformed downtown,
population.
waterfront & inner cities to be
more attractive, while large The public infrastructure acted
housing estates or as a catalyst reinforcing the
non-refurbished older housing boundaries dividing the different
areas with concentration of a communities
disadvantaged population are
neglected in some districts.
POPULATION

Ruhr, Germany Belfast, N. Ireland Hokkaido, Japan Changchun, China

1950: 4.60 million 1981: 0.32 million 1945: 3.51 million 1944: 1.21 million
1961: 5.70 million 1985: 0.30 million 1955: 4.77 million 1953: 3.16 million
1970: 5.60 million 1989: 0.29 million 1975: 5.33 million 1982: 5.70 million
1981: 5.40 million 1993: 0.29 million 1995: 5.69 million 2000: 7.10 million
1993: 5.40 million 1997: 0.28 million 2005: 5.62 million 2010: 7.60 million
2000: 5.40 million 1999: 0.28 million 2015: 5.38 million 2017:7.48 million
2005: 5.30 million 2003: 0.27 million
2010: 5.20 million 2011: 0.27 million After all the Infrastructural and The cities in northeast China
Fiscal attention Hokkaido got can not offering enough job and
2018: 5.20 million 2013: 0.28 million from Japan, It reflects in some competitive salary as city in east
areas/aspects that it has worked like Shanghai after they lose
Source: RVR data file After the cease fire and the positively, but there are many their social and economy
signing of the Good Friday other major aspects/ places in statues, The immigration of
After the coal crisis (60’s & 70’s) the Agreement, there is a stop in Hokkaido where the outcomes young people from northeast to
population dropped due to the population decline and it starts are very negative. But the southeast may became a main
outflux of the working force. In 1989 to slowly rise during the years of urbanization of area around issue to affect the future
after the proposal of IBA and the capital city is the major
the peace process.
rejuvenation of the region, there was
contributor to this increase in
a influx of population. However, due
to low fertility rate, the overall
the overall population of
population is still declining or Hokkaido.
stagnated..

Source is Statistics Bureau. 人口推計 長期時系列


データ 我が国の推計人口(大正9年~平成12年)
SHIFT IN ECONOMY

Ruhr, Germany Belfast, N. Ireland Hokkaido, Japan Changchun, China

Before 1960s: Before 1970: 1950-1960s Before 1944s:


Coal Mining Shipbuilding Agricultural Development Capital city
Steel & Iron Industries Lenin Production Fishing Industry Food production
Engineering Rise Coal Industry Paper production
1960s - Present
2015: 1970-1980s 1949-1978s
New Energy Tech Retail - 12% Heavy Industry and Industrial city
Info Technology Admin and support - 10% Infrastructure Development Mobile production
Medical Tech & Health economy Professional services - 7% Decline Coal Industry Optical electron industry
Microstructure & Mirco Electronics Accomodation and food Film industry
Water & Sewerage Technology services - 6% 1980-1990s
Mining Technology Finance - 5% High Tech Industry 1979-1999s
New Chemistry Manufacturing - 5% Infrastructure Development Industrial city
New materials (incl. steel industry) Construction - 5% Tourism Development Mobile production
Mechanical Engineering Other private services - 10% Construction industry
Logistics 1990-2000s Service sector
Design “Tourism now plays a significant Regionalization,
Tourism & Leisure part in the local economy - in Recovery Recession 2000-2018s
2013 it was responsible for over Industry Infrastructure Industrial city
Source: Compiled by Keil 2009, in: Hoppe 9,300 full time equivalent (FTE)
Development Mobile production
et al.(2010) S. 92 jobs. The city accounts for 60
per cent of all tourist Tourism Development Food production
expenditure in Northern Construction industry
Ireland.”(Lane, Grubb & Power.
2016)
UNEMPLOYMENT

Ruhr, Germany Belfast, N. Ireland Hokkaido, Japan Changchun, China

Unemployment rate Unemployment rate Unemployment rate Unemployment rate

2012: 8.0% 2006: 4.6% 2011: 5.90% 2005: 9.07%


2013: 10.9% 2012: 5.50% 2010: 3.65%
2014: 10.7% Urban regeneration projects 2013: 4.55% 2017: 3.51%
2015: 10.5% such as the Titanic Quarter and 2014: 4.12%
Laganside Waterfront are
2016: 10.0% creating jobs in the city. 2015: 3.47%
2017: 9.6% Therefore employment is on the 2016: 3.60%
rise.
2018: 8.8%
Source: RVR-Datenbank-Statistik This unemployment data is
misleading because this data
Overall there was a decline in comes after many people
unemployment due to the migrated to Japan and people
diversification of sectors and who stayed back had to work to
introduction of policies & survive. So most unemployed
projects to create employment. people already left Hokkaido to
find opportunities.

Japan & Hokkaido


AVERAGE AGE

Ruhr, Germany Belfast, N. Ireland Hokkaido, Japan Changchun, China

Median age of population Median age of population Median Age of population Median age of population
2013: 48.5
2015: 43.9 1953:17.5
2015: 37.5 Average Age of Population 1964:19.5
2013: 47.2 1982:22.8
Persons between 16-39 1987: 25.0
years : 36.28% 1990: 26.3
2000: 32.0
Yubari, Hokkaido, Japan
The policies were partially Median Age of population
successful in attracting 2010: 57.0
younger working 2020: 65.0 (Projected)
ISTAT data processed by Urbistat professionals into the city
The policies were and is giving a positive
successful in attracting boost to the economy The policies were
and retaining the working unsuccessful in attracting
force into the city by working professionals into
creating diversified job the city/regions.
sectors and higher
standard of living
THANK YOU

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