Collectors

and collections
The Treasures of the Collections in the National Széchényi Library
and the Histories of the Collections

Publishing Director: Jolanta Szuba (Kossuth Publishing House)

and László Boka (National Széchényi Library)
 Collectors
and collections
The Treasures of the Collections in the National Széchényi Library
and the Histories of the Collections

Kossuth Publishing House

National Széchényi Library
 Contents

INTRODUCTION 7
Published by the National Széchényi Library and Kossuth Publishing House

Gabriell a Somkuti
Responsible Publisher: the Director General of the National Széchényi Library
and the Managing Director of Kossuth Publishing House The National Book Collection of Ferenc Széchényi 9

Publishing Director: Jolanta Szuba (Kossuth Publishing House) Jenő Berlász

and László Boka (National Széchényi Library) THE FOR MATION AND FATE OF THE
LIBR ARY COLLECTIONS OF MIKLÓS JANKOVICH 25

Jenő Berlász
The Illésházy Fa mily Libr ary 45

Mrs. GYÖRGY WIX

LONG-FORGOTTEN COLLECTORS 61

Contents
Gergely Tóth
THE HAND-DRAWN MAPS IN THE
FESTETICS COLLECTION AT KESZTHELY 75

István Elbe
LAJOS KOSSUTH’S TURIN LIBRARY 85

László Pászti
LAJOS KOSSUTH’S MAPS 99

Anikó Kocsy
Production Manager: Ilona Badics JÓZSEF SZINNYEI THE ELDER’S
Design: Nikolett Hollósi
“PERIODICAL LIBRARY” 113
Typesetting: Judit Vincze

Ágnes W. Salgó
ISBN 978-963-200-656-7
COUNT SÁNDOR APPONYI 125

Printed and bound by Nalors Grafika Ltd., Vác ANNA BÁCSVÁRY

Managing Director: Gábor Szabó THE EARLY HUNGARIAN LIBRARY OF DR. GYULA TODORESZKU AND HIS WIFE,
ARANKA HORVÁTH 143

Ádám Kövi
FROM PROLETARIAT MUSEUM
© Kossuth Publishing House, 2016 TO COLLECTION OF THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT 151
© National Széchényi Library, 2016
© Authors and editors, 2016 Klara Csepregi
OTTO SEITZ AND THE SEITZ LIBRARY 161
5
 Irén Elekes
An “anonymous székely woman” 175
INTRODUCTION
Zsuzsa Maurer
THE VENICE CULTURAL CONVENTION ON LIBRARY AND MUSEUM
HOLDINGS: NOVEMBER 1932 191
Anikó Kocsy
KÁROLY LAMOTTE 203 On 31 August 1802, Magyar Hírmondó [Hungarian Cou-
rier], a newspaper published in Vienna, made the follow-
Ágnes Hangodi ing announcement: “Count Ferenc Széchényi is a man
PÁL GULYÁS’S LEGACY IN THE NATIONAL SZÉCHÉNYI LIBRARY 209 who has attained fame in both Hungarian houses. In a
show of exemplary patriotism, he has offered and given
his rare collections, collections of books, manuscripts,
Éva Kelemen
pictures, escutcheons, maps, and coins which he has as-
THE BEQUEST OF ERNŐ DOHNÁNYI 225
sembled with great effort and considerable cost, to the
Hungarian homeland for public use.” A few months lat-
ERIKA NEMESKÉRI
er, on 25 January 1803, Magyar Hírmondó reported that,
231
Collectors and Collections
TWO TWENTIETH-CENTURY LITERARY BEQUESTS “yesterday, a furrier named Mátyás Kindi sought out his
excellency Count Ferenc Széchényi. He showed him 48
KATALIN FÜLEP books and asked him, since the Honorable Count had
ITALIAN-HUNGARIAN BEQUESTS given his own precious library to the Homeland, to ac-
IN THE NATIONAL SZÉCHÉNYI LIBRARY 239 cept the small present and use it for his own purposes.”
The two bits of news, coming one so soon after the
other, are of great symbolic importance. On the one
hand, we have the Enlightened aristocrat, who seeks
to serve the common good and who for years has de-
voted his wealth and energies to his private library in
Nagycenk as part of the ongoing struggle in the cause
of the Hungarian language and education and culture
in Hungary, a man who has labored tirelessly to build
astonishing collections with the goal of turning them
over to the nation. On the other, we have the furrier,
who has followed his example and wishes to donate
his modest library to the library that has just become a
national treasure chest.
As he himself noted in the petition he submitted to
the court in Vienna, the fundamental principle that
guided Széchényi in the acquisition of materials for his li-
brary was the goal of creating a comprehensive collection
of works written in Hungarian, published in Hungary, or
written abroad about Hungary. He also sought to ensure
that these works be properly preserved for posterity. In
the course of the two centuries that have passed since
it was founded in 1802, the National Széchényi Library
continues to fulfill this fundamental function (as other
national libraries around the world strive to do). Its
collections, which boast astonishing breadth and depth,
are enriched with obligatory copies of publications (a
6 7
practice that is also matter of law), as well as gifts that
are continuously being made by collectors and patrons
of the arts and sciences.
In the early years of the library’s history, many peo-
ple followed the noble example that had been set by
Széchényi. For over a decade following the foundation
of the library, Széchényi kept a registry of the donations
that were made (Protocollum patriophilorum. OSZK
Kézirattár Fol. Lat. 71.). More than 200 people made
donations to the library, and almost 4,000 items were
added to the collections thanks to these generous dona-
tions (books, manuscripts, etc.). In addition to the most
prominent figures of literary life in Hungary at the time
Introduction
(people like György Bessenyei, Ferenc Kazinczy, Sándor
Kisfaludy, Sámuel Tessedik, and Benedek Virág), one
also finds institutions of the Church (the chapters in
Bratislava and Oradea and the Calvinist comprehen-
sive school in Sárospatak). In the course of subsequent
decades, aristocrats, scholars, figures of the Church and
public life, and civil institutions enriched the collec-
tions with their donations. When one examines a giv-
en collection, often one discerns the traces of varying
principles of collection, differing goals, and differing
financial backgrounds and personal fates, for the stories
of the collections themselves are complex and varied.
Sometimes they were incorporated into the holdings as
gifts or parts of a bequest, sometimes they were donated
by individuals, sometimes they were purchased by the
state, sometimes they were the result of international
accords, and sometimes they were acquired thanks to
the dedicated efforts of tireless librarians.
This book is intended as a respectful monument to
the collectors and benefactors of the library, as well as
to the often anonymous librarians, who have created,
through their dedicated efforts in the acquisition and
preservation of works of the traditions of writing and
printing, a veritable treasure chest rich with the wealth
of the Hungarian language and the Hungarian past.
Lídia Wendelin Ferenczy

Collectors and Collections
Com. Franciscus Széchényi. A print made with a copperplate engraving
by János Sámuel Czetter (Vienna, 1798)
8 the court of appeal in the town of Kőszeg. He traveled
Gabriell a Somkuti
The National Book Collection
of Ferenc Széchényi
In a document dated 26 July 1802, the Council of Gover-
nor General in Buda informed Ferenc Széchényi that on
23 June the king had given his consent to create a collec-
tion of works in Hungarian and works on Hungary’s cul-
ture and history available as the foundation of a national
library on behalf of the Hungarian nation. From this day
on, the fate of what had been a private family became
an issue of national importance. The work that until that
point had been done with patriotic zeal and dedication by
a small circle of people—Ferenc Széchényi and the schol-
ars, scientists, and literati he supported—became the task
and duty of a larger community: the nation itself.
The foundation took place at a favorable moment in
history. In 1801, the war with the French came to an
end, at least temporarily, and in 1802 the parliament was
convened. The burst of national enthusiasm that accom-
panied this ensured an equally enthusiastic response to
patriotic measures and acts. Towards the end of August
and in early September, the first articles began to appear
in the press releases praising Széchényi for having founded
the institution. The example he set had a strong influence
on others: newspapers soon began to print reports about
how donations had begun to arrive for the library. But
the most effective and influential means of spreading
news about the library and fostering enthusiasm was the
printed catalogues, which Széchényi, after having been
given permission by the king to act, sent to some 500
people and institutions in Hungary and abroad.1 These
catalogues offer an overview of the collection that was
the foundation on which the national library was built.
The content, organization, and editorial principles of
the catalogues reflect very clearly the focused effort that
went into their creation. They also show how insightful
Széchényi was in his understanding of how important it
was, from the perspectives of scholarship in Hungary and
the development of a national archive of books, to create
and disseminate a catalogue of the collection.
Ferenc Széchényi was only 20 years of age when, in
1775, as the oldest male member of his family, he took
over the management of the family estates and also ac-
cepted an office. From that moment on, his career as a
public servant and his duties to his family shaped the
course of his life. First, he served as an articled clerk to
a solicitor in Pest. Then he served as associate judge in
through the region of Transdanubia as deputy viceroy
to Croatia and then royal commissioner, first in Zagreb
and then in Pécs. He often returned to the village of
Sopronhorpács and the family manor house in the village
of Cenk, and of course he frequently traveled to Vienna.
The National Book Collection of Ferenc Széchényi
The family library, which was of tremendous importance
in the life of the young Széchényi, was put in the manor
house in Horpács. By the end of the 1780s, many signs
were already beginning to suggest that Széchényi was
taking very deliberate and even systematic measures to
add to the collection.2 The collection was still broad in
its range, and as was befitting of a collection assembled
by a man of the Enlightenment, it was encyclopedic in
character. However, Széchényi’s interest in Hungarian
history and the written documents of the Hungarian past
soon began to find expression, and the number of these
kinds of works in the collection began to grow. His sec-
retary, József Hajnóczy, provided tremendous assistance
and even inspiration, and indeed the two became close
friends. Hajnóczy began to work for Széchényi in 1779.
He was known at the time as an outstanding legal his-
torian, and his new position gave him opportunity and
time to pursue his life’s goal: research on the sources on
the basis of which it would be possible to write a history
of Hungarian law. He regularly made copies of the char-
ters and various other kinds of documents that he came
across in the course of his research and donated them to
the growing library collection. At Széchényi’s request,
in 1779 Hajnóczy began to organize the collection and
document its holdings, and in January of 1780 he informed
Széchényi that he had made a systematic catalogue. In
the course of this work, he set aside duplicate copies and
works that he felt should be removed, and he compiled a
kind of inventory of works that in his view would make
important additions. He used the following three catego-
ries: a) works to be recommended to Ferenc Széchényi,
b) works that should be read and considered by Ferenc
Széchényi, and c) forbidden works. With regards to the
works that he had recommended to Széchényi, he noted
that he had either read them himself or he had read fa-
vorable reviews of them. This list would be fascinating, as
it would reveal just how strong Hajnóczy’s influence was
on Széchényi’s reading habits and indeed on Széchényi
himself. Regrettably, however, scholars have yet to find
any trace of it. 9
 grating and recording the information concerning new
acquisitions and also systematizing the archives.
In 1786, Széchényi and Hajnóczy went separate ways.
Széchényi had a crisis of conscience when he learned of
the unconstitutional measures that had been taken by
Habsburg Emperor Joseph II, so he withdrew from public
life. Hajnóczy, in contrast, supported the emperor, and
he was given a leading position on the county level.
They remained friends, however, particularly after the
death of Joseph II, when Hajnóczy was stripped of his
position. The former librarian was a frequent guest at
Széchényi’s library that was taking form in Cenk. In
1794, a few days before he was arrested, he spent ten
adopt measures for serious reform. As we know, however,
these efforts were in vain, and they only complicated
things for Széchényi. His progressive views met with
anger from the court and the clergy. No doubt he him-
self must have wondered whether, since he had proven
unable to reach results of any national significance in
both the political and the cultural spheres, the only
role that remained for him was the role of Maecenas.
Relying on his own estates and wealth, he strove to ac-
complish whatever he could, under the circumstances,
of his goals in the service of the Hungarian nation. He
accepted a diplomatic assignment in Italy that was more
a matter of show than actual political significance, but

The National Book Collection of Ferenc Széchényi

days with Széchényi in Cenk.
After having withdrawn from politics, Széchényi took
a long study-tour abroad. In the course of his travels in
Western Europe and England he went to several famous
libraries (in cities like Prague, Dresden, Göttingen, and
London), and the influence of what he saw undoubtedly
Collectors and Collections
he then withdrew altogether from public life and lived
and worked on his estates. In May of 1795, Hajnóczy was
executed for allegedly having participated in a Jacobin
plot. Széchényi’s withdrawal from public life is usually
linked to this event. The Ferenc Széchényi who, years
later, was made Lord Lieutenant of Somogyi County

Books on the shelves of the library in Nagycenk
Similarly, only fragments of the catalogue that was
made by Hajnóczy of the Horpácsi library survive. In-
deed, what remains is in all likelihood only a kind of draft
or a document that was drawn up somewhere along the
way, but not the final version.3 The handwritten docu-
ment lists roughly 210 works on history, geography, math-
ematics, physics, and philosophy, some of which were
from abroad and some of which were printed in Hungary.
One finds 25 works in Hungarian or about Hungary
that figured later in the published catalogue, though
in some cases these were later editions. These works
were written, first and foremost, by authors who lived
in Hungary (Mátyás Bél, Bonfini, Ferenc Farkas, Mik-
sa Hell, Elek Hoványi, János Horváth, János Ivancs­ics,
János Kováts, István Losontzi, Pál Makó, György Maróthi,
and Károly Pálma), but one also finds works on Hungary
that were published abroad. The annotations concern-
ing a work of history that was published in Hamburg in
10 1756 gives precise indications, including page numbers,
of where one can find information concerning Ferenc
II Rákóczi. Thus, one finds here what is perhaps the
first example of a method that was used in compiling
the catalogue of the collection of the library, a method
that was one of the strong points of the printed cata-
logue: precise and analytical information in annotations
concerning references of any kind to Hungary in works
that had been published abroad. The adoption of this
method in 1779 was undoubtedly the work of Hajnóczy,
who explored, organized, and recorded the holdings from
the perspective of a historian, always keeping in mind
the goals and needs of a scholar.
Works listed in the surviving fragments of the catalogue
that did not touch on Hungary or its history can be found
in Ferenc Széchényi’s library in Sopron.
Although Hajnóczy worked for Széchényi as a legal
advisor and executive and later came to play the role
of secretary, he devoted a great deal of his efforts to the
library. In 1784, he organized its holdings again, inte-
played a role in the decisions he made later. Having
returned from his travels, in 1788 he took on the ser-
vices of Mihály Tibolth.4 Tibolth worked as a tutor for
one of Széchényi’s sons. Apart from this, his primary
responsibility was the library. Széchényi purchased a
great deal of books during his travels. In all likelihood,
the systematic integration of these books into the hold-
ings was Tibolth’s first task. However, it is quite possible
that at the time even Széchényi himself did not foresee
the tremendous developments that would take place
in the library over the course of the following decades,
or the meticulous work of compiling the catalogue.
Having withdrawn voluntarily from public life, Széché­
nyi began to focus instead on cultural life. The role
he played as a patron of the arts in Hungarian literary
and even scholarly life is well known. In addition to
providing material and moral support for writers and
scholars, he also launched a number of scholarly initi-
atives himself. He wanted to start a movement in sup-
port of translation into Hungarian of useful works that
had been published abroad. With this goal in mind, he
worked together with Ádám Pálóczi Horváth and József
Péczeli in Balatonfüred, but he was unable to transform
his vision into a reality, for it required not only cooper-
ation among scholars, but also sacrifices on the part of
the Hungarian aristocracy. He also took great pains in
his attempt to create a Hungarian society of scholars.
Litterarius Consessus, which was held in his home in Pest
in the hopes of furthering this goal, was not continued.
With the restoration of constitutional law following
the death of Joseph II, Széchényi returned to life in the
public sphere. At the national assembly of 1790/91, he
was one of the people who sought not only to restore
and protect the privileges of the nobility, but also to
and made a member of the Hungarian Supreme Court
of Justice (at the time known as the seven-person table),
was not the same resolute figure of public life that he
had once been. He was known across the country as
a nobleman who was loyal to the dynasty. Only later
did people begin to grasp that he had indeed remained
faithful to the principles of his youth, perhaps first and
foremost by founding the library that bears his name.
In the last decade of the eighteenth century, Széché­
nyi focused almost exclusively on the library and finding
and providing financial support for scholarly and literary
life in Hungary. He began to work together regularly with
booksellers and antiquarian booksellers from Vienna,
Leipzig, and Nuremburg. He commissioned Hungarian
scientists, scholars, and writers to make purchases, and
he spent years searching all of Hungary and Transylvania
in search of works to add to his growing collection. He
purchased entire private libraries. His goal had become
quite clear: he sought to gather together in a single col-
lection all Hungarian literature and literature touching
on Hungary’s history and culture. This included any
work that had been published in Hungary, regardless
of the language in which it had been written, as well as
every work written in Hungarian, regardless of where it
had been published. It also included any work that had
been published abroad but that in some way touched
on Hungary. According to a letter that he wrote in
1799 to one of his trusted men, over the course of four
years Széchényi managed to assemble the collection of
his Hungarian library.5 This suggests that he began the
work of gathering together the materials of his library
in 1795. While it is a bit difficult to believe this, it is
quite certain that the work of assembling the collection
became very intensive in these four years, and it had a 11

Collectors and Collections
The catalogue of the collection in Nagycenk (Sopronii 1799),
assembled by Mihály Tibolth (1765–1833). Preface by Michael
Denis (1729–1800), head of the court library in Vienna
very specific focus. Mihály Tibolth, who later made the
catalogue, unquestionably played a major role in these
efforts. His role has been largely forgotten by poster-
ity, but his contemporaries regarded him as the man
who “was the primary worker in the effort of gathering
together [the collection of] the National Széchényi Li-
brary.” His biographer makes note of the tireless zeal and
unbelievable diligence with which he searched for and
found new books to be added to the collection. Perhaps
the author of his obituary did not exaggerate when he
wrote that Tibolth “sacrificed restful nights” to the work
of building the library.6
In the case of Széchényi, the idea of actually founding
a library in the service of the nation himself only came
up much later. In a letter written to György Kovach-
ich Márton in 1798, he was still writing about giving
the duplicate copies in his Hungarian collection, or
at least some of them, to a Hungarian library that,
he suggests, should be established. Thus, at the time
12 he was not yet thinking of using his collection as a
Ferenc Széchényi covered the costs of the
publication (Sopronii 1814–1825) of the manuscript
catalogue compiled in 1803–1813
library open to the public. Perhaps the concerns he had
for the creation of a collection, the significance of such
a collection from the perspective of national values, the
importance of continued efforts to make additions to
the collection, and his desire to promote widespread use
of the collection by the public all prompted Széchényi
to decide that what he had taken great pains to assem-
ble would be turned over to the public, for this was
the only way to ensure that the collection would both
survive and grow. This act is quite justifiably cited as
eloquent testimony to his devotion to his homeland
and his willingness to make sacrifices on its behalf.
One should also emphasize the wise insight on the part
of the Enlightened statesmen, who was not bound by
the manacles of the feudal mentality and who placed
greater confidence in a social institution as a means
of achieving his aims than he did in the power of the
individual or an individual family.
The idea had already been raised by prominent figures
in Hungarian life (primarily in the writings of Miklós
Révai and Márton György Kovachich) of collecting
the written records of the nation’s past. In 1790, Révai
proposed a plan for the creation of a Scholarly Society
that would include a library, and Kovachich had similar
ideas. In a 1791 work entitled Institutum diplomatico-
historicum, Kovachich wrote the following: “The goal of
this institution would be, first and foremost, to create a
collection of manuscripts and historical written records
that touch on Hungary, whether they were published
here or abroad, either as a library or as a museum.” Ko-
vachich placed emphasis on historical scholarship and,
in particular, jurisprudence and constitutional law, and
he considered the collection and copying of manuscripts
(charters) of especial importance. Kovachich offered
to donate his own library and, in particular, his collec-
tion of manuscripts as the foundation of such a library.
When he discovered that his vision did not enjoy the
support of Vienna, he immediately turned to Széchényi,
whom he had known personally since 1791. The two
of them had even reached an agreement according to
which Széchényi would purchase his entire collection
(manuscripts, charters, existing copies of these docu-
ments, and printer matter), and Széchényi also agreed
to acquire any manuscript obtained by Kovachich in
the future. Thus, it is quite clear that Kovachich exert-
ed a significant influence on Széchényi and played an
important—though not decisive—role in the growth of
his collection. Kovachich consistently put emphasis on
history and legal scholarship, while Széchényi’s inter-
ests were much broader and included belle lettres, the
human and natural sciences, and even shorter and often
topical publications on questions pertaining to theology,
politics, or economics. He was interested, essentially,
in anything that had ever been printed in Hungary or
written by Hungarian authors and printed abroad, as well
as works that had been printed abroad in other languages
but touched on Hungary’s fate or culture. And this was
also true of manuscripts. These principles harmonize,
essentially, with the concepts on the basis of which the
National Library makes acquisitions today. Széchényi’s
ability, so long ago, to transform these principles into
reality offers a remarkable example to be followed.
Tibolth undertook another ambitious plan to order
and arrange the collection in the summer of 1796. Only
after he had completed this, probably in 1797, did he be-
gin work on the catalogue. He had the assistance in this
undertaking of Ignác Petravich, the tutor to Széchényi’s
son Pál, who later (after the collection had been moved
to Pest) became the library’s clerk. He also had the as-
sistance of József Kiblin, the court chaplain, who had
once been a close friend and confidant of Hajnóczy. The
manuscript of the catalogue was ready to be submitted to
the printing house in the summer of 1798, and in 1799
the first two volumes were published. Supplementary
volumes were published in 1803 and 1807, and index
volumes were also printed.
Széchényi entrusted Michael Denis, the director of the
Vienna court library, with the task of writing the preface.
Széchényi had diligently attended Denis’ lectures on li-
brary sciences as a student at the Terezianum in Vienna.
The preface begins with recognition of or, rather, praise
for Széchényi’s efforts and then offers a description and
analysis of the collection. In particular, Denis notes that
the collection included an array of shorter publications,
which was in his assessment an important consideration,
since these kinds of shorter publications tended to disap-
The National Book Collection of Ferenc Széchényi
pear or became rarities more quickly than larger tomes.
Denis placed emphasis on the idea—which has since
become a basic principle for the National Library—that,
in the interests of creating a truly complete collection,
nothing should be considered superfluous or valueless.
Finally, he notes that Széchényi’s library represented
the most complete collection of literature, scholarly and
otherwise, on Hungary. He praised Széchényi for having
had the catalogue printed in order to make the collection
the common property of scholars and writers.
In 1799, Széchényi made a resolute statement: he had
had the catalogue printed with the intention of informing
the scientific world of his collection. Thus, he intended to
draw widespread attention to his library, and he thought
it important that the collection be actively used.
The collection in Cenk was officially turned over and
transported to Pest in the spring of 1803. Tibolth had
already compiled the first supplementary volume of the
catalogue, which was printed in the same year in Pozsony
(today Bratislava in Slovakia).
After having turned over his library, Széchényi con-
tinued to collect books with unflagging zeal. He focused
first and foremost on works which had been published
abroad but which touched on Hungary. He expected the
collection of works printed in Hungary to grow through
the acquisition of copies offered by printing presses in
Hungary and donations made by private individuals. Ti-
bolth immediately added the works that had been pur-
chased abroad to the catalogue and then had them bound.
When a big batch of books had piled up, he sent them
to Jakab Ferdinánd Miller, who worked in the library in
Pest. Miller sent the books and other materials that he
had received and the copies of works that had been sent
by printing presses to Tibolth so that Tibolth could add
them to the catalogue. This complex solution wounded
the Pest librarian’s pride a bit, as did the fact that most
of the acquisitions and additions that were being made
to the library were being made by Széchényi.
The institution, which had become independent, did
not have sufficient influence to have pressured printing 13
 8 September 1812, he made this very clear in a letter writ-
ten to the palatine: “with great pleasure I would have de-
livered to the national institute the printed material and
manuscripts that I have acquired, in no small quantities,
since the publication of the most recent supplementary
volume. However, since Miller never took the effort to
communicate to me the titles which individual authors
or the Council of Governor General had sent so that, in
accordance with the second point of the royal charter,
the other supplementary volumes could be published,
I considered it superfluous to spend money on duplicate
copies and have them sent to Pest, particularly consider-
ing the prevailing relations today. Your honor will also
regarded this as overly time-consuming. With this as his
explanation or pretext, he provided only a summary of the
acquisition. Thus, both in the secondary literature and as
a matter of so-called common knowledge the conclusion
has been reached and repeated that Széchényi laid the
foundations of the national library by providing a collec-
tion of some 4,000 books. Only recently have we taken
the necessary pains to use the catalogues, which offer far
more reliable information concerning the holdings, and
examined each entry in order to compile a more precise
account of Széchényi’s initial donation to the library. If
one considers only the first two catalogues, which were
published in 1799, the number of items was 7,096. The
longer than 30 pages was 1,867, the number of works less
than 30 pages was 1,208, and the number of single-leaf
works was 159.) Thus, the number of printed works that
were given to the library in the spring of 1803 must have
been 10,330. 6,999 of these items were books proper,
3,102 were works that numbered less than 30 pages, and
229 were single-leaf works. Thus, the holdings of the
National Széchényi Library must have consisted of some
7,000 books and 3,330 smaller publications, and of course
manuscripts, maps, and prints. The second supplementary
volume to the catalogue contained 3,394 publications
(2,040 of which were more than 30 pages in length, 1,240
of which were less, and 114 of which were single-leaf

The National Book Collection of Ferenc Széchényi

see that through no fault of my own I was hampered in
my efforts to acquire books and continue publication of
the catalogue. Lest someone else’s negligence continue
to hinder me in my efforts to complete the obligation
I have taken on, please allow Miller to compile a list of the
Ex libris in the original copies from the collection in Nagycenk
titles of the works that have arrived since the publication
Collectors and Collections
number of printed items that were less than 30 pages-long
and thus could not be regarded as books proper was 1,894
and the number of printings that consisted of only a single
leaf was 70. Thus, Miller received at least 5,132 works
that were more than 30 pages in length. In all likelihood,
even this number is not entirely accurate. The first sup-
works). Thus, according to the catalogues published by
Széchényi, the holdings consisted of a total of 13,724
items, 9,039 of which were books, 4,342 of which were less
than 30 pages in length, and 343 of which were single-leaf
publications. Széchényi’s endowments to the library went
beyond even this, however. The second supplementary

presses to send obligatory copies, and so the library only
rarely received such books. A decree issued by the Coun-
cil of Governer General on 28 November 1804 failed to
do much to address the situation. In 1806, Tibolth wrote
a note to Miller in which he made the observation that
the works that had been donated by private individuals
fit in a single chest and the works that had been sent by
the Council of Governer General (the obligatory copies)
fit in a single handkerchief.
Had Széchényi not continued to purchase books there
would have been nothing to add to the supplementary
volumes of the catalogue. Some authors in Hungary
continued to send works intended for the national library
to Széchényi. In his letters of thanks, Széchényi never
neglected to note that the works he had been given
would be entered into the catalogue to ensure that they
would remain part of “eternal memory.”7
The second supplement, which was also the work of
Tibolth, was published in 1807.
Széchényi continued to purchase books and send con-
signments of the volumes he had acquired to the library
in Pest, though because of various problems, including
sickness, financial woes, and disagreements with Miller,
both the purchases and the consignments dropped no-
ticeably, particularly after 1811. Various complications
encumbered the publication of the third supplementary
volume to the catalogue. Miller did not send the new
acquisitions, and on other occasions he wrote letters to
Széchényi in which he contended that he had taken over
the efforts of adding to the collection in order to spare
Széchényi the effort. But Széchényi resolutely insisted
on his right to continue to build his collection as long
14 as he lived, and also to edit the catalogues himself. On
of the second supplementary volume, categorize them, plementary volume to the catalogue had already been volume was published in 1807, but Széchényi continued
and then send them to me in Vienna, where I will be completed or rather was at the printer’s when the transfer to purchase books and have them sent to Pest for several
very glad to receive them and will add to them the works was made. There is no reason to suppose that Széchényi more years. Even a cautious estimate puts the number of
I have purchased, pass them on to the censor, look them would not also have turned over the books that are listed items that he acquired for the library at 15,000, at least.
over, and have them printed. He should do this in part be- in this supplement. This first supplementary volume to the The catalogue is divided into two parts. The holdings
cause, according to my experiences, this can be done less catalogue lists 3,234 works, the fruit of four or five years of are organized differently in each. In the first, they are
expensively here than in Pest; this procedure should be work by Széchényi as a collector. (The number of works arranged in alphabetical order, while in the second they
followed in the compilation of the manuscript catalogue
as well, if your Honor deigns to see to the publication of
the third supplementary volume.”8
However, the third supplementary volume to the cat-
alogue was never completed. Today, we have to rely on
the seals that were stamped into the books in order to de-
termine which books were acquired by Széchényi himself
and which were acquired independently by the library,
either as gifts or as obligatory copies given by printing
presses. The two stamps that were used at the time (Ex
Bibl. Com. Franc. Széchényi” and “Ex Museo Hungarico”)
indicate this clearly. Széchényi’s last will and testament
offers ample evidence of how important the question of
the catalogue was to him: in the first version, which was
drawn up in 1814, he sets aside the income from the sale
of the Sopron library to cover the costs of publishing
the catalogue. In the final version drawn up in 1820, he
enjoins his sons to continue the work of compiling and
printing the catalogue.
Until recently, there was no systematic compilation of
the data concerning the initial holdings of the Széchényi
Library. All of the works of scholarship on the library re-
lied on estimates: in the spring of 1803, when the library
in Cenk was moved to Pest, according to Miller’s esti-
mate the collection consisted of 4,115 individual items.
The deed of foundation of the national library, approved by and bearing the seal of Francis II,
Tibolth wanted the transfer of the holdings to be done in Holy Roman Emperor (26 November 1802)
accordance with an item-by-item inventory, but Miller 15
 are arranged according to their subject matter. The
categorization of the works according to subject matter
mirrors the customary organizational principles of the
eighteenth century, i.e. the division of the sciences used
in catalogues of French and German libraries and book-
sellers. It was based on the system used by M. Denis.9
The main divisions correspond to the divisions used in
his system: 1. Theology, 2. Jurisprudence, 3. Philosophy,
4. The medical sciences, 5. Mathematics, 6. History,
and 7. Philology. Széchényi only made changes to the
order in which they were arranged. Theology remained
the first category, but he moved history from sixth place
to second, and he also put the medical sciences before
philosophy. His decision to put the study of history in
such a prominent place clearly shows his strong interest
in history, as indeed does the nature of the collection.
Almost half of the holdings fell into this category, in-
cluding geography, travel records, and biographical
writings, which included a huge quantity of speeches
Collectors and Collections
(welcoming speeches, funeral speeches, speeches that
had been delivered when someone had taken office,
etc.), which represented a distinctive genre of its own in
the Hungarian literature of the time. As was customary
at the time, philosophy included physics, chemistry,
and “historia naturalis,” which meant natural history
and the science of agriculture. Mathematics included
the study of engineering and mechanics. Philology in-
cluded the study of languages and literatures, literary
history, belle lettres, pedagogy, and other, similar areas
(book publishing, typography, censorship, scholarly
institutions, etc.). The main categories were broken
up into 32 sub-categories, which were organized al-
phabetically.
One of the great virtues of the catalogue was the way
in which it promoted the analytical search for and study
of collected works. Similarly important was the inclusion
and analysis of scholarly journal articles. Thus, beside the
name of a given author, one sometimes finds not only
a list of works that were published separately, but also
significant essays and treatises.
From the perspective of their contents, the catalogues
represented virtually everything that scholarly and literary
writings in Hungarian had produced by the beginning
of the nineteenth century, or at least what Széchényi
had been able to acquire for the library. At the time, his
collection was undoubtedly the most complete from this
perspective, since no one else regarded the collection
of books in Hungarian as a priority. The famous private
collectors in Hungary of the era (Sámuel Teleki, Ignác
Batthyány, Gedeon Ráday, etc.) sought to acquire books
in Hungarian, but they were equally impassioned in their
search for literature published outside of Hungary that
16 was encyclopedic in nature. People who shaped critical
opinion at the time had good reason to celebrate the
publication of Széchényi’s catalogues because essentially
they constituted a continuation of the efforts of Czwit-
tinger, Péter Bod and Elek Horányi to create a bibli-
ographical summary of the national literature. They
offered a firsthand account of a national collection that
existed and that was intended to be exhaustive, and in
doing so, they provided impetus for further research and
additional bibliographical summaries.
One of the most important parts of Széchényi’s library
is the collection of books in Hungarian. The number of
Hungarian works listed in the catalogue is 3,051. If one
closely examines the entries for literature in Hungarian
in the thematically arranged part of the catalogue, one
cannot help but notice how comparatively paltry the
scholarship in Hungarian was, both works written in Hun-
garian and works translated into Hungarian.
In addition to works that had been written in Hun-
garian, the task of amassing a collection also included
anything that had been published in Hungary. In other
words, it included works that had been printed in Hun-
gary in languages other than Hungarian. In the case of
these publications, it is more difficult to determine the
number of works that were obtained. In 1885, Károly
Szabó, a historian and member of the Academy Sci-
ences, wrote in the preface to the second volume of his
three-volume Régi magyar könyvtár (“Old Hungarian
Library”), the first modern bibliography in Hungarian,
that before 1711 roughly 2,000 works had been printed
in Hungarian (most of which had been printed in Hun-
gary) and some 2,453 works had been printed in Hungary
in other languages. According to Csaba Csapodi, in the
period between 1711 and 1800, 9,077 works were printed
in Hungary.10 Thus, if one’s aspiration were to create
 The work by historian Mátyás Bél (1684–1749, Posonii–
a library with a complete collection of works printed in
Hungary or in Hungarian, according to scholarship at
the end of the nineteenth century the collection would
have to contain some 13,500 items.
Széchényi’s collection, however, only contained some
7,584 works that had been printed in Hungary. (A hand-
ful of them had been printed after 1800.) This demon-
strates quite clearly that the task of gathering together in
single collection the scattered materials which had been
printed in Hungary was far from simple, and his dedica-
tion notwithstanding, even Széchényi had only been par-
tially successful. In particular, the older books which had
been printed in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
The National Book Collection of Ferenc Széchényi
(few copies of which had survived) had proven difficult
to find, in particular works which had been published
in the eastern parts of the country, Transdanubia and
Transylvania. The collection also contained relatively
few works written in the languages of the many national
minorities of Hungary. According to the catalogues, the
collection contained a total of 105 works written in Slo-
vak, Serbian, Romanian, or another one of the languages
of the national minorities. Later, this virtual absence of
works written in the languages of the national minorities
would exert a strong motivating influence on people
who made donations to the library, or at least this is
suggested by the donation made by royal councilor János
Latinovics in 1804. Latinovics gave some books written
in Croatian to the national library and also announced
his intention to gather together, at his own expense, all
of the works that had been printed in Croatian in order
to ensure that the Croatian nation would also have a
complete collection of works in its national language.
Of the 13,724 Hungarian-language books identified by
the bibliographers at the end of the nineteenth century,
Széchényi’s collection contained only 3,051. It contained
more works in German (3,535) and twice the number
of works in Latin (6,425). There were very few works in
other languages: 332 in French, 254 in Italian, and 104 in
the Slavic languages. Thus, the library was by no means
a Hungarian library in the narrow sense (i.e. it was not a
library that contained exclusively works in Hungarian),
and indeed in the era of history before the age of the
language reform this was seen as perfectly normal and
common practice among collectors.
The data concerning the most complete part of the
collection, which consisted of works that had been
printed outside of Hungary but touched in some way
on Hungary, are a bit surprising. Of the 13,724 works
Pestini 1792), in an edition edited by his student, János
Tomka-Szászky, had been part of the collection in Horpács.
17
 of works that had been written in German; 22.2 percent
consisted of works that had been written in Hungarian;
2.4 percent consisted of works that had been written in
French; 1.8 percent consisted of works that had been
written in Italian; 1 percent consisted of works that had
been written in some other language. According to place
of publication: 55.2 percent consisted of works that had
been published in Hungary; 30.5 percent consisted of
works that had been published in Austria or Germany;
7.7 percent consisted of works that had been published
in other countries; 6.6 percent consisted of works for
which no place of publication was given. According to
length: 65.9 percent consisted of works that were more

The National Book Collection of Ferenc Széchényi

than 30 pages long; 31.6 percent consisted of works that
were less than 30 pages long; 2.5 percent consisted of
works that were a single leaf.
Széchényi’s library was first and foremost a collection
of works by Hungarian authors, at least until 1805.
According to the Hungarian biographical encyclopedia,
Collectors and Collections

there were 546 Hungarian authors who had written

Sebestyén Tinódi’s collection of historical songs, which was supplemented with musical scores and published
in Kolozsvár (today Cluj in Romania) in 1554, provides an account of battles with the Ottoman Turks in Hungary
in the collection, 5,235 had been published outside
of Hungary, i.e. 38.2 percent of the entire collection.
(The collection included 905 works that did not in-
clude information concerning the place of publication.
A significant proportion of these items may well have
been published outside of Hungary.) Only some of these
works had been composed outside of Hungary, and only
a small proportion were works that had been printed
on commission by someone in Hungary or works by
Hungarian authors that had been printed abroad. Most
of them were foreign works that touched in some way
on Hungary. The fact that almost 40 percent of the
items in Széchényi’s library had been printed abroad
indicates the remarkable breadth and wealth of the
18 collection with regards to publications abroad about
Hungary. If one compares Széchényi’s collection with
that of Sándor Apponyi, who later emerged as one of
the foremost collectors of works in this genre, one has
a good impression of its scope.
One could summarize the statistical information con-
tained in the catalogues as follows: According to date
of publication: 76.81 percent consisted of works that
had been published in the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries; 15.32 percent consisted of works that had
been published in the seventeenth century; 4.22 per-
cent consisted of works that had been published in the
fifteenth or sixteenth centuries; 3.65 percent consisted
of works for which no date of publication was given.
According to language: 46.8 percent consisted of works
that had been written in Latin; 25.8 percent consisted
books before 1805. According to Széchényi’s catalogue,
the library contained works by 417 of these 546 authors.
Thus, the library contained writings by 76 percent of
the authors who had been active in Hungary up to
that time. The other 24 percent (129) does not really
include any authors who were well-known or promi-
nent in Hungarian scholarly or literary life. The most
significant gap in the collection of works in Hungarian
is the theological literature from the time of the Refor-
mation, i.e. one of the earliest periods of book culture.
These sixteenth-century works, however, were already
rarities at the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries. One had to have a bit of luck even to come
across such a work, let alone acquire it. Some of the 129
authors wrote or had published only a single work, and
it is quite possible that no copies survived at all. One
does not find a single work by prominent protestant au-
thors Mihály Bogáti Fazekas, György Blandrata, Ferenc
Dávid, Mátyás Dévai Bíró, Bálint Kocsi Csergő, Mátyás
Nógrády, Máté János Samarjai, Imre Szilvásújfalvi An-
derko, Mihály Sztárai, or Mihály Tofaeus. Similarly, one
does not find a single work by Catholic authors Mátyás
Sámbár or Mátyás Nyéki Vörös. One also does not find
the famous travel account by Márton Szepsi Csombor,
which was published in Kassa (today Košice in Slovakia)
in 1620, or László Amadé’s volume of poetry, which
was published in Vienna in 1755. Similarly, one finds
none of the writings of many prominent scholars, such
as professors of law Mihály Bencsik and László Repszeli,
inventor József Károly Hell (brother of Miksa Hell),
Jesuit instructors and natural scientists Mihály Klaus,
Mihály Lipsicz and Antal Reviczky, college teacher and
physicist Mihály Paksi, Piarist mathematician János
The Ratio Educationis, issued in Vienna in 1777
at the decree of Maria Theresa, contained provisions
concerning public education in Hungary.
Author: József Ürményi (1741–1825)
György Schmidt, or physicians János Dániel Perliczky
and Mátyás Váradi.
One also finds nothing by physicians Ferenc Joó or
Ferenc Kereszthury, two of the Hungarian authors who
left the country. (The works of the former were published
in Germany, and the works of the latter were published in
Russia.) Of course, the group of Hungarian authors whose
works were found in Széchényi’s collection extends far
beyond the 417 authors who were included in the bibli-
ographies compiled in the late nineteenth century, but
the other authors in this group were of little significance.
They do not figure in the aforementioned biographical
encyclopedia and thus should not be included among the
writers whose works exerted an influence on intellectual
life in Hungary.
The collection also contained very few works that had
been translated into Hungarian. With the exception of
a few early attempts, the translation of scholarship into
Hungarian really only began to gather momentum in the
eighteenth century. The group of scholarly works from
abroad consists of only a few writings on theology, phi- 19

Collectors and Collections
The color print in the 1789 edition of Hadi és Más Nevezetes Történetek (“War-time and Other Notable Histories”),
which was published in Vienna and is found in the collection of contemporary newspapers, depicts the coronation
in Pozsony (today Bratislava in Slovakia) of Holy Roman Emperor Leopold II.
losophy, history, the medical sciences, natural history,
agriculture, and architecture.
The collection of works of belle lettres that had
been translated into Hungarian offered a wider range
of selection. It included fragments of works by Greek
and Roman authors that had been translated into
Hungarian (authors like Aesop, Anacreon, Cato, Ci-
cero, Cornelius Nepos, Horace, Ovid, Plautus, Sene-
ca, Terence, and Virgil), works by the giants of Ger-
man literature (Goethe, Kleist, Lessing, Schiller, and
Wieland), the highly popular August von Kotzebue and
Gessner, two early Shakespeare translations (Hamlet
and Romeo and Juliet), Tasso’s Jerusalem Delivered, and
Milton’s Paradise Lost (translated into Hungarian from
French). There were even more works translated from
French, writings by d’Arnaud, Boileau, Chateaubriand,
Corneille, Fenélon, Le Sage, Marmontel, Molière, and
Voltaire. This was all, or almost all, that was available
at the time to someone who only read in Hungarian.
If perhaps it doesn’t seem like much, one should keep
in mind that at the time an educated person was able
to read and write in several languages. Thus, there
was not as much demand for translations into local
languages. Translations were not necessarily intended
primarily as tools with which to reach wider audiences.
Rather, they were seen as a means of cultivating the
target language.
If one wishes to have a sense of the range and im-
20 portance of Széchényi’s collection of works published
outside of Hungary but touching on Hungarian history
or culture, it is worth comparing it with the collection of
the aforementioned Sándor Apponyi.11 Apponyi’s collec-
tion was narrower in its focus. Of the works that had been
printed abroad, he collected only the ones that had been
written by Hungarian authors and had not been published
in Hungarian and the works that had not been written
by Hungarian authors but that touched in some way on
Hungary or Hungarians. In contrast, Széchényi collect-
ed works that had been published abroad in Hungarian.
The catalogue of Apponyi’s collection contains 2,509
entries. 19 percent of these works had been printed in
the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries. The
collection boasted only 227 items that had been printed
in the eighteenth century (9 percent of the holdings).
Széchényi’s collection of works that had been printed
abroad numbered 5,235 items, i.e. more than twice the
number of comparable works in Apponyi’s collection,
and of course of the 905 works in Széchényi’s collection
for which the place of publication was unknown, in all
likelihood many had been printed abroad.
There is a significant difference between the two col-
lections from the perspective of chronology: only 19.5
percent of Széchényi’s library consisted of works that
had been published in the fifteenth, sixteenth, or seven-
teenth centuries, 2,682 items in total. In other words, his
collection from that period only rivalled Apponyi’s if one
took into consideration works that were printed in Hun-
gary as well, though Apponyi’s collection only contained
works that had been printed abroad. And Széchényi’s
library clearly had fewer volumes from the period. The
different circumstances of the two collections obviously
explain some of these differences. Apponyi began to
collect books for his collection in the 1860s, 80 years
after Széchényi. He had far more occasion and time to
browse through the works available in book markets
outside of Hungary. It is therefore not surprising that
his collection contains more old works published abroad
that touched on Hungary, as well as less familiar items
of printed material that had been published in small
numbers and therefore constituted rarities. For instance,
Apponyi had roughly twice as many short publications
on the battles in Hungary against the Ottoman Turks,
writings which belonged to the Neue Zeitung genre of
the sixteenth century, than Széchényi. The scale begins
to tip a little in the case of works by more familiar au-
thors, and indeed sometimes Széchényi comes out on
top. For instance, Apponyi’s collection had four editions
of Bonfini’s Rerum ungaricarum, each of which had been
printed in the sixteenth century (including a first edi-
tion-copy, which had been published in Basel in 1543,
and the complete 1568 edition, edited by Johannes Sam-
bucus), while Széchényi’s collection boasted seven, three
of which had been published in the sixteenth century
(1543, 1568, and a 1581 German edition), two of which
had been published in the seventeenth century, and two
of which had been published in the eighteenth century.
Apponyi had four editions of the very popular (it went
into several editions) Histoire des troubles de Hongrie
(Paris, 1685–1688), a work on the battles that took place
around Buda and led ultimately to the liberation of the
city from the Ottomans, while Széchényi only had two.
Széchényi had four editions of Neue Beschreibung des
Königreichs Ungarn, a work of history by Martin Zeiller
that familiarized its reader with Hungary and also went
into several editions, while Apponyi only had three.
Both collections contained works by Benedictine monk
C. Freschot which touched on Hungary. Of the German
humanists, Széchényi’s collection contained more works
by J. Cuspinianus than Apponyi’s, while only Apponyi’s
collection contained a copy of Conrad Celtes’ book
of odes. Széchényi’s collection did not fall far behind
Apponyi’s from the perspective of works by Hungari-
an authors in old editions published abroad. Apponyi’s
collection included four of the seven sixteenth-century
works by István Szegedi Kis, which had been published
in Switzerland, while Széchényi’s collection had three.
Apponyi had ten editions of J. Honter’s Rudimenta Cos-
mographiae (Krakow, 1530), while Széchényi had three.
Széchényi’s collection contained far more works by Már-
ton Schmeitzel, but this may well have been due to the
fact that Apponyi only rarely collected works that had
been published in the eighteenth century. Both collec-
tions contained a copy of the 1663 Amsterdam edition
of historian János Nadányi’s Florus Hungaricusa, but
only Apponyi had a copy of the 1664 English-language
London edition, which was regarded as a precious rarity.
A careful comparison of the two collections suggests
that roughly one-third of the items in Apponyi’s collec-
tion were also found in that of Széchényi.
As is clear, Széchényi’s collection had an impressive
array of works that had been published abroad but that
touched in some way on Hungary. It contained writings
on the battles in Hungary with the Turks, theological
questions, the literature of the Rákóczi War of indepen-
The National Book Collection of Ferenc Széchényi
dence, travel descriptions by people who had ventured
into Hungary, and works of scholarship that examined
the history of the country, its geography, etc. In short,
one would be hard pressed to find a genuinely signifi-
cant work that did not make its way into Széchényi’s
collection.
Roughly half of the collection consists of biographi-
cal works and works on history and geography, and this
section is particularly important in part because of the
many significant works that were published on Hungary
abroad. One can gain a good sense of the ways in which
people abroad responded to events in Hungary and the
changing image of Hungary abroad on the basis of the
works that are found in Széchényi’s library. This is per-
haps the chief merit of the collection, second only to its
value as a repository of works printed in Hungary.
Széchényi also included short publications in his li-
brary. István Sándor, one of Széchényi’s contemporaries,
had a good grasp of the significance of these documents.
He offered the following explanation as to why it was
important to include them in the catalogues: “The rea-
son for which I have included some smaller works among
the thicker and more slender books is simply that I once
resolved that if anything were to come into my hands
that has only been published in Hungarian, I would
enter it into the records, I could not leave such things
out. For smaller things are sometimes notable. One can
hardly believe how, after time has passed, the most dif-
ficult questions and doubts are resolved and clarified on
the basis of smaller things that have been kept and put
to the side. If only people would follow the admirable
custom of having these kinds of fleeting and easily lost
scraps bound as books!”12
Széchényi’s library does indeed contain a remarkable
array of these kinds of documents, documents which were
often discarded by others but which are of immeasurable
importance to scholars today. (Of course, one sometimes
finds longer works among them which ended up in this
category because of the topicality of their contents and
the fact that they had rapidly become obscure.) One 21
 finds a vast array of instructions, regulations, guidelines,
stipulations, and proscriptions pertaining to the Church,
the military, or institutions of secular life. The collection
contains, for instance, postal and shipping schedules,
regulations concerning fire-fighting, instructions for
civil servants dealing with finance, and edicts issued by
bishops. One also finds annual accounts of the affairs of
individual institutions and official decrees, such as the
voluminous Ratio Educationis, the Edict of Tolerance,
and simpler decrees issued in documents that resembled
placards. The collection also contains a larger number of
speeches held, for instance, in the course of celebrations
of name-days and weddings, or on the occasion of some-
one taking office, as well as poems and funeral sermons.
Finally, one finds an array of smaller publications with
accounts of military and political affairs, pamphlets on
questions of theology and politics, catalogues, price-
lists, and economic plans. The incorporation of these
materials into the holdings of a library saved them from
Collectors and Collections
certain ruin. István Sándor complained about this in
1803: “Because no one would believe how quickly old
books become rarities and the scraps of writings from
the time of Joseph II vanish right before our very eyes,
though there are many notable items among them.”
One could mention, in this context, the almanacs and
school books which were included in Széchényi’s library
as a consequence of his aspiration to have an exhaustive
collection. In 1803, library custodian Jakab Miller wrote
an article printed in Zeitschrift von und für Ungern, in
which he indicated the specific years for which the library
had an official almanac. He asked his readers to donate
or sell (for a small sum) missing almanacs to the national
library. Thus, we know, on the basis of this article, that
the series of almanacs, calendars, and directories was by
no means exhaustive.
In the catalogue, journals and newspapers are included
among books, as was the custom at the time. Alongside
the periodicals that were published in Hungary or Vienna,
some of the scholarly journals that were published abroad
merit mention (in most cases, the catalogue includes the
note “multa continent Hungarica” in the entries for these
works). One such work was Abhandlungen einer Privatge-
sellschaft in Bőhmen zur Aufnahme der Matematik, der vater-
ländischen Geschichte und der Naturgeschichte (1775–1784),
which was edited by I. Born and published in Prague, as
well as Geographisches Magazin (1783–1797), also edited
by I. Born and published in Prague.
I do not intend to offer a detailed analysis of the col-
lection on the basis of the way in which it was divided
into different subjects. However, one can reach some
22
conclusions concerning the proportions of the seven sub-
jects within the collection based on the extent of each.
54.4 percent of the works dealt with history, geography
or travel descriptions or were biographical in nature. 13.4
percent concerned theology. 10.4 percent were works
on philology, language, and literature, or were works of
belle lettres. 8.6 concerned jurisprudence, politics, and
economics. 6.2 percent dealt with philosophy or the
natural sciences (physics, chemistry, botany, zoology,
minerology, and agriculture). 5.4 concerned the medical
sciences. 1.6 percent dealt with mathematics, astronomy,
and engineering and mechanics. Thus, the proportions
are remarkably uneven, which is simply a reflection of
the practice of collection that was adopted. This is why,
when the first attempts were made to organize the books
on the shelves of the first building that was home to the
library in Pest, the Pauline monastery, it was not possible
to use the categories that were customarily used. Instead,
the librarians were compelled to take into consideration
the nature of the collection itself and use appropriate
organizational principles, principles which were strikingly
new and unfamiliar at the time.
As is evident on the basis of this discussion, the cat-
alogue of Ferenc Széchényi’s library was not simply an
inventory of works held in a private library. Rather, it
constitutes a kind of handbook of literature (scholarly
or otherwise) in Hungarian at the time and scholarship
on Hungary (its history, geography, law, language, and
literature). The relative exhaustiveness and depth of the
collection gave it this quality. The publication of the
catalogue at the time, the dawn of the national awakening
in Hungary, strengthened a sense of national self-aware-
ness. It was the embodiment of a powerful political and
ideological idea in the fight to cultivate the Hungarian
language and to nurture education and culture in Hun-
gary. The catalogue, which was sent to places all over the
country, also served an additional, very practical function.
Authors who did not find their writings included in its
pages hastily had copies of their works sent to the library.
To have a work in the “library of the nation” became a
mark of prestige and honor. The renowned polyhistor
Ézsaiás Budai felt that the catalogue13 “not only removes
the Hungarian name from undeserved obscurity, but also
elevates it to a brilliance and glory that will be met with
wonder and respect by the other nations.”14
Founder of the library, Count Ferenc Széchényi (1754–1820). The painting by Johann Ender (1793–1854),
which was painted in 1823, is in the Széchényi Room of the Hungarian National Museum,
which until 1984 was home to the manuscript collection of the national library.
R eferences
1
Catalogus Bibliothecae Hungaricae Franciscicom.
Széchényi, Pars. I–II., Sopronii, 1799. 2 db; Index
alter libros bibliothecae Hungaricae Francisci com.
Széchényi duobus tomis comprehensos..., Pesthini,
1800; Catalogus bibliothecae Hungaricae nation-
alis Széchényianae. Supplementum I., Posonii,
1803; Index alter libros Bibliothecae Hungaricae
Széchényiano-regnicolaris supplemento I. compre-
hensos, Posonii, 1803; Catalogus Bibliothecae
Hungaricae Széchényianoregnicolaris. Supple-
mentum II., Sopronii, 1807; Index alter libros
Bibliothecae Hungaricae Széchényiano-regnicolaris
supplemento II., Comprehensos..., Pestini, 1807.
2
See FRAKNÓI, Vilmos, Gróf Széchényi Ferenc
[Count Ferenc Széchényi], Budapest, 1902;
BÁRTFAI SZABÓ László, A sárvár-felsővidéki
gróf Széchényi család története, 1–2. [The History
of the Family of Count Széchényi of Sárvár-
Felsővidék], Budapest, 1913; KOLLÁNYI,
Ferenc, A magyar Nemzeti Múzeum Széchényi
Országos Könyvtára. 1802–1902 [The National
Széchényi Library of the Hungarian National
Museum, 1802–1902], 1., Budapest, 1905.
3
Catalogus Bibliothecae Illustrissimi Domini
Comítis Francisci Szétsénii utr. S. C. et R. Apost.
Maiestatum Camerarii eo quo libri in armariis
collocati sunt ordine, compositus anno 1780me
mense ianuario. See National Széchényi Library.
Manuscript Collection. Fol. Lat. 3816.
4
On Mihály Tibolth (1765–1833) see
Zeitschrift von und für Ungern, 1803, Bd. 3.,
121–125.; 1804, Bd. 6., 204.
5
See KOLLÁNYI, ibid, 14.
6
Honmûvész [Patriot Artist], 1833, 5.
7
See SEBESTYÉN, Gyula, Gróf Széchényi
Ferenc levelezése könyvtári ügyekben [The
Correspondance of Count Ferenc Széchényi
on Matters Pertaining to the Library], Magyar
Könyvszemle, 1891, 187.
8
See KOLLÁNYI, ibid., 297–298.
9
See M. DENIS, Einleitung in die Bücherkunde,
Wien, 1777.
10
See CSAPODI, Csaba, Könyvtermelésünk a
XVIII. Században [Book Production in Hungary
in the Eighteenth Century], Magyar Könyvsze-
mle, 1942, 4.
The National Book Collection of Ferenc Széchényi
11
Hungarica. Magyar vonatkozású külföldi
nyomtatványok [Hungarica. Publications
Abroad on Hungary], compiled and recorded
by Count Sándor Apponyi, Vol. 1–2. Budapest,
1900–1902.
12
SÁNDOR, István, Magyar Könyvesház [Hun-
garian Book House], Győr, 1803. Introduction.
By “scraps,” Sándor meant shorter publications
and brochures. “If I remember correctly, János
Molnár referred to brochures and scraps. To be a
scraps writer was to be a brochure writer.” Magy­
ar Hírmondó, 1799. Dec. 10., No. 47., 766–767.
13
National Archives of Hungary, Archives of
the Széchényi family, P 623,95 fasc. Vol. I. 13.,
I. csomag, 29.
14
This essay is a shorter version of an
essay published in Hungarian in Az Országos
Széchényi Könyvtár Évkönyve 1970–1971
[Almanac of the National Széchényi Library,
1970–1971], Budapest, 1973, 175–198.
23
 Jenő Berlász
THE FOR M ATION AND FATE OF THE
LIBR ARY COLLECTIONS OF MIKLÓS
JANKOVICH
The purchase of the art treasures and library collections
of Miklós Jankovich in 1832 was an epochal moment for
the National Museum and, as part of the Museum, the
Széchényi National Library. This addition to the library
was regarded by contemporaries and, for a long time, by
later generations as a kind of second moment of found-
ing, and not without reason.Regarding his role in the
society of the time, Miklós Jankovich was something of
an unusual figure among the justices of the county courts
Collectors and Collections
and the circles of the nobility of the Napoleonic Era and
the Reform Era. His distinctive personality found clear
manifestation in his strong interest in and fascination with
culture. He was a real literary gentleman: he collected
books and manuscripts, he was a bibliographer and a bib-
liophile, he collected works of the fine and applied arts,
he studied history and archeology, he organized literary
and scholarly events and forums, he provided support
for the theater, and he busied himself with any number
of other pastimes related to the cultural life of his day.
This attitude would have been far more becoming of an
aristocrat than a member of the lesser nobility, which is
not to say that the lesser nobility in Hungary was lacking
in education, cultivation, or interest in cultural affairs.
Ever since the Reformation and the Counter-Reforma-
tion, this leading strata of public life in Hungary had been
becoming increasingly well-educated and increasingly
involved in cultural affairs. It had acquired a distinctive,
late Humanist kind of education and refinement. Be-
ginning with the Enlightenment, many of the strongest
supporters of cultural reform in the name of preserving
and nurturing the mother tongue had come from its ranks,
with György Bessenyei at the fore. The correspondence
of belle-lettrist and language reformer Ferenc Kazinczy,
who exchanged letters with people living all over the
country, indicates quite clearly how common it was, at
the beginning of the nineteenth century, for members
of the lesser nobility to aspire to don the laurels of avid
Miklós Jankovich (1772–1846). Painting by József Pesky (1823; Hungarian National Museum)
reader and writer. Among the well-to-do lesser nobil-
ity, many people aspired to follow the example set by
Gergely Berzeviczy, one of the first prominent political
economists in Hungary and a man who wrote passionately
in support of modernization. There was, however, one
24 field of intellectual endeavor in which the lesser nobility
THE FORMATION AND FATE OF THE LIBRARY COLLECTIONS OF MIKLÓS JANKOVICH
in Hungary showed little interest, namely scholarship.
Scholarly inquiry into the complexities of natural and
social phenomena seemed to hold little allure for the
justices of the county courts. An estate-holding member
of the nobility who showed a dedicated interest in one of
the sciences was a rarity, and when, from time to time, a
member of the lesser nobility would distinguish himself
with his pursuit of scholarship, this was rarely more than
a matter of dilettantism. The lesser nobility even failed
to show much interest in the practice of collecting relics,
works, and other items relevant to Hungarian history
and archeology, in spite of the fact that both history and
archeology were intellectual endeavors that were under-
stood at the time as being very much in the interests of
both the nation and (as the alleged representatives of the
nation) the nobility. Antal Szirmay, Gábor and Károly
Fejérváry, and István Marczibányi, members of the lesser
nobility who did pursue scholarship, were exceptions. At
the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, it
seemed that any hope for the collection and preservation
of the scattered and, since the time of Joseph II, rapidly
decaying cultural treasures of the vanishing feudal world
had lay in the hands of a few wealthy, educated, and
patriotic aristocrats or dignitaries of the Church.
We know, however, that things did not actually turn
out like this. It is true that the foundations were laid by
magnates and Church figures like Sámuel Teleki, Ferenc
Széchényi, Ignác Batthyány and József Batthyány. And
yet, the polyhistor and collector who did more than any
of his contemporaries and rendered greater services in
the preservation of the treasures of Hungary’s past and
of his day, who defined the practice of collecting as an
undertaking that involved any and all intellectual and
material fields of endeavor, was himself from the ranks
of the lesser nobility. It is thanks first and foremost to the
tireless efforts, passionate zeal, unmatched selflessness,
and remarkable insight and expertise of Miklós Jankovich
that, within the space of a single generation, the National
Museum and, within it, the National Széchényi Library
were able to burgeon, growing from initially modest col-
lections to an impressive array of holdings worthy of the
material and intellectual culture and history of 1,000 years
of Hungarian history in Europe. The incorporation of 25
 Jankovich’s collection into the holdings of the National
Museum and the Széchényi Library meant the addition of
a vast, diverse, and invaluable store of cultural treasures
(codices from the Middle Ages, rarities of the printing
industry, and works of the fine and applied arts from An-
tiquity to the Neo-Classical period, including many items
known the world over) that far exceeded the frameworks
of the institution Széchényi had founded. It surpassed
everything that had been accomplished up until that time.
Jankovich’s dedication and zeal clearly were not mere
matters of chance or coincidence. Rather, they were parts
of his character, but they were also products of the unusual
influences of his family and other external factors.
Though we have scanty information concerning his
family, a few facts nonetheless stand out that help further
an understanding of Jankovich’s intellectual disposition
and vision.
The Jankovich family of Jesenice was not among the
families of the lesser nobility which regarded themselves
Collectors and Collections
as direct descendants of the Hungarian tribes that arrived
in the Carpathian Basin in the ninth century. As the
name suggests, the family was probably of Slavic origin,
and it only became part of the landed nobility in the
middle of the eighteenth century. The members of the
family may well have been descendants of one of the im-
poverished squire families that had fled north from lands
in Croatia to escape the Ottoman Turks. They settled in
Jesenice, a small village in Trencsén County (today the
Trenčín District in Slovakia).Their title of nobility was
also not terribly old. The family was granted noble status
and a coat of arms in 1686, the year in which Buda was
recaptured from the Turks, so it is quite possible that they
were admitted to the nobility in recognition of services
they had rendered in the fights against the Ottomans.
Thus, they were a family that had fought its way out of
poverty and anonymity and acquired the wealth, rank,
prestige, and status of the nobility. This kind of social and
material mobility in the late feudal era was not simply
a matter of good fortune. In general, families were only
able to climb the social ladder if they performed military
services that exceeded the norm or won recognition with
their erudition. The Jankovich family did both.
Miklós Jankovich, who later would emerge as a re-
nowned polyhistor, was born into a family that was grad-
ually growing more prosperous and more refined in its
culture and education. He was born on 2 January 1772,
in all likelihood in the building in Pest that once stood
on the eastern corner of what today are Kossuth Lajos
and Petőfi Sándor Streets, a building which had served
as his grandmother Krisztina Szunyogh’s dowry. In his
childhood, he probably spent the winters in this building
or in the city of Székesfehérvár, where his family also had
26 a home. He passed the summers in the town of Rácalmás,
in an arcaded country house that still stands today. In
all likelihood, the family residences were furnished with
refined taste and flair, including works of art and the
various appurtenances of intellectual endeavor, and this
nurtured a childhood interest in Jankovich in the arts
and sciences. The experiences he had in the family’s
country houses and manor houses only strengthened
these impressions.
The cities of Pest and Buda, which were coming to
life again in the era of Joseph II, clearly also exerted an
influence on Jankovich. Life in the city alone would have
been enough to give him far broader horizons than the
youths of the nobility in rural parts of the country, but
perhaps the most important influence was the schooling
he received in the famous Piarist comprehensive school.
The education Jankovich got in the mid-1780s in the Pi-
arist school in Pest, combined with the schooling he had
received before this in the Theresianum in Vác (a school
founded in 1767 and based on the Collegium Theresianum
in Vienna), which was also under Piarist leadership, had
a decisive influence on his personality, his mentality, and
his vision. In 1791, he completed his studies in histo-
ry and law at the royal academy in the city of Pozsony
(today Bratislava in Slovakia), but from the perspective
of his intellectual horizons, his experiences at the acade-
my merely complemented the multifaceted education he
had already gotten at the comprehensive school in Pest.
In addition to his family and his schooling, other factors
also influenced his visions and ambitions. These other
factors included the impressions he garnered from his
meetings with illustrious representatives of cultural and
intellectual life.
According to Ferenc Toldy, who always wrote of Jan­
kovich with praise, professor Dániel Cornides (1732–
1787) exerted the most decisive influence on him. In
all likelihood, Jankovich acquired his erudition in the
field of history from Cornides, as well as his knowledge
of Hungarian history, which was based largely on primary
sources. His exposure to Cornides’ scholarly workshop
must have been a remarkable experience for the budding
intellectual, in particular his exposure to Cornides’ col-
lection of books, which consisted of some 2,000 printed
works and manuscripts on Hungarian history. Clearly it
was thanks to Cornides that Jankovich began to become
familiar with the concept of a Bibliotheca Hungarica, and
presumably this sparked his interest in the relics and re-
mains of book culture in Hungary.
The relevant secondary literature makes no mention
of anyone else who exerted an influence on the interests,
plans and aspirations of the young Jankovich comparable
to that of Cornides. Clearly, however, there were other
figures whose ideas interested him, for instance Márton
György Kovachich (1744–1821), who was also a cus-
todian at the university library in Pest. Like Cornides,
Kovachich was a prominent scholar educated in the
Enlightenment tradition, and he was also groundbreak-
ing in his work with historical sources. He founded the
scholarly study of the history of law in Hungary, and
he was one of the first people to propagate the idea of
establishing a public national library. He also created
an institute for the study of history and a collection of
primary sources. Sources indicate that in the 1790s he
was in close contact with Jankovich, and the two of
them undertook an ambitious scholarly venture, namely
the compilation of a Hungarian national bibliography
(Bibliotheca Hungarica universalis).1 Kovachich was al-
most 50 years old at the time, and as a scholar he had
accomplished a great deal. Jankovich was about 20, and
he was essentially unknown among scholarly circles.
Thus, Kovachich was clearly a kind of mentor to him.
According to the sources, the period of time they spent
collaborating in the pursuit of their shared interests
cannot have lasted terribly long, but in all likelihood
Kovachich exerted a powerful on Jankovich, motivat-
ing him to continue his endeavors. He may well have
strengthened Jankovich’s interest in the collection of
things pertaining to Hungary’s culture and past, an in-
terest that had been sparked by Cornides, and he may
have prompted him to acquire a profound understanding
of the history of printing and how to make a methodical
bibliography.
Jankovich had at least one other tie to a prominent
figure in scholarly life at the time that merits mention,
namely, his tie to Miklós Révai, the famous linguist,
university professor, and founder of historical Hungarian
linguistics. This relationship may have been indirect, i.e.
Révai’s influence on Jankovich may have been mediated
by István Horvát. Horvát, a piarist and a scholar, be-
friended Jankovich, who had become a zealous adherent
of the Révai’s principles of historical linguistics, as well
as Révai’s fiery attachment to his national culture and
identity. This found palpable expression in the first point
of his program concerning the collection of things Hun-
garian (what has come to be called “hungarica”), which
focused on research on the literary relics and remains of
the Hungarian language, as well as in his changed per-
ception of the very goal of amassing a collection, which
had moved away from the cold, rational scholarship of
Cornides and Kovachich and towards the passionate
attachment to national culture that was to become one
of the hallmarks of Romanticism.
In 1791, at 19 years of age, Jankovich left the Acad-
emy in Pozsony. In general, the male children of promi-
nent families would then be given honorary positions as
notaries in a county, a tradition that went back several
centuries. Jankovich was no exception. With a bit of
a delay, in 1793 he took an administrative position in
Fejér County. He was not terribly drawn to a career
in administration, however. After having served as an
administrative assistant for four years, in 1979 (the year
in which his father died) he very gladly bid farewell to
THE FORMATION AND FATE OF THE LIBRARY COLLECTIONS OF MIKLÓS JANKOVICH
the county hall. He also left the city of Székesfehérvár
and returned to Rácalmás, one of his family residences.
Together with his younger brother József (who later
would become deputy lieutenant of Fejér County) he
took over the management of the estates they had in-
herited. In 1798, he got married. His wife, Antónia Rud-
nyánszky, was from a similarly prominent and wealthy
family. In 1801, as part of his efforts to settle the family
estates once and for all, he moved from Fejér County to
Vadaspuszta in Pest County, which he made his home
in the countryside. He dropped the name “Jeszenicei”
(which was a reference to Jesenice as the family’s place
of origin) and took the name Vadasi. He spent roughly a
decade in Vadaspuszta tending to the estates. He oversaw
management of the land, litigated when necessary, and
took advantage of the market opportunities created by
the Napoleonic wars and sold produce wholesale, using
the profits to purchase additional estates.
At the end of this decade, Jankovich was 40 years
old. The Napoleonic wars would soon come to an end
and a new era of dropping prices would begin. Cautious
souls abstained from further speculation and instead
enjoyed the wealth they had acquired. Jankovich may
well have noticed the signs of the changing times, and
this may explain why he suddenly abandoned all pursuit
of potentially profitable ventures. Instead, he devoted
all of his time to the ambitious vision he had had as
a youth: the patriotic collection of cultural treasures
in the service of Hungarian scholarship and literature.
Lest there be any misunderstanding, this is not to say
that until then, roughly 1810, he had made no efforts to
transform the vision of creating a methodically organized
collection of scholarship and literature, a vision inspired
by Cornides, Kovachich, and Révai, into a reality. Nor
for that matter is it to suggest that the shift which took
place was prompted entirely by financial considerations.
On the contrary, he had undertaken efforts to realize his
vision at a mere 20 years of age, and he had continued
these efforts over the course of the next two decades with
increasing focus, expertise, and zeal. By 1810, he could
boast an array of accomplishments, and he had won rec-
ognition from circles all over the country. This in and of
itself gave him adequate reason to focus exclusively on
efforts in the sphere of culture. He himself would have
been unable to offer a short summary of the things he
had achieved in the space of 20 years, and he certainly
would not have been able to give an assessment of their
scholarly significance. The time had come for him to 27
 organize the books and art treasures he had managed
to acquire and create a catalogue of the collection in
the making. The collection which he had managed to
assemble, almost as a kind of pastime during the two
decades when he had focused on the management of his
addition, as a kind of supplement, it contained standard
seventeenth-century and eighteenth-century works on
history published outside of Hungary. The vast majority
of the works had been published in the eighteenth cen-
tury, thus most of them were relatively recent publica-

THE FORMATION AND FATE OF THE LIBRARY COLLECTIONS OF MIKLÓS JANKOVICH

estates, was a complex assemblage that demanded the
focused energies of someone willing and able to devote
himself entirely to it. Jankovich regarded the work of
collecting books, relics, and works of art as part of a mis-
sion to preserve culture, a mission that would also help
cultivate national self-awareness. At the same time, he
regarded it as a kind of manifesto to the world, and in
particular to the haughty representatives of German and
Slavic scholarship, who called into question the roles
that Hungary and Hungarians had played in European
cultural development since the Middle Ages.
At the beginning of this article I mentioned that
Jankovich’s father, a captain in Jászkun, was also a
bibliophile and a collector of books. His collection of
Collectors and Collections
tions in Latin and German, alongside a smaller number
of publications in French and Hungarian. The heirs to
the estate wanted to sell the collection in its entirety.
Familiar with Jankovich’s zeal as a collector, Kovachich
acted as a mediator between him and the heirs. The
final cost of the purchase was 1,500 silver forints, and
Jankovich paid in installments.
With this acquisition, Jankovich managed to take the
first major step towards the creation of his envisioned
Universalis Bibliotheca Hungarica. While this was taking
place, Ferenc Széchényi had begun work on his collec-
tion, a project that was similar in scope, inspiration, and
final goal. In all likelihood, neither of the two knew an-
ything about the other’s project, but clearly it was hardly

books on law, history, and classical literature consisted
primarily of works that had been sold for very little by
the monasteries that had been dissolved by Joseph II. He
kept his library in his residences in Székesfehérvár and
Pest. Miklós Jankovich later revealed, when he was the
proprietor of the nationally famous book museum, that
the foundations on which he had built the collection had
been the modest smattering of books, some 103 works in
total, he had been left by his father. But the contribu-
tion that the father had made to his son’s pursuits went
beyond the small collection of books. He had offered
selfless support for and shown clear understanding of his
son’s passion for and dedication to the task of assembling
an ambitious collection. Miklós had his father to thank
for the fact that, long before he had become an adult,
long before he had an independent income, he had been
able to make expensive purchases of books.
His first significant purchase was made in the spring
of 1793, and Kovachich provided assistance. Clearly,
they had begun work on a national bibliography in 1792.
The books in question were from the library of Károly
Wagner, who had once been a professor at the university
in Buda and the custodian of the University Library.
After retiring in 1784, Wagner had returned to the city
of his birth, Kisszeben (today Sabinov in Slovakia) in
Sáros County, where he had lived until his death in
1790. His collection, which he had managed to put
together with the assistance of Cornides, his colleague
at the university, and István Schönvisner, a fellow Je-
suit, contained 624 works on history (a total of 800
volumes). From the perspective of its thematic focus, it
was a collection of books on history which contained a
representative assembly of primary source publications
28 and secondary narratives on the history of Hungary. In
a matter of coincidence that two aspiring scholars (or
in fact more than two) cherished essentially the same
vision. Undoubtedly both had been influenced by the
transformations that had been underway in Hungarian
society since 1770, including the rapid growth of the
roles and the proportions of the intelligentsia in public
life and, as both a cause and an effect of this, the growing
importance of book culture. The goal was quite clearly
to foster general education and make the acquisition
of knowledge and erudition a matter of national sig-
nificance. In other words, the efforts that were made
in order to establish national collections of books were
prompted by the same aspiration that later motivated
István Széchényi to found the Academy of Sciences:
the acquisition of knowledge and the application of
this knowledge to the concerns of the day—in other
words, the cultivation of new energies to pursue research
and new abilities to solve problems in the interest of
addressing national goals.
Jankovich’s first major acquisition only strengthened
his desire to keep collecting. In 1795, two years later,
he managed to find another library collection that was
for sale. Pharmacist Sámuel Kazay (1711–1798), the
provisor of the pharmacy in the city of Debrecen, was
selling his collection of coins and works of art and also
his library. His collection, which consisted primarily of
works that had been purchased in Germany and Italy,
was of almost unparalleled value. It was significant not
because of its size, though it was remarkable from this
perspective as well. It contained more than 1,800 works
and thus was larger than the famous collection of Ádám
Kollár in Vienna and was almost as large as the library
in Pest that had been purchased by Count László Teleki
the Elder from Cornides. With regards to its contents,
“Nicolai Jankovich manuscriptorum rerum Hungaricarum catalogus.”
A catalogue of the manuscripts in the collection (National Széchényi Library Manuscript Collection. Quart. Lat. 2683)
from this perspective it was more impressive than all of
the other private collections in Hungary at the time. It
was, essentially, a standard European scholarly library,
with works of literature and scholarship in Latin, Greek,
Hebrew, German, Italian, French, and Hungarian, in
other words, the most important products of centuries
of book printing, as well as numerous medieval codices.
According to the catalogue, which the collector himself
compiled, the collection included four thirteenth-cen-
tury codices, two fourteenth-century codices, and 24
fifteenth-century codices, most of which were liturgical
in nature. It also contained 150 incunabula, several hun-
dred works from antiquity, and a number of other rare
items. The collection included two globes, two celestial
globes, and several atlases, as well as a rich collection
of works of art (very much in the Humanist tradition),
a veritable little museum, which contained more than
1,500 Greek, Roman, and Hungarian numisma (ancient
coins), 150 gems and amulets, inscriptions, statues, panel
paintings, weapons, and other works of art that had been
discovered in the course of excavations. The value of the
collection as a whole, including both the books and the
relics and works of art, was put at 12,500 silver forints.
The owner, however, was burdened with debt and was
therefore willing to part with the collection, which was
virtually unrivalled at the time, for a mere 2,500 sil-
ver forints. The contract of sale was signed in October
1795, but serious obstacles emerged when Jankovich
attempted to complete the transaction. In the spring of
the following year, the Calvinist college in Debrecen
took possession of the entire collection, in line with a
court ruling, as compensation for Kazay’s debt of 1,015
forints. Other obstacles came up on Jankovich’s side of
the deal. His father in all likelihood was not willing to
sanction the contract his son had signed. In the end, the
college prevailed. It took possession of most, if not all,
of the collection, though Jankovich did later manage to
acquire part of it, apparently by entering into negotia-
tions with the college. The rare codices, precious books,
and other valuable items from abroad in the collection
were undoubtedly an impressive acquisition for Jankov-
ich. It seems likely that they exerted some influence
on him in his decision to expand his efforts beyond the
original vision of creating a national collection and
include items that were not specifically related to his
national program. His ambitions shifted towards the
vision of a broad, even international collection that
included material relics. Given this broadening of the
circle of interests of the young Jankovich, it is perhaps
not surprising that as a collector he far outdid contempo-
raries who had undertaken similar ventures. It also may
explain, in part, why, following his father’s death in
1797, he moved from Székesfehérvár to Pest, into the
family residence in Hatvani Street, taking the treasures 29

Collectors and Collections
Historian György Fejér (1766-1851) offers a detailed
presentation of Miklós Jankovich’s library in the contemporary
press (Scholarly Collection. 1817)
he had acquired with him. Clearly he sought to continue
his efforts as a collector in the cultural center of the
country, which offered him the best possible prospects.
Following the move to Pest, his work as a collector
grew ever wider and more ambitious in its scope. Up
until the turn of the century, he continued to focus on
private libraries with works of scholarship, and he made
most of his purchases and acquisitions in the territories
of northern Hungary (what today is Slovakia).
In 1799, the widowed Mrs. Károly Fejérváry (née Po-
lixéna Semsey) offered Jankovich a valuable collection
of books, manuscripts, and charters which had belonged
to her husband, who had died two years earlier. Károly
Fejérváry (1743–1794) had been a landowner in Komlós-
keresztes (today Chmeľov in Slovakia) in Sáros County.
His collection contained 1,070 printed books and 126
bundles of charters, documents, and letters (collectio
diplomatica). The materials were particularly relevant
from the perspective of the history of the Lutheran com-
munities of Sáros County and the region in general.
Most of the books, letters, and documents were from
30 the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, but the vast
majority of the charters were from the thirteenth, four-
teenth, and fifteenth centuries. This collection, which
was essentially Hungarian in its provenance, was valued
by experts at 3,400 silver forints. Jankovich, however,
appraised it at 1,580 forints. After prolonged bartering,
in the spring of 1800 the widow and her son Gábor Fejér­
váry, under pressure from creditors, were compelled to
sell the collection for 2,810 forints.3
At the time, Jankovich had an opportunity to make
another significant, if also significantly smaller, purchase
in the city of Eperjes (today Prešov in Slovakia). The wid-
ow of a man named Sámuel Dobai Székely (1704–1779)
lived in Eperjes. Sámuel Dobai Székely had been one of
the most noted book and manuscript collectors of the
eighteenth century. He was a member of the lesser nobility
from a region known as Szepes. During the war of Austrian
succession, he had traveled all over central Europe, and
later he had also traveled in Italy. No matter where he
went, he devoted a great deal of attention to cultural in-
stitutions, scholarship, and books. In 1753, having left the
military, he began to live a life of withdrawal in Eperjes.
He founded a collection of rare books. In addition to
publications in Latin, German, and Hungarian, he also
had a large number of books in French and Italian, as well
as a few in Slavic languages. The books mostly concerned
history, religious history, geography, and politics. Most
of them were about Hungary in some way. He had inher-
ited many of these items from his father, András Dobai
Székely,4 who had once served as the notary of Szepes
County. The other works he had purchased second­hand,
for instance a collection consisting of some 700 volumes
that had belonged to Dániel Sartori, a Lutheran preacher
from Besztercebánya (today Banská Bystrica in Slovakia).
This collection included the bequest of Sámuel Mat-
theidész (1729), a famous professor from the college in
Eperjes. The available sources do not indicate precisely
how many books there were in the collection. It must have
contained somewhere between 500 and 1,000 items. In
all likelihood, Székely’s collection of manuscripts, docu-
ments, and charters was of more historical value than the
books, though we are compelled to venture hypotheses
concerning its significance on the few items which have
survived. Sadly, Székely’s widow sold most of the works
in the collection in the 1780s. They were purchased by
György Klimó, the bishops of Pécs, Károly Fejérváry, a
man named Imre Bánó, and many other people. By the
1890s, only a few valuable works remained for Janko­
vich to choose from. Indeed, we do not know for certain
precisely what he bought, or even what quantity of items
he bought, except in the case of coins.
Furthermore, the catalogue that survived as part of
Jankovich’s bequest indicates that at the turn of the
century and over the course of the next roughly 15 years
Jankovich purchased large sections of other significant
private collections in Upper Hungary. These purchases
included the first library of Ferenc Kazinczy, which the
great writer and language reformer had been compelled
to sell in 1809.
Jankovich did not limit himself, in this early period
of major acquisitions of private collections, to Upper
Hungary. He bought collections found in other parts of
the country as well and sought opportunities to make
good buys in other cities, first and foremost the capital, of
course. We know of three major acquisitions that he made
in Pest between 1801 and 1810. The most signifi­cant of
these was the purchase of the library of György Ribay
(1754–1812), a scholar and Lutheran preacher of Slovak
descent. Jankovich paid a great deal—1,800 silver fo-
rints—for the collection, which must have contained sev-
eral hundred works on Slavic lands (first and foremost Bo-
hemia). He purchased it secondhand from Gábor Ruttkai
Dankó. In 1801, before having purchased Ribay’s collec-
tion, he bought several hundred works from the bequest
of János Bobics, a lawyer in Pest, and in 1810 he bought
several hundred works from the library of magnate Count
György Keglevich, which had been put up for sale at
auction. The latter two collections contained primari-
ly works from the eighteenth century, mainly works of
scholarship published in Hungary, legal manuscripts, and
literature of the Enlightenment from abroad, as well as
works by Freemasons. Jankovich also purchased one or
more manuscripts from Kovachich towards the end of the
1790s. It was through these purchases that manuscripts
by sixteenth-century historian Antal Verancsics (also
known as Antun Vranćić and Antonio Veranzio) came
into Jankovich’s collection. Jankovich also made a sig-
nificant purchase in the city of Sopron in 1802, through
which he acquired valuable works (estimated at 400 sil-
ver forints) from the collection of comprehensive school
director Jonathán Vietorisz.
Finally, on some occasions Jankovich managed to ob-
tain valuable items through exchanges with aristocratic
collectors, for instance Mihály Viczay (1756–1831) and
in all likelihood István Illésházy (1762–1838).
These purchases of private collections found in Hun-
gary, to which one could add as a sort of addendum
purchases which took place on several occasions of works
that had been discarded in 1799–1800 by the archive
of the Royal Treasury of Buda, did a great deal to help
Jankovich reach his goal of creating a Bibliotheca Hun-
garica Universalis. However, one cannot help but notice
that even before the turn of the century Jankovich had
gone well beyond the framework of his initial plan in
his activities as a collector.
Though he worked with tremendous zeal, patriotic
fervor, and selfless dedication to reach a goal which for
him was almost a spiritual calling, he was unable to resist
temptation, and he often indulged his interest in the
written embodiments of the history of Central European
culture and scholarship, which included medieval man-
uscripts that were more finely crafted and, ultimately,
THE FORMATION AND FATE OF THE LIBRARY COLLECTIONS OF MIKLÓS JANKOVICH
more artistic than the manuscripts that had been written
in Hungary and the typographical masterpieces of the
Modern Era. But he was also motivated by his interest in
politics and history and his fascination with the intercon-
nections between the history of the Hungarian nation
and the history of the surrounding peoples. His love of
beautiful, old books proved ever more seductive, and he
was willing to make any sacrifice to obtain old and rare
books of the German and Slavic cultural circles, while
continuing to pursue his acquisition of works written in
Hungarian or by Hungarians.
The task of creating a clear and thorough invento-
ry of the collection in Jankovich’s residences in Pest
(on Hatvani Street and Kerepesi Street) was daunting
to say the least, as was the task of organizing it on the
basis of clear and consistent principles of scholarship
and sharing this information with the world of writers
and scholars. The collection, which had grown over the
period of a quarter of a century to contain well over
10,000 volumes, included many valuable treasures. In all
likelihood, the first major efforts to create this kind of an
inventory were made only after 1810, though minor steps
in this direction may have been taken before this. It took
years, and indeed the project only came to completion
in 1815–1817. In 1817, the first publication offering a
thorough presentation of the contents of the collection
to the public was issued.
The publication of the contents of the collection
was a major event, as indeed was the publication of the
journal in which it was printed, Tudományos Gyűjtemény
[Scholarly Collection], the first modern cultural period-
ical to be published in Hungary. The journal had been
launched by the new intelligentsia which had gathered
in the capital. Inspired by Romantic ideals, they sought
to foster culture as an expression of national identity.
Jankovich’s collection was presented in one of the first
issues of the periodical. The length description, which
was based on a direct account provided by Jankovich,
was written by the editor of the journal, György Fejér
(1766–1851), who was also a professor and historian, and
he later became a custodian of the University Library.
It was longer than 20 pages, and it did not cover the
collection of archeological artifacts or the collection of
works of art.5 First, the article presented the collection
of foreign books (bibliotheca extranea) held in the res-
idence on Kerepesi Street. It then presented the collec-
tion on the basis of a division of its holdings into eight
categories. Six of these categories were commonly used 31
 many as 100 medieval codices written on parchment,
including several very early works.
The collection contained a respectable number of
books written before 1500 (bibliotheca incunabulorum
typographicorum) and rare books (rarissima). Rare books

THE FORMATION AND FATE OF THE LIBRARY COLLECTIONS OF MIKLÓS JANKOVICH

and books written before 1500 were included in a single
category.
We have no information based on primary sources
concerning the total number of books in the foreign
collection. Based on the Fejér’s description, the entire
book collection comes to somewhere between 8,000 and
10,000 books. There may have been as many as 250 me-
dieval codices. We know little concerning the number
of medieval charters, modern documents of civic life,
and private letters, but they must have ranged in the
thousands.
However valuable and plenteous the collection of
foreign books may have been, it was nonetheless a matter
of second importance in Jankovich’s vision. From the
Collectors and Collections

outset, his primary goal had been to create a collection of

One of the most valuable printed items in Jankovich’s collection, Ferenc II Rákóczi’s memoirs (La Haye, 1739)
in European Humanist scholarship and book culture.
Two reflected the distinctive German and Slavic literary
and cultural life of Central Europe. This division of the
works in the collection constituted a striking diversion
from traditional scholarly categories used in old libraries.
The traditional categories were theology, jurisprudence,
the medical sciences, philosophy, and philology. And
indeed if one uses these categories, the collection was
not even complete. This suggests that Jankovich’s goal
was not to create a library that embodied so-called uni-
versal scholarship, but rather one that focused on specific
branches of the humanities. A manuscript section was
missing, which in older collections was usually some-
thing of a supplement. Instead, it included incunabula as
a separate group. This did not mean that there were no
manuscripts in the collection, however. The manuscripts
were included with the printed books, organized accord-
ing to subject matter. A contemporary familiar with
the practice of book collecting at the time would have
realized this on the basis of other examples as well, since
according to the fashion of the time scholarly libraries
were often museums as well, which contained, in addi-
tion to printed books and handwritten codices, an array
of other kinds of printed materials (pamphlets, etc.),
handwritten document (charters, correspondence, pri-
vate writings), prints made using engravings, and maps.
32 Sometimes they even contained numismatic collections.
Jankovich placed the collection of works by Greek
and Roman authors (bibliotheca auctorum classicorum
tam Graecorum tam Latinorum) at the forefront of his
collection for a good reason. It was a splendid array of
works and on its own provided quite eloquent testimony
to his tastes, dedication, and passion as a collector.
The archeological and museological collection (biblio-
theca antiquaria cum museis antiquitatum) did not contain
anything from the Middle Ages, in part because these
two branches of inquiry were young at the time. Rather,
they included works of the “thesaurus” genre, artistical-
ly masterful typographical masterpieces adorned with
copperplate engravings. Thus, they too were an elegant
reflection of Jankovich’s refinement.
As a category, literary history and the bibliographical
sciences (bibliotheca historiae literariae universalis omnium
nationum et gentium) were among the branches of the
modern sciences. Church history (bibliotheca historiae
religionis Christianae omniumque eiusdem sectarum) under-
standably offered another broad field for the inclusion
of antiques, relics, and rarities.
The groups of works categorized under history and
geography (bibliotheca historica omnium gentium) also
boasted an impressive array of manuscripts. According
to Fejér, it contained some 500 manuscripts. Clearly,
most of the manuscripts were from the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, but there may well have been as
works that had been written or created by the Hungarian
nation. Parallel to his strivings to create a national bibli-
ography, he also resolved to create a bibliotheca Hungarica
that would be as complete and thorough as possible.
In his view, this was a historical calling. He sought to
save the relics that remained of eight centuries of writ-
ten culture in Hungary, relics that had survived the
devastations of Turkish occupation and the damaging
effects of Josephinism, and he strove to do this because
he wanted to ensure that Hungary’s place in the history
and culture of Europe be clear both to the world and to
the Hungarian nation itself.
When it came to this matter, his sense of calling was
even more profound, if possible, than it was with regards
to the collection of works of international value and in-
terest. Naturally, he included printed and handwritten
documents in his search, documents of all kinds, and he
was even willing to consider illustrations that had been
reproduced (such as maps and prints made with the use
of engravings). But he regarded his basic task as being far
wider in its scope than in the case of the other two na-
tional collections, the Slavic and the German collections.
Whereas in the case of German and Slavic languages
he regarded language as the decisive criterion, here he
went considerably further. His search for items relevant
to Hungary’s culture and past included considerations of
content and even printing and typography. He pursued his
activities as a collector according to five basic categories.
With regards to printed material (books and pam-
phlets), he collected everything
I. that had been printed in Hungarian;
II. that was in a language other than Hungarian but
had been printed by a printer in Hungary, with par-
In the 1830 issue of A Tudományos Gyűjtemény [Scholarly
Collection] and the offprint that was made from it Jankovich
himself acquaints the reader with his library. (Magyar hajdan-
kor emlékeinek…[Relics of Hungarian Times Passed…]) His
uses the abbreviation W. J. M. (“Miklós Jankovich of Wadas”),
which clearly demonstrates that he no longer used Jeszeniczei,
which was a title of nobility, but preferred “Wadas” instead, a
reference to his estate in Vadaspuszta (in Pest County)
ticular importance given to the period between 1473
and 1599;
III. that a Hungarian author (defined as someone living
in Hungary) had written in a language other than
Hungarian and that had been published outside of
Hungary;
IV. that a foreign author had written about Hungary;
V. that a foreign author (in particular, a historian) had
written about another country, but in which men-
tion was made of Hungary as well.
This conception of “hungarika” was not original. In-
deed the great Ferenc Széchényi had built his collection
largely on this idea. However, it there was a bit of a shift,
because Jankovich put emphasis on the collection of ty-
pographical antiques, and he also was very wide-ranging
in the interest he took in things abroad touching on
Hungary.
The holdings of the first section surpassed the corre-
sponding part of Széchényi’s collection both in quantity
and in quality. Jankovich’s collection also surpassed the 33
 But Jankovich’s collection was particularly rich in
print materials having some bearing on Hungary (the
fourth and the fifth sections), and from this perspective
it far outdid the national library. Again, the antiquities
and rare items were of particular value, for instance a few
thought to date back to the fifteenth century, and finally
the fifteenth-century psalter of a provost in the city of
Székesfehérvár.
The most significant items in the collection of works
in Hungarian, according to Fejér, were the Margit-le­

THE FORMATION AND FATE OF THE LIBRARY COLLECTIONS OF MIKLÓS JANKOVICH

missals that were printed in Italy on commission from
Hungary and antiques from various periods.
This collection of “hungarika” prints, which was par-
ticularly rich in cimelia, was fittingly complemented
by a varied collection of written items, including man-
uscripts, documents, charters, letters, and other kinds
of writing, as well as a collection of prints. Fejér offers
a few characteristic examples of the items that were
unique and uniquely valuable from the perspective of
their historical, literary, or cultural worth.
Of the 20 medieval Latin codices which had some
bearing on Hungary, he mentioned the following as
items of particular value: the thirteenth-century Gem-
mingeni Bible, which originally was from France but
Collectors and Collections
genda [The Legend of Saint Margit], Szent Elek és Remete
Szent Pál élete [The Lives of Saint Elek and Saint Paul
the Hermit], and Szent Krisztina élete [The Life of Saint
Catherine]. He also mentioned a superstitious text on
how to treat horses and three codices no other traces of
which have survived.
Of the authors of manuscripts from the Modern Era,
he mentions Sámuel Timon, Mátyás Bél, József Benczur,
Jonathán Vietorisz, Károly Wagner, and Károly Fejérváry.
Clearly works by these authors had become parts of the
collection through the purchases of other collections.
Fejér noted the correspondence of prominent fig-
ures of Hungary’s cultural and intellectual life, such as
Sámuel Dobai Székely, József Benczur, Dániel Cornides,

which had ended up in the hands of someone in Pozsony György Pray, Ádám Kollár and József Koller, as a clear
in the fourteenth century, the thirteenth-century Sam- illustration of the value of this part of the collection. Fi-
bucus–Mossóczy bible, which was also originally from nally, he offered glimpses into the collection of national
France, a fourteenth-century Livius Codex, which orig- songs by listing the types of songs it included (cantus
inally was from Italy but which had ended up in a col- heroici, morales, ludicri, erotici).
lection in Buda in the sixteenth century, an authentic Fejér’s description is similarly brief in its treatment
fifteenth-century Corvin Codex, Galeottus Martius’ of the many thousand single-page documents, writings
Corvin codex, De dictis et factis regis Matthiae, which is which are significant mostly from the perspective of the
The first edition of Vörösmarty’s heroic epic, part of the
holdings of Jankovich’s library (Pest, 1825) history of civil life. These items were grouped together
with the diplomas and charters. With regards to the
diplomas (diplomata originalia), he noted only that some
second group in the collection of the National Széchényi of them are parchment, some were written on paper, and
Library. This part of the collection boasted, in addition the earliest was from 1167. Concerning the public do­
to numerous examples of print culture in Hungary in cuments of the Modern Era (acta publica), he writes that
the sixteenth century, the most precious treasure of the they contain first and foremost the laws and contracts
history of the printing press in Hungary: the first book of the country from 1440 to 1720, as well as protocol
printed in Hungary, András Hess’ Budai Krónika [The documents, stylionaria, epistles, and other chancellery
Chronicle of Buda]. documents. With regards to the group bearing the title
The third section of Jankovich’s collection may have “Writings of Leaders and Statesmen,” Fejér mentions
been far more impressive from the perspective of antiq- original documents of Maximilian I, Holy Roman Em-
uities and rarities than Széchényi’s collection. György peror and Rudolf II, Holy Roman Emperor, as well as
Fejér’s description makes mention of 375 publications writings of Antal Verancsics, Palatine István Illésházy
from the Humanist era, and Fejér makes particular note and Bálint Homonnai Drugeth.
of the 1488 Leipzig edition of Constitutiones incliti reg- The collection of prints, which is of more artistic
ni Ungariae, the Augsburg and Brünn editions of János value and constitutes something of a fortuitous addi-
Thuróczy’s Chronica Hungarorum, the elegies of Janus tion to the collection rather than an integral part of it,
Pannonius, Pelbárt Temesvári’s collections of sermons also boasted an impressive array of items. The “vár- és
(which were published in several editions), Michael de városábrázolások” [depictions of the city and the castle]
Hungaria’s Sermones, and a few other rare items. and the portraits are important as works of art and as
potential subjects of study by scholars. The portraits were
From the manuscript collection of Jankovich’s library: Lea  divided into several sub-categories, depending on the
Ráskai copied the legend, narrated in Hungarian, of Saint Mar-
git of the House of Árpád in the convent on Margaret Island person depicted (rulers, people of noble rank, military
in 1510. The gilded Renaissance binding was done in Buda leaders, figures of the Church, scholars, burghers, notable
34 (National Széchényi Library Manuscript Collection MNy. 3.) women, and even everyday people). 35

Collectors and Collections
A work—the earliest Hungarian-language work to be published
in its entirety in Jankovich’s second collection—purchased by
Jankovich in 1852, containing the Hungarian translation
of the letters of Saint Paul on the basis of the Latin Vulgate
(Krakow, 1533)
It would be a mistake to think that Jankovich’s col-
lection had reached its zenith, as it were, in 1817. The
many old and rare treasures he had managed to acquire
notwithstanding, the remarkable breadth, depth, and
scope of his collection of books notwithstanding, his
enthusiasm as a collector did not abate, at least not on
the basis of the surviving documents. The first priori-
ty of his vision as a collector after 1817 remained the
search for and acquisition of items relevant in any way
to Hungary’s past and culture, so-called hungarica. In
pursuit of this goal, he continued to correspond with
a wide circle of people.6 Indeed, he worked together
with agents in order to determine where he might find
old, rare products of the printing industry in Hungary
or manuscripts that could be added to his collection.
The collection, however, was so plenteous and so rich
precisely in these kinds of items that more often than
not he only made small, individual purchases. Only on
rare occasions did he buy entire collections, usually when
36 they were being sold in haste following the death of the
owner, and only if they contained items of distinctive
value. In any event, the books and notes that survived
in his bequest reveal that he acquired most or all of the
collections of Márton Klanicza (1740–1810), a Slovak
Lutheran preacher from Gömör County, Antal Péchy
(† 1829), a Roman Catholic archdeacon from Sáros
County, Ferdinánd Stipsich (1754–1820), a professor
of medicine from Pest, Gábor Petényi (Petyán) († 1822
körül), a Slovak Lutheran preacher, and Mátyás Senno-
vitz (1763–1823), a school director from Eperjes (today
Prešov in Slovakia).
In addition to making additions to his Hungarian li-
brary, Jankovich continued to devote considerable at-
tention to his collection of internationally important
codices, incunabula, antique items, and other rarities,
a collection that was important from the perspective of
the history of books and the history of the sciences. Af-
ter 1817, he continued to build on the relationships he
already enjoyed with famous foreign book dealers and
develop further, similar ties. Naturally, he had the closest
ties to the publishers and used booksellers in Vienna, but
he did not neglect the other cities of Austria. He also had
close ties to people in the book markets of the German
empire, in particular the book markets in the cities of
Leipzig, Nuremburg, Augsburg, Regensburg, and Breslau.
The roughly fifteen-year period of zealous work in the
pursuit of new additions to his collection bore witness
to remarkable acquisitions. Jankovich, at this point, was
not simply a seasoned collector by this point. He also
had gained a thorough knowledge of the international
literature on book culture and the science of bibliogra-
phy. His collection, indeed, offers ample and eloquent
proof of this. It had garnered praise and admiration from
experts both in Hungary and abroad.
We can venture only a few hypotheses concerning
the state of Jankovich’s collection in 1830 and provide
only estimates concerning the relevant data (with the
exception of the collection of medieval codices). Janko­
vich himself wrote a relatively long description of the
collection entitled Magyar hajdankor emlékei… [Relics
of Hungarian Times Passed…], which was published
in the eighth volume of the 1830 issue of Tudományos
Gyűjtemény [Scholarly Collection] (and as a separate
offprint). This description gives some foundation for a
survey of the collection.7
With regards to the organization and categorization of
the collection, two remarkable changes had taken place
in comparison with the state of the library in 1817. The
old categories that had been used in the collection of
international works was still in use (1–6), but two new
subject groups had been introduced. One was philosophy
and jurisprudence, the other was aesthetics and belles
lettres.
It is perhaps a bit surprising to note that the number
of national collections dropped from three to two, and
that there is no mention whatsoever of the Slavic col-
lection. One should clarify, however, that there was no
such reduction in the holdings. In all likelihood, this
section was left out of the description by mistake. Two
other registers, also compiled by Jankovich (one in 1825
and one in 1832, so roughly during the same period),
indicate that the Slavic collection was still part of the
library (bibliotheca librorum variis linguae Slavicae dialectis
editorum), and it boasted 1,000 items. Indeed, in addition
to this collection and the German collection (bibliotheca
scriptorum lingua Germanica editorum) a third national
collection was beginning to take form: a collection of
French literature (bibliotheca scriptorum Gallicorum).
Finally, with the acquisition of some 80 new volumes,
Jankovich had also begun to lay the foundations of a
collection of items from the east (bibliotheca scriptorum
orientalium, Judaicorum, Arabicorum, Persicorum, Syri-
acorum).8
If we take into consideration the fact that in 1817 the
foreign collection contained somewhere between 8,000
and 10,000 volumes, then in the space of roughly fifteen
years it had grown by 75 to 118 percent.
Jankovich offers only fragmentary and vague infor-
mation concerning the medieval codex holdings. He
notes that his collection contains some 200 parchment
codices, in which one finds works by classical Latin and
Greek authors, and that, in addition, the collection
includes codices by medieval authors in Latin, German,
French, Romanian, and Slavic languages. His use of the
word “classical,” however, must have been a mistake. In
all likelihood, in the space of the ten years in question,
the collection of codices in Latin, which had numbered
130 volumes, grew by 70 volumes of codices from An-
tiquity and from the Middle Ages.
The chapter on the Hungarian collection draws em-
phasis to the fact that the Hungarian library had been
divided into two basic groups: books written in Hun-
garian and books on Hungary or its history written in
other languages (which may well have been works by
Hungarian authors or works by foreign authors about
Hungary). The group of works in Hungarian numbered
roughly 12,000 items. The group of works written in
other languages numbered 50,000. Thus together, they
numbered 62,000 items.
It is worth noting that the description in question
consistently refers not to volumes, but to numbers, which
means bibliographical entries. Other sources offer a po-
tential explanation for this. The collection of works in
Hungarian or on Hungary contained a very significant
number of items that were very short. They filled some
200 thick folders and thus would have been counted as
only 200 items if they had been counted as volumes.
However, given that each of these folders contained
some 100 one-leaf or two-leaf printings, counted as sep-
arate bibliographical entries they came to some 20,000
items. This explains the unusually high number of items
THE FORMATION AND FATE OF THE LIBRARY COLLECTIONS OF MIKLÓS JANKOVICH
in the holdings (62,000). The register does not indicate
how many volumes were in the collection. In the sec-
tion on the separate Hungarian collections, Jankovich
mentions the wood and copper engravings as remarkably
valuable items, as well as the original printing blocks that
were grouped with them. According to his inventory,
his collection contained some 60 folders worth of prints
and 100 printing blocks.
The survey lists another six groups of Hungarian man-
uscript items: medieval codices (up until the end of the fif-
teenth century), autograph manuscripts from the sixteenth
century, autograph manuscripts from the seventeenth cen-
tury, autograph manuscripts from the eighteenth century,
copies of manuscripts from the eighteenth century, and
finally the diplomas (from the beginning of the thirteenth
century to the end of the eighteenth).
According to the surviving correspondence with his
family members, in 1822 Jankovich’s younger brother
József suggested selling the collection. He was prompt-
ed to do this in part by financial concerns, as well as
the tensions that had arisen between Miklós and his
sons, which gave serious cause for concern. According
to József, there was no one to whom his brother could
leave the innumerable treasures, for in his eyes Miklós’
sons were not worthy of them. Better simply to sell them
and use the money to pay off debts and put the estate
back on solid foundations. In all likelihood, Miklós was
shocked by his brother’s suggestion and resolutely reject-
ed it. Later, however, influenced by the increasingly dire
family tensions and financial troubles, he reconsidered
his brother’s advice.
By 1824, the situation had changed. In the autumn of
1824, palatine József and his wife came to Jankovich’s
home in Hatvani Street and spent long hours examin-
ing the famous collection. It was probably clear that he
had not come simply out of private self-interest, and
indeed in all likelihood he had not been the person who
had initiated the visit. People in the higher circles in
Pest knew that Jankovich had offered to sell all of his
collections to the National Museum, and as palatine,
József had come to his brother’s home in Hatvani Street
as the praeses and patron of the museum. On 7 January
1825, Jankovich had submitted a long petition to the
palatine on the issue in question, asking him to use of-
ficial channels to present his offer to the next meeting
of the national assembly. In his petition, he explained
that the collection was the work of 40 years of concerted
effort, and that it was a literary and scholarly—as well as 37
 fine arts and archeology—collection that was surpassed
by no other collection in Hungary. He listed all of the
departments of his museum, breaking down the hold-
ings into four main groups. The first was the collection
of antiquities (collectio antiquitatum archaeologica). The
second was the gallery (collectio iconographica). The third
was the collection of manuscripts (collectio manuscripto-
rum). The fourth was simply the library itself, narrowly
understood (bibliotheca).
Jankovich presented the collection of manuscripts as
a collection that was separate from the main body of the
library. He broke it up into seven categories:
1. original charters and certificates that had some
bearing on Hungary, Transylvania, Croatia, and Dal-
matia, as well as legal texts, state contracts, and other
kinds of public documents (diplomates Hungariam etc.
respicientes) from as early as the twelfth century that
had remained in manuscript form;
2. charters and certificates in German, Czech, and
Collectors and Collections
other languages from the thirteenth to the seventeenth
centuries (diplomates Germanica, Slavica etc.);
3. codices containing works by Greek, Latin, and
medieval authors from as early as the eighth century
(codices Graeci et Latini);
4. eastern (Hebrew, Arabic, Turkish, etc.) manu-
scripts (codices orientales);
5. codices in German, Serbian, and Romanian (codices
Germanici, Slavici etc.);
6. codices and manuscripts bearing on the history and
culture of Hungary in Latin, Hungarian, German, Cro-
atian, Serbian, and Romanian up until 1700, including
two Corvin codices (codices ad rem litterariam et historiam
Hungariae spectantes);
7. codices from the Modern Era on politics, econom-
ics, military affairs, and culture and education in Hun-
gary after 1700 (manuscripta recentioris aevi rem Hunga-
ricam… concernentia);
8. manuscripts in Latin, German, and Slavic languages
on the history of Germany, Poland, Italy, and other
countries neighboring Hungary (manuscripta historiam
Germaniae etc. illustrantia).
After having presented the outlines of his collec-
tion, Jankovich then went into its various virtues and
values (valor internis, affectionis, raritatis, archeologicus,
technologicus et literarius). He also gave an indication of
how much he thought it would be worth on the market,
i.e. the amount for which he would be willing to sell it
to the National Museum. According to his appraisal,
the collection of antiquities and manuscripts was worth
80,000 silver forints, the gallery and the library were
worth 40,000, and, thus, the two together were worth
120,000. He indicated that he would be willing to give
38 a discount of one-third of this sum, i.e. 40,000 forints, as
an expression of his love for and gratitude to the nation
and his homeland. He would accept 40,000 forint for
the collection at the time of sale and would leave the
other 40,000 in the trust of the state, with the provision
that he and, after his death, his heirs would be given the
interest every three months.
Palatine József soon sent this offer to István Horvát,
the custodian of the National Széchényi Library, who
replied immediately, expressing his immense gratitude
for Jankovich’s generosity. He noted that the offer rep-
resented an acquisition of tremendous significance for
the National Library.
On 15 September 1825, the palatine, who was well
aware of the value of the collection and the generosity of
Jankovich’s proposal, presented the offer to the national
assembly. The assembly, however, hardly dealt with the
matter, putting off the whole issue until “happier times.”
The moment came in 1830, when the national assembly
authorized the palatine to address the matter.9
Jankovich submitted a new written proposal con-
cerning the conditions of the sale of the library to the
palatine in April 1831. In essence, it was identical to the
offer he had made in 1825, except for the fact that, since
the collection had grown in the meantime, he put the
value at 150,000 silver forints. It took József months to
reply, though we do not know why. This delay so embit-
tered Jankovich that in the autumn, when a nationwide
cholera epidemic hit the capital and caused widespread
panic, he became increasingly tempted simply to with-
draw the proposal and sell his collections individually.
He would offer the collections that were of importance to
Hungarian culture and history to institutions and private
collectors in Hungary and would sell the international
collections to antiquarian companies in Paris and Lon-
don. He was so serious with regards to this matter that
in his last will and testament drawn up on 10 September
in Kecskemét he included the stipulation that his heirs
dispose of the collections in this manner. Fortunately,
matters took a different course. József managed to find
a way to deal with the affair. On 28 September 1832,
he informed Jankovich in an official document that he
had accepted the conditions of his proposal and was
prepared and authorized to sign a contract.10 He also
charged István Horvát, the custodian of the Nation-
al Széchényi Library (an institution of the National
Museum), with the task of drawing up and signing the
contract with Jankovich.
And thus, an important step was taken in the history
of the National Széchényi Library, a step that had been
very much desired both by Jankovich and József. The
purchase constituted an acquisition so enormous, both
for the National Museum and the Széchényi Library,
that it far exceeded the framework and value of the
existing holdings. It is hardly an exaggeration to claim
that the acquisition represented a kind of renascence
for the entire institution. It was an important event
for Jankovich as well. The sale of the collections saved
him from drowning in a sea of debts. József appointed
an official committee to deal with the practical details
of the acquisition. On 16 November, the committee
took possession of the keys to the rooms in which the
collections were kept in Jankovich’s residences in Hat-
vani Street and Kerepesi Street. It also requested that
József appoint a temporary clerk and transfer the money
to cover office costs. Thus, as honorary appointees, the
delegates apparently did not regard compiling a registry
as their job, but rather wanted to have a member of staff
tend to the task. Jankovich, however, was not willing
to turn the collections over to someone who was not
on the committee, and the palatine also expected the
members of the committee to see to the work themselves,
so in the end they were compelled to perform the task.
At Horvát’s suggestion, they agreed that they needed
to compile a registry that would be “valid for all time,”
and they set themselves to the task, working with cor-
responding meticulousness. However, they soon realized
that if they insisted on this degree of thoroughness, they
would need more than a decade to finish the job. They
were compelled to adopt a simpler approach, and even
then, by the summer of 1833, they had only managed to
make a precise record of some 13,000 items.
József was astonished by the slow pace of the work,
and in February 1834 he asked for a report and suggestion
from the committee on how to finish the transfer of the
collections in as short a time as possible. In June 1835,
Horvát informed the palatine, on behalf of the commit-
tee, that the method they had adopted, in the process
of transferring the collections, of drawing up a registry
in accordance with Jankovich’s wishes was hopelessly
slow. Instead, he proposed that the items be transferred
in large quantities (in globo) in sealed chests. Jankovich,
however, did not approve of or accept this method. He
was willing to make one concession: he would allow a
temporary clerk to compile the registry, someone who
would undertake to finish the task in a few months. He
recommended Zsigmond Ivanich, an antiquarian, for the
job. However, the two standpoints were irreconcilable,
so matters came to a dead standstill. It was not until
the spring of 1836 that some progress was made, when
the national assembly ratified the contract of sale. In
article 37 of 1836 on the National Museum, the Estates
agreed to pay the purchase price, 100,000 forints, for
the purchase of the Jankovich collection, in accordance
with the contract. At the request of the palatine, they
even agreed to provide an additional25,000 forints to
cover the costs of second and third copies of works in
the collection. The article also included a pledge to
provide 500,000 silver forints to cover the costs of the
construction of the building of the National Museum.
In the end, Jankovich had to give in, and in March
1836 he agreed to permit the transfer of the majority of
THE FORMATION AND FATE OF THE LIBRARY COLLECTIONS OF MIKLÓS JANKOVICH
the collections, the materials in the foreign library, en
masse and to allow the Museum to compile a registry
after the transfer had been made. In May, Horvát made
a proposal concerning where the vast array of books
and archeological materials should be put. However,
before this question could be resolved, on 17 and 23
June Pest County sent two delegates, as legal witnesses.
The formal transfer of every collection took place in
their presence, and on 23 June an official report was
drawn up. Parallel to this, on 17 June Jankovich issued
a so-called “resignatiója,” i.e. a record of the transfer
and his surrender of ownership.
It nonetheless still took a great deal of time to address
the practical problems that arose. Jankovich had put
many of the items of jewelry in pledge, and the repur-
chase of these items, which were part of the antiquities
collection, turned out to be complex. Complication
arose involving the payments that were to be made
according to the contract of sale as well. The biggest
problem, however, was simply the question of finding
an appropriate space for the many antique items and the
library. The building of the museum that once stood in
what today is the Museum garden in Budapest was so
cluttered that, for instance, the much of the Illésházy
library, which was acquired in 1835, was kept in the
hallways. Horvát suggested that the collection be stored
in another building owned by the state, or possibly a
large privately owned building that the state could rent,
while the new, more capacious building for the museum
was under construction. Jozef, however, find neither of
these two ideas acceptable for security reasons. Thus,
in the summer of 1837 the collections were still in the
locked and sealed rooms of Jankovich’s residences in
Pest, waiting to be moved to their eventual home. By
the autumn of 1837, one of the civil service dwellings
in the museum had been emptied, making it possible
to transfer roughly half of Jankovich’s collection. In
August and September, at the order of the palatine,
Horvát packed up the materials in the so-called “ex-
ternal” library (bibliotheca extera universalis), which had
been stored in three rooms in the building on Kerepesi
Street, in 165 chests and had them transported to the
Museum, along with the bookcases. The Hungarian li-
brary (bibliotheca Hungarica), however, remained where
it had been, although the building of the Ludoviceum
(the Royal Hungarian Ludovica Defense Academy),
which was under construction, was at a stage at which
it could have been used to store both the Hungarian 39
 collection and all of the other collections for which a
home, even if temporary, had not yet been found.
The palatine proved unable to arrive at any clear
resolution, but in the spring of 1838 an unexpected
and tragic occurrence changed the course of events.
Terrible flooding in Pest caused significant damage to
innumerable buildings and cost many lives.
Because of the many delays, in the civil society that
took form after the Compromise of 1867 the people who
were responsible for decision-making no longer had a
clear grasp or appreciation of the value of Jankovich’s
collections. They not only gave up on the task of com-
piling a detailed inventory, they even abandoned the
idea of keeping the collection together. The materials
that had been sedulously assembled by Jankovich were
merged with materials from other private collections or
various origins, for instance the collections of Ferenc
Széchényi, Mrs. István Illésházy, Mrs. István Horvát,
and others.
Collectors and Collections
After having turned over his collections to the Nation-
al Museum, or rather, according to the sources, well be-
fore this, Jankovich became assembling a new collection.
This represents a clear sign of his optimism and renewed
joie de vivre. Apparently, he was simply unable to do
without books and works of art, and he could not give
up his passion for collecting. The vast array of precious
materials that he had gathered together over the years,
items which according to contract he had turned over
the National Museum, were still on the shelves and in
the cabinets in his home, leaving him virtually no space
for new acquisitions. In all likelihood, he had not settled
his debts either. Nonetheless, he again began searching
for and purchasing works, primarily rare, old Hungar-
ian books, manuscripts from Hungary and the neigh-
boring countries, certificates and charters, coins, seals,
and other antiques. He hired Sámuel Literáti Nemes as
his “purveyor by appointment,” a man who was clev-
er, shrewd, and not entirely reliable. Until his death
in 1842, this man, whose past was shrouded in mystery
and who was not really a refined antiquarian, acquired
many items for Jankovich. According to his surviving
diary entries, Literáti traveled all over the country, from
regions in the west all the way to Transylvania, and
even Croatia and Dalmatia. He focused on monasteries
and the manor houses of noble families in his search for
items of interest. Jankovich would always summon him
when he had returned to Pest from his travels and would
examine the newly found materials. When he found
things that caught his eye, he would immediately pur-
chase them. After 1838, he had space in which to store
new acquisitions, though he didn’t have much money.
He purchased items from Literáti mostly on credit, a
40 sign of the uncertainties in his financial state of affairs.
About five or six years later, thousands and thousands
of books, manuscripts, and works of art began to flow into
Jankovich’s home again, at a remarkable pace. Jankovich
drew up an inventory of the new items at the beginning of
1844. He appended it to a petition submitted to palatine
József in order to inform the palatine of the contents of
his second collection.11 As had been the case in 1825,
his intention was to sell the collection. Referring to the
promise that had been made as one of the stipulations of
the 1832 contract, according to which, were he to acquire
new collections, he would offer them to the National
Museum first and foremost, Jankovich asked József to take
the necessary steps in order to cover the costs that he had
incurred in assembling the collection. The inventory that
he appended to the petition included a list of the items in
the collection, divided into three categories: archeological
relics, manuscripts, and books.
The group of manuscripts was essentially a collection of
various handwritten documents consisting of three differ-
ent parts: charters and certificates for the most part from
the twelfth century from Hungary and Croatia-Slavo-
nia-Dalmatia; foreign charters and certificates that were
in no way related to Hungary and exotic writings from
beyond Europe; manuscripts mostly from the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries written in Latin, Hungarian,
German, Slovak, Croatian, and Romanian on questions
of geography and politics touching on Hungary, Transyl-
vania, and the other states of the region.
The collection of printed books consisted mostly of
old, rare, and remarkable publications. It was divided into
five groups: old printed materials in Hungarian, regard-
less of their place of origin, i.e. incunabula from before
1570 (incunabula Hungarica) and printed materials from
after 1570; books written in any language that had been
published in Hungary; books written in any language and
published anywhere that had been printed before the
sixteenth century and had some bearing on Hungary or
Hungarian culture and history; incunabula that had some
bearing on Hungary or Hungarian culture (incunabula
extranea Hungariam concernentia); all kinds of occultist
books illustrated with expensive copperplate engravings
(works on alchemy, cabalism, astrology, etc.).
Jankovich wanted to append to this registry inventories
that he had compiled at his own expense of parts of the
collection that had been sold in accordance with the
1832 contract, inventories of which the National Museum
had wrongfully taken possession at the time (including a
twelve-volume registry of the Hungarian library), as well
as the inventories of his second collection, ultimately the
manuscripts of his own scholarly treatises.
However significant the offer may have been, it came
too late for the palatine to submit it for consideration by
the 1843–44 national assembly. But even if some kind of
decision based on matter of principle had been reached,
it would hardly have constituted a suitable solution for
Jankovich. By the early autumn of 1844, his creditors
were taking resolute measures in order to compel him
to pay his debts. He was no longer able to avoid being
declared unable to manage his affairs. On September 30,
Jankovich was compelled to turn over all of his financial
affairs to István Nagy, the notary of Pest County, who
was tasked with the administration of his sequestered
properties. From this moment on, he had to rely on the
notary even for small change. Thus, he was hardly able
to continue making offers concerning his collection.
This humiliating situation robbed the man of schol-
arship of all his strength. Family tensions also flared up
again, and in late 1845 and early 1846 he fell gravely ill.
A few months later, on 18 April, he died. His body was
taken to Rácalmásra and he was buried in the family vault.
A few days after Jankovich’s death, when members of
his family returned from the funeral to Pest, two officials
came to the house in Hartvani Street: József Deák, the
attorney for the directorate of public endowments, and
János Zlinszky, the head magistrate of Pest County. In
accordance with an official decree, they put the entire
library and collection of antiquities of the deceased un-
der lock and key. Jankovich’s heirs learned that royal
councilor Ferenc Steinbach, the director of public en-
dowments, had asserted legal claim to all of the museum
pieces in Jankovich’s bequest. Steinbach based this claim
on the contract that had been signed on the 10 Novem-
ber 1832. The officials also informed the heirs that they
wanted to compile an inventory and take possession of
the collections as soon as possible.12 The proceedings
had been initiated by palatine József, president of the
National Museum. On 10 April, he had instructed István
Horvát, custodian of the National Széchényi Library, to
work together with the directorate of public endowments
and take measures without delay after Jankovich’s death
to acquire the precious collections for the Museum. He
cited the fifth point of the 1832 contract as a justification
for this step. In the fifth point of the contract, Jankovich
had explicitly pledged to leave all later acquisitions of
books and antiquities to the Museum.
The article in question could well be interpreted to
mean this. The text (in translation from a Hungari-
an translation based on the original) is the following:
“since I intend to continue to collect things in Hungary,
prompted by the fervor with which I was born and the
desire to save antiques from ruin, as proof of my deepest
respect for Your Imperial and Royal Highness, the Pala-
tine of Hungary, I now make the National Museum the
primary heir to all antiques that I will own at the time
of my death, and with regards to this I pronounce all of
my offspring and heirs also subject to this obligation.”13
The attorney’s department for public endowments
and, in part under the influence of the attorney’s depart-
ment for public endowments, the palatine felt that this
proclamation was unambiguous and indisputably valid.
However, if one takes not only the strict text of the
THE FORMATION AND FATE OF THE LIBRARY COLLECTIONS OF MIKLÓS JANKOVICH
contract into account, but also considers Jankovich’s ob-
vious intention, it is quite clear that they were wrong. It
would be absurd to assume (as the representatives of the
Museum assumed) that Jankovich regarded the 100,000
forint sale price in 1832 as a sum that also covered books
and treasures of art that he might later acquire. After all,
he had no way of knowing how many or what kinds of
items he would later purchase or come to possess, or what
their value would be. Indeed, he did not even pledge to
continue his activities as a collector. He only mentioned
that he was likely to continue collecting. The contract
makes quite clear that the 100,000 forints represented
the value of the collections that he had offered up for
sale and nothing more. The sum did not cover second
or third copies of the books, copperplate engravings,
coins, or other items either, as indeed was made clear by
the fact that the museum had had to pay an additional
25,000 forints when it had resolved to acquire them.
It would also be quite absurd to think that Jankovich
had wanted to give his second collection to the Museum
as a gift. It was common knowledge that he had put his
precious findings up for sale because of his enormous
debts. He knew perfectly well that the money he would
receive in installments from the Museum would hardly
suffice for him to appease his creditors. In November
of 1832, he hardly could have been so blinded by opti-
mism to have pledged to give away valuable belongings.
Clearly, his intention, in the fifth point of the contract,
had simply been to indicate that, were he to acquire
new collections, the Museum would have the first right
to buy them. The aforementioned letter that he sent to
the palatine on 24 January 1844 makes this quite clear.
He unambiguously states that he wishes to give hi new
collections to the National Museum in exchange for
recognition of his efforts and monies to cover the costs
he had incurred. Neither József nor Horvát raised any
objection to providing the money to cover these costs.
They made no reference to the contract, nor did the
cite the fifth point and offer an interpretation accord-
ing to which the Museum, as heir to the collections,
was not obliged to provide any money in exchange for
the acquisition. Indeed, the fifth point of the contract
refers to the Museum as a “haeres,” the Latin term for
heir. However, in the eyes of the law, inheritance also
applied to debt, thus as heir, the Museum would have
been compelled to shoulder a proportion of Jankovich’s
considerable debt (160,000 forints) corresponding to the
value of the collections. 41
 However, the director of public endowments did not
share this view, so he managed to have the courts issue
a warning to the heirs. When this proved unsuccessful,
he had the collections legally sequestered by the court.
Then, in the autumn, he initiated legal proceedings in
for the other departments, and he had to select carefully
from among the items for sale. In total, twelve medieval
codices, nine incunabula, and modern manuscripts, docu-
ments, and letters (representing ninety catalogue entries)
were added to the original Jankovich collection. The
items which originally had been part of Jankovich’s
collection—to be given to the royal archive in Munich
in exchange for the Hunyadi archive. The Hungarian
National Archives, as the recipient of the Hunyadi ar-
chives, provided compensation to the Museum Library
law passed in 1934, the public collections had to give
the archival collection, which had taken form in the
Hungarian National Museum and, more specifically, the
National Széchényi Library, to the National Archives in
its entirety. The charters, certificates, documents, and

THE FORMATION AND FATE OF THE LIBRARY COLLECTIONS OF MIKLÓS JANKOVICH

the name of the royal treasury. The trial was heard by
the Cisdanubian court of appeal.
One year later, the heirs attempted to have the legal
proceedings dismissed by submitting a petition to the
1847/48 national assembly. The national assembly, how-
ever, did not address the issue. In the feverish days of
March 1848, when the Revolution was on the horizon
and historical questions were arising concerning the
creation of a civil constitution, more important issues
were at hand. Later, in the bloody days of the Revo-
lution itself, the fate of a private collection was even
less urgent. Thus, the affair was not resolved until the
absolutist period after the Revolution. According to the
ruling issued by the imperial court of Pest county on 30
Collectors and Collections
purchases from the second Jankovich collection came to
a total of roughly 8,000 forints.
By the time the second Jankovich collection was put
up for auction, the National Museum and its library, the
National Széchényi Library, had already been moved
to the splendid edifice designed by architect Mihály
Pollack, the building known as the Museum Palace. The
books were moved to the building in the fall of 1846
and the collection was systematically organized in the
spring of 1847. At the time, the collections out of which
the National Library later took form (the collections of
Ferenc Széchényi, István Illésházy, Miklós Jankovich,
István Horvát, and other illustrious individuals) were
kept separately from one another and comprised inde-
in exchange, but this hardly made up for the loss.
In 1884 and over the course of the years that followed,
the National Széchényi Library was compelled to give up
its rich collection of engravings. The government was
establishing a public collection called the Hungarian
Historical Gallery, the holdings of which were taken
from the collection of antiques, the picture gallery, and
the book collection of the Hungarian National Museum.
The National Széchényi Library had to give the new
institution its collection of prints, some 15,000 items,
including engraving prints from Széchényi’s collection
and prints from Jankovich’s collection.
Finally, in the 1930s, the National Széchényi Library
had to bid farewell to a third, quite substantial part of
letters which had been part of Jankovich’s library had
served as the foundation of this collection.
In this essay, I have attempted to give an overview
of the efforts of a man who was one of the most promi-
nent representatives of the disappearing feudal world to
establish collections of immense cultural and historical
value. I have also endeavored to recount the fate his
collections. It is my hope that this account will be of
interest not only to specialists of the history of library
culture in Hungary, but to a wider readership with an
interest in the history of books and library collections.
Furthermore, I hope to have shown persuasively that, in
the foundation of the National Library, alongside Ferenc
Széchényi, Miklós Jankovich made the most substantial

January 1851, the court rejected the case that had been
brought against Jankovich’s heirs by the director of royal
legal affairs. The heirs were awarded complete power of
disposal over the collection. The collections could not
be turned over in their entirety, so the heirs were com-
pelled to sell them at auction. They had announcements
printed to spread the news among the people of the
city and also, in all likelihood, among people outside of
Budapest and antiquarians in Vienna that, on 22 Janu-
ary 1852 and the subsequent days, Miklós Jankovich’s
second collection in the family home in Hatvani Street
would be sold at auction.
The Jankovich family displayed very courteous be-
havior with regards to the National Museum, which had
been unsuccessful in its aims. In accordance with the
earlier promise, it gave the institution an opportunity to
select, make bids on, and purchase items that it wanted
to acquire before the auction. The Museum, howev-
pendent groups in the holdings of the library.
The ambitious systematic organization of the hold-
ings, which was undertaken in 1869–1875 by library
custodian Ferdinánd Barna at the request of minister of
culture József Eötvös and which at the time was seen as
modern, did not include the provenance of the items
as one of their identifying elements. The considerations
on which this system of organization was based, a system
which itself was taken from the royal library in Munich,
gave no importance whatsoever to the question of the
origins of the various items and groups that comprised
the collection of the National Library.
And thus the frameworks according to which Miklós
Jankovich’s extraordinary collection had been organized
were lost. The 1832 contract had stipulated that each
of the items of Jankovich’s collection that were to be
made part of the holdings of the Museum’s library would
be marked with a stamp indicating this, but in vain, no
Jankovich’s collection, again because of measures taken
by the government. In accordance with an article of
Notes
1
National Széchényi Library. Manuscript
collection. Fol Lat. 9.
2
See Catalogus bibliothecae Samuelis Kazzay de
Ztrecze apothecarii. National Széchényi Library.
Manuscript Collection. Fol. Lat. 11.
3
Catalogus bibliothecae et manuscriptorum Caroli
Fejérvári de Keresztes. National Széchényi Li-
brary. Manuscript Collection. Fol. Lat. 35.
4
Samuelis Székely de Doba bibiothecae librorum
rariorum cathalogus. National Széchényi Library.
and significant contribution.14
Tudományos Gyűjtemény [J. W. M. offers his ex-
cellent collection of Relics of Hungarian Times
Passed to his homeland with deep respect],
1830, VIII. 114–123.
8
Hungarian National Archives. Regnicolaris lt.
Ladula XX. Nr.16. Fasc. D. Nr. 3. 12.
9
Hungarian National Archives. Regnicolaris
lt. Ladula XX. Nr.17. Fasc. C. Nr. 42. Dieta
anni 1830.
National Széchényi Library. Manuscript
10
13
National Széchényi Library. Archives of the
Directorate. Collection of endowment and
other important documents. 235, 236.
National Széchényi Library.
14
This essay is the English translation of a
shorter version of an essay originally published
in Hungarian. See Az Országos Széchényi
Könyvtár Évkönyve 1970–1971 [Almanch of
the National Széchényi Library, 1970–1971],
Budapest, 1973, 109–174.

er, did not have the financial resources did make large
purchases for all of its collections. Its staunch patron,
palatine József, died in early 1847, and no comparable
figure replaced him in public life as a representative of
the interests of the institution. The Museum was barely
able to cover its operating costs. Thus, only the books
department of the Museum (the National Széchényi
Library) was able to make purchases from Jankovich’s
bequest, and only within a very narrow range.
one concerned himself with this stipulation anymore.
With the exception of the manuscripts, the items were
given no mark whatsoever to set them apart, and so after
1875 one could only identify an item from Jankovich’s
collection if it bore a note with his name or some other
distinguishing sign.
The damage that was thus done to the Jankovich
collection, which ended up jumbled together with the
rest of the items in the holdings of the library, was com-
Manuscript Collection. Fol. Lat.3. and 5.
5
FEJÉR György, T. Vadasi Jankovics Miklós
gyûj­teményeirôl, Scholarly Collection, 1817,
XI. 5.
6
National Széchényi Library. Manuscript
Collection. Fond 16.
7
Magyar hajdankor emlékeinek jeles gyűjteményét
hazájának mély tisztelettel ajánlja W. J. M.,
Collection. Fol. Hung. 3400/I. ff. 36–37.
11
Lajstroma W. Jankovich Miklós másodszori
gyűjteményének… mely… öszve szedetett 1833–
1844. esztendőben [Catalogue of the second
collection of Miklós W. Jankovich… which he
collected in 1833–1844]. Hungarian National
Archives. Nádori lt. An. 1844. nr. 296.
12
Hungarian National Archives. Nádori lt. An.
1846. nr. 1881.

The new head of the library, Gábor Mátray, who took
over in the summer of 1846 and replaced István Horvát
(who in the meantime had passed on), focused on the
materials from the Middle Ages and in particular the col-
lection of diplomas. He managed to acquire the bulk of the
collection, no less than 1,448 diplomas, valued at 6,000
42 forints. He was able to make only modest acquisitions
pounded later by even more substantial, material losses
when parts of individual collections were disposed of
in one form or another. For instance, in 1896, at the
order of the government, the leadership of the Museum
allowed 232 German-language manuscripts (or manu-
scripts other having some bearing on German culture)
from the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries— 43
 Jenő Berlász
The Illésházy Fa mily Libr ary
Archduke József, Palatine of Hungary, praeses of the Hun-
garian National Museum and the National Széchényi
Library, received a letter dated 22 June 18351 from Count
István Illésházy, a high-ranking member of a historic
family of wealthy aristocrats. The missive reads as fol-
lows:
Your Imperial and Royal Highness the Perpetual Prince,
Archduke of Austria, Palatine of Hungary,
Your Excellency,
Collectors and Collections
My tasks at hand require me to spend the rest of my
days withdrawn from public affairs, living in peace and
tranquility. I have resolved to turn my remaining prop-
erties over to the benefit of my homeland. To this end,
and as a token of my uttermost respect for Your Impe-
rial and Royal Highness, I hereby bestow my library of
considerable value, including the books, manuscripts,
and a prized collection of maps, upon the National Mu-
seum, entrusting it to the protection of Your Imperial
and Royal Highness. I kindly request Your Imperial and
Royal Highness to take the necessary steps to ensure the
transfer of the collection. I myself have already given in-
structions concerning the handover, which will be car-
ried out by judge of the High Court and steward of the
estate Ferenc Némák in the Castle of Dubnic, Trencsén
County.
I remain a humble and obedient servant to Your Im-
perial and Royal Highness,
Count István Illésházy
Nagyszarva, 22 June 1835
The letter does not reveal the motives behind the gift.
Archduke József, Palatine of Hungary was, however,
aware of the situation which prompted Illésházy to write
this missive. Ever since he became Palatine of Hun-
gary in 1796, he had been conscious of the events in
Count István Illésházy (1762–1838) the Count’s life. He was personally acquainted with
Illésházy, who was count of Trencsén (today Trenčín in
Slovakia) and Liptó (today Liptov) Counties, a prom-
inent landowner with major estates in the Csallóköz
region and Trencsén County in Upper Hungary (what
44 today is Slovakia), Fejér County, and even the histor-
ical Moravia, and an illustrious public figure, who had
played a leading role in national politics since the 1790s.
Palatine József knew Illésházy was one of the few Hungar-
ian aristocrats who were striving to separate themselves
from the absentee-ist, Germanified court aristocracy to
promote a national revival in Hungary. He must have
been conscious of the Count’s past as a Freemason and
his leading role in a belligerent political league at the
time of nationalistic opposition following the death of
Emperor Joseph II. He may also have been aware of the
The Illésházy Family Library
fact that Napoleon had selected Illésházy as prospective
viceroy of a to-be-conquered Hungary, and the Count,
as an object of suspicion, had thus been placed under
long-term police surveillance. Throughout the critical
years of the anti-French military campaigns, however,
the Palatine had witnessed how Illésházy, along with
the entire Hungarian aristocracy, remained loyal to the
dynasty, and had assumed the lion’s share of the costs
of fielding feudal militias. József also had firsthand ex-
perience proving that the count was willing to support,
if perhaps with some reservations, the policies that he
introduced as palatine. Of nationalistic aristocrats, aside
from Ferenc Széchényi, it was first and foremost Illésházy
on whose advice he could rely, and who constituted a
dependable ally at the Diets.
His appreciation for the Count’s public achievements
prompted József to have Illésházy appointed Genuine
Privy Councilor in 1801 and to recommend him for
vice chancellor in 1808. Instead of granting him the
latter, however, the Viennese court awarded the count
the Order of the Golden Fleece. The Palatine must have
visited Illésházy’s palaces in Pozsony (today Bratislava in
Slovakia) and Dubnic (today Dubnica nad Váhom). In-
cidentally, Dubnic had hosted other notable guests, such
as Czar Alexander I, who visited Illésházy’s residence
fleeing the Battle of Austerlitz in 1805, and Emperor
Francis II, who travelled the country after the 1809
Battle of Wagram.
Palatine József had thus almost certainly seen the
library that the Count was now offering to give to the
nation, and he must also have been aware of the tragic
background of the pledge. It was an open secret that
the 73-year-old lord, who had, for a generation, been a
generous supporter of humanitarian causes and authors 45

Collectors and Collections
At the time of the great flood of Pest in 1838, the Illésházy collection, along with the holdings
of the National Széchényi Library, was housed in the Ludoviceum, finished in 1834, later used as
a military academy, now home to the Museum of Natural History. (Engraving by Rudolf Alt)
heralding a Hungarian revival, had gone bankrupt. His
one million-forint debt was settled by Baron György
Sina, a widely known banker of Greek origins, who
thus obtained Illésházy properties in Upper Hungary
(Trencsén, Bán [today Bánovce nad Bebravou in Slo-
vakia] and Brumov). It was also known that the count,
ailing and broken, had withdrawn to Nagyszarva (today
Rohovce), Csallóköz, the estate of his medieval ances-
tors. As the last member of his family, he was occupied
with settling his remaining affairs.
Aware of the reasons for the donation, Palatine József
did not hesitate concerning. On 30 June, in an official
letter sent mere days later, he thanked the Count for his
generous offer and accepted it.
He immediately notified Antal Haliczky, deputy head
of the National Museum, and instructed him to prepare
to take possession of the Dubnic library and transport it
to Pest. On 9 August, on Haliczky’s recommendation, he
asked István Horvát, warden of the National Széchényi
Library, to travel to Dubnic and carry out the task. He also
sent an order to the Lord Lieutenant’s Deputy of Trencsén
County to make the necessary number of wagons available
to the delegate of the museum.2
István Horvát must have been familiar with Illésházy’s
reputation. Scientists and authors of the early decades
46 of the century, Kazinczy among them, held the count
in high esteem as a sophisticated bibliophile and a sup-
porter of many causes, including the movement for the
Hungarian language. They knew that he had contrib-
uted a generous sum towards the establishment of the
Ludoviceum and had made a magnanimous donation
to the National Museum fund, and that for his services,
he was elected a member of the Hungarian Academy of
Sciences in 1830.
The takeover of the library took place in September.
István Horvát and his apprentice transported the col-
lection to the National Széchényi Library, which was at
the time in the center of Pest (Országút, today Múzeum
körút). With no surviving official record, we cannot gauge
how Horvát must have felt about the promising acquisi-
tion or what recommendations he may have made for the
further treatment of the collection. Surprisingly, the press
was reluctant to report on the remarkable expansion of
the Library, even though the collection included several
codices of immeasurable historic value. It is possible that
Hungarian literati were informed of Illésházy’s gift only
as late as May 1836, when the relevant paragraphs (par-
agraph 1 of Clause 38) of the “long” National Assembly
were published.3
The Library may have been hesitant to act because
the library rooms in the building of the museum, which
had been converted from Archbishop József Batthyány’s
Ex libris from the collection housed in István Illésházy’s palace, Dubnic, Trencsén County
holiday home between 1814 and 1817, had, by that
time, filled up to such an extent that no space was left
for the Illésházy collection. The books from Dubnic
were waiting in their crates for the new Museum to be
built.4
Construction of the Museum palace, designed by
Mihály Pollack, began in the summer of 1837. As the
old Batthyány villa did not impede construction, the
collections should have remained in place until the
new building was completed. The great flood of Pest
in 1838, however, thwarted the plan. The villa was
damaged to such an extent that the collections had to
be evacuated. At Palatine József’s order, the material
of the Library, along with the Illésházy collection, was
stowed and relocated to the recently finished Ludovice-
um building in Üllői út. Nearly a decade passed before
the new Museum was in a state to house the collections.
The new National Széchényi Library was moved into
the building in two stages, in the autumn of 1846 and
in the spring of 1847. Although there was abundant
space now for the collections, the lack of equipment and
sufficient staff in the splendid palace building caused
additional delays.
The Revolution and War of Independence in 1848/49,
and the following dictatorial régime thwarted all attempts
to resolve the issue. Under Baron Alexander von Bach’s
The Illésházy Family Library
administration and the subsequent governments, all the
solutions that were proposed encountered bureaucratic
obstacles. The technical failures were aggravated by the
personal losses that the Museum had suffered. In early
1847, Palatine József died, robbing the institution of an
agile, enthusiastic, and powerful patron. Even before that,
in the summer of 1846, István Horvát, who was inti-
mately familiar with the 100,000-volume collection of
the Library and who would have been the most suitable
person to organize it, had passed away. István Illésházy,
who could have determined the fate of the Dubnic library,
had died in 1838.
The Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 and the
subsequent formation of a national government marked
a turning point in the state of the National Széchényi
Library. When Baron József Eötvös, Minister of Religion
and Education, found the resources to furnish and staff
the institution sufficiently in 1869, Ferdinánd Barna, a
young library officer, enlisting the assistance of a dozen
temporary workers, systematically arranged the Library
in a matter of years. By 1875, they had installed and cat-
alogued all the 150,000 items in the collection.5
The systematic rearrangement sealed the fate of the
Illésházy collection. As Eötvös ordered the curators to
follow the rules of the Munich classification system,
the volumes were strictly categorized by branches of the 47
 sciences, dismantling historically formed collections, and
cataloguing their items into rigid scientific classes and sub-
classes. Thus, when the centennial volume of the Library
was published, it was already impossible to determine the
size or the cultural value of the Dubnic library.6
The Manuscript Archive of the National Széchényi
Library contains altogether seven volumes of inventories
on the historical Illésházy collections under the press-
marks Fol. Lat. 26–31. and Fol. Germ. 1. The volumes are
of varying ages. Two of the inventories were compiled in
the 1790s, while the remaining ones date from the general
restructuring of the library between 1806 and 1807. They
offer valuable insights into the Illésházy library stock,
revealing how this forgotten gift enriched the National
Széchényi Library.
The so-called Bucsánszky inventory, which catalogues
the library in its final form, serves as the most suitable
basis for a comprehensive analysis.
It was compiled by György Bucsánszky, Doctor of Hu-
Collectors and Collections
manities, poetry teacher, and deputy head of the Royal
Catholic Chief Gymnasium in Pozsony, emeritus professor
after 1803. Throughout his two-decade literary career, he
wrote a textbook on Church history and a fair number of
Latin odes and panegyrics. We have no details about his
relation to István Illésházy. The Count must have seen
him fit for the duty of organizing and cataloguing his
library, and the professor lived up to the expectations.
His system is based on theoretical studies, but finely ad-
justed to the realities. He must have also been the artist
behind the Empire-style, ornamental ex libris found in
several volumes.
Although he classified the material by branches of the
sciences, as was conventional at the time, he also grouped
books of different age and size together. He attempted
to compensate for his utter disregard for chronology by
establishing special categories within the collection to
highlight the details of the library which were considered
the most valuable.
The branches of the sciences, by which Bucsánszky
catalogued the collection, were as follows:
1. Classis facultatis theologicae (A)
2. Classis facultatis juridicae (B)
3. Classis facultatis medicae (C)
4. Classis facultatis philosophicae (D)
5. Classis facultatis philologiae (E-F)
On the whole, these categories resemble the conven-
tional faculty system of universities. Strangely enough,
the only class Bucsánszky separated from philosophy was
philology, as it was necessary to accommodate belles-let-
tres, which had, by that time, carved out a place for itself
alongside the sciences.
Bucsánszky also established three special categories
48 within the collection:
Chartae geographicae (G)
Libri rariores (R)
Manuscripta (M)
Bucsánszky was also meticulous in cataloguing the ma-
terial. His two-volume Catalogus fulfils the dual role of
inventory and topographical register. Each volume, num-
bered consistently within the class, is registered by its
almost photographically reproduced title page. He also
indicated the format (forma), the year (tomi), and the
number (volumina) of the volume. In another column
(animadversiones), he added useful notes and scientific
details.
In Bucsánszky’s system, the role of the modern cata-
logue is played by the so-called repertorium.7 It is another
two-volume registry, which was intended as a more light-
weight, easy-to-search, alphabetical catalogue of authors
or (for anonymous works) subject headings. For each
book, the repertorium includes abbreviated titles with
references to the Catalogus with its relevant volume and
page, where the book is registered with its exact location.
The Dubnic library enlarged the National Széchényi
Library by a good 8,000 volumes of approximately 6,000
works. The collection comprised printed books (93.9 per-
cent), maps (3.4 percent), bibliographical rarities (1.9
percent), and manuscripts (0.8 percent). The material
was almost two-thirds of the size of Ferenc Széchényi’s gift
to the nation in 1802. What the collection contributed
to the Library in terms of quality, however, is even more
impressive.
The repertorium sheds light on the wide range of the col-
lection. The Illésházy family evidently strived to extend
their collecting efforts over all main areas of knowledge.
The proportion of each field is also worth noting. The
leading role of philology—i.e. belles-lettres and humani-
ties—is self-evident for a flourishing library at the turn of
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The substantial
share of philosophy is a similarly modern feature. The
high ratio of jurisprudential literature is what one would
expect from the library of a family of aristocrats in leading
political roles. However, the relatively significant propor-
tion of medical and theological literature definitely calls
for further inquiry.
Thorough scrutiny of this “universal” library begins
with performing two closely connected analyses into the
history of science. First, we must explore the layers of
each scientific category. Then, we must introduce the
titles which best represent the substance and quality of
the collection. Meanwhile, we must not lose sight of the
specifically Hungarian aspects of the material.
According to the aforementioned sources, two mem-
bers of the Illésházy family played a central role in es-
tablishing the library. As no history of the Illésházy
family has been written so far, we have to rely on the
insufficient and often incorrect information provided
by the genealogical work of Iván Nagy.8 About János
Illésházy, this source informs us that he was a judge of
the highest feudal court, known as the Table of Seven,
and possibly chairman of the national bar examination
board. We learn that the epoch-making 1790 National
Assembly delegated him to the jurisprudential commit-
tee, which was, among other such panels, intended to
propose administrative and social reforms. He married
Countess Szidónia Batthyány, who gave birth to their
son, István, and he died in 1799. We hardly learn any-
thing about his mentality, except that he was a legal ex-
pert and possibly a theorist, who was entrusted with the
responsibility of preparing legal reforms. The beginning
of his public service in 1766 coincided with the decades
of the Enlightenment in Hungary. As a bibliophile, he
must have played a principal role in establishing the
jurisprudential collection of the library.
His son, István Illésházy, began his studies in 1771
at a Jesuit institution in Nagyszombat (today Trnava in
Slovakia). After the Society of Jesus was disbanded, he
continued his studies under the supervision of Enlight-
enment tutors. He finished his studies in philosophy
in Nagyszombat, and he received his Doctor of Arts
degree in Buda, 1778. He attended this faculty with
such illustrious contemporaries as Elek Horányi, Károly
Koppi, Márton György Kovachich, Ignác Martinovics,
Lajos Mittelpacher, Lipót Schaffrath, and István Schön-
wisner, and, as fellow Freemasons, he must have also
maintained contact with them in the following decades.
From 1777 to 1779, he was a student of law in Buda,
then also at the Eger Lyceum, where he studied Church
and domestic law until 1781. Although he received
a liberal education, his social status destined him not
for the world of scholarship, but rather for a political
career. Yet, his public service never stopped him from
enjoying the study of the sciences and literature. His
knowledge of foreign languages (Hungarian, Slovak,
Latin, German, French, and Italian) enabled him to
acquaint himself with the audacious cultural endeavors
and stimulating achievements of the time. In addition
to family tradition, his enthusiasm for books must have
been reinforced by his experiences at the libraries of
his maternal uncles: Archbishop József Batthyány in
Pozsony and Bishop Károly Eszterházy in Eger. His long
life, spanning over decades of the Enlightenment and
Romanticism, gave him ample opportunity to expand
the library in Dubnic. The material that he bestowed on
the National Széchényi Library in 1835 was three times
the size of the collection of 2,000 volumes that he had
inherited from his father.
Theological works comprise a significant proportion
of the first group in the Dubnic library. This is hardly
surprising, considering that János Illésházy received a
Baroque education, defined by Jesuit thought. His range
of inquiry, although expanded by decades of Enlighten-
ment education, was rooted in the late Scholastic idea.
His son István must also have shown interest in theology,
given the sensibilities of the time.
For the most part (approximately 70 percent), the
relevant material dates from the second half of the eight-
eenth century. The proportion of post-1800 volumes is
relatively low (6 percent). Notably, works printed in
the seventeenth century occur with relative frequency
(20 percent), while sixteenth-century volumes comprise
another 4 percent of the collection.
Geographically, most of the material originated from
Habsburg provinces and the German Empire. Eight-
eenth-century volumes were printed in such historical
cultural centers as Vienna, Salzburg, Prague, Olomouc,
Leipzig, Augsburg, or Cologne. Nineteenth-century works
were published in modern seats of German scientific
The Illésházy Family Library
thought, including Göttingen, Berlin, Jena, Leipzig, Er-
langen, Tübingen etc. There are a significant number
of eighteenth-century Italian and French works from
Rome, Venice, and Paris. The seventeenth-century ma-
terial includes volumes from typically Protestant printing
centers, such as Wittenberg and Utrecht. Interestingly,
the proportion of Hungarian publications —printed in
Nagyszombat, Pozsony, and later Pest—is as high as 20
percent. They largely date from after 1711, but 5-6 percent
of them are early Hungarian prints. In terms of language,
works written in Latin are the most common, followed by
German, French, and Italian volumes. Hungarian pub-
lications appear in a similar proportion to Italian ones.
The material also features a number of titles in Slovak
and Czech.
The abundance of publications from the eighteenth
century is a consequence of the clash between Enlight-
ened absolutism and Baroque Jesuit thought. The the-
ological material is clearly dominated by argumentative
pieces and politically motivated works on ecclesiastical
history and law. The canonical church is represented
by its official publications: the Corpus Juris Canonici,
decrees of the Council of Trent, various catechisms, the
Martyrologium Romanum, and Acta Sanctorum, alongside
such classical and modern authors as Jacob Gretser, Paul
Laymann, Caesar Baronius, and Claude François Non-
otte. New ideologies are promoted by thinkers including
Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet (Gallicanism), Claude Fleury
(episcopalism), Paul József Riegger (Józsefinism), and
several others. The metaphysical thought of the Enlight-
enment is featured in Leibniz’s ground-breaking work,
Théodicée.
Naturally, along with scientific titles, the collection
also includes a multitude of pamphlets. In the spirit of 49

Collectors and Collections
Péter Pázmány: Isteni igazságra vezérlő kalauza [A Guide to
the Divine Truth]. A summary of the teachings of the Catholic
Church complete with a critique of Protestant views (Second
edition, Pozsony, 1623).
theological Enlightenment, the works of authors includ-
ing Johann David Michaelis, Johann Wilhelm Schmid,
and Johann Friedrich Jerusalem discuss the problem of
exegesis, while others, namely Robert Bellarmin, Thomas
Kempis, Blaise Pascal, and Francis de Sales explore more
peculiar faculties of orthodoxy and Jansenism, such as
Asceticism or spiritual theology.
The collection of liturgical works features a plethora
of Roman Catholic publications: missals, graduals, books
of Psalms, breviaries, and other manuals of offices and
rituals. The relative absence of scriptures and works on
patristics also underlines the Catholic inclination of the
library.
Although the range of subjects is similarly wide in the
Hungarian material, the ideological conflict here is con-
fined to the opposition between Catholic and Protestant
thought. Works of Catholic authors also dominate this
section of the collection. Seventeenth-century authors
comprise György Káldi, Péter Pázmány, Ferenc Otrokocsi
Fóris, Pál Keresztury, Péter Beniczky, István Koháry, And­
rás Illés, and Paul I, Prince Esterházy. Eighteenth-cen-
tury thinkers include, among others, György Pray, Ince
Desericzky, Antal Gánóczy, József Benkő, Mihály Szvo­
50 rényi, Márton Padányi Bíró, and Ignác Batthyány. Nota-
ble Protestant works include early seventeenth-century
Evangelical synodical decrees from Zsolna (today Žilina
in Slovakia), Szepesváralja (Spišské Podhradie), and
Rózsahegy (Ružomberok), Upper Hungary, and a trea-
tise on the history of the Protestant Church in Hungary
and Transylvania by German theologian Friedrich Adolf
Lampe, published in Utrecht in 1728.
Chronologically, the jurisprudential collection is
similar to the previous section. It is characterized by a
dominance of eighteenth-century publications (with a
proportion of 50 percent) over seventeenth-century (17
percent) and nineteenth-century works (27 percent)
with the sporadic presence of sixteenth-century vol-
umes (6 percent). Geographically, the majority of these
works originated from German university towns and
printing centers, but there are also a number of prints
from Switzerland (Basel and Geneva), the Low Coun-
tries (Amsterdam) and even France. The proportion of
Hungarian publications in this segment also reaches 20
percent. Until the mid-eighteenth century, the predom-
inant language is Latin, but after that, works written in
German begin to prevail. A limited number of volumes
in French and Hungarian are also present.
The rapid spread of civitas as thought and a view of
life in the eighteenth century features as prominently
in the jurisprudential collection as in the theological
material. Here, the ancien régime is represented by
the Imperial German offshoot of Roman law, known
as the law of Pandects. There is an abundance of edi-
tions of the Corpus Juris Civilis, the school textbook
Institutes, collections of the Digest, the received law,
and corresponding theoretical discussions. There are
also numerous works on German public law, and even
on the national customary laws of particular Habsburg
countries. Prominent authors of natural law, such as
Hugo Grotius, Montesquieu, and Karl Anton Martini,
are also featured. A rich variety of publications reveal
how Enlightened jurisprudential thought became part of
the educational and legislative system, and how it was
adopted in legal practice. The experimental legislative
reform of the Austrian provinces is represented by the
collected volumes of the decrees issued by Maria Theresa
and especially József II. On the other hand, the works of
Heinrich Zoesius and Gottlieb Heineccius also illustrate
how the interests of the absolute monarchy conserved
the law of Pandects, buttressed with Enlightenment
interpretations. The collection also features the final
product of the contemporary development of jurispru-
dence: the Napoleonic Code.
Expanding administrative functions of the state re-
sulted in an extension of traditional jurisprudence into
legal and political sciences. Statistics, early economics
and financial studies began to gain relevance. Corres­
pondingly, the material from Dubnic includes works by
Joachim Georg Daries, Johann Heinrich Gottlob von
Justi, József von Sonnenfels, and Gottfried Achenwall,
together with a rich literature of political journalism on
the financial politics and other issues of the Napoleonic
era.
The material also faithfully reflects the development
of feudal jurisprudence in Hungary. The diverse collec-
tion of scientific literature must have been unequalled
even by the libraries of the highest ranking families. It
features, first of all, the most important editions of the
Corpus Juris Hungarici: the first, 1584 edition by Zaka-
riás Mossóczi and Miklós Telegdi, the 1696 version by
Márton Szentiványi, and the official, eighteenth-century
publications from Nagyszombat. Even more impressive is
the collection of the Tripartitum editions, dating from
the sixteenth century (1545, 1561, 1581) up to the late
eighteenth century (1775). Interestingly, the library also
includes the great collections of Transylvanian law: the
Aprobatae Constitutiones and the Compilatae Constitu-
tiones (from 1677 and 1779, respectively).
Seventeenth-century and eighteenth-century scientific
titles from the discipline of law appear in large numbers:
Praecognita Juris by Paul I, Prince Esterházy, Directio Me-
thodica Processus Judiciarii by János Kitonich, a descrip-
tion of legal proceedings by János Kászoni, Tripartitum
Juris Hungarici Tyrocinium by János Szegedi, Jurisprudentia
Practica by István Huszty, Opusculum Quaestonium by Pál
Prileszky, Normalium Constitutorum by József Keresztúry,
the legal codex from Tárnok by Márton György Kovach-
ich, Ordo historiae Juris Civilis Hungarici by Antal Mózes
Cziráky, and several other reference books. A further sizea-
ble group consists of the documentations from each national
assembly (acta, diaria, articuli) in printed and manuscript
forms ranging from the early seventeenth century to the early
nineteenth century. Certain public documents of national
interest, such as peace treaties and unpublished reports by
assembly committees, are also worth noting. Discussions of
the history of law by Ferenc Ádám Kollár and József Benczur
signify the literary offensive launched by the absolute monar-
chy against the feudal constitution of Hungary. Finally, the
appendix includes volumes from what were considered auxil-
iary sciences of jurisprudence in the late eighteenth century:
diplomacy, heraldry, sphragistics, numismatics, and statistics.
These are represented by the pioneering works of Márton
György Kovachich, Ferenc Károly Palma, György Pray,
Mihály Horváth, Márton Schwartner, Antal Szirmay,
and György Fejér.
The chronological distribution of the medical collec-
tion is almost identical to the previous segments. The
assortment of printing locations is also much the same,
displaying a dominance of Imperial German printing
centers, followed by those in the lands of the Monarchy,
with an approximately 10 percent share of Hungarian
print shops, and finally a scarcity of Western European
(French and Swiss) press-works. Unlike the previous col-
lections, this section is dominated by German-language
publications (50 percent) over the ones written in Latin
(35 percent). Other languages (Hungarian, French, and
Czech) feature less prominently.
The material displays a blend of scientifically valu-
able works and popular writings, including writings by
charlatans. If we consider that in Hungary there was no
formal medical training before 1770, and that even the
most educated lacked medical knowledge, it is impressive
that the library of an aristocratic family contained such a
comprehensive collection of medical works.
We can distinguish four subsections in the material:
works on general medicine and medical practice; publi-
cations on surgery, obstetrics, anatomy and veterinary
science; botanical, chemical, and mineral sciences; and
pharmaceutical works. This classification shows great
The Illésházy Family Library
competence as it corresponds to the subjects of university
medical training. The list of authors includes notable
antique and medieval thinkers, such as Hippocrates or
several physicians of the Salerno Medical School, but
also modern scholars: Albrecht von Hatter, who, as a
professor at the University of Bern and later Göttingen,
established physiology as an individual science; Carl von
Linné, author of the binomial nomenclature; or Dutch
physician Herman Boerhaave, who taught at the Uni-
versity of Leiden, and whose Institutiones de methodo me-
dendi served as a basic reference book for decades throughout
Europe. There are also works by outstanding representatives
of eighteenth-century Central European medicine: Viennese
professors Heinrich Johann Crantz, Joseph Jacob Plenck,
and Anton von Störk. Hungarian physicians are also
featured prominently: there is a 1573 Basel edition of
Vegetius’s works compiled by Johannes Sambucus (János
Zsámboky), while Sámuel Köleséri, János Torkos Justus,
József Csapó, Károly Mócsi, Pál Adami, Gottlieb Klein,
Péter Madács, Dávid Sámuel Mádai, János Molnár, and
Sándor Tolnai each partake with one book. A number of
titles published abroad discuss the therapeutic effects of
the medicinal bath in Trencsénteplice (today Trenčian-
ske Teplice in Slovakia), owned by the Illésházy family.
There are a fair number of doctoral dissertations, herbaria
in printed or manuscript form, as well as handbooks of
medicines and herbs. Other works, dating as far back as
the late sixteenth century, include books on equine and
bovine diseases, and also studies on facing the terrifying
epidemics of the past (such as the plague or the pox) or
treating common illnesses (such as gout).
The section with the heading “philosophia” does not
strictly cover philosophy as we know it. In medieval
terms, which were rooted in university education, and 51
 coexisted with modern philosophy up to the nineteenth
century, the expression referred to the seven liberal arts.
Although the education reforms by Gottfried van Swi-
eten meant that the subjects taught in the art faculties
of Hungarian universities were no longer limited to the
trivium and the quadrivium9, the library in Dubnic con-
served the transitional period when historical liberal arts
were blending with expertise and practical knowledge.
The inventory established four categories for the rele-
vant material:
1. logic, metaphysics, and history of sciences (historia
litteraria);
2. mathematics, astronomy, geometry, and hydraulics;
3. physics, mechanics, and agriculture (res rustica);
4. ethics, aesthetics, and critical reasoning.
Philosophical works, strictly speaking, belong to the
first and the fourth category. as in the case of the theo-
logical section, these writings represent both prevailing
world views. Jesuit scholars provide the religious perspec-
Collectors and Collections
tive, including Spanish thinker Francisco de Toledo,
whose writings featured prominently in the Hungarian
university curriculum, or Viennese professor Sigmund
Strohenau. There are a number of works by university
teachers from Nagyszombat: Gábor Hevenesi, András
Jaszlinszky, János K. Horváth, Antal Vanossi, György
Szerdahelyi, and others, including thinkers who were
already inclined towards modern philosophy. Notable
non-Jesuit Catholic authors are Justus Lipsius, profes-
sor of the University of Louvain, and Abbey Claude-
François Nonnotte.
Sixteenth-century, seventeenth-century, and eight-
eenth-century authors of the Humanist and, later, the
rationalistic-materialistic world view are also strongly
represented. There are works by Michel de Montaigne
and as many as six seventeenth-century editions of Fran-
cis Bacon’s writings. Volumes by John Locke and even
Helvétius are also listed. As to be expected, eminent
thinkers of the German Aufklärung are present from
Christian Wolff to Kant. Several of Wolff’s works are
contemporary editions. The tomes of these outstanding
scholars are interspersed with insignificant and often
anonymous works on nature, religion and Freemasonry.
Writings of Hungarian free thinkers include Phisiologis-
che Bemerkungen über den Menschen (Petersburg, 1789)
by Ignác Martinovics. The nineteenth-century material
features publications written in the spirit of Romanti-
cism, such as the 1815–1819 volumes of Geist der Zeit.
Several reference books and brochures discuss tech-
nological expertise and the applied branches of natural
sciences. Engineering is represented by Jacopo Barozzi
Vignola’s treatise on architecture and a number of other
works on civil engineering, waterworks and navigation.
52 Applied arithmetics is featured in textbooks on dou-
ble entry bookkeeping, while agricultural studies are
discussed by more than two hundred reference books,
guides, and agricultural calendars in German and Hun-
garian, dating as far back as Posoni Kert (Garden in
Pozsony) by János Lippay (Vienna, 1668). As a novel-
ty, literary history is represented by Historia universitatis
Tyrnaviensis by Ferenc Kazy and Conspectus reipublicae
litterariae in Hungaria by Pál Wallaszky.
Our statistics show that the size of the philological
category exceeds the combined size of the four other
sections. Early nineteenth-century philology comprised
not only linguistics, literary science, and critical text
analysis, but also a considerably broader range of con-
cepts and practical knowledge related to the humanities.
Even more remarkably, belles-lettres also belonged to
this field, as an indication of the newfound appreciation
for poetic and artistic work in the late eighteenth cen-
tury. Philology also encompassed grammar—previously
one of the seven liberal arts—and didactics, as well as
general history and its auxiliary sciences: geography,
topography, and military studies.
The philology section begins with the history. A se­
parate category was established for foreign historical
works—excluding authors from the Ancient Greece and
Rome—and for Hungarian titles. The size of the former
group (444 titles) considerably exceeds the size of the
latter (173 titles). Both segments are dominated by eight-
eenth-century works with a scarcity of early publications.
While nineteenth-century titles are rare in the Hun-
garian material, the foreign corpus shows considerable
expansion after 1800. The numbers may shed light on
the embryonic state of Hungarian historiography before
the eighteenth century, and its thwarted development
in the early 1800s.
The foreign material offers some surprising but ex-
plicable insights. The collection lacks a strict scientific
approach, and highlights of historiography are nota-
bly absent. However, it is possible to trace scientific
developments from chroniclers and Humanist authors
to the representatives of Enlightenment thought and
Romanticism, but only via insignificant titles, historical
documents, and unscientific but intriguing tales and
anecdotes. The collection method here clearly catered
to the interests of the aristocratic readership. Humanist
historiography is represented by such works as Histoire de
Florence by Macchiavelli or late editions of Benvenuto Cel-
lini’s autobiography (Amsterdam, 1694 and Braunschweig,
1748). A classic example of Baroque historical writing would
be Discours sur histoire universelle by Bossuet (Paris, 1682).
Works by Enlightenment thinkers include Geschichte der
Deutschen by Michael Ignaz Schmidt (Ulm, 1778) and the
German translation of Claude Francois Xavier Millot’s
sixteen-volume Histoire universelle (Vienna, 1794). Ro-
Transylvanicis by Farkas Bethlen(Nagyszeben, 1782),
and Forgách Ferenc’s Rerum Hungaricarum commentarii
(Pozsony–Kassa, 1788).
Foreign sources on the Ottoman–Hungarian Wars and
the Hungarian revolutions are also available, including
such titles as Hungarisch–Türkische Chronik (Nuremberg,
1684), Histoire de l’estat présent du royaume de la Hongrie
(Cologne, 1686), or Vera et deducta descriptio criminalium
processuum Francisci de Nádasd, Petri a Zrin etc. (Vienna,
1671). Other intriguing works feature the memoirs by
Francis II Rákóczi, Histoire des revolutions de Hongrie (La
Haye, 1739), de Sacy’s Histoire générale de Hongrie (Paris,
1778), and the publication Merkwürdige Geschichte des
Lebens des Grafen Emerich von Thököly (Berlin u. Post-
dam, 1738).
The eighteenth-century material allows us to trace the
evolution of scientific historiography in Hungary. From
the positivist approach, Jesuit and Protestant authors in-
clude Sámuel Timon, Ince Desericzky, Elek Horányi, and
The Illésházy Family Library
Péter Bod. Proponents for a school of political studies
modelled on the University of Halle comprise Mátyás Bél,
Károly Bél, András Lehoczky, and József Benkő. Ádám
Ferenc Kollár appears as one of the foremost authorities
on legal history. Pioneers of critical historiography include
György Pray, István Katona, Dániel Cornides, György
Márton Kovachich, Károly Wagner, Károly Ferenc Palma,
History of Transylvania by János Bethlen (Vienna, 1782) and István Schönwiser. Finally, early nineteenth-century
manticism is exemplified by Österreichische Plutarch, the
work of Josef von Hormayr (Vienna, 1807). These well-
known titles are interspersed with outdated publications,
biographies and historical anecdotes. Their significance at
the time lied within broadening the traditionally restricted
horizons of Hungarian aristocracy.
The Hungarian material here is considerably more
comprehensive and detailed than the previous col-
lections of Hungarian titles. Humanist works include
Historia Matthiae Hunyadi by Gáspár Heltai (Kolozsvár,
1565), Antonio Bonfini’s Rerum Hungaricarum decades
(Hannoviae, 1606), Historia regni Hungariae by Baron
Miklós Istvánffy (Coloniae, 1622), and products of the late
Humanist scientific thought, such as Origines Hungaricae
by Ferenc Otrokocsi Fóris (Franeqerae, 1693), De Mo-
narchia by Péter Révay (Francofurti, 1659), and János
Bethlen’s Rerum Transylvanicarum (1664). There are
also post-Humanist titles and new discoveries, such as
Epitome rerum Hungaricarum by Petrus Ransanus (Buda,
1746), Magyar Krónika by Pethő Gergely, (Pozsony,
1742), György Ráttkay’s Memoria Regum (Vienna,
1772), Gesta Hungarorum by Anonymus (Kassa, 1772),
János György Schwandtner’s Scriptores rerum Hungari-
cum (Vienna, 1746), Commentarii de rebus Transylvanicis Published between 1746 and 1748, Johannes Schwandtner col-
by János Bethlen (Bécs, 1778–1782), Historia de rebus lected the sources of Hungarian history in a three-volume tome 53
 narrative historians are represented by Benedek Virág
and Ézsaiás Budai.
As a supplementary discipline to historiography, mil-
itary science comprises a relatively small subsection
with little more than 40 titles. These are partly sys-
tematic discussions, such as Tactica by Emperor Leo VI
the Wise (Vienna, 1781), Commentaries by Raimondo
Montecuccoli (Vienna, 1718), Poliorcheticon by Justus
Lipsius (Antwerp, 1605), and Observationes by Ludwig
Khevenhüller (Vienna, 1734), and partly secret military
instructions or regulations. They were mostly written
in German or French, but some Hungarian texts occur
as well, such as Krisztián Farkas Fáber’s textbook Hadi
emberek oktatása [Training for Soldiers] (Kassa, 1759)
and numerous service regulations from the last insur-
rection in 1809.
The geographical material is considerably broader,
with as many as 202 volumes. 50 percent of the cor-
pus dates from the eighteenth, 40 percent from the
Collectors and Collections
nineteenth century. The earliest works include the
Weltbuch by Sebastianus Franco Werdensis (1542), a
Liber cosmographicus (Basel, H. Petri, 1552), the Spec-
ulum orbis terrarum (Antwerpen, 1593), Abrahamus
Ortelius’s Compendio dal theatro del mondo (Anvers,
1612), and Gerardus Mercator’s Atlas (Atlas sive Cosmo-
graphicae Meditationes de Fabrica Mundi, Amsterdam,
1606). From the seventeenth century onwards, there
are a large number of city maps, country guides, alma-
nacs and travelogues, and the arrival of the eighteenth
century brings a proliferation of descriptions of exotic,
faraway lands.
There is a high proportion (18–20 percent) of works
discussing Hungary. Notable examples are a Parvus atlas
Hungariae (Bécs, 1639), and a book: Neue und kurze
Beschreibung des Königreichs Ungarn (Nürnberg, 1664).
Eighteenth and nineteenth century authors include Má-
tyás Bél, János Tomka-Szászky, Karl Gottlieb von Win-
disch, Sámuel Benkő, István Schönwisner, and János
Csaplovics. Systematic descriptions of the country are
rare—one example is István Losonczy’s textbook for
schoolchildren, Hármas kis tükör (Pozsony, 1777)—but
there are a fair number of accounts of specific regions,
such as Transylvania or the area of the Danube or the
Tisza River.
The grammatical subsection consists of 106 titles,
almost exclusively from the eighteenth century. The
most prominent piece is De duplici copia verborum ac
rerum commentarii by Erasmus of Rotterdam (Cologne,
1554). A number of Hungarian titles also stand out:
János Sajnovics’s famous Demonstratio (Nagyszombat,
1770), and the textbooks of Mátyás Bél and György
Pray. Besides classical languages, the collection en-
54 compasses the chief Western European vernaculars
and a few Slavic languages, such as Polish or Serbian.
Dictionaries also belong to this category with 63 titles.
A notable early edition is the Dictionarium undecim lin-
guarum by Calepinus (Basel, 1605), while one of the latest
publications is Diderot’s seventeen-volume Encyclopédie
(Luques, 1758). Seventeenth and eighteenth-century glos-
saries include works of Hungarian authors, such as Ferenc
Pápai Páriz, Ferenc Wagner, Sámuel Mindszenti, and
János Mátyás Korabinszky. The appendix of the grammati-
cal subsection comprises writings on didactics, including the
1777 Ratio Educationis and the 1790 plan for Hungarian
academies: Planum erigendi Eruditae Societatis Hungaricae
(Vienna).
The majority of the works in the philological section
are belletristic pieces, which clearly illustrates how the
artistic world view gained prominence alongside the
sciences at the time. The belletristic segment consists of
separate blocks. It is, of course, based on antique poetry
and prose, which had been held in great esteem since
the age of humanism. 51, chiefly eighteenth-century
editions encompass the most remarkable authors of the
Antiquity. An early Hungarian publication is featured
among the scarce sixteenth and seventeenth-century
sources: Enchiridion by Epiktetos in Gáspár Heltai’s 1585
Kolozsvár edition.
There are loosely connected samples of sixteenth-cen-
tury to eighteenth-century Hungarian and international
poetry in the collection. Written in German, French,
Italian, and English, the majority of these 188 works
date back to the eighteenth century. Hungarian contri-
butions include titles such as the letters of King Mathias
I (Epistolae Matthiae Corvini, Kassa, 1744), the poetry
of Janus Pannonius (Libri III. Poematum, Buda, 1754),
Imre Thurzó’s orations as Rector of the University of
Wittenberg (Orationes, Wittenberg, 1616), János Osztro-
zith’s university speech (Oratio de majestate, Wittenberg,
1616), the letter of Palatine Miklós Esterházy to George
I Rákóczi (Pozsony, 1644), Miklós Zrínyi’s epic poem
Adriai tengernek Syrénája (The Siren of the Adriatic Sea,
Vienna, 1651), a laudation to Paul I, Prince Esterházy
(Affectus universorum Statuum et Ordinum, Nagyszom-
bat, 1681), and a György Bessenyei play, Buda tragédiája
(Tragedy of Buda, Pozsony, 1773).
One of the separate belletristic sections with 417 titles
includes great eighteenth-century and nineteenth-cen-
tury editions of collected works; i.e. multiple-volume
oeuvres of authors who were significant or fashionable
at the time. The young István Illésházy began to compile
this collection when he was still living in Bán, and he
proceeded with expanding it until as late as the early
1830s. The inventory begins with the collected works of
Rousseau (1781–1782, Geneva) and early nineteenth-cen-
tury editions of La Fontaine from Berlin, Leipzig, and
Vienna. German Rococo, Sturm und Drang, Classi-
cism, and Romanticism follow, including such names
as Goethe, Schiller, Wieland, and Herder. The list also
includes Hungarian-born historian and belletrist Ignaz
Aurelius Fessler.
Another subsection (headed auctores scenici) compris-
es late eighteenth-century and early nineteenth-century
editions of dramatic works; altogether 245 titles. Series
include Shakespeare’s works, the oeuvre of August Frie-
drich Kotzebue, and August Wilhelm Ifflandt. Separate
titles feature a fair number of contemporaries ranging as
far as Franz Grillparzer.
The collection of novels illustrate the proliferation
of insignificant prose of nameless authors in the early
nineteenth century. There are as many as 637 items on
the list of multiple-volume novels, while single-volume
editions total 211 titles with altogether 243 French nov-
elists. In the 1836-piece multitude of romances, adven-
tures, and travelogues, names of literary significance,
The Illésházy Family Library
such as Cristoph Martin Wieland or Madame de Staël,
scarcely appear.
The philology section ends with a good 400-piece
assortment of miscellaneous material. Items of value
include 65 contemporary brochures on the French Rev-
olution and 20 pamphlets published by various German
and Austrian Masonic Lodges in the 1780s and 1790s.
Other historically relevant sources here may include
calendars, almanacs, and pocket guides.
The aforementioned special collections of the library
feature printed bibliographical rarities, manuscripts,
maps, and graphics. György Bucsányszky compiled the
catalogue of these curiosities with great care. His list of
special editions includes all the incunabula, then six-
teenth and seventeenth-century works established as
Hartmann Schedel’s richly illustrated chronicle of the world
rarities by György Pray, and other domestic and inter- (Schedel, H.: Liber chronicarum. Nuremberg, 1493)
national editions which in his own view, or based on is featured among the rarities. It has several references to
relevant literature, held special value. He selected and Hungary, including a portrait of King Mathias I and images of
contemporary Hungarian castles.
catalogued 115 such items in the collection.
He also catalogued the manuscripts in the library
separately. Here, unfortunately, he adopted the previ- Apparently, the Ransanus Codex was missing from the
ous library system, according to which this collection material at the time of the handover. It emerged some
was rather archival in nature. This way, the few actual years later, and found its way to the National Széchényi
manuscripts are, to all intents and purposes, buried un- Library from the collection of Miklós Jankovich. The
der multitudes of letters and documents. Furthermore, assumption is that Jankovich borrowed the codex, and
several manuscripts were overlooked and thus omitted never returned it.
from the new catalogue. The following documents date almost exclusively from
The 51-item list consists predominantly of political the eighteenth century. They encompass ecclesiastical
and legal writings as opposed to literary works. While papers, including records on the history of the Society of
28 items designate files and documents, as few as 23 are Jesus from the Rákóczi era to 1773; files from the chan-
actual manuscripts. Only four of those hold significant cellor’s office, the regent’s office, the Royal Court and
value; two items are from the library of Archbishop the Table of the Seven; decrees from the era of József II;
Tamás Bakócz, and one of them, in a broader sense, is record fragments related to the insurrection in Trencsén
a Corvina. County; and other legal documents. 55
 There is a relative scarcity of literary works in the
manuscript collection. Notable examples are handwrit-
ten notes of Miklós Zrínyi’s work, Ne bántsd a magyart
[Do not hurt the Hungarians], and other manuscripts by
Mátyás Bél, István Illésházy, and his father.
The cartographic collection of the library consists
of slightly more than 200 maps, some of them of sig-
nificant value. The majority of the material originates
from the eighteenth century. The oldest complete map
of Hungary, J. C. Miller’s chart, dates back to 1709, the
era of József II. Other valuable items include maps by
J. Homann, J. Bruggen (1737), Schrämbl (1790), Kora-
binszky, Sámuel Krieger, Lotter, and Lipszky (1806 and
1810). Six other charts, mostly from the Józsefine era,
detail the topography of the Balkan Peninsula. Several
county maps of Upper-Hungary were drawn between
1762 and 1795; they comprise charts of Trencsén, Liptó,
Túróc, Árva, Nyitra, Pozsony, Zólyom, Bars, Hont, Sze-
pes, Sáros, and also of Sopron, Moson, Zala, Vas, Fejér,
number of significant works: the engraving series Series
imperatorum Romanorum by court artist of Emperor Max-
imilian II, Jacopo Strada of Mantua; Le Theatre des Pein-
tures by David Teniers (Anvers, 1673); or the Historischer
Bilder-Bibel (I. Teil, Augsburg, 1705) and the Biblisches
Engel und Kunstwerk (Augsburg, 1715) by Johann Ulrich
Kraus. Another valuable item is the series of replicas made of
the frescoes of the Thurzó (Orava) Castle by Carolus Möller
in 1763. Other pieces include Wilhelm Bauer’s engravings
for Ovid’s Metamorphoses (Nuremberg, 1750), drawings
of Swiss and Russian folk attires, the history of European
clothing, uniforms of the Imperial and Royal Army, and
illustrations for school textbooks and children’s books.
A systematic analysis of the material sheds light on
the leading role of István Illésházy. The Count acquired
the library from his father in 1800, which leads to the
conclusion that he must have obtained a majority of the
post-1800 items. This expansion amounted to 6 percent
in the theological, 27 percent in both the jurisprudential

The Illésházy Family Library

Collectors and Collections

and Pest-Pilis-Solt—counties where the Illésházy family
once owned estates. 8 hydrographical maps feature the
River Vág, the Danube, and the Marshlands of Ecsed
(Lacus Etsediensis). There are maps of the estates in Hra-
dec, Érd and the historical Moravia.
The last special collection includes 25 items of copper
engravings and graphics. The former group features a
and philosophical, 43 percent in the philological, and at
least 75 percent in the belletristic categories. Along with
an approximately 200 percent increase in size, Count Ist-
ván Illésházy’s contribution brought about the transition
from an old-fashioned theological, philosophical, and ju-
risprudential library to a collection of modern literary and
scientific works.
Codex of Petrus Ransanus, Bishop of Lucera, written in the early 1490s for the library of King Mathias I. The miniature shows the
royal couple receiving the bishop. The Corvina originally belonged to the Illésházy family library, but later became Miklós Jank-
ovich’s possession. (Manuscripts Archive of the Nat.Széch.L. Cod. Lat. 249.)

János Illésházy’s library, the catalogue of which had
been regularly updated until 1799, did not include the
collection of incunabula. It had only one such item: the
Vocabularium Germanico–Latinum (Nuremberg, 1482).
This collection must have almost entirely been com-
piled by the younger Illésházy, when the material from
disbanded monasteries became available in the market.
A similar expansion is discernible in the cartographic
collection. Other items of the early material, such as
the medieval codices and other valuable documents of
the manuscript archives were already included in the
1792 catalogue.
The role of János Illésházy is similarly perceivable
from the analysis. As his father died in 1765, János,
being the sole heir to the estate, must have been tasked
with administering the library. The post-1765 items
of the eighteenth-century material may therefore be
seen as his acquisitions. This entails a good 500 titles
of printed volumes, which is a significant expansion
both in size and quality. It demonstrates two pivotal
changes that the Hungarian sensibility underwent in the
eighteenth century: the emergence of historical curiosity
and increasing secularization. The former is indicated
Opening page of the Cicero Codex (De Oratore) with József Illésházy’s handwritten note
56 (Manuscripts Archive of the Nat.Széch.L. Cod. Lat. 148.) by the rapidly expanding historical material; the latter
by the dwindling theological acquisitions. Meanwhile,
the conservative nature of Hungarian jurisprudence ex-
plains why there was no pressing need to modernize the
legal collection of the library.
It is the prized collection of medieval codices which
corroborates the existence of the library well before the
time of János Illésházy. The Cicero and the Barbarus
Codex each feature a handwritten note from 1725 and
1729, respectively: “Comitis Josephi Illésházi Catalogo in-
scriptus”.10 József (Józsefus) Illésházy was János Illésházy’s
father. The existence of this unknown catalogue is tan-
gible proof that the Illésházy family collection already
existed in the early eighteenth century.
Among the former possessors of the Barbarus Codex,
the name of Palatine György Thurzó also appears a good
one hundred years earlier (“Comes Georgius Thurzo
Comes perpetuus de Arua Regni Hungariae Palatinus
1611”), and there is another handwritten note from him
in the Ransanus Codex. This is valuable information in
the light of the genealogy of the Illésházy family.
From the early 1700s on, the family had two branch-
es, which both originated from Ferenc II, the brother of
Palatine István Illésházy, a leading figure in the politics
of the Bocskai era. (István died without any offspring.) 57
 The aforementioned family members belonged to the
older branch, which began with Ferenc III, and died out
with István Illésházy in 1838.
The younger branch began with Ferenc III’s brother
Gáspár (1593–1648), Gabriel Bethlen’s distinguished gen-
eral and diplomat. This branch died out with Gáspár’s
sons, Gábor (1622–1667) and (1625–1685?). However,
Gáspár Illésházy was married to Ilona Thurzó, daughter
of Palatine György Thurzó and Erzsébet Czobor. This
would explain the presence of Thurzó family codices in
the Illésházy library. After the male branch of the Thurzó
family died out, the Thurzó girls and their descendants
inherited the undivided estate, but they must have shared
in the personal property. Part of György Thurzó’s library
with the two codices must have found its way to Gáspár
Illésházy through Ilona Thurzó. After his death, his sons
Gábor and György inherited the library, which, when
György died, went to the sole heir Miklós (who later
became chancellor).
Collectors and Collections
The catalogue (“Index genuinus Bibliothecae Bittsensis…
1610.”), which Ilona Thurzó might have brought with her from
the family castle in Biccse (Bytča in Slovakia), has been in the
National Archives since 1927. It registers 308 volumes both in
alphabetical order and by format, and includes sixteenth-cen-
tury editions of the works of classical authors and Humanist
thinkers. Both the Ransanus and the Barbarus Codex are
featured in the inventory from Biccse, and a number of early
Hungarian works from the Illésházy collection also appear in
it. (RMK I. 421, II. 349, III. 1087 and 1185). These facts
prove without a shadow of a doubt that the Illésházy
library already existed in the early seventeenth century.
At the turn of the sixteenth and seventeenth centu-
ries, the Illésházy family was already a highly educated
household. We do not know much about the schooling
of Palatine István Illésházy, only that he attended school
in Pozsony, i.e. comprehensive school. Based on his cor-
respondence and historiographical memoranda,12 he pre-
sumably also had a university education. His nephew,
Gáspár, attended the University of Leipzig from 1609,
and had literary aspirations. As a monk, Gáspár’s brother,
Ferenc III undoubtedly had a higher education. Gáspár’s
sons, Gábor and György received Protestant schooling,
but may have also attended the Catholic University of
Krakow. Ádám, one of their cousins, was a parish priest
in Ásvány, Győr County, and received his theological
doctorate from the University of Nagyszombat.
We have no data on the schooling of Baron Ferenc
Illésházy IV, but his son, Miklós, who held the position
of Court Chancellor between 1706 and 1723, must have
received further education. The same stands for József,
the warden of Hungary, and János, a pre-eminent judge.
The last Illésházy, as we know, received his doctorate in
58 Philosophy from the University of Buda.
These facts corroborate the theory that the library
in Dubnic was gradually established through three and
a half centuries. Notes from the Bucsánszky invento-
ry and actual works from the National Széchényi Li-
brary demonstrate the scientific and literary work of the
Illésházy family, and, as a necessary consequence, their
book collecting needs.
There are two manuscripts written by Palatine István
Illésházy in the Manuscripts Archive of the Széchényi
Library: a book of political correspondence (Prothoc-
ollon partim de rebus Hungaricis) and a notebook with
political reflections (Oratio Stephani Illésházy etc.).13
A third manuscript, with his notes on contemporary
history from 1592 to 1603, was published by the Hun-
garian Academy of Sciences in 1863 as part of the the
Monumenta series.
Gáspár Illésházy, the other leading figure of Protes-
tantism, also left us outstanding works, such as the Kéz-
ben viseloe koenyv (A Handbook, Debrecen, 1639), his
collection of classical aphorisms, Viridarium (Trencsén,
1643), and his handwritten jurisprudential notes (Nota-
ta varia juridica). His younger son, György, contributed
to Dávid Lani’s Protestant theological work Disputatio
de justitia (Trencsén, 1640), and wrote his own piece
on ethics under the title Oratio continens quadrigam co-
lumnarum ethicarum (Trencsén, 1642). The Manuscripts
Archive also contains the handwritten diaries of Chan-
cellor Miklós Illésházy from his years in office between
1706 and 1723. József Illésházy is featured with medicinal
books, and there are written records of national interest
by János Illésházy, excerpts of classical Greek and Roman
works, and his memoranda of the eventful 1790 Diet.
There are about 80 Illésházy items in the National
Széchényi Library Collection of Early Hungarian Books.
Among their possessor notes, the predominant date is
1729, when Count József Illésházy’s comprehensive cat-
alogue may have been compiled.
From the previous generation, two works under the
press-marks RMK II. 1423. and 1109. feature Chancellor
Miklós Illésházy’s handwritten notes: “Ex libris Nicolai
Illésházy de eadem anni 1678.” and „Ex libris Comitis
Nicolai Illésházy, Viennae die 17 Nov. 1706.” Two other
pieces (RMK II. 2080 and III. 3578) were dedicated
to the Chancellor. He, Miklós Illésházy, connects the
younger branch of the family to the branch which ac-
quired the Thurzó library around 1621.
The role of Gábor and György—Miklós’s predeces-
sors—in the formation of the library is corroborated by
dedications from the 1660s and 1670s written by authors
or pressed into the binding by publishers (RMK II. 740/a,
971, 994, 1407). A contemporary handwritten record
also proves that Imre Lósy, Archbishop of Esztergom,
gave a volume as a gift to Gáspár Illésházy (RMK III.
1027, 3rd copy). Both facts confirm that the Illésházy cultural history. The multitude of private bibliograph-
family was collecting books as early as the first half of ical collections in Hungary, dating from the sixteenth
the seventeenth century. century or later, hardly ever survived more than two
Other, earlier evidence includes the printed law arti- generations. They were soon dispersed, scattered, or
cles (Articuli diaetales) from between 1595 and 1601, transferred to new owners. The library of Dubnic is the
which the monarch sent as an official publication to only surviving collection which, dating as far back as
István Illésházy, the future palatine. the Humanist era, sheds light on a series of transitions in
The Illésházy family library in Dubnic was the fruit scientific sensibilities and offers insights into the cultural
of the diligent and conscientious labor of at least seven development of our political ruling class.14
generations, and this is where its significance lies in
Notes
1
The original letter is in the Hungarian rendezéséről [On the arrangement of the National 10
Országos Széchényi Könyvtár. Kézirattár.
National Archives. Regnicolaris Archive, Széchényi Library in the Hungarian National Mu- Cod. Lat. 148., Cod. Lat. 294.
The Illésházy Family Library
Archivum palatinale archiducis Josephi, Acta seum], Magyar Könyvszemle, 1876, 127–134.,
Musei, an. 1835, no. 777. 173–183. National Széchényi Library, Manuscripts
11
Archive. Fol. Lat. 27., Fol. Lat. 28.
2
National Széchényi Library. Administrative 6
A Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum múltja és jelene
Archive. Foundation Documents 24., Adminis- (Past and Present of the Hungarian National 12
Gr. Illésházy István nádor följegyzései 1592–
trative Archive. 1935. 10. Museum), Budapest, 1902. 6. 1603 (Memoranda of Count István Illésházy,
Palatine of Hungary between 1592 and 1603),
3
Magyar Törvénytár. 1836–1868. évi törvény- 7
National Széchényi Library, Manuscripts in Monumenta Hungariae Historica, II.,7., Pest,
czikkek (Law articles from the years between 1836 Archive. Fol. Lat. 29., Fol. Lat. 30. 1863.
and 1868), Budapest, 1896, 72.
8
NAGY Iván, Magyarország családai… (Fami- National Széchényi Library, Manuscripts
13
4
MÁTRAY Gábor, A Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum lies of Hungary), vol. 5. Pest, 1859, 222–229. Archive. Quart. Lat. 316., Fol. Lat. 2336.
korszakai (Epochs of the Hungarian National
Museum), Pest, 1868. 9
SZENTPÉTERY Imre, A bölcsészettudományi 14
This study is an abridgement. For the entire
kar története 1635–1935 (History of the Faculty text, see Az Országos Széchényi Könyvtár
5
BARNA Ferdinánd, A Magyar Nemzeti of Humanities between 1635 and 1935). Buda- Évkönyve 1967 (1967 Yearbook of the National
Múzeum Széchényi Országos könyvtárának pest., 1935. 321–343. Széchényi Library). Budapest, 1969, 57–97.
59
 Mrs. GYÖRGY WIX
LONG-FORGOTTEN COLLECTORS
We tend to regard collectors with a certain ill-will. On
recalls the popular maxim, “Bücher und Antiquitäten
verderben den Charakter,” or books and antiques cor-
rupt the character. Long ago, librarian János Csontosi
claimed that Miklós Jankovich, the most passionate
Hungarian collector of all time, obtained the first two
leafs of the Jordánszky Codex by having them torn out of
the originally intact manuscript. According to Csontosi,
only an expert could have known that the Codex was
the most complete translation of the Old Testament
known at the time, and “having a few leafs of its be-
Collectors and Collections
ginning has even greater value for a collector because
this part of the Bible is entirely missing from our old
Hungarian manuscripts.”1 This ironic remark may ex-
plain why we tend to forget the great collectors of old
so easily, even though without their collections some
libraries would never have become what they are today.
Ill-will is unjustified, as few collectors begin by trying to
acquire objects no one else possesses at whatever price,
disregarding moral principles. This is especially true of
book collectors. They start buying books because they
are interested in works they wish to read, or because they
want to make additions to a collection they inherited or
founded using gifts they received in their childhood or
youth. Later, the love of books may take different forms
(even distorted ones). Some collectors are motivated by
their patriotism and a sense of responsibility for their
community, thus they establish public libraries, as some
of the aristocrats and pontiffs of the eighteenth century
did, for instance Bishop Klimó of Pécs and Count Ferenc
Széchényi. For others, libraries are the main instrument
of work throughout their lives, as in the case of the schol-
ar István Horvát, the entomologist Imre Frivaldszky, or
the bibliographer József Szinnyei. Yet others, who are
sufficiently wealthy, find in their libraries an occupa-
tion they enjoy, like Count Sándor Apponyi and Gyula
Todoreszku. Of course, there are also those for whom
financial considerations are important and who are will-
ing to part even with the most beloved pieces of their
Palatine József (1776–1847)
collection for some profit, like Lajos Farkas. It is clear,
however, that whatever the main motive for collecting
books, and whatever direction the passion for collecting
may take, a private library assembled with care, love and
expertise can immortalize the collector’s name once it
60 becomes part of a public library (whether it is donat-
ed or sold). There are few existing memorial libraries,
since few libraries welcome a collection that has to be
kept together, but it is sad that János Batsányi’s library,
containing books with notes of philological value, or
Ferenc Kölcsey’s library, for example, were “scrapped”
when they were included in a larger collection, as were
the books in Ferenc Széchényi’s library.
In this essay, I remind my reader of long-forgotten
names and collections that are no longer remembered
even by members of the profession. However, there is
LONG-FORGOTTEN COLLECTORS
a single exception which proves the rule: a person who
was not a collector, and about whom much has been
written, but whose memory cannot be honoured enough:
Palatine József of Hungary.
Palatine József, or, as biographical lexicons give his
name, Archduke Joseph Anton Johann (1776–1847),
became Regent of Hungary at the age of 19 and Pala-
tine when he was 20. For five decades, he attempted
to rule following the example of his father, Leopold II
of Tuscany. The experience he gathered at his father’s
court in his youth was accompanied by an innate sense
of aesthetics and an attraction to the everything new
and modern.
He considered it one of his foremost responsibilities
to improve and develop Buda and Pest, and he also
supported the three national institutions established
during his palatinate (in the case of the first, established
at his initiative): the Hungarian National Museum (and
national library), the Hungarian Academy of Sciences,
and the National Theater. These institution had a far
greater importance at the time than they do today, when
they “only” embody cultural values. They had a political
significance, and the court in Vienna did not consider
Palatine József’s interest in them a harmless aristocratic
pastime or a leisure activity worthy of a Habsburg. He
was justified in thinking that he had to watch over the
nation’s institutions, “he kept the noble interest awake
in our nation... he presented a comprehensive report
on the condition of the three cultural institutions to
the National Assembly at each of its sessions, and he
sent these reports to the legislative authorities of the
country as well... The most remarkable expression of
this interest took place at the National Assembly of
1832–1836, which allocated 500,000 Hungarian for-
ints for the construction of the palace of the Hungarian 61

Collectors and Collections
Statue of Palatine József in the square bearing his name, made
by German artist Johann von Halbig in Pest in 1869
National Museum and 125,000 forints for the purchase
of the Jankovich collection, thus ensuring not only a
permanent home for the Hungarian National Museum,
but also a collection which would have been the pride
of any European institution...,”2 writes János Csontosi,
who visited a great number of European collections and
thus was able to make comparisons.
From 1807 on, the Palatine acted as the general
director of the National Museum, and he considered
the development of the library an especially important
task. He was not collecting a library for himself, but for
the nation. He bought the manuscript and document
collection of Márton György Kovachich (who was not
only a professor of diplomacy, but also an active col-
lector and an accurate and conscientious copier and
publisher of Hungarian documents) for 12,000 forints
in 1809, and Gottfrid Kéler’s excellent library, which
contained mostly historical works and pamphlets from
the Age of Enlightenment, for 5000 forints in 1825.
It was as a result of his indefatigable work and inter-
ventions that the National Assembly (and county au-
62 thorities) provided the sum necessary for the purchase
of Miklós Jankovich’s above-mentioned library and of
István Horvát’s exquisite collection later on. (Not to
mention the innumerable libraries of varying size that
important scholars, pastors, etc. collected for them-
selves, and which became part of the national library’s
holdings together with Jankovich’s collection, such as
the libraries of historian Károly Wagner, genealogist
András Lehoczky, legal historian József Benczúr, or Ju-
raj Ribai, who was one of the first important figures in
Slovakian efforts to achieve nationhood.) The library
of the Illésházy family at Dubnic, collected by several
generations, was offered to the library of the National
Museum in a letter written to the palatine by the last
male member of the family, Count István lllésházy, in
1835. The palatine also donated his books to Széchényi
Library. József Szinnyei reports—and he may have had
firsthand knowledge of this—that he sent the books he
had received to the library on the first day of every year.
The older, leather-bound books in the library’s holdings
often contain Latin notes referring to the palatine’s do-
nations. These books include, for example, two beautiful
volumes bound in green Morocco leather on the educa-
tion of deaf-mutes written by Antal Schvartzer, Auróra’s
pocketbooks for the years 1822 and 1823 in fine empire
bindings, or the Missale made for Palatine József by Uni-
versity Press, bound in delicately gilded purple leather.
Several sources mention that the library acquired such
invaluable volumes due to the palatine’s generosity as
the Capitula concordiae inter Fredericum imperatorem et
Mathiam Hungariae regem... (Passau, 1491) purchased
in 1812, the 11 leafs of which he bought for 11 guldens,
or a beautiful copy of the 1488 Augsburg edition of the
Thuróczy Chronicle, written on membrane, which con-
tains a dedication by Buda bookseller Theobald Feger
printed in gold (which is the earliest known example
of gold printing). The palatine paid 400 florins and
9 kreutzers for this book in Vienna,3 and he also pur-
chased the first known Hungarian printed book, the
chronicle of Buda by András Hess, for 100 silver flor-
ins in Vienna with the mediation of antiquarian Fülöp
Horovitz.4
Besides managing the affairs of the country, and
perhaps as a welcome break from cholera epidemics,
floods and insurgent nobles, he also had initiatives as
the library’s director which may seem hopelessly naïve
today, but which were successful at the time. This is
how the library came to possess the so-called Frankfurt
Codex, which contains the Hartvik legend. Palatine
József learned from Miller that the codex containing
the legend was kept in the library of the Abbey of Saint
Bartholomew in Frankfurt. He inquired of the mayor of
the city: “...if they would be willing to cede the valuable
manuscript to the Hungarian National Library in Pest.”5
The Document Collection of National Széchényi Li-
brary contains the so-called “key documents” regarding
significant donations of books and money, compiled for
Bálint Hóman in 1925 and intended for the Ministry
of Religion and Public Education. In these documents,
one note mentions the “Hartvik legend of Ffurt (1814),
brought by the Palatine” as a work in connection to
which no written records are available. Even if the letter
does not survive, it existed, as did the reply in which
the city of Frankfurt offered the codex containing the
legend of Saint Stephen to the palatine, who personally
delivered it to the library. Another surprising initiative
was that he persuaded the National Assembly to adopt
a call to other libraries of the Habsburg Empire to cede
the Corvinas in their possession, and he also obtained
the court’s support for this. After a detour of almost fifty
years in the Hofbibliothek at Vienna, the two Corvinas
sent by the library of Modena in reply to the palatine’s
request finally arrived at the national library.6 He also
attempted to acquire the two Corvinas in the Wolfen-
büttel library by exchange, but this attempt did not
yield results.7
The above perhaps suffices to show why it is our moral
obligation to mention Palatine József first in the series
of long-forgotten names. “The Museum... lost a father
in him, who considered the Museum his own offspring,
tenderly watched over its development and progress,
and... did everything possible in those circumstances to
serve its interests for 45 years.”8
Lajos Farkas Losonczi (1806–1873) is the second in the
series of important collectors both chronologically and as
regards the value of his collection. (When describing the
codices in his collection, János Csontosi said he was on
par with Miklós Jankovich.) In spite of this, not even the
scholarly “detective,” József Szinnyei managed to obtain
biographical information about him other than the year
of his birth and his occupation: “Honorary lawyer on the
The first book printed in Hungary, the Hungarian chronicle made by the press of András Hess at Buda in 1473,
was purchased by the palatine in Vienna for the national library (Chronica Hungarorum. Buda, 1473)
board of directors of a public foundation, antiquarian,
born at Rév-Komárom [today Komárno in Slovakia] on 28
July 1806.”9 Or perhaps he did not want to? Lajos Farkas
is a prime example of how antiquities corrupt the char-
acter. The passion for collecting, or perhaps the desire to
ingratiate himself with the new Austrian lords as soon
and as efficiently as possible, induced the great collector
to publish a long article in the 11 August 1849 issue of
Pester Zeitung. The article, which appeared in the column
“Feuilleton,” has a title worthy of an important collector:
“A significant manuscript from the twelfth century” (Ein
merkwürdiges Manuscript aus dem XII. Jahrhundert). The
piece consists of the scholarly description of a codex
owned by Lajos Farkas, with the professed aim of request-
ing data to confirm his assumption that the codex is a
work by Abélard, written in his own hand. Is a burgher
of Buda, even if a renowned antiquarian, likely to have
this purpose not long after the siege of Buda, and shortly
LONG-FORGOTTEN COLLECTORS
before the collapse of the revolution? If so, then he was
undoubtedly in the grip of a passion for collecting. The
doubts that we may nevertheless harbor are caused by the
tell-tale footnotes of the article. The first of these only
suggests the motives of a scholar and collector: the author
of the article requests the redactors of Wiener Zeitung and
of Allgemeine Zeitung at Augsburg to publish the detailed
presentation of his codex in the supplements of their
esteemed papers “im Interesse der Wissenschaften” (“in
the interest of science”). If, however, we read the second
footnote, we may begin to suspect that the author want-
ed to advertise his monarchist loyalties without being
too obvious about it. In this second footnote he tells a
lot about himself in a relatively short text. He recounts
that a high-ranking official of the Hungarian Ministry
of War in Pest came to visit him at Buda in in order to
warn him that he is on the list of the “Gravirten,” those
accused of crimes. We also learn the cause: he had issued
a call to the inhabitants of Lower Hungary, where he
63
 had several good friends, relatives and acquaintances,
which was also published in the 23 February 1849 issue
of Wiener Zeitung, and which Austrians expected to bring
favorable results. Losonczi received this warning on 28
April, when Buda was so closely surrounded that he did
not dare flee, as he was afraid of being recognized. Thus,
because imperial officers believed they would be able to
hold Buda Castle until the arrival of the relief forces, he
had himself imprisoned in the fortress on 4 May. (The
reason for this “imprisonment” is not clear. He may have
wished to seem a prisoner of the Austrians in case the
Hungarians managed to occupy the Castle. This is a
possibility.) He took a small chest with him. This “kleine
Kiste,” which may involuntarily remind us of the chest
in Molière’s The Miser, held the most valuable pieces in
his collection. He mentions a few examples: a “herrliche”
Corvina, made at Florence in 1470, with marginal notes
by King Matthias; a Lucan codex (mein Lieblingsdich-
there is a copy in the library of the Academy, but as that
one is incomplete both at the beginning and the end,
Losonczi’s is still regarded as a unique copy.
Later he had to flee, thus, on a horrible night, when
a neighboring house caught fire, exhausted because he
was the only civilian to help the soldiers extinguish it, he
carried the chest several hundred metres from his former
cell. While they were trying to put the fire, the attackers
were shooting flaming bullets, until the “heldenmüthige
and unermüdete General,” the indefatigable and heroic
Hentzi ordered the bombing of Pest in retaliation for
shooting at the civilian houses of Buda. A few days lat-
er, when the bombs started wreaking destruction (this
is what he writes, even though he mentions flaming
bullets in the previous sentences), he hid himself in a
rock cellar with his chest, where he was at the time the
fortress had to be surrendered due to the treason of the
Italian soldiers, and where he also wrote these very lines.

LONG-FORGOTTEN COLLECTORS
ter—my favorite poet, he remarks) decorated with beau- The long footnote closes on an elegiac note: “I have
Collectors and Collections

tiful miniatures; the New Testament in Slavic, probably
from 1469; the codex mentioned in the title; as well as
some of the rarest old Hungarian books, several of which
were unique copies, such as the first printed Hungarian
comedy, which he described in detail in a Hungarian
paper, the first printed Hungarian songbook, of which
been collecting books and manuscripts about Hungary
(mein Vaterland betreffende Bücher und Manuscripte)
since I was sixteen,” saving many of them from utter
destruction, nevertheless he was persecuted (doch bin
ich verfolgt, weil ich sein Verderben zu verhüten tra-
chtete) because he wished to prevent the destruction of

The Herbarium of Péter Juhász Melius (Kolozsvár, 1578), a herbal compiled on the basis of antique and contemporary authors,
with Hungarian plant names, from the library of Árpád Horvát

his homeland. He is undoubtedly right in claiming that
he saved numerous rarities for posterity.
Farkas not only collected works about Hungary, but
other rarities as well. His collection ranges from a
Corvina from the collection of Lajos Farkas, unique—and unfortunately incomplete—copy of the
which contains Byzantine historian Agathias’ first known Hungarian book on arithmetic, the Arith-
work on the sixth-century Gothic wars (De metica, printed at Debrecen in 1577, to probably the
bello gothorum). The codex was in the library
of Queen Beatrix (Manuscript Collection of the
oldest manual on choreography, whose title page is miss-
64 National Széchényi Library. Cod. Lat. 413.) ing, and which Farkas therefore describes as “Dezais:
Franczia tánczok alakjai [The Forms of French dances],
s.l. s.a..” This small volume, published in Paris in the early
eighteenth century, also contains references to Hungary,
as it preserves the steps and melody of a dance related
to Thököly (Marche du Tekely), dedicating 6 of its 190
pages to our country. His article also claims that Farkas
was the only private collector besides Jankovich to own
a Corvina. Last but not least, Ferenc Pulszky discov-
ered no fewer than 15 original manuscripts by Kelemen 65
 Mikes in Farkas’ collection, including a manuscript of
Mulatságos napok [Entertaining days]. His name appears in
the volumes of his collection written in the large hand
of a forgotten librarian.
After his death, the library purchased his collection,
which he summed up in hand-written catalogues,10 from
his widow. The 1,386 printed volumes and 223 manu-
scripts cost 7,500 forints. (To help interpret the size of
this sum: the “chief librarian,” the director of National
Széchényi Library received an annual salary of 1,400 for-
ints at the time, with accommodation and an additional
allowance of 700 forints.) It is certain that Lajos Farkas
guarded and protected his collection above everything,
but every other detail he discloses concerning his char-
acter betrays a surprising moral weakness.
Árpád Horvát (1820–1894). The reader only needs to
be reminded that he was a book collector. His name is
well-known, not because of his (impressive) scholarly
motivating ideals of a period,” especially those—at least
for us—which “...represent in an interesting manner...
the war between materialism and spiritualism in the mid-
dle of our century.” He is justified in claiming that “…
I own all of the more important socialist and communist
works, thus those by Morelly, Saint-Simon, Fourier,
Considerant, Louis Blanc, Cabet, Dezamy, Proudhon,
Villegardelle, Wertling, Lassalle, Marx, Krapotkin, etc.,
as well as works discussing and criticizing socialism and
communism…” (“All of the more important works” is,
unfortunately, an exaggeration.)
Nevertheless, Júlia Szendrey was also justified in com-
plaining about his perusal of pornographic albums, which
she found deeply humiliating, even though her husband
provided scientific justification for this collection as well:
“Only the straitlaced and the Pharisees can deny that wom-
an is the most interesting topic of sociology. The litera-
ture on this subject is exceedingly rich; I own the best of

LONG-FORGOTTEN COLLECTORS
merits, but because of his association with the immortal what was published on the topic in the four languages of
Collectors and Collections

name of Hungarian poet Sándor Petőfi. He was the man
Júlia Szendrey married shortly after becoming the “na-
tion’s widow.” He must have been very talented, as he
was regular professor of diplomacy at the University of
Pest at the age of 28, inheriting the department from his
father, István Horvát. Szinnyei—who must have known
him well—quoted Antonia De Gerando’s description of
his character: a modest and likeable scholar, a zealous
pioneer of progress. Júlia Szendrey, however, saw him
as a monster, the source of all her suffering.11 The truth
was probably somewhere between these two extremes:
his long description of his book collection shows him
as a meticulous, pedantic person, who focuses on the
essence instead of daydreaming like his father did, but
who is not too agreeable, rather haughty, even conceited.
In 1885, Aladár György published a description of the
libraries of Hungary based on questionnaires prepared
for this purpose by the Statistical Office. Árpád Horvát
also appended a long description, even a treatise, to the
questionnaire, which appeared in its entirety in Magyar
Könyvszemle [Hungarian Book Review].12 “I confess that
I almost regret submitting this incomplete list to the Sta-
tistical Office,” he writes, “because I thereby contribute
to the depreciation of my own library, detracting from
its value and worth, as such reports and inventories are
wont to make the reader believe that they contain and
satisfactorily present all of the more valuable volumes
in the given library—and it would be a grave mistake
to conclude this about my library based on my report.”
Indeed, examining the detailed catalogue of his library,
we may agree that he collected nearly all of the most
modern and progressive works of his age. His interest
extended to several fields, but the first place was reserved
66 for those works which “...express the aspirations and
European culture... I. a/ woman from a physiological and
ethnographic perspective; b/ woman from a psychological
and moral perspective; c/ woman from a sociological per-
spective (women’s tasks, the emancipation of women);
d/ woman from a legal perspective (the legal status of wom-
en); e/ woman from a historical perspective. II. a/ love;
b/ marriage; c/ family; d/ divorce; e/ prostitution.”
Growing up in his father’s beautiful library of two
rooms and surrounded by his father’s scholarly and lit-
erary friends, Árpád Horvát started his collection of
about 5000 items as a child, with gifts from Kazinczy,
Károly Kisfaludy, Vörösmarty, Mihály Vitkovics, Ist-
ván Kulcsár—his father’s friends. (Aladár György gives
1826 as the year of the library’s foundation, perhaps not
without malice, as Horvát was six years old at this time.)
The agreeable description of collecting books as a
child is followed by sentences that reveal an unpleas-
ant self-conceit: “...I went to University at the age of
fourteen... I became Doctor of Philosophy at sixteen...
I speak the four main languages of European culture:
German, French, Italian, and English...,” and elsewhere:
“...there is in Hungary no larger library than mine, nor
one collected according to such a careful plan...” And
finally: “…I close this report by expressing my profound
conviction that the collector who moves in the world,
actively engages in political battles, visits casinos, clubs,
and balls, may be a genius, a great scholar, or an enthu-
siastic admirer of literature, and if he has wealth, he
may even possess a large library; but he can never be a
bibliographer in the scholarly sense of the word: only those
can become true bibliographers whom the profanum
vulgus calls by the name of ‘bookworms’; but even they
may only become so if they have what the Germans call
‘tüchtige Schulbildung’...”
Catalogue of the painting collection of Enea Lanfranconi
(1850–1895)
Árpád Horvát’s library is commemorated in the cat-
alogues found in the Manuscript Collection (marked
Fol. Hung. 1887/10-12).13 Although more than half of
the collection—1,873 of the 3,577 works catalogued
in 1897—consisted of duplicate copies (or were not re-
tained), the remaining material added important works
of contemporary foreign literature and useful reference
books to the library’s holdings. The library was purchased
and donated to the National Széchényi Library by Dr.
Károly Mészáros, “...on condition that copies of works
already in the library’s possession be given partly to
Eötvös Kollégium, and partly to the libraries of certain
seminaries.”14 The price was 6000 forints. Unfortunately,
little is known about the generous donator, Dr. Károly
Mészáros of Szentiván. The available information is
found in genealogical works: Dr. Károly Mészáros, retired
medical officer, was ennobled and became Dr. Károly
Mészáros of Szentiván on 20 June 1895, at about the
same time that he bought Horvát’s library. We also know
that he fathered four sons. In spite of this, he spent 6000
forints on increasing the collection of the national li-
brary, which seems all the more generous if we consider
prices and circumstances in this period. For example, the
National Széchényi Library bought Michael de Hun-
garia’s “Sermones tredecim,” an incunabulum printed
in 1480, for 63 forints, not to mention that the na-
tional library’s entire annual budget for acquisitions was
roughly the same as the price of the Horvát collection.
Female nude. Painting from the Lanfranconi collection
The nation’s gratitude is only expressed by the small
round stamp preserving his name together with Horvát’s
in the books and in the provenance columns of contem-
porary catalogue pages: “Árpád Horvát’s library, donated
by Dr. Károly Mészáros of Szentiván.”
Enea Grazioso Lanfranconi (1850–1895) was an im-
portant collector and sponsor of the end of the century.
He was born in Italy, and came to Hungary when he was
twenty years old, and yet he donated invaluable maps
and paintings to the nation. Árpád Horvát—who cer-
tainly knew him—probably would not have considered
him a “bibliographer,” but rather a “man of fortune”
who can afford to acquire a large library. According to
the obituary in Vasárnapi Újság [Sunday News],15 he was
a wealthy man, “…who spent hundreds of thousands
on his art collections.” Indeed, we have to believe that
his financial means were nearly inexhaustible. He was
probably rich when he came to Hungary, and he cer-
tainly needed wealth for his enterprises, but in Aladár
György’s above-mentions statistical questionnaire he
also indicated 1870, the year of his arrival, as the year
his library was founded. He had a palace built for him
at Pozsony (today Bratislava in Slovakia), in which the
library occupied three rooms. While other collectors
spent a few hundred forints per year on buying books,
he reported annual expenses of 5000 forints for book ac-
quisition and 2000 forints for binding to Aladár György.
“He built a veritable museum of old engravings, histor- 67
 ical drawings and maps,” writes Vasárnapi Újság. After
the exhibition of 1885, where his collection was a great
success, he donated 14,000 maps of this collection to the
capital. His engravings of Buda and Pest were listed in
a separate catalogue printed at the Pest Press in 1887,
with the title List of the historical pictures presented to
Budapest by Enea Lanfranconi. His collection of paintings
must have been exquisite: a single item, a painting by
Rubens, was valued by Mihály Munkácsy at two hundred
fifty thousand forints.
He was not only an entrepreneur, but also worked as
an engineer. He surveyed the Danube from Pozsony to
Orsova (today Orșova in Romania), and he also worked
on flood protection. He printed his books at his own
expense, and he also published at his own expense and
in several languages the letters of gratitude he received
from well-known public figures after the publication of
these books. (Monarchs, politicians, and others wrote
ints, together with other objects in the collection, for a
price of 26,000 forints.” In the appendix to the report,
László Fejérpataky includes a detailed list which also
contains the Munich call numbers of the books. Where
there is no such number, the book was a duplicate. The
final accounts show that the purchased collection con-
tained a total of 2,130 works in 4,821 volumes, 753 works
of which, in 1,628 volumes, proved to be duplicates.
The items of the collection most valuable for us are
the works about the Danube and its surroundings, the
contemporary accounts of the Ottoman Wars, and the
maps, of course. Although outside the scope of interest
of the national library, the bulky decorated editions of
engravings—mostly about Italian art, buildings, paint-
ings, and statues—are also beautiful and valuable.
In all of the volumes, a tiny stamp commemorates
the collector, and the catalogue of the entire collection
is found as Fol. Hung. 1887/16 in the Manuscript Col-

LONG-FORGOTTEN COLLECTORS
these letters not because they were experts on flood pro- lection. The items in this catalogue are in alphabetical
Collectors and Collections

tection, but to acknowledge the receipt of the beautifully
bound volumes.) He displayed his works—and the maps
probably drawn by his own hand, several of which are in
the library’s possession—in a separate room at the first
Hungarian book exhibition of 1882. In addition to these,
he was an amateur archaeologist, and Szinnyei mentions
his publication written on this subject. The Manuscript
Collection possesses an album from his collection which
order according to the name of the author, and, as men-
tioned above, the original Munich call number is also
included. The alphabetical order is maintained until
item no. 2,052, which is followed by two works that “...
had been lent to Gyula Benczur, and were thus recorded
only later.” Without the Lanfranconi collection, the
National Széchényi Library, and especially the Map Pictures of Hussars in the richly illustrated book by Karl Timlich: A magyar és horvát nevezetes öltözetek [Famous Hungarian and
Collection, would be much poorer. Croatian costumes] (Vienna, 1816), from the collection of Baron Ferenc Révay

contains pencil drawings made after the paintings of
Italian Renaissance masters, and we may suspect that
these appealing but rather unimaginative images may
have been drawn by the young Lanfranconi himself.
He was rich and successful, and his expensive passion
for collecting brought him success and nationwide recog-
nition. In addition, to quote Vasárnapi Újság again, “…he
was intimately connected to the world of scholarship.”
Nevertheless, at the age of forty-five “…he took his own
life with a weapon.” The reasons for his suicide are not
known. He left no will, and the few lines he wrote before
his death were illegible.
He had two brothers in Italy, who were probably the
heirs with whom the cultural administration started
immediate negotiations. Lanfranconi killed himself on
9 March 1895, and issue 187 of Magyar Könyvszemle in
1895 mentions the academic committee of renowned
experts whom the Ministry of Religion and Public Ed-
ucation sent to inspect the legacy and negotiate with
the heirs. Imre Szalay, director of the Museum of Eth-
nography, and Jenő Radisics, director of the Museum
of Applied Arts also joined the committee for the final
negotiations. The outcome of these negotiations is de-
scribed in the report sent by László Fejérpataky to Imre
Szalay on 4 December 1896. The state purchased the
68 library, “...whose value is estimated at about 15,000 for-
Enea Grazioso Lanfranconi is followed by another
passionate and successful collector whose name has a
foreign ring. Despite his Flemish-sounding name, István
Delhaes (1845–1902) was born in Pest. His father migrat-
ed to Hungary from the Netherlands and settled in Pest,
where he married a Hungarian woman. István Delhaes
was born in 1845—or in 1843, according to Vasárnapi
Újság. His merchant father sent him to Vienna to study
painting. He made several pictures, but never became
renowned as a painter. On the other hand, he must have
been an excellent restorer, and worked as such at the
ducal gallery of Liechtenstein. However, his name is
remembered because of his collection and his last will.
“Count Ferenc Széchényi and István Delhaes—these
two names are milestones in the hundred-year-old his-
tory of the Hungarian National Museum…,” Vasárnapi
Újság writes about him, or rather about his collection.16
“The Hungarian aristocrat laid its foundations... and this
artist who came from abroad and spent most of his life
in Vienna... contributed to its growth with his valuable
legacy... to an extent we may call magnificent…” The
collection of antiquities had not seen such an increase
since the time of Jankovich’s death, but Jankovich’s
legacy had to be bought at a hefty price, whereas Delhaes
“…only had the nation’s grateful remembrance in mind
when... he left to the Museum his objects of art, which
he collected with such passion.” The collection of an-
tiquities acquired mostly Egyptian objects, but—which
Vasárnapi Újság does not mention—the Museum of Fine
Arts also received valuable assets. The preface to the
catalogue of the exhibition commemorating Delhaes
in 1910 states that the Museum of Fine Arts received
14,453 engravings and 2,683 drawings, as well as some
of Delhaes’ paintings. His name is evidently familiar to
art historians. However, the nation has long forgotten
about his book collection. This is not surprising, as he
had never been a passionate book collector, the books
only supplemented his collection of engravings: they
include illustrated works, engravings and lithographs by
famous artists. A few examples: Dürer: Underweysung der
Messkunst, Nürnberg, 1525; Romeyn de Hooghe’s draw-
ings for Nicolaus Petters book on wrestling, published in
Amsterdam; Ridinger’s beautiful and lively engravings of
horses (Vorstellung und Beschreibung derer Schulpferden);
Austrian painter Matthaus Loder’s colored lithographed
caricatures for J. F. Castelli’s book Sammlung menschlicher
Thorheiten, which was published at Vienna in 1818 and
is a precious rare item.
László Fejérpataky, director of the library at the time,
wrote a memorandum to the director of the Museum,
Imre Szalay, on 24 April 1902,17 from which we learn that
the National Museum, or, more precisely, Szalay, had to
advise the Ministry of Religion and Public Education on
dividing the collection offered in the will between the
three institutions. (Fejérpataky had to prepare an inven-
tory of Delhaes’ books, which he kept for the Széchényi
Library with a single exception. The only work that he
“…transferred to the Botanical Department of the Na-
tional Museum, as it does not fit the library’s holdings”
was a collection of botanical engravings.)
The National Széchényi Library received a total of
381 volumes, all expensive and valuable. Delhaes’ name
does not appear in these volumes. It is only if one notices
the beauty and the artistic illustrations of the volumes
with inventory number 1902/55 that one can discover
István Delhaes’ forgotten name in the inventory records.
Dr. Imre Hajnik (1840–1901) follows next in this
series of collectors. An anonymous work titled A bu-
dapesti társaság [The Budapest Society]18 and published
in 1886 presents hundreds of people—even if in one
or two sentences only—who played a part in the social
or cultural life of Budapest. In this, we find the follow-
ing about Hajnik: “A worthy member of the Hajnik
family, which has given so many outstanding figures
to our public life. This worthy young professor of our
University of Budapest started a large-scale work on the 69
 constitutional history of Hungary based on the study
of primary sources.” (He wrote several other signifi-
cant works on legal and constitutional history, and his
Egyetemes európai jogtörténet [Universal European legal
history] made him a scholar of European renown.) His
huge library must have served the purposes of work: it
contains monographs on legal and constitutional history
from Hungary and abroad, source editions, and volumes
of professional journals. This was a well-known collec-
tion, which Aladár György included in his survey. This
is how we know that, according to the owner, he started
collecting his library in 1862, and in 1885 it contained
over seven thousand volumes.
Imre Hajnik died in August 1901. The Ministry of
Religion and Public Education wished to buy his library,
not for the University Library or the Library of the Acad-
emy, even though Hajnik was a university professor and
an academician, but for the municipal library at Pozsony
(today Bratislava in Slovakia). The library’s catalogue was
Collectors and Collections
sent to director Szalay in 1902 with the request that the
national library should state which items it would like
to buy exercising its pre-emptive rights. Szalay forwarded
the catalogue to Fejérpataky in December 1902. As he
received no answer, he pressed for the library’s opinion
on 8 March 1903. Upon this, Fejérpataky, looked at the
catalogue or took charge of the issue: in any case, he
returned a carefully written answer in five days, the gist
of which was that the library wanted everything.19
“Having studied the catalogue of the Hajnik library,
I am convinced that this invaluable collection of books
on law, legal history and history, collected with rare
discernment and expertise over the course of a life rich
with scientific accomplishments, should not be placed
in a provincial library where its appropriate use would
be at least problematic, but in the capital, in the fo-
cus of academic life. Our libraries in the capital have
deficiencies in the very fields that are so excellently
represented in the Hajnik collection... Being familiar
with the deficiencies of the National Széchényi Library
in this respect, and attempting to turn our library into a
truly Hungarian and national library as far as our powers
and circumstances permit… I would consider it a fateful
omission if we did not employ every method and means
to acquire this valuable collection.”
This is followed by concrete suggestions. The Min-
istry of Religion and Public Education should buy the
collection for the National Széchényi Library for the
“very fair” price of ten thousand forints, informing the
representatives of the heirs that this price may be paid
in three instalments. The library has no money, there-
fore the expenses should be covered either from one of
the Museum’s funds, or from money requested from the
70 Ministry. Duplicates would be given to other libraries,
of course, thus the National Inspectorate of Museums
and Libraries should contribute proportionately to the
price. Finally, he states that as the library is short on both
money and workforce, nor is there enough room, the
Museum should provide space and wages for processing
the books in the Hajnik collection.
László Fejérpataky is still considered a scientific au-
thority among members of the profession. Thus it is
unsurprising that the library’s annual report for the year
1903 mentions the Hajnik library as the most valuable
acquisition of the year, eventually bought by the Minis-
try for the National Széchényi Library as a result of the
actions of its learned director.
The catalogues of the Hajnik library can be found in
the Manuscript Collection, marked Fol. Hung. 1887/5–6.
(Fol. Hung. 1887/7 is a later bibliography of the same.)
One of these catalogues may have belonged to the orig-
inal owner, as attested by the notes on location—by
the window, etc. The other list is typed, in alphabetical
order to some extent, but it restarts in several sections,
and although the sections are not identical, they often
include the same works. There is a handwritten note
among the pages: “No estimate. How will an inventory
of these works be taken?” This typed list enumerates
the works retained by the library. The numbering also
restarts several times, and although the number of indi-
vidual items is indicated next to the works, they are not
added up at the bottom of the pages. Indeed, the books
were not taken into inventory, even though inventories
already existed at this time (we may remember that the
books of Delhaes, acquired by the library in the same
year, received inventory number 1902/55). Fejérpataky
did not exaggerate when he emphasized the scientific
value of the collection, as besides the history of law and
constitution it also included monographs on the histo-
ry of universities, registries, and several sourcebooks.
(There are thirteen titles beginning with “Monumen-
ta” or “Monumenti” alone, from Parma to Sardinia, or
from sources on Charles University in Prague to the
ones on Czech and Moravian universities. In addition
to these, numerous Hungarian works were also added to
the collection of the national library which may have
been duplicates, from the Codex Diplomaticus of Fejér to
Waldstein and Kitaibel’s work on botany, which is one
of the most expensive Hungarian works.)
Instead of an inventory, it is the lists in the Manu-
script Collection that preserve the memory of the Hajnik
library and its collector, the scholar Imre Hajnik, as
well as a stamp in the books—and in the provenance
columns of the Munich catalogue—which reads: from
the library of Imre Hajnik.
Similarly to the way Imre Hajnik’s meticulously col-
lected library made the National Széchényi Library’s
collection of nineteenth-century works on legal and
constitutional history relatively complete, the national
library also acquired a nearly complete collection of
travel memoirs from Egypt, Palestine, and Turkey—as
well as other countries of the Middle East—thanks to
a passionate traveller. (Unfortunately, these are mostly
nineteenth-century travelogues, apart from a few vol-
umes from the end of the eighteenth century; never-
theless, they make a valuable collection.) The library
inherited this fine collection from Baron Ferenc Révay
(1835–1916), poet and patron of the arts. We do not
know much about him: Szinnyei reports that he was an
aristocrat, Lord Lieutenant, member of the House of
Magnates, imperial and royal chamberlain. The anon-
ymous gossipmonger of “The Budapest Society” remarks
that he “…usually spends winters abroad, mostly in
Egypt,” and he is “a widely travelled, wealthy aristocrat
who is very fond of science.” His library also attests to
this: the majority of the collection consists of works
about Egypt: its culture, its history, and its languag-
es—there are countless books on learning Arabic. That
the collector was “widely travelled” is proved by travel
books about several other countries. Evidence for his
“fondness for science” can be found in the great number
of books on the history and literature of Antiquity, from
Schliemann’s Mykene (1878), Ilios (1881), Troy (1884),
and Tyrins (1886) to several classical authors (there
are twenty editions from the sixteenth century alone).
Besides German, French, English, etc. travelogues and
expedition reports, the collection also contains beautiful
Hungarian books on travel and hunting (Manó And­
rássy’s travel memoirs and the book Hazai vadászatok
[Hunting in Hungary] edited by him, to mention these
two expensive volumes as an example). Furthermore, it
also contains rarities such as Andreas Christian Zipser’s
“Der Badegast zu Sliatsch” (from 1827), or Kari Timlich’s
A magyar és horvát nevezetes öltözetek [Famous Hungar-
ian and Croatian costumes] (Vienna, 1816). Révay may
have thought of Ignác Goldziher and Ármin Vámbéry
as kindred spirits, as he bought nearly all of their books.
If we read the entries referring to inventory number
131/1916 in the accession register, we find that besides
a haphazard and obviously subjective selection of con-
temporary literary works, other parts of the collection
were assembled with a well-defined profile in mind:
classical literature, the history and culture of Antiquity,
travelling, and, related to this, national costumes. He
did not keep items outside of these fields, even though
he was aware of their value. In 1883, for example, he
donated 121 calendars, “all of which are of outstanding
value,” to the national library, which was short on this
type of publications.20 Károly Szabó had only published
Volume I of the RMK [Old Hungarian Library] at the
time, thus only publications in Hungarian had been
accounted for, and these were especially valued. Révay’s
donation, however, contained 7 calendars in Hungarian
published between 1662 and 1696, which were then
considered unique. The collection left to the library
contained only 9 volumes of the RMK, but one of these
was previously unknown, and János Melich described it
immediately in the “Magyar Könyvesház” [Treasury of
Hungarian Books] column of Könyvszemle.
The Report on the Révay and Szinnyei libraries21 lists a
total of 3490 books (several multivolume works were
bound together in one volume), 9 volumes of the RMK,
44 leaflets, brochures and pamphlets, 32 volumes of
newspapers, 8 manuscripts and 24 letters, 10 original
and 7 copied documents dating from before the sixteenth
century and 104 documents written after the sixteenth
century. The report was the work of Dániel Havrán,
leader of the team which catalogued the collection
LONG-FORGOTTEN COLLECTORS
“…for additional wages and after hours,” i.e. between
3 and 6 pm. He found it necessary to add that all of
the books “...were bound and in a clean condition.”
The present-day colleague cannot avoid the feeling that
this collection was considered so valuable because those
who catalogued it received extra wages—as they were
simultaneously cataloguing other acquisitions as well –,
and because of the beautiful decorative editions of Hun-
garian works in good condition. Everything else must
have been considered alien to the profile of the library’s
holdings. Reading the titles of the many richly illustrat-
ed travel books today, we are aware that the value of
works illustrated with steel engravings from this period
has increased considerably, and we must consider this
beautiful collection with a consistent profile a very val-
uable acquisition.
The male line of the Révay family probably died out,
as long lawsuits started concerning the legacy, as at-
tested by a report by Dániel Havrán, who represented
the National Széchényi Library in the legal procedures.
Nevertheless, the library received Ferenc Révay’s col-
lection without delay, and the collection of antiquities
of the Hungarian National Museum also received its
share of the inheritance, because all heirs and potential
heirs consented to this. The National Széchényi Library
received another collection at around the same time,
probably also through a lawsuit. This is another rather
consistent collection, which, however, fit better the
holdings of the national library than Ferenc Révay’s
travelogues and expedition books.
Pál Almásy (1818–1882) was an important figure in
political life during the Revolution of 1848 and in the
following years. He was also one of the wealthiest people
in the country. His childhood was overshadowed by a
mysterious crime: first his grandfather died under enig- 71
 matic circumstances after drinking a glass of lemonade,
followed by his father a few months later. Doctors be-
lieved that the sudden death of the grandfather, which
occurred in a box of the German theater, was caused by
a cerebrovascular incident, but the father’s death was
attributed to poisoning. Evidence pointed to the family’s
lawyer and to a person hired by him, but no motive was
found, “…the secret of the poisoning was never unveiled,”
to quote the contemporary papers.
Almásy, who was still a child, grew up in a very pro-
tective atmosphere after these tragic family events. This,
however, left no traces in his behavior as an adult. As he
was Speaker of the House of Representatives at Debre-
cen when the declaration of dethronement was passed
in 1849, he was the one to read it. He was sentenced to
death and the forfeiture of his estates in his absence.
His family intervened on his behalf, thus he was soon
granted an amnesty, and he returned from emigration in
Switzerland and France to Hungary in the early 1860s.
Collectors and Collections
He became one of the leading figures of the Resolution
Party, but he also started conspiring to restore Hungar-
ian independence. Almásy and his fellow conspirators
were betrayed, and he was sentenced to death again, a
sentence which was commuted to 20 years imprisonment.
After a short time in prison, he was released because of
his influential family and because the Austro-Hungar-
ian Compromise was nigh, and times were changing.
He never became involved in politics again and instead
lived life of withdrawal. The journalist who wrote the
obituary page of Vasárnapi Újság called him “the most
polite member of society.” He spent vast sums on public
goals. He made a large donation for the building of the
Academy, and he also contributed to the establishment of
the Hungarian Society of Fine Arts. Then he embarked
on a venture and lost his vast fortune. He was also un-
lucky with his children, as his son became an officer in
the Austrian army while he lived in emigration and his
daughter married an Austrian officer. Finally, he had to
suffer another great loss when his son died at a young
age. He lived in the countryside for a while, then moved
to Budapest, but lived such a sequestered life than many
may have thought him dead.
He maintained close connections with Kossuth and
László Teleki even in emigration, but Gyula Tanárky’s di-
ary gives the impression that he was not regarded favora-
bly by them. According to Tanárky, Kossuth mentioned
him in connection with a “conspiracy,” and thought that
this conspiracy was revealed because Almásy and Be­
niczky betrayed the people involved.22 The source of this
suspicion may have been that Almásy was pardoned so
soon, and that he accepted it. Perhaps it was this distrust
that led to his disillusionment and his retirement from
72 both political and social life.
Unfortunately, little information is available on how
the national library acquired Almásy’s collection. In
1925, the Ministry of Religion and Public Education
requested documents concerning valuable donations of
books, objects of art, and money made to the Museum.
The draft prepared by the library23 lists the following
under item no. 33: “The library of Pál Almásy (originally
Mrs. Pál Almásy, but ‘Mrs.’ is struck out) is ceded by the
heirs to the Museum. Resolution of the district court of
the 6th District of Budapest.” However, the resolution
itself is not enclosed, although other similar documents
are all available here in the original or in copies. János
Melich reported on behalf of the library in 1916 that
3391 works belonging to the Almásy library had been
catalogued by 31 December 1915, and the remaining
ca. 600 volumes would also be catalogued by the end
of 1916, whereas the collection of 14 486 documents
had been processed entirely. Further reports make no
mention of this collection, only the accession register
for the year 1915 contains a list of the works taken into
inventory. After the entries, the total number of books
is also indicated in pencil: 4,221. This huge number
consists mostly of historical and political works, but
also includes writings by renowned foreign literary au-
thors of the period. French literature is especially well
represented: Victor Hugo, George Sand, Hector Malot,
fashionable authors such as Cherbuliez, Sardou, etc.
(We would like to note that one copy of Diderot and
D’Alembert’s famous encyclopaedia in the National
Széchényi Library also comes from the collection of Pál
Almásy. It is not a first edition, but it is nevertheless ex-
tremely valuable—not to mention its intellectual value.)
However, it is the books on Hungary which represent
the greatest addition to the library. The predecessors
who worked to increase the collection, and who could
not have had sufficient financial means even in those
times, would have especially welcomed foreign works
on the history of Hungary and the role of Austria af-
ter the Revolution, such as W. Rogge’s Österreich von
Világos bis zur Gegenwart, Leipzig, 1873; Echo der Skizzen
aus der Geschichte eines Jahres gegeben von einem Mit-
glied der Beschlusspartei, Hamburg, 1862. (This latter
was a reflection on Aurél Kecskeméthy’s Skizzen aus
der Geschichte eines Jahres—Vázlatok egy év történetéből
[Sketches from the history of a year], published at Vienna
in 1862); [Schweinitz, Johann] Österreichs Zukunft und
sein Heer, Wien–Pest–Leipzig, 1866, etc. Of course,
there are several other types of books with references
to Hungary in the catalogued material of the Almásy col-
lection: works published during Almásy’s lifetime (Béla
Loránd’s Lache im Leben, Lache im Sterben, München,
1865; or A. Ph. Segesser’s Die Beziehungen der Schweizer
zu Matthias Corvinus, Luzern, 1860; etc.), or even in the
seventeenth century (Der neu-aufgegangene Glücks- und
Majestäts-Stern des Königreichs Ungarn, Nürnberg, 1688;
Ortelius redivivus, 1665; Kriegs- und Friedensergebnisse...
Nürnberg, 1686; etc.).
According to the family tradition, Almásy wrote books
himself: the anonymous Croquis aus Ungarn and Neue
Croquis aus Ungarn (Lipcse, 1843 and 1844). Szinnyei
and others, however, attribute these works to a journalist
publishing under the name Albert Hugo, who worked in
Pest in the 1840s. Nevertheless, the family tradition, or
Notes
1
CSONTOSI János, A Jordánszky-codex győri
töredéke [The Győr Fragment of the Jordánszky
Codex], Magyar Könyvszemle [Hungarian Book
Review], 1880, 142–143.
2
CSONTOSI János, A két modenai Corvin-co-
dex története [History of the two Corvin codices at
Modena], Magyar Könyvszemle, 1891, 84–85.
3
A Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum könyvtára
1802–1895 [The library of the Hungarian Nation-
al Museum 1802–1895], Magyar Könyvszemle,
1896, 100–101.
4
Horovitz Fülöp a magyarországi antiquariusok
nestora [Fülöp Horovitz, first among Hungarian
antiquarians], Magyar Könyvszemle, 1886, 342.
5
KOLLÁNYI Ferenc, A Széchényi Országos
Könyvtár a Horvát István kinevezését megelőző
három évben [The National Széchényi Library in
the three years preceding the appointment of István
Horvát], Magyar Könyvszemle, 1904, 172.
6
CSONTOSI János, A két modenai Corvin-co-
dex története [History of the two Corvin codices at
Modena], Magyar Könyvszemle, 1891, 81–116,
232–263.
7
MÁTRAY Gábor, József nádor törekvései a
wolfenbütteli Corvin-codexek visszaszerzésére
[Palatine József’s attempts to reclaim the Corvin
codices at Wolfenbüttel], Magyar Könyvszemle,
1883, 75–83.
more precisely the entries that preserved this tradition in
copies of books from Almásy’s library were sufficient for
Pál Gulyás to include his name in his lexicon of writers.
Thanks to this, posterity knows which of the many Pál
Almásys the seal in the books commemorates: “from the
library of Pál Almásy.” In this essay, I have attempted
to conjure to live forgotten nineteenth-century book
collectors and their collections. These small libraries,
which were assembled with expertise and devotion, de-
serve to have their memory kept alive.24
8
CSONTOSI János, Adatok a Nemzeti Múzeum and other antiquities in the National Museum],
könyvtárának történetéhez [Data from the history Vasárnapi Újság, 1902, 785–786.
LONG-FORGOTTEN COLLECTORS
of the library of the National Museum], Magyar
Könyvszemle, 1885, 10. 17
National Széchényi Library. Archives.
456/1902.
9
SZINNYEI József, Magyar írók élete és munkái
[The Lives and Works of Hungarian writers], III. A budapesti társaság [The Budapest Society],
18
180. Budapest, 1886, 464–465.
National Széchényi Library. Manuscript
10 19
National Széchényi Library. Archives.
Collection. Fol. Hung. 1887/1–4. 112/1903.
11
Szendrey Júlia ismeretlen naplója, levelei és 20
Jelentés a MNM könvvtárának állapotáról
halálos ágyán tett vallomása [The unknown diary, 1883–4-ben [Report on the condition of the library
letters, and deathbed confession of Júlia Szendrey], of the Hungarian National Museum], Magyar
published by MIKES Lajos and DERNŐI Könyvszemle, 1884, 148.
KOCSIS László, Budapest, 1930, 184–186.
21
National Széchényi Library. Archives.
12
Horvát Árpád jelentése az Országos M. Kir. 32/1917.
Statisticai Hivatalhoz saját könyvtáráról [Ádám
Horvát’s report about his own library to the 22
A Kossuth-emigráció szolgálatában. Tanárky
Hungarian Royal Statistical Office], Magyar Gyula naplója [In the service of the Kossuth emi-
Könyvszemle, 1885, 42–57. gration. The diary of Gyula Tanárky], Budapest,
1961, 181, 333, 340.
National Széchényi Library. Manuscript
13
Collection. Fol. Hung. 1887/10–12. 23
National Széchényi Library. Archives.
2886/1925. Key documents.
National Széchényi Library. Archives. Docu-
14
ment no. 82/1896. 24
The present study is an abridged version. For
the original and complete text, see Az Országos
15
Vasárnapi Újság [Sunday News], 17 March Széchényi Könyvtár Évkönyve [Yearbook of the
1895, 494. National Széchényi Library]. 1984–1985, Buda-
pest, 1992, 179–203.
A Delhaes gyűjtemény, s egyéb régiségek a
16
Nemzeti Múzeumban [The Delhaes collection
73
 Gergely Tóth
THE HAND-DRAWN MAPS IN THE
FESTETICS COLLECTION AT KESZTHELY
The Map Collection of the National Széchényi Library
contains a large number of hand-drawn maps from the
Festetics library and archives in Keszthely.1 The press-
mark of these works, which can be considered maps
in the traditional sense, begins with Mp. (Mappa). Of
the 504 pieces with a Mp. pressmark surveyed by Béla
Iványi, about 4502 became part of the collection after
1945. Another part of these maps, with the pressmark
Dl. (Delineatio), are “plans” or “delineations” showing the
layout or design of various buildings. These can be found in
the National Archives of Hungary.3
Collectors and Collections
The Festetics family was of Croatian origin. Pál Festet-
ics was the first member of the family to settle in Hungary
in the early 1630s. He and his son of the same name laid
the foundations of the family estates in Transdanubia,
especially in Somogy, Tolna, Fejér, Vas and Sopron
Counties.4 Most of the estates, however, were acquired
by the son of Pál Festetics the Younger, Kristóf Festet-
ics (1696–1768), Deputy Lieutenant of Sopron County
and member of the Governor’s Council, whose lifelong
indefatigable work and good business sense increased
the family fortune. He commissioned construction on
the estates in Keszthely, the better part of which he
purchased in 1737–1739. Therefore, he is regarded as
the founder of the Keszthely branch of the family. The
Deputy Lieutenant made his new acquisition his seat,
and he worked zealously on the town’s revitalization:
he invited craftsmen, and he had a pharmacy and a
hospital built.5 He also had a palace built in Keszthely,
which housed his library and archives, and the surviving
documents prove that he knew these well and devoted
himself to their maintenance.6 There is no available
Color map of the siege of Belgrade in 1717, indicating fortresses, camps and warships information on whether he collected or commissioned
maps, but several contemporary maps of estates or of
lawsuits about estates survive due to his diverse activities
in land acquisition.
Kristóf Festetics’s brother, József Festetics (1691–1757),
also contributed to the map collection in Keszthely. He
was a military officer with a successful career, who partic-
ipated in the Ottoman wars of 1716–1718 and 1737–1739,
thus it is likely that it was he who added the five maps
related to these wars to the collection.7 The carefully
drawn color maps exhibit excellent workmanship, and
they accurately represent the layout of castles and for-
74 tresses, as well as the movement of troops. The larger
THE HAND-DRAWN MAPS IN THE FESTETICS COLLECTION AT KESZTHELY
map about the siege of Belgrade in 1717 (Plan der Stadt
Belgrad…, see Note 7) is outstanding on account of its size
(121⋅132 cm), and it represents the reoccupation of the
key fort in a spectacular manner. The imperial army, led
by Prince Eugene of Savoy, laid siege to the town on 18
June. Learning this, grand vizier Khalil Pasha attempt-
ed to relieve the fortress with his troops. The imperial
commander fortified his camp on the Belgrade side, then
rode out and defeated the Ottoman army on 16 August.
The castle’s commander surrendered, and the imperial
forces marched into the fort called “the key to Hungary”
on 22 August. The map contains detailed drawings of
Belgrade’s fortifications at the time, the camp of the
imperial forces and the system of trenches surrounding
it, the warships at anchor on the Danube, and the troops
deployed in combat, together with the names of the
commanding officers. The depiction of the Turkish camp
is understandably less detailed. The mapmaker makes
up for his lack of information in artistic portrayal: the
camp of the Ottoman army is represented by a multitude
of tents of varied colors. The map is very graphic and
offers a lifelike presentation of the vegetation and the
hydrography of the area. In addition, the author uses
letter markings to provide a detailed explanation of the
contents of the map, i.e. the siege’s events. It should be
noted that the war had an unfortunate outcome for József
Festetics: after the successful occupation of Belgrade, the
imperial command attempted to invade Bosnia, and the
young officer was captured by Turks during the ill-fated
campaign, freed only in April 1718.8
In his last will, Kristóf Festetics left the Keszthely
estate and a considerable portion of his lands to his son
Pál. Pál Festetics (1722–1782) was less interested in
augmenting the family fortune, he rather devoted his
time to career in administration. He first became Deputy
Lieutenant of Sopron County, then Councilor of the
Hungarian Chancellery in 1758, and in 1762 he started
working at the Court Chamber. The well-trained states-
man, who was equally familiar with imperial and Hun-
garian legal practices, soon earned the trust of Queen
Maria Theresa, who consulted him on several issues,
and appointed him Vice President of the Hungarian
Chamber in 1772.9 Pál Festetics is also an important
figure because he was the first to ensure the regular
maintenance of the Keszthely archives and to appoint an 75
 archivist in charge. A few pieces in the map collection
are related to his person: besides contemporary estate
maps, for example, maps related to his administrative
work also survive. It is known that Maria Theresa sent
him to supervise and organize the operation of salt mines
in Máramaros (today Maramureș in Romania) as a royal
commissioner in 1777:10 it must have been at this time
that he acquired a cross-section drawing of the salt shafts
at Rónaszék (today Coștiui in Romania), made in 1743
(which is currently among the Delineations in the Na-
tional Archives of Hungary),11 as well as the detailed draft
of the salt mine at Sóvár (today Solivar in Slovakia),
drawn in 1760 and copied in 1778. The latter town,
although it was not in Máramaros (Maramureș), but in
Sáros County, may have served him as a reference in
surveying the mines in the north-east.12
In addition, the collection includes a large hand-
drawn map addressed to Pál Festetics, which presents
Roman and Eastern Catholic and Orthodox church ad-
Collectors and Collections
ministration in the Kingdom of Hungary and its associ-
ated countries.13 The author of the map is Major Baron
Georg Pflacher, who, as he writes in his dedication, was
the one to “invent” and draw the map (Author Georg. L.
B. de Pflacher vigil. praefectus, eiusdem inventor et delinea-
tor). An interesting feature of this large map is that, in
addition to the archdioceses and dioceses that existed
in Hungary and the associated countries at the time, it
also indicates the archiepiscopal and episcopal sees that
had been abolished by the eighteenth century. Pflacher
shows pontifical seats in an ornamental frame, and dis-
tinguishes them according to their rank and denomina-
tion (Roman or Eastern Catholic, or Orthodox) using
abbreviations and pontifical insignia (crosier, mitre, or
cross) in the frames. Furthermore, the ribbons below
the frames show the name of the current head of the
diocese, or indicate that the archiepiscopal or episcopal
seat is currently vacant (vacat). The above data aid us
in determining the time of creation of the undated: the
prelates named in the map were all in office in 1777,
thus it is certain that Pflacher drew the map in this
year. This can be further narrowed down considering
some of the information. The map shows the dioceses
of Szombathely and Székesfehérvár, founded by Maria
Theresa on 17 February 1777 (this is the latest date ap-
pearing in the map), but the author does not yet know
of the death of György Klimó, Bishop of Pécs, which
occurred on 2 May 1777, as he is named as the head of
the Pécs diocese. Therefore, the map was made after 17
February 1777, but before, or at least not long after, 2
May of the same year.
1777 was a significant year: Maria Theresa’s radical
 Details of the map drawn by Major Baron Georg Pflacher
church administration reforms, aimed at the division of
76 overly large Roman Catholic dioceses and at the foun-
dation of new ones, as well as at the establishment of
Eastern Catholic bishoprics, had been completed by this
time. Both measures were timely: the division of dioceses
covering entire provinces made the pastoral and other
activities of the priesthood more efficient, which also
served the interests of the Vienna government, whose
influence over the church was increasing and which
was consciously exploiting this. The establishment of
THE HAND-DRAWN MAPS IN THE FESTETICS COLLECTION AT KESZTHELY
“uniate,” i.e. Eastern Catholic dioceses—which sig-
nalled the independence of Eastern Catholics from the
Roman Catholic church organization—was demanded
both by Rusyn and Romanian believers, as well as by
their priests. The Eastern Catholic diocese of Munkács
(today Mukacheve in the Ukraine) was the first to be
established in 1771 by the Queen for the Rusyns, who
became Eastern Catholic in the early eighteenth centu-
ry. This was followed by the foundation of the Eastern
Catholic diocese at Várad (today Oradea in Romania)
in 1776 for the Uniate Romanians of Bihar County, the
necessity of which was also indicated by the conflict
between the Roman Catholic bishop of Várad and the
Eastern Catholic believers under his jurisdiction in the
early 1750s. The Eastern Catholic diocese of Kőrös was
founded in 1777, with the union of the Orthodox Serbs
as its purpose (Pflacher’s map only shows the diocese of
Munkács). The division of the large old Roman Catholic
dioceses brought even greater changes. The Esztergom
archdiocese was the first in 1776, with the Queen estab-
lishing the bishoprics of Szepes, Rozsnyó and Beszter-
cebánya on its former territory. The already mentioned
dioceses of Szombathely and Székesfehérvár were created
in early 1777: the former contained parts of the dioceses
of Győr, Veszprém, and Zagreb, whereas the latter was
consisted of parts of the diocese of Veszprém alone.14 The
mapmapker calls attention to these newly established
Roman Catholic dioceses by writing the Queens initials
(M. T.) in golden letters in their frames, and explaining
in the legend that these are the bishoprics “founded by
the Holy Roman Empress and Apostolic Queen of the
Kingdom of Hungary.”15 That is, Pflacher’s primary aim
may have been to illustrate the changes in church ad-
ministration that took place in the 1770. Such a work
could prove of practical use to the Vice President of the
Chamber, since the Chamber managed the benefices of
the vacant pontifical sees and it also supervised the use
and distribution of the income of the appointed bishops
and archbishops.
Nevertheless, from the point of view of cartography,
the map is more spectacular than accurate. Although
in 1777 and dedicated to Pál Festetich (National Széchényi
Library Map Collection TK 1390) 77
 latitude and longitude lines are marked on its frame,
the representation of the geographical area (which also
includes a considerable part of the Balkan Peninsula in
addition to Hungary) is rather disproportionate. Pflacher
attempted to make up for this deficiency with a pleas-
ing portrayal of topographic and hydrographic features,
as well as with the use of colors. In addition, he also
indicates more important cities, the names of counties
their size in the legend: in the case of buildings, he de-
scribes their function, whereas in the case of gardens he
specifies whether they are orchards, botanical gardens,
etc. The second page contains the “map of the meadows
belonging to the Georgikon” (Planum Pratorum ad Geor-
gicon pertinentium), which was also drawn by Hawliczek
in September 1810. The author shows the division of
the meadows, and provides information on the size of
left, and people in peasant clothes, including a woman
and a child, on the right. Between the two groups there is
a poem written for the occasion: “Muraköz likes to serve
a beautiful Lady, / to come to the hand of the fairer Sex
again / Or maybe Csáktornya is Jove’s offspring, / on
whom his Father’s sins are visited: / Ammon abducted
many a fair Damsel / and Csáktornya is often given to
Countesses.” This slightly frivolous poem sheds light
map contains several curiosities: the finely drawn image
of the Csáktornya castle is in a separate frame, in front
of which stands an engineer surveying the land (self-por-
trait?); below Kotoriba miniature drawings of twenty-one
deer can be seen in a regularly shaped, enclosed area. Pál
Hrenkó believes that this is a depiction of the famous
deer park of the Zrínyi family.30 However, he also points
out that the spelling of settlement names is inconsistent

THE HAND-DRAWN MAPS IN THE FESTETICS COLLECTION AT KESZTHELY

(without their borders), and the road to Constantino-
ple in the sketchy layout. It should be noted that the
Map Collection of the National Széchényi Library also
contains two works among the maps donated by Ferenc
Széchényi which may be regarded as later versions of
this map. One of these, which is identical with the map
dedicated to Pál Festetics apart from differences in some
data and ornamental elements, was made by Pflacher
himself,16 probably also in 1777, but after the death of
György Klimó, i.e. 2 May, as the word vacat can be read
below the ornamental frame representing the diocese of
Collectors and Collections
individual parts in the legend. He also drew the canals
constructed in the meadows and the mill on the banks
of the Hévíz stream. The third map, made by engineer
János Szajdensvartz23 in 1807, shows the “forest belonging
to the Georgikon.” In addition to the forests and their
divisions, the mapmaker also indicates the quarry, the
hunter’s lodge, the vineyards, chestnut plantations, and
meadows, together with their size. The fourth page is
somewhat different from the others, as it presents the
cross-section and the layout of the building which houses
the school, the lodgings of the trainees, as well as the
on what is depicted in the scene: the “handing over” of and often erroneous.31
the Csáktornya estate, i.e. the arrival of the new own- The historical reasons for the creation of this map are
er. The mention of the “Countess” in the poem, the clear. In the spring of 1670 the conspiracy organized by
Festetics coat of arms, and the year number 1792 are
clear indications that the scene refers to the purchase
of the estate by György Festetics, thus the woman in
the picture must be the Count’s wife, Judit Sallér, who
is received by the nobles and peasants living on the
estate. The Countess probably took possession of the
estate because her husband, who was a military officer at
the time, could not return from abroad. In the political

Pécs. This map is addressed to Ádám Patachich, who was
appointed Archbishop of Kalocsa in 1776: the decorative
representation of the Patachich coat of arms and the
name of the newly appointed archbishop on the ribbon
below the frame surrounding the Archdiocese of Kalocsa
are gestures intended for him. A smaller and simplified
version of the above two maps, drawn in 1786, may also
be the work of Pflacher,17 but some of the differences may
raise doubts about the identity of the author of this 1786
map, if not about its relationship to the other two maps.18
György Festetics (1755–1819), founder of the Georgikon,
had the greatest merit in collecting, commissioning and
organizing maps.19 The busy aristocrat employed his own
engineers and cartographers to prepare the layout of
individual buildings and for other tasks (land surveying,
regulation of waterways, road construction).20 Due to
their character, the maps and layouts related to these
activities form part of the “delineations,” which, as men-
tioned above, are found in the collection of the National
Archives of Hungary. However, the part of the collection
owned by the National Széchényi Library also contains
several maps connected to the lifetime and activities
of György Festetics. One of the most spectacular and
valuable pieces is the hand-drawn atlas which presents
the Georgikon, the famous agricultural school founded
by the progressive aristocrat in 1797, on four maps.21
The first page, which shows the inner, central part of
the Georgikon, was made by Alajos Hawliczek,22 “profes-
sor of mathematics” (mathesis professor) in September
1810, based on accurate measurements. The mapmaker
carefully indicates individual parts of the model farm in
the map, distinguishing buildings, gardens, ploughlands
and pastures using different markings and colors. He also
78 marks other, smaller units with letters, and indicates
“larger servants’ quarters.” This page was also drawn by
Hawliczek in September 1810. Both drawings are accurate
and beautifully made at the same time. They also show
the floor plan of the building and the heating system: the
author carefully represents the location of the stoves and
the passages behind the stoves which were used to light
the fires. The series of four maps described above offers
an authentic and detailed image of the contemporary
condition of the Georgikon, therefore it is considered
a useful source.24
György Festetics also considerably increased the
number of his estates. His most important acquisition
was the Csáktornya (today Čakovec in Croatia) manor,
which was put up for sale in 1790–1791 by the Althan
family, who were deeply in debt (the final agreement
was signed by the former owners on 17 March 1791).25
The 1792 map of the “Csáktornya dominion” proba-
bly commemorates this event, the estate’s entry in the
possession of the Festetics family.26 The map shows the
entire territory of Muraköz (Međimurje) to the border of
the country. The mapmaker, János Tomasich,27 indicated
not only the settlements (distinguishing market towns,
villages with parsonages or chapels, as well as palaces
and monasteries), but also forests, ploughlands, roads
and ferries, as well as mountain vineyards, which were
“painted in brown paint” (unfortunately, the coloring
has almost completely faded). The drawing in the top
right corner is very interesting and rather mysterious at
first sight. On top, the author carefully drew the façade
of the Csáktornya castle next to the Festetics coat of
arms. Below this, there is a lively scene: a figure dressed
as a Hungarian noble offers keys on a cushion to a young
woman, whose clothes show her to be an aristocrat, while
below them Hungarian nobles watch the scene on the
upheaval of 1790, following the death of the “hatted
king,” Joseph II, Kristóf Festetics and some of his fellow
officers demanded that Hungarian regiments should use
Hungarian as the language of command and that they
should be stationed in Hungary in time of peace, which
was frowned upon by the imperial military leadership. He
was severely reprimanded in Vienna in August 1790 (he
was in detention for 14 days), after which he was sent to
Brusselles, then to Milan in 1791. At the pleas of Judit
Sallér, he was retired from the service and returned to
Hungary in May 1791.28 Thus, while the emperor kept
György Festetics away from Hungary, his wife was in
charge of various tasks, including the management of
the Csáktornya manor.
The map also contains a later note made in 1794.
According to the Latin text, the red color in the map
indicates the division of Muraköz into four districts in
1794, and green shows the borders of the “stewardships”
(spanatus) indicated in Arabic numbers. These markings
reflect the innovations in estate management introduced
by György Festetics. The similarity of handwriting sug-
gests that these remarks were also added to the map by
János Tomasich.
In addition to the above, the hand-drawn map col-
lection of the Festetics family includes another map
of the Csáktornya estate, which is not only the oldest,
but also one of the rarest and most outstanding pieces
in the collection. The map was drawn on parchment by
imperial engineer Giovanni Giuseppe Spalla in 1670
at the order of Emperor Leopold I.29 This map is very
decorative: the author prepared veritable engravings of
all settlements and layouts of every castle, he provides
Pages from the hand-drawn atlas presenting the Georgikon at
a varied representation of topography, vegetation, and Keszthely (Geodaisia Georgici… 1810–1811.) (Map Collection
hydrographical features, the latter in minute detail. The of the National Széchényi Library TA 417.) 79

Collectors and Collections
The Festetich manor at Csáktornya. From the map drawn by engineer János Tomasich in 1792
Ferenc Frangepán, Péter Zrínyi, and Ferenc Rákóczi I
was nearing its outcome. While Rákóczi resolved to act
and started an uprising of the nobles, his two companions
travelled to Vienna on 13 April to plead with the em-
peror and ask for mercy. However, they were imprisoned
on 17 April. Emperor Leopold and his entourage had
already decided to crack down on the rebels, and it was
certain that their estates would also become forfeit. Thus
it seems clear that the monarch commissioned engineer
Spalla on 3 May to survey the Csáktornya manor in order
to acquire more accurate information about the Zrínyi
estate, which was to become the property of the treas-
ury.32 Imperial forces invaded the town and the entire
Muraköz soon afterwards. Later, Ádám Zrínyi, the son
of Miklós Zrínyi, was returned his portion of the estate,
but after his death in 1691 the entire Csáktornya estate
was managed by the Inner Austrian Chamber. Following
this, the land had several owners, until it was given to
the loyalist Count Mihály János Althan in 1720.33 The
map had either been at Csáktornya since 1670 or it may
have been given to the Althan family by the emperor; in
80 any case, it is certain that it became part of the Festetics
collection following the purchase of the estate previously
owned by the Zrínyis and the Althans in 1791.34
The maps in the collection vary as regards their
contents and age. The largest and thematically con-
sistent part of the collection consists of the so-called
“yellow-framed county map series,” which presents the
counties of Hungary. About 31 such maps are known,
22 of which can be found in the Map Collection of the
National Széchényi Library.35 The maps were probably
made in 1740–1750, and they were named after the char-
acteristic color of their frames.36 It has long been held
that the author of the finely drawn and detailed maps
was Sámuel Mikoviny (1700–1750), one of the greatest
cartographers of the eighteenth century,37 who made sev-
eral county maps for Notitia, the historical-geographical
description of the counties of Hungary by Mátyás Bél
(1684–1749).38 The pieces in this hand-drawn series
closely resemble the maps known to have been made
by Mikoviny. The similarities include those in the title:
titles in both series contain the word mappa (“map”),
as well as the expression methodo astronomico-geometrica
concinnata (“prepared with the astronomical-mathemat-
One of the collection’s earliest and most beautiful maps, made in 1670, shows the Csáktornya manor
ical method”).39 In addition, Sámuel Mikoviny’s map of
Nógrád County and the map of the same county in the
hand-drawn collection obviously resemble each other as
regards the representation of topography, the marking
of settlements, and the list of names.40 However, Enikő
Török, who researches the cartographic work of Sámuel
Mikoviny, warns that in this case the similarities do
not point to the same author, but to copying, i.e. the
author of the hand-drawn map used Mikoviny’s map
as his source. Török has also examined other pieces in
the series, and she excludes the possibility that these
were drawn by the famous engineer and cartographer.41
Nevertheless, even if Mikoviny did not made these maps
directly, there are several indications that the maps are
related to him and to the county maps in Bél’s Notitia.
On the one hand, it is worth noting that the collection
includes several maps that can be attributed to Sámuel
Mikoviny with certainty, such as the maps of Pest42 and
Turóc Counties.43 Another map related to him is the
one which, according to its title, is his work, but which
was in fact drawn by András Erik Fritsch.44 Therefore, if
the collection includes maps designed by the renowned
cartographer, it is a justifiable assumption that the Fes-
tetics family may have acquired these from the same
source as the “yellow-framed” maps which resemble them
in many respects. It is also worth considering that the
“yellow-framed” maps contain unique and particular
information that also appears in Mátyás Bél’s manuscript
of county descriptions.45 Finally, it is known that Kristóf
THE HAND-DRAWN MAPS IN THE FESTETICS COLLECTION AT KESZTHELY
Festetics had a good relationship with Mátyás Bél, and
the Pozsony scholar asked for his help with the descrip-
tion of Somogy County46, thus it is possible that it was
the Deputy Lieutenant of Somogy who acquired these
hand-drawn maps in the 1750s. Providing a decisive
solution to this problem would require a more detailed
investigation, but it can hardly be doubted that the
“yellow-framed” maps are linked to Sámuel Mikoviny,
or at least to his circle (possibly one of his disciples),
and they are also connected to the preparation of Mátyás
Bél’s Notitia.
The 450-piece collection in the National Széchényi
Library includes several other maps. In the present paper,
my aim was not to present the entire collection (which
would have been beyond the scope of this work), but
to focus on its most valuable and interesting pieces. In
addition, I attempted to show that the maps in a family
collection can be important sources of information that
complement written and other sources on the family.
The case of the Festetics family illustrates this quite
clearly, as all of the important family members living
in the eighteenth century left behind maps that serve
as valuable sources regarding their activities and ca-
reers, and also offer us a more subtle understanding of
their personalities. The reverse is also true: the history
of a family library or, in our case, a map collection is
intertwined with the history of the family itself; its fate
and its growth are linked to the events in the family
members’ lives.
81

Collectors and Collections
Hand-drawn map of Komárom County from the yellow-framed county map series (1740s)
Notes
1
IVÁNYI Béla, A Festetich-uradalom régi
geometrái [Old Geometries of the Festetich Estate].
In: Térképtudományi Tanulmányok 1956–1958,
ed. IMRÉDI MOLNÁR László, Budapest, 1958,
271–282.
2
Béla Iványi examined the documents before
they were separated, and catalogued the hand-
drawn maps marked Mp., of which he found
504. See Iványi, A Festetics-család levéltárában
szereplő jelzetű térképeinek katalógusa [Cata-
logue of the maps marked Mp. from the archives
of the Festetich family], manuscript, National
Széchényi Library, n.p., n.d. For an index of the
450 Festetics maps marked Mp. in the National
Széchényi Library, see Mrs. Pál Patay–Katalin
Plihál, Kéziratos térképek az Országos Széchényi
Könyvtár térképtárában, I., Önálló kéziratos
82
térképek, 1–2. [Hand-drawn maps in the Map
Collection of the National Széchényi Library,
I, Independent hand-drawn maps, 1–2],
Budapest, 1984., 2. 822. The other ca. 54 maps
marked Mp. are in other collections (National
Archives of Hungary, Hungarian National
Museum, etc.).
3
IVÁNYI, Festetich-uradalom, op. cit.,
278–280.
4
In greater detail: SZABÓ Dezső, A herceg
Festetics-család története [History of the Festetics
Dukes], Budapest, 1928. 57. A more recent
summary of the history of the Festetics family
and the Georgikon: KURUCZ Görgy,
A Georgikon alapításától 1848-ig [From the
founding of the Georgikon to 1848], In: Georgikon
200. Emlékkönyv a Georgikon alapításának 200.
évfordulójára, I., Keszthely, 1996. 9–129. On
the history of the family see ibid. 55–84.
5
On Kristóf Festetics see SZABÓ, Festet-
ics-család, op. cit., 97–137.; KURUCZ, Geor-
gikon, 58–59.
6
SZABÓ, Festetics-család, op. cit., 137.
7
IVÁNYI Béla, A Festetics család keszthelyi
levéltára [The Keszthely archives of the Feste­
tich Family], Levéltári Közlemények 24
(1946), 170–208. On József Festetics see also
SZABÓ, Festetics-család, op. cit., 59–96. The
maps which were probably acquired by József
Festetics are the following: two maps about the
1717 of Belgrade and the battle near Belgrade
(Plan von der Feldschlacht bey Belgrad… 1717,
National Széchényi Library Map Collection
TK 215; Plan der Stadt Belgrad… 1717, ibid. TK
1911); map of the castle of Niš (Plan von der
türckischen Gräntz Festung Nissa… cca 1719,
Uo. TK 533); map of the 1737 siege of Banjalu-
ka (Plan der Stadt und Schloss Banialika… 1737,
ibid. TK 534); and map of the operations of
the imperial army agains the Ottomans in 1739
(Carte der Marche und Contre Marche so von der
Kayserlichen Armée… cca 1739, ibid. TK 1632).
There are military maps from other periods as
well, which were probably also acquired by him
for the collection.
8
SZABÓ, Festetics-család, op. cit., 62.
9
See ibid. 139–195., and KURUCZ, Georgikon,
op. cit., 59–61.
10
SZABÓ, Festetics-család, op. cit., 184–186.
11
IVÁNYI, Festetich-uradalom, op. cit., 279.
12
The title of the map is: Delineatio Salis
Fodinae Sóóvariensi[s] (sic). Delineatum
anno 1760. die 25-a decembris per Carolum
Josephum Hauer Re[gi]o Ca[mer]ale[m]
Geometram. Copia anno 1778 per me Jospe-
hum Scharlach m. p. regium subterraneum
geometram practicantem. N.p. 1778. National
Széchényi Library Map Collection TK 691.
The map has been damaged, thus the missing
part of the title was copied from the catalogue
made by Béla Iványi. See IVÁNYI, Catalogue,
op. cit., #80.
13
Mappa topographica omnium Episcopatu-
um Regni Hungariae, Croatiae, Sclavoniae,
Galliciae, Bosniae, Serviae et Principatus
Transylvaniae, necnon eorum ut sunt Dalmati-
ae cum parte maris Adriatici, item Moldaviae,
Valachiae et Bulgariae, in quibus exstiterunt
archiepiscopatus, vel episcopatus, qui vetustis-
simo iure ad Sacram Coronam Hungariae per-
tinent. Excellentissimo ac Illustrissimo Paulo a
Comitibus Festetiz de Tolna… mappam hanc
humillime dedicat et consecrat subjectissimus
Author Georg. L. B. de Pflacher…H. n. [1777]
National Széchényi Library Map Collection
TK 1390.
14
On Maria Theresa’s church administration
reform see HERMANN Egyed, A katolikus
egyház története Magyarországon 1914-ig [History
of the Catholic Church in Hungary before 1914],
München, 1983, 302–303. (Dissertationes
Hungaricae ex historia Ecclesiae I.)
15
„Episcopatus, qui a Sacra Romanorum Imper-
atrice, et Regni Hungariae Regina Apostolica
instituti.” See Figure 4.
16
Mappa geographica et chorographica omni-
um Episcopatuum Regni Hungariae… Adamo
ex liberis baronibus Patachich de Zajezda…
mappam hanc humillime consecrat et dedicat
subjectissimus Author Georg. L. B. de Pflach-
er…H. n., [1777], National Széchényi Library
Map Collection TK 1386. For the map’s
description and a photograph of a detail see
Gróf Széchényi Ferenc térképeinek és atlaszainak
katalógusa, I., Kéziratos térképek és atlaszok [Cat-
alogue of the maps and atlases of Count Ferenc
Széchényi, I, Hand-drawn maps and atlases], ed.
PLIHÁL Katalin, Budapest, 2002, 290, #120.
17
Mappa geographica Primatum Hungariae
et subiectos illi archiepiscopatus ac episco-
patus omnium provinciarum Sacrae Coronae
exhibens. del. 1786. National Széchényi
Library Map Collection TK 15. For a photo
and description of the map see PLIHÁL, Gróf
Széchényi Ferenc, op.cit., 291. #121.
18
For example, the title, certain elements of
the legend, and in many cases the handwriting
also differ.
19
On the life of György Festetics see SZABÓ,
Festetics-család, op.cit., 197–313.; and more
recently KURUCZ, Georgikon, op.cit., 61–78.
20
On the activities of the engineers employed
by György Festetics and on the organization of
the map collection at this time see IVÁNYI,
Festetich-uradalom, op.cit., 271–278.
21
Geodaisia Georgici sive Delinationes Fundo-
rum Georgici Keszthelyiensis in Introvillanum
cum Hortis et Agris Tab. Ia in Prata dupli-
cis ordinis Tab. IIa et in vineam cum sylva
adiacente Tab. IIIa divisorum. 1810–1811.
National Széchényi Library Map Collection
TA 417.
22
Alajos Hawliczek was professor at the
institution in 1809–1813: he taught applied
mathematics, accounting and architecture. See
Georgikon 200, II., Adattár, 302–303.
Alajos Szajdensvartz János taught mathe-
23
matics at the Georgikon in 1805–1807. See
Georgikon 200, II., op.cit., 322–323.
24
The most recent summary of the history of
the Georgikon (KURUCZ, Georgikon) makes
no mention of this map series.
25
SZABÓ, Festetics-család, op.cit., 296.
26
Kartsa [sic] Egesz Csáktornyai Dominiumnak.
Fel ajánlotta nemes Tomasich János m. p. n.p.,
1792, National Széchényi Library Map Collec-
tion TK 1048.
27
János Tomasich was chief engineer of Zala
County from 7 April 1790 to 24 February 1806.
See Zala megye archontológiája 1138–2000 [The
archontology of Zala County 1138–2000], ed.
MOLNÁR András, Zalaegerszeg, 2000, 488.
SZABÓ, Festetics-család, op.cit., 223–253.;
28
Kurucz, Georgikon, op.cit., 66–68.
29
Alla Sac[ra]ta Ces[are]a Maesta di Leopoldo
primo imperatore porgo l’Isola Murakes detta
Zerina, et contiente questa tutto quel sito, che
viene rinchiuso fra li Fiumi Mura, et Drava
dal’unione di essi, alle Terre di Ratzcaniscia,
e Dravasardhel terminando quivi con linea
retta dal’una et laltra Terra con la Stiria. Per
THE HAND-DRAWN MAPS IN THE FESTETICS COLLECTION AT KESZTHELY
Clementissimi commandi della M[aest]a V[estr]
a di 3. Maggio 1670. la visitai, et ritrovatola
seconda questa delineatione, tale la consacro,
et resto á clementissimi piedi della S. C. M.
V. Humilis[sim]o et Fideliss[i]mo Servitore
Gio[vanni] Giuseppe Spalla attuale Ingeg[ne]re
Ces[areo]. N. d. [1670] n.p. National Széchényi
Library Map Collection TK 255. Photo and
description of the map: HRENKÓ Pál, A
Zrínyiek földje 1670-ben [The Land of the Zrínyis
in 1670], In: PAPP-VÁRY Árpád–HRENKÓ
Pál: Magyarország régi térképeken, Budapest,
19902, 78–79.
30
HRENKÓ, Zrínyiek földje, op.cit., 78.
31
Ibid. 79.
32
Pál Hrenkó arrives at a similar conclusion,
see ibid.
33
On the fate of the estate in this period:
ZRÍNYI Károly, Csáktornya monografiája
[Monograph of Csáktornya], Csáktornya, 1905,
59–61.
34
IVÁNYI, Festetich-uradalom, op.cit., 278. In
the cited passage Iványi erroneously claims on
the basis of the title that the map was made
on 3 May 1670, as this was the date of the im-
perial decree, as the title clearly indicates. Pál
Hrenkó makes the same mistake (HRENKÓ,
Zrínyiek földje, op.cit., 78.).
35
Iványi lists 38 county maps in his catalogue
of the maps marked Mp. from the Festetics
archives (see IVÁNYI, Katalógus, op.cit.
#19–57), 31 of which are suspected to belong
to the “yellow-framed” series. The source of
the uncertainty is that several of the maps
listed by Iványi are no longer available, thus
we may only infer their character from his
descriptions of titles. On the list and location
of the 28 currently available “yellow-framed”
county maps see Török Enikő, Mikoviny Sámuel
rézmetszetű megyetérképei. A mérnöktérképész
élete és munkássága, doktori disszertáció [Sámuel
Mikovinyi’s copper-engraving county maps. Life
and work of the engineer-cartographer, doctoral
dissertation], I–II., Budapest, 2002, Manuscript,
ELTE BTK, I., 110., Note 332.
For an example, see the map of Komárom
36
County.
37
IVÁNYI, Festetich-uradalom, op.cit., 278.
83
 On Sámuel Mikoviny’s county maps see
38
TÖRÖK, Mikoviny Sámuel, op.cit., I., 85–112.
39
Ibid. 109.
40
Mikoviny’s map of Nógrád County: see
Mátyás Bél, Notitia Hungariae novae historico-ge-
ographica, IV., Vienna, 1742 (no marking); the
“yellow-framed” map of the same county: see
National Széchényi Library Map Collection
TK 1080.
41
TÖRÖK, Mikoviny Sámuel, op.cit., 109–110.
Török points out the differences in handwrit-
ing and the varying scale of the “yellow-framed
maps.
42
Mappa Comitatus Pesthiensis methodo astro-
nomico-geometrica concinnata opera Sam[ue-
lis] Mikoviny Geom[etrae] aulicocameralis
caesarei et Soc[ietatis] Scient[iarum] Reg[iae]
Bor[ussicae] membri. N. p., n.d. See IVÁNYI,
Katalógus, op.cit., #42. Location: National
Széchényi Library Map Collection TK 1916.
Collectors and Collections
43
Mappa comitatus Thurotziensis geometrice
concinnata opera S[amuelis] Mikoviny N[obi-
lis] H[ungari]. N. p., n.d. See IVÁNYI, Kataló-
gus, op.cit., #51. Location: National Széchényi
Library Map Collection TK 312.
84
44
Mappa comitatus Liptoviensis accuratione
astronomico geometrice [sic] concinnata per
dominum S. Mikoviny. A. E. Fritsch delineav-
it. N. p., n.d. See IVÁNYI, Katalógus, op.cit.,
#38. Current location unknown.
45
Thus e.g. in the “yellow-framed” map of
Szabolcs County (MOL S. 68. Nr. 66.) we may
read the following next to the name of Csege
(today Tiszacsege in Hajdú-Bihar County):
“Csege alias Csákvár, urbs antiqua” (“Csege or
Csákvár, old town”); Mátyás Bél’s description
of Szabolcs County contains a similar passage:
“Csege, olim Csákvára, gentilitius, antiquis-
simae Csakiorum familiae locus.” Then, after
citing Thúróczy’s chronicle, which contains
the name “Csákvár” (but not Csege), he writes:
“Post haec fata in vicum abiit, clarum adeo
munimentum, nomine etiam, misit, detorto,
ut iam Csege vocetur.” (National Széchényi
Library Fol. Lat. 3371. 39v–41r). As Mátyás
Bél did not derive this—false—etymology from
any source, but probably invented it himself,
we may suppose that the mapmaker used his
manuscript as the source of this information.
There is an even more remarkable corre-
spondence between the “yellow-framed” map
of Heves County and Bél’s description of the
same county. The map (whose current location
is unknown) shows three “hortus phasianorum”
(“pheasant parks”) near the village of Maklár—
as Iványi reports in his catalogue (IVÁNYI,
Katalógus, op.cit., #33) –, which corresponds to
Bél’s description, which mentions in connec-
tion with three lands between Eger and Maklár
that the bishop has pheasant parks (“hortus
phasianorum”) in these places. See BÉL
Mátyás, Heves megye ismertetése [Description of
Heves County], 1730–1735.—Matthias BEL,
Notitia Comitatus Hevesiensis, 1730–1735, ed.
BÁN Péter, trans. Mrs. Erzsébet KONDOR
LÁTKÓCZKI, Eger, 2001, 194. (Bilingual
edition.)
46
Letter by Mátyás Bél to Dániel Haynóczi,
Pozsony, 12 June 1731. In: Bél Mátyás levelezése
[The Letters of Mátyás Bél], ed. with introduction
and notes by SZELESTI N. László, Budapest,
1993, #417. In the letter, Bél asks Haynóczi to
urge Kristóf Festetics to read the manuscript
containing the description of Somogy County,
sent to him three years before. In this letter,
Bél calls Festetich the one who salutes (i.e.
supports) his “muses” (his work as a writer)
(musas meas salutanti).
Ist ván Elbe
LAJOS KOSSUTH’S TURIN LIBR ARY
Perhaps the most familiar figure in the portrait gallery
of Hungarian history is the famous statesman Lajos
Kossuth. Innumerable essays, monographs, photographs,
engravings, and statues have created a clear image in our
minds of this crusader for Hungarian independence. We
can easily imagine him as the radical speaker delivering
stirring speeches to the diet in the city of Pozsony (today
Bratislava in Slovakia), much as we can envision him
as the rabble-rousing journalist in Pest. We see statues
of him in public squares all over Hungary that depict
LAJOS KOSSUTH’S TURIN LIBRARY
him as a man of zeal and fervor calling on the people
of his country to demand their rights, yet seldom do we
come across images of his as an elderly recluse with a
long, white beard living in the Italian city of Turin, an
exile, thinking always of the fate of his homeland. And
yet perhaps precisely this image might bring this great
figure of history a bit closer to members of generations
even whose great-grandparents were born after the Rev-
olution and War of Independence of 1848–1849. Dry
lectures on history hardly help us truly “experience”
even the period that followed the Compromise of 1867,
to which it has become customary to affix the epithet
“Golden Age.”
The dualist state created a kind of rift in and among
the citizens of Hungary. On the one hand, they were
loyal to the ruler who had been crowned with the Holy
A photograph of Kossuth in his old age (Lajos Hentaller:
Crown of Saint Stephen of Hungary. On the other, in Kossuth és kora [Kossuth and his Age]. Budapest, 1894)
their hearts they could not help but think of Kossuth,
the man who was the representative and embodiment of
their love of their homeland, a man who had never been
willing to compromise and whose every word therefore
always bore profound meaning.
Kossuth, however, was never fond of nationalist clam-
oring—clamoring that was often little more than a mat-
ter of show—or the selfish use of the legacy of 1848 for
short-term political gain. He refused to play any role in
public life that would have compelled him to move in this
direction and instead held steadfastly to his ideals. He
never requested a pass of safe conduct from the Austrian
emperor, the very man who had mercilessly crushed the
Revolution. His conduct became symbolic. He knew this,
and he strove to meet the expectations of his nation. At
the same time, in his old age he struggled with financial
problems. He was compelled to take out loans, and he
found himself increasingly in debt. The ex libris from Kossuth’s library 85
 Kossuth died on 20 March 1894, so he was only able
to act as guardian of the library that he had given to
his nation for a few days, but he died knowing that he
had set his affairs in order, paid his debts, and always
remained true to his ideals.
According to the 1894/2 issue of Magyar Könyvszemle
[Hungarian Book Review], “in order to inquire about the
final transfer, director-custodian László Fejérpataky left
on 16 May. On 27 May, an inventory was drawn up of
the books and the transfer took place. On 28 May the
holdings were put on a train in 28 chests and they have
since been en route to Budapest.”
A few months later, on November 3 1894 Ferenc
Kossuth and Lajos Tivadar Kossuth the Younger, the
heirs to the great statesman’s bequest, gave many of
their grandfather’s remaining belongings to the National
Museum. The official statement that they issued and
the accompanying list include the furnishings of his
books among the documents. These books were regis-
tered after the fact in the inventory that was drawn up
when the library was transferred. They were put at the
end of the collection. The books were given a stamp with
a blunder in it: “M. N. Muzeum Kossuth Lajos iratai”
(“H. N. Museum Lajos Kossuth’s writings”).
Three registries of the holdings of the library were
drawn up. The first was handwritten by Kossuth in 1864.2
According to this two-volume registry, the library con-
tained 1,530 works. Kossuth even penned some notes
concerning some of the entries. The second registry
consisted of two parts. The first half was the inventory
record that a personal secretary had compiled of the
books found in the dwelling. The numbering was done
according to the rooms in which the books were found,
beginning at zero in every new room. Presumably, it was
compiled after the idea of selling the library had come
up. The other part is an inventory record in which the

LAJOS KOSSUTH’S TURIN LIBRARY

dwelling in Turin, his various certificates (including items are divided into categories depending on their
Collectors and Collections

Könyv Lajstromok [Book Catalogue], handwritten by Kossuth himself
(National Széchényi Library, Manuscript Collection. Oct. Hung. 1064)
In 1892, the members of the Party of Independence
and ’48 formed a committee to deal with Kossuth’s finan-
cial woes. Member of parliament Károly Eötvös presided
over the committee. The committee resolved to gather
donations and purchase the one-time regent’s library for
public use, and in doing so, to help relieve him of his
debts. This was a decision of considerable importance,
for the members of the committee had grasped the sig-
nificance of ensuring that the collection be preserved as
a record of an important milestone in Hungary’s history,
both for the nation and for posterity. However, the initial
eagerness and the efforts to gather funds soon fizzled be-
cause of conflicting party interests and personal quarrels.
One year later, natural scientist and parliamentary
representative Ottó Herman traveled to Italy with his
wife, Kamilla Borosnyai, to see Kossuth. The sight of
the blind old man had a troubling effect on Kamilla,
and when she returned to Pest she wrote an appeal to
the nation that was printed in Pesti Naplo [Pest Dia-
ry], in which she called on the people of the country to
make donations. When he learned of this, Kossuth was
mortified. Never had he wanted to appear as a beggar to
his nation. He wrote a letter to Herman, who immedi-
ately met with the president of the committee and got
to work. Working as part of a small, tightly-knit group
and avoiding any role or place in the public sphere, they
managed to collect enough money—16,000 forints—to
purchase the library (and help Kossuth cover his debts),
mostly donations made by members of the two houses
86 of the Hungarian parliament, roughly equivalent to the
his certificate as an honorary citizen), weapons, plants, subject matter. It was based on the inventory, and on the
and the “Shakespeare House,” which was important title page Kossuth wrote “Catalogue of the Turin Library
from the perspective of the library and on which I will of Lajos Kossuth.”3 One finds notes in Kossuth’s hand-
say a bit more later. writing on the inventory that was divided according to
English House of Lords and House of Commons. The On 1 December 1894, the National Museum pur- subject matter and on some of the individual books as
names that figure on the list of people who made the chased Kossuth’s manuscripts, correspondence, natu- well. Presumably, these notes contain instructions for
donations reflect the deep respect in which Kossuth was ral sciences collection, and other valuable items from the secretary concerning the organization of the books
held. Members of parliament made donations irrespective Ferenc Kossuth. This purchase was important from the by subject matter. In the entries column there are often
of their party affiliations, and one even finds the names perspective of the book collection because there were indications of the works in which Kossuth’s notes are
of some prominent aristocrats on the list. The list also
offers testimony to Herman’s zeal. Herman managed to
gather more donations from Miskolc, his hometown, than
from any other city in Hungary except for the capital.
Two documents offer details concerning the transfer
of the library. The document of sale names Kossuth as
the seller. He sold the library to the people providing
the funds, who are listed as founders. He also asked the
member of the committee, as a body that was acting on
the instructions of the founders, to make a record of
the transfer of the library in the Founding Charter. In
the Founding Charter, the members of the committee
(president of the committee Károly Eötvös, members
of parliament Count Gábor Károlyi, Lajos Hentaller,
Ádám Horváth and György Strumann, and clerk of the
committee Dr. Bálint Eötvös) affirm with their signa-
tures that “we offer, bestow, and found, in accordance
with the catalogue that is to be given to us, the library
noted in the document of sale as a consignment of the
National Museum with the stipulation that the holdings
of the library will not be divided up, neither as individual
works nor as scholarly subjects, but rather will be kept
and properly cared for as a single collection in an open
space of the National Museum in one or more cabinets A copy of the bible that individually bound and dedicated and given to Kossuth by the American Bible Society
underneath the inscription ‘Library of Lajos Kossuth.’” (The Holy Bible. New York, 1850.) (National Széchényi Library, Kossuth 544.) 87
 paid very close attention to political trends in Europe. He
also tried to cultivate ties with the great powers that stood
in opposition to the Habsburgs. Works from his library that
were grouped together under the label “Hungarica et austri-
aca” touch on this: works that were written abroad on the
Hungarian War of Independence. Of particular importance
was a book written by one of the leaders of the community
in exile, a man named István Türr. In his book Narrative of
the arrest, trial and condemnation of Colonel Türr: show-
ing how Austria respects international law, Türr offers an
account based on his own experiences of the absurdities of
legislation in Austria.
The group of “Hungarian books” included the col-
lected poetry of Mihály Vörösmarty and Sánodr Pető-
fi, as well as the “complete works” of Sándor Kisfaludy
and Károly Kisfaludy and some novels by József Eötvös,
Zsigmond Kemény, Mór Jókai, and Miklós Jósika (far
more by Jósika than by the other novelists). Among the
“historical” works, one finds writings by László Szalay
and Mihály Horváth, including a narrative of the history
of the Hungarian people written in exile.
Kossuth wrote a few comments concerning some of
the works. For instance, in some cases he notes that the
typography or the binding is particularly beautiful. This
is particularly true of the eight-volume Knight edition
of Shakespeare, “which the workers in London bought
with several thousand signatures—tens of thousands—
and gave to me with a model of Shakespeare’s dwell-

LAJOS KOSSUTH’S TURIN LIBRARY

A gift of English workers, an eight-volume edition de luxe
of the works of Shakespeare (London, 1849) and a book
Collectors and Collections

case that is a model of the author’s dwelling (National

Széchényi Library, Kossuth 2723.)

found. The third inventory, which was also handwrit-

ten, was drawn up after Kossuth’s death, at the time of
the transfer of the holdings.4 The list, which consists
of 2,702 entries, mirrors the process of compiling an
inventory.
It is worth looking closely at the information con-
tained in the first registry. At the time, Kossuth kept
the vast majority of the books in chests, most of them
in a storage space. In the registry, the chests are divided
up into chapters based on their serial numbers. Within
these chapters, the works in the collection are divided
up on the basis of their subject matter, with indications,
of course, if a particular branch of the sciences continued
in the next chest. Next to many of the book titles one
finds the note “taken out [of the chest], in the house.”
I summarize here the contents of the boxes. In the course
of his travels in the United States, Kossuth received
many important books as gifts. He lists them under the first volume: “I received this from Sir Stratford Canning,
heading “Americana” as the contents of chest number English ambassador to Constantinople, on 11 January
one. In chest number two (the “large” chest) he put 1850 in exile in Kütahya.” Canning was one of the for-
books on or of “belles lettres and poetry,” “lexicography eign diplomats in Turkey who supported Kossuth and
and linguistics,” and “religious” subjects, as well as works spoke out against his extradition.
having to do with the Freemasons, which he put in a The groups labeled “mathem., natural sciences. real
separate group under the heading “Masonic.” In chest sciences, medicine” is further divided into several branches:
number three, one finds “historicumok bibliograph., “mathematics, natural sciences, astronomy, chemistry, civil
ethnograph., monographs,” and “Latin classics.” One engineering and architecture, natural history, medicine.” The
finds among the works on history the first book that “portfolios” were found at the bottom of the box.
Kossuth acquired during his time in emigration, Eliot The fourth box begins with “Statistics, common law
Warburton’s three-volume Memoirs of Prince Rupert and agronomy, and politics.” Politics is further divided into “in-
the Cavaliers, which was published in London in 1849. ternational law, agro-economics, politics, diplomacy, and Kossuth learned English by reading the works of Shakespeare (Sentiments and smiles of William Shakespeare. London, 1851).
88 Kossuth wrote the following note on the inner leaf of the legislation.” In the first period of his life in exile, Kossuth With a dedication on the binding and the inner title page to Kossuth’s wife (National Széchényi Library, 1208.) 89

Collectors and Collections
A leather-bound edition de luxe of the works of Thomas Jefferson (1743–1826), the third president of the United States,
with a dedication to the author’s descendants (National Széchényi Library, 2,824.)
ing made of wood, a very precious souvenir!” Kossuth
claimed to have learned English by reading Shakespeare
in the original language during the time he spent in
prison between 1837 and 1840. Between 23 October
and 20 November 1851, he held several speeches in
various cities in England where he was enthusiastically
received by the audiences. He enthralled the English
with his gifts as a public speaker and his knowledge of
their native tongue. When they discovered that he had
learned English by reading Shakespeare, a campaign was
organized to collect funds with which they purchased
the exquisite edition de luxe as a token of their respect
and admiration for the exiled statesman.
The model of Shakespeare’s dwelling and the books
themselves were among the loveliest and also most sym-
bolically important works in Kossuth’s library. They are
on display to visitors to the Széchényi Library on the
seventh floor as part of the permanent exhibition.
As is common knowledge, during his time in exile
Kossuth trained himself as a strategist. He felt that, were
the war of independence to flare up again, its leader must
90 be an expert in the art of war. The fourth box continues
with books on the “military” and “military history.” The
fifth box (“driver’s seat”) contains pamphlets, the sixth
(“in the house”) contains “addresses.” Kossuth wrote a
note indicating “in this box are the writings expressing
welcome that I received when I arrived in England, in-
vitations to readings, and some of the notes of thanks for
these readings, some American addresses, some books,
prints, and writings relating to my life in exile.”
Naturally, Kossuth had had a library before he had been
compelled to live in exile. We know very little about its
fate, however. Kossuth attentively wrote his name in each
of his books, with increasingly frail lines as time passed.
Later, he used a stamp that resembled his handwritten
signature. Books bearing these marks that were purchased
from secondhand bookshops or bequests or that were re-
ceived as gifts were put in the Kossuth collection of the
National Széchényi Library.
The Kossuth library remains a “living” collection to
this day. The third inventory that was compiled when
the holdings of Kossuth’s collection were transferred to
the library contains 2,702 entries. At the moment, the
last item in the list of works in the collection, the works
A writing by one of the people who gave Kossuth a gift as an expression of respect, with a dedication to Kossuth (Feri Udvary:
Körmendtől – Párisig kerékpáron és vissza Turinnak [From Körment to Paris on Bicycle and back to Turin]. H.n. 1891.)
(National Széchényi Library, Kossuth 903.)
of Thomas Jefferson, is entry number 2,824. As Gabriella
Somkuti has observed, “a complete edition of the works
of Jefferson, which was given to Kossuth in an ornate
leather binding with a dedication by Jefferson’s heirs,
traveled an interesting route. Kossuth died before he
received the gift, and as often happens to books, they
ended up being sold somewhere along the way. Finally, in
the 1920s they were purchased in the United States by an
antiquarian with Hungarian roots named Gabriel Wells,
who then donated them to the Széchényi Library.”5
One of the items in Kossuth’s library was a four-volume
edition of Lafontaine’s Moralische Erzählungen, a Ger-
man translation of the works of the Frenchman that was
published in Vienna and Prague in 1799 (entry number
2,724). The note on the inner leaf indicates that Kossuth
regarded his first library as a collection of importance
and worthy of respect, and he kept it carefully organized.
According to the note, this was the 301st item in the
library. In the margins of the first pages of the book one
finds other notes. The book became part of the collection
of the Széchényi Library in 1971.
In 1952, the library came into possession of Mészáros
Lázár emlékiratai [The memoirs of Lázár Mészáros] (Pest,
1867). On the first page of the second volume oen finds
a small card authenticated with a escutcheoned stamp in
wax with the following text: “I affirm that this book was
in the possession of Lajos Kossuth, Regent of Hungary
and my beloved brother. Budapest 1894. July 14. Lujza
Ruttkay Kossuth.”
LAJOS KOSSUTH’S TURIN LIBRARY
A gift from István Huziányi constitutes a debatable
part of the Kossuth collection. It contains photocop-
ies of articles and writings that were published in the
contemporary American press. It is included alongside
Kossuth’s books because at the moment the National
Széchényi Library does not have a separate collection
of excerpts from articles.
One finds other publications in Kossuth’s library, in
addition to books. These items were not separated from
the rest of the holdings when the library was transferred,
and they constitute an integral part of the collection.
They include a large number of serial publications.
Kossuth’s letter to Ottó Herman offers an indication of
the attentiveness with which he treated the periodicals,
paying for many of them in advance, in spite of his finan-
cial difficulties. “I have continuously added works to my
library, as I wish to keep pace with the developments in
world history and the amazing advances in the sciences,
including the finest periodicals, like Tissandier’s excel-
lent La Nature, to which I have subscribed since 1876
(and I will continue to do so until my death) and Revue
des deux mondes, from which 29 of the 33 volumes of
Nuova Antologia are in my library, finely bound.”6 The
collection also included some printed and manuscript
works of music, some of which had dedications by the
composers, and numerous maps.
Essays and articles which have been published on
Kossuth’s library have examined, on the basis of the
various inventories and registries of the holdings, the 91
 various fundamental works that were at the disposal of the
one-time regent in his quest to acquire a deeper under-
standing of the arts and sciences in general and a thorough
grasp of some of the specific branches of the sciences. In
the following pages, it is my intention to examine some
of the more interesting works found in his library, works
which offer glimpses into his relationships with his con-
temporaries. The books and the various dedications that
are found in them provide us with some understanding
of the many threads that continued to tie Kossuth to his
homeland, even when he was living in exile.
In 1865, Kossuth moved to Turin. The personal trage-
dies he had endured, specifically the death of his daughter
and the death of his wife, as well as Hungary’s loss of its
independence and the suppression of the very aspiration
for national Independence in Hungary by the Austrians
were the most devastating blows in his life. His only
solace in the Italian city was the small comfort provid-
consistently rejected these invitations. “I wish to stand
as a living protest until my last breath,” he explained,
“with no compromises and no strivings that in any way
would limit the political and national independence
of our homeland, no matter what the price, no matter
what the conditions.”7
However, this did not discourage people in Hungary
from seeking Kossuth out in his home near the Italian
Alps, whether as solitary travelers as members of delega-
tions of hundreds. His home in Turin became a place of
pilgrimage, and since Kossuth was not willing to return
to his homeland, his homeland came to him. Represent-
atives of all of the various social layers of Hungary came
to pay their respects. They included scholars, politicians,
engineers, and poets, as well as a man taking a long-dis-
tance trip by bicycles and even a hairdresser, people who
either sought him out in person or by sending letters, as
we know on the basis of items that were incorporated into
in Hungary on botany, geology, and archaeology. In the
last years of his life, Herman—as someone who was fa-
miliar with Kossuth’s interests—had books sent to him in
Turin or took books there himself in person. These works
included a few writings, mostly memoirs, which touched
on the 1848 war of independence.
In many cases, authors sent their books to Kossuth
themselves, along with letters in which they expressed
their respect for the great Hungarian statesman. The
books which he received as gift, however, often went well
beyond Kossuth’s interests. From the perspective of their
contents and their quality, they comprised a very mixed
group. One finds among them essays by engineers on how
to drill a well, along with writings on the social and polit-
ical questions that were published privately. Kossuth was
always glad to receive and look through new books, as the
comments that he wrote in them demonstrate. Even the
works the pages of which remain uncut offer testimony

LAJOS KOSSUTH’S TURIN LIBRARY

ed by his study of the natural sciences. He continued his library in the last ten years of his life. These works are to the former regent’s cultivated tastes.
Collectors and Collections

to pay close attention to political events in Hungary.
We are familiar with his views concerning the politics
of the Duelist Era on the basis of several dozen of his
letters. The opposition movement that took form in the
wake of the Compromise of 1867 strove to convince him
to return to Hungary. They insisted that the country
needed an impassioned speaker in parliament. Kossuth
Kossuth’s marginal notes and underlinings in Gróf Széchenyi
István naplói [The Diaries of István Széchényi] (Budapest,
92 1884) (National Széchényi Library, Kossuth 755.)
among the most interesting and the most colorful items
in the collection. They offer a sense of the era, and they
also offer a sense of people’s conceptions of Kossuth, i.e.
the ambivalence that I mentioned in the introduction.
Kossuth “was not simply a bibliophile who collected
books. He read and used his books, depending upon his
interests and his tastes.”8 He ordered books from friends
Kossuth’s handwritten comments on Görgey in the memoirs of
György Klapka (Memoiren von Georg Klapka. Leipzig, 1850)
(National Széchényi Library, Kossuth 2284.)
From the perspective of their subject matter, the books
on the natural sciences constituted the largest single group.
As a polyhistor and natural scientist himself, Herman sent
several of his own works or gave them to Kossuth in person
in 1887, when he went to visit him, and in subsequent
years. For instance, in his book A magyar halászat [Hun-
garian Fishing] (Budapest, 1887) he wrote the following
dedication: “For Lajos Kossuth as a sign of my love and my
faithfulness.” The personal tone of the dedications in his
other works offers a clear indication of the close friendship
between the two men: “my beloved lord”; “faithfulness”;
“respect and devotion.”
A letter that was written by Ferenc Kubinyi is simi-
larly personal in its tone. He sent the letter with a copy
of his book Doctor Zipser Keresztély András életrajza
[A Biography of Doctor András Zipser Keresztély] (Pest,
1866), which he gave to Kossuth, “my old friend, as a sign
of my genuine friendship and respect.” Kubinyi, who was
a paleontologist, writes in his letter to Kossuth about
the Hungarian works that are going to be presented at
the 1873 Vienna World Exposition. One of the subjects
was “the discovery by Ipoly, Henszlmann, and me of the
famous Mátyás Codex.” Kubinyi had traveled to Istanbul
in 1862 with Arnold Ipolyi and Imre Henszlmann to
study codices from the library of King Mátyás Corvinus
of Hungary which were kept there. (Turkey later returned
these codices to Hungary as a sign of friendship between
the two states.)
Two of the prominent scholars in Hungary who stud-
ied Asian peoples and cultures sent dedicated works to
Kossuth. Ármin Vámbéry sent his book Közép-Ázsiai
utazás… [Travels in Central Asia] (Pest, 1865), and
Lajos Lóczy sent his book A khínai birodalom természeti
viszonyainak és országainak leírását [A Description of the
A letter written by Balázs Orbán and included with the copy
of his book that he sent Kossuth as a present (Balázs Orbán:
Torda város és környéke [The City of Torda (today Turda in
Romania) and its Surroundings]. Budapest, 1889) (National
Széchényi Library, Kossuth 802)
Natural Conditions and the Countries of the Chinese
Empire] (Budapest, 1886). Ágost Kanitz sent the treatise
he wrote as his inaugural address as a member of the
Academy of Sciences, which was entitled Gróf Széchenyi
Béla közép-ázsiai expediciójának növénytani eredményeiről
[On the Botanical Findings of the Expedition of Count
Béla Széchényi to Central Asia] (Budapest, 1885).
Kossuth’s correspondence with Zsófia Torma is particu-
larly interesting. A Transylvanian archeologist, Torma
sent a long letter to Kossuth along with three essays:
Hunyadmegyei neolith kőkorszakbeli telepek [Neolithic
Stone Age Settlements of Hunyad County] (Cluj, 1879);
A nándori barlangcsoportozat: függelék a Hunyadmegyei
neolith kőkorszakbeli telepek ismertetéséhez [The Caves of
Nándor (today the village Nandru in Romania): Sup-
plement to the Introduction to the Neolithic Stone
Age Settlements of Hunyad County] (Cluj, 1880); and
Hunyad vármegye őskori történetéhez [On Hunyad County
in Prehistoric Times] (Budapest, 1882). In her letter`,
Torma complained about the difficulties that she had
faced as a child. She also described the struggles she was
still facing in scholarly circles in Hungary, which were
dominated by men. According to her letter, her achieve-
ments and discoveries, which had won praise abroad, 93
 independence of the counties and the policies concern-
ing the national minorities in Hungary at the end of
the nineteenth century. Politician and historian Kálmán
Thaly, who won deserved fame through his successful
efforts to have the ashes of Ferenc II Rákóczi returned to
Hungary, sent an ornate edition of his book II. Rákóczi
Ferenc fejedelem ifjúsága [The Youth of Prince Ferenc
II Rákóczi] (Bp., 1881) to Kossuth with a four-line poem
(which rhymes in the original):
“How fierce the power of misfortune,
To know hurts, to feel is pain;
The reward for your glorious deeds:
Once Rodosto, today – Turin!”
Historian Árpád Horváth mentioned his personal meet-
ing with the former statesman in his letter, when he sent
his work entitled Bevezetés a magyar oklevéltanba [Intro-
seek the affection of the Hungarian people, whether it
is just or false.”
On many questions, politician Lajos Mocsáry held
views that differed from the Grünwald’s views. Mocsáry,
an old Hungarian nobleman, provided a detailed de-
scription of his assessments in a writing entitled Esz-
revételek Grünwald Béla “A régi Magyarország” [] (Bp.,
1889), a dedicated copy of which he sent to Kossuth. Like
Kossuth, Mocsáry opposed both the Compromise and
Dualism, and he was also against the assumption by the
state of control of administration. He was a founding
member of the Independence Party, and unlike Grün-
wald, he supported fair and just policies concerning the
national minorities in Hungary.
In a letter that he sent with an essay of his entitled
A Felvidék [The Northern Country, a term that at the
time referred essentially to what today is the territory
of the state of Slovakia] (Budapest, 1878), Grünwald

LAJOS KOSSUTH’S TURIN LIBRARY

duction to the Science of Deciphering Old Hungarian tried to persuade Kossuth to share his view: “My deeply
Collectors and Collections

Kálmán Thaly: The Youth of Prince Ferenc II Rákóczi (Bratislava, 1881), with a portrait of the prince in his youth on the cover
and the letter written by the author to Kossuth on the inner leaf (National Széchényi Library, Kossuth 743)
were dismissed in Hungary merely because she was a
woman. Having read an essay by Kossuth published in
a collection of essays entitled Tanulmányok Báró Nyáry
Jenő Az aggteleki barlang mint őskori temető czímű munkája
felett ´ [Essays on Count Jenő Nyáry’s Work Entitled
“The Caves of Aggtelek as a Prehistoric Cemetery”]
on an essay by Jenő Nyáry (another archeologist and a
specialist in the study of caves), Torma asked Kossuth
to read her essays and write the introduction to a work
that was soon to be published. Kossuth’s reply is found in
Torma Zsófia levelesládájából [From the Letters of Zsófia
Torma] (Kriterion, Bukarest, 1972). “Your Honor over-
estimates me without good reason,” he wrote, “if you
are willing to give my views even the slightest weight
in this issue. I am no expert, I did not live the necessary
life nor were the circumstances of my life such that
I would be able to think of myself as anything more than
a bunling amateur with spare, I might even say superficial
knowledge of the science of primitive archeology; as
such, I respectfully acknowledge in you, someone who
94 has acquired such broad and thorough knowledge with
such zeal, ardor, and endurance, my Master, in whose
presence I might play the role of student, but not judge.”
One version of the letter was found with the essays. It
contains the following remark: “because of the many
versions that arose in making a fair copy—this must be
written down again.”
A draft also survived of Kossuth’s letter to Jenő Nyáry,
in which he reflects on Nyáry’s essay. Nyáry’s brother
Albert was a historian and had served as Kossuth’s aide-
de-campe. Thus, it is hardly surprising that Kossuth’s
library included a copy of his work A heraldika vezérfonala
[A Guide to Heraldry] (Budapest, 1886). The dedication
reveals that Kossuth received the book only after Albert
had died: “As a sign of deep respect for Regent Lajos Ko-
ssuth, in lieu of the author, who has departed this world,
Jenő B. Nyáry.” This work brings us to the next subject,
the natural sciences.
A number of historical works can be included in this
group, including works that dealt with the 1848 Revolu-
tion, touching on such questions as public administration,
with particular consideration of the elimination of the
Documents] (Budapest, 1880) to Kossuth. “It has been
some twenty-two years,” he writes, “since I had the good
fortune of meeting Your Honor the Regent in S. Franc-
esco d’Albaro on 4 October 1861, together with Count
Ferenc Nádasdy the Younger. The very kind reception
which Your Honor gave me made this day one of the
most beautiful days of my life. The memory of this day,
which for me is unforgettable, emboldens me today,
when we are celebrating your name day, respectfully to
express my admiration by sending some of my essays. It
would make me inexpressibly happy if you, as the greatest
Hungarian, a man of whom I have thought since my
youth with a respect that borders on fanaticism, were
to find these modest writings not entirely unworthy
of inclusion in your fine library. University professor
Árpád Horváth, your devotee until his death, requests
this distinction from your Honor the Regent with the
greatest respect.”
Kossuth managed to have his voice heard on the issue
of the reorganization of administration and limitations
on the independence of the counties. Naturally, he was
opposed to any increase in the powers of the state to
exercise supervision or control. In the course of the
debate, which lasted for several years, Kossuth was re-
spectfully but harshly criticized. Politician and historian
Béla Grünwald, who was deputy lieutenant of Zolyom
County, was restrained in his response. In contrast, in a
letter that he sent with a copy of his writing Ki a centra­
lista?… [Who is the Centralist?…] (Pécs, 1872) attorney
Ernő Grabarits gave Kossuth the following warning: “if
there is anyone in the world who should think through
what he says and what he asks one-thousand times, then
that person is you, distinguished man, for what you say
is sacred to the Hungarian people and to all those who
respected Gentleman, who has cherished in his breast
the ideal and, in spite of having lived in exile for almost
30 years, still has compassion for the nation and is inter-
ested in its fate and its strivings, perhaps you will read
with interest this book, which may not only convince
you that our domestic politics is petty and stunted but
may also reveal that ideals that the more self-aware and
the more noble part of our nation is striving to realize.
I am not the only person who feels the gravity of what is
written in this book. Rather, hundreds of thousands feel
it, and the view and the mood in the book constitute an
important fact, which will have a transforming effect on
the internal politics of the nation in the near future.”
At the end of the nineteenth century, Hungary,
however peaceful it may have seemed on the surface,
was in fact in the state of upheaval, at the very least
in the territories near its borders. The desire for some
degree National autonomy or even independence had
grown increasingly strong among the national minori-
ties. Some members of the intelligentsia among the
national minorities felt that the minority problems
could be solved without altering Hungary’s status as
a unified state. Gergely Moldován, a professor of the
Romanian language and Romanian literature at the
university in Cluj send his response to the memorandum
of the Romanian youth of Bucharest to Kossuth. In his
response, Moldován harshly criticized the Romanian
intelligentsia for having spread the myth of the Da-
co-Roman origins of the Romanians throughout Europe.
He also rejected as unfounded the claims concerning
the repression of the Romanians of Transylvania. (In
the wake of World War I, when Transylvania was made
part of Romania, Moldován was branded a traitor by
Romanians.) 95
 Iván Bojničić, a custodian of the Croatian national
museum, made the following dedication in his work
Az oklevélhamisítás a középkorban különösen Magyaror­
szágon és társországaiban [Certificate Forgery in the Mid-
dle Ages, in Particular in Hungary and its Associated
Countries] (Zagreb, 1880): “[this work] will be of partic-
ular interest to your Honor because it is, in my view, the
first Hungarian scholarly work that was published in the
capital of Croatia and undoubtedly the first Hungarian
work written by a Croat.” This dedication captures the
unique situation of Croatia, a country in which aspira-
tions for national independence went side by side with
feelings of loyalty for Hungary.
The third and smallest group was the collection of
works of literature. Among the memoirs that touch on
the events of 1848–49, the writings of Count Sándor
Teleki of Koltó (today Coltău in Romania) entitled Em-
lékeim [My Memoirs] (Budapest, 1879) and Egyről-más-
sible, and sometimes forced on society. However, when
these letters were written, Kossuth was no longer a leader
of state, and he had no real power. No one could possibly
have praised him or expressed respect for him simply in
the hopes of furthering personal interests or a career.
If one studies the letters that are found in Kossuth’s
books, one has some sense of the cult that evolved
around him, a cult which almost seems to bear affini-
ties with the kinds of cults that evolved around saints.
Nineteenth-century society, a period of ideals, fervent
struggles in the name of ideals, and deep attachment
to symbols, found its paragon in Kossuth. Generations
grew up in Hungary for whom Kossuth remained the
guiding figure in their understanding of Hungarian his-
tory and Hungarian national self-awareness. Physician
Miklós Dubay expressed this in a comment he wrote in
the inner leaf of an offprint of his book Metallothera-
pia és metalloskopia [Metallotherapy and Metallascopia]
of its own the man who is most able to call Hungary his
own, that today as before it holds to its chest with de-
voted reverence the man who accomplished the second
founding of the homeland on the principles of liberty,
fraternity, and equality, that it praises to the skies the
man who redeemed his homeland and, for this very
reason, today suffers the torments of exile. But a de-
generate parliamentary majority that has been bought
up cannot make homeless a man who gave 16 million
people a free home, who made 15 million slaves free
citizens! A few two-faced Austro-Hungarians can exile
him; but the people, who number 16 million, will give
him a home in their hearts and raise an altar to him,
where the sacred flame of a love close to idolatry burns.
A man who has earned citizenship in the hearts of his
people is not homeless, who is embraced with devotion
by his nation, whose name has become a prayer on the
lips of his grateful nation, who hear the most fervent
single collection. As was the case with many other such
collections, the works were divided up and made parts of
other subsections of the holdings, presumably sometime
in the interwar period. Several books were made part of
the main collection, in spite of the stipulations in the
Founding Charter. This was probably done in order to
fill gaps in the main collection, but no record was made
of the transfer in the registry of the books in Kossuth’s
library, so when a new inventory of the collection was
done in 1965, these works were recorded as missing.
In 2002, on the 200th anniversary of Kossuth’s birth,
I attempted to reassemble the original collection. As a
modest result of my efforts, some 47 works were moved
from the main holdings back to the Kossuth collection.
Two books remained in the collection of old printed
publications on the basis of their dates of publication.
No trace could be found of seventeen others. In all
likelihood, they fell victim to a wave of “collection im-

LAJOS KOSSUTH’S TURIN LIBRARY

ról: újabb emlékeim [On This and That: My More Recent (Budapest, 1881): “I was a babe in arms at the time of longings of his nation like a sacred supplication, to whos provements” that took place after 1952. (After 1952, as
Collectors and Collections

Memoirs] (Budapest, 1882) merit particular mention.
Teleki sent these writings to Kossuth, and he charac-
terized himself as “always a faithful fellow-citizen of my
Regent.” Teleki mentions the first time he met poet
Sándor Petőfi and offers an account of the history of
their friendship. He dedicated a copy of his memoirs
entitled Garibaldi alatt 1859-ben (Budapest, 1883) with a
brevity characteristic, perhaps, of a man of the military:
“To Kossuth with devotion, Colonel Teleki.”
The Hungarian poets of the late nineteenth century
were rather restrained and modest in their lyrical tone in
comparison with the great poets of the Revolution. The
“new songs of a new era,” to cite a line from a poem by
turn-of-the-century poet Endre Ady, did not have the
same power to inspire national unity as the poems that
had been written by the earlier generation. In this very
different era, poet, when he visited Kossuth in Turin
József Kiss wrote the following as a dedication to his
verses: “To Lajos Kossuth, eternal pillar of our national
soul, with humble respect” (Kiss József költeményei:
1868–1881 [The Poems of Józef Kiss: 1868–1881]. Bu-
dapest, 1882). Poet Emil Ábrányi wrote the following
on the inner leaf of a volume of his poems entitled Sza­
badság-haza [Freedom-Homeland] (Budapest, 1888): “To
Lajos Kossuth, the great, the good, who with his tre-
mendous spirit will always govern Hungary, with deep
reverence, the author.”
Letters (sometimes written on the pages of the books)
and the many dedications found in the books in Kossuth’s
library offer a clear indication of the vibrancy of a nation-
wide Kossuth-cult. The members of this cult remained
active throughout Kossuth’s life, and historians have
thoroughly studied its various stages. It is unquestionably
96 true that most personality cults are disturbing, implau-
the war of independence. As I grew up, a devotion grew
in me, paired with wonder, the like of which guides the
Catholic to Rome, the Muslim to Mecca, and the Hun-
garian to you.”
The style and vocabulary of the letters seem perhaps a
bit antiquated and rich with pathos to a reader of today,
but the letter nonetheless convey the deep respect and
love people felt for the one-time statesman. One also
finds instances of remarkable solicitude, for instance in
a letter sent by János Nedoroszték, a hairdresser from
the city of Cluj, who had read in a local paper of how
Kossuth suffered from pain in his joints and so had sent
him a letter with a photograph of himself and a medical
work in German on rheumatism.
The admiration and respect that was felt for Kossuth
in Hungary reached a zenith when, in accordance with
a law passed in 1879 that constituted a devastating blow
for people living in exile, he lost his Hungarian citizen-
ship. The aldermen of the cities of Hungary raced to be
the first to bestow on him the status of honorary citizen.
Balázs Orbán wrote comments expressive of his outrage
on the inner leaf of his book, Torda város és környéke
[The City of Torda (today Turda in Romania) and its
Surroundings] (Budapest, 1889). It is worth citing the
text in its entirety:
“The people of Hungary, the patriotic citizens of its
cities, are hurrying with overwhelming zeal to express,
by issuing honorary certificates, their condemnation of
the exile measure taken by our Austria-servant govern-
ment. In the most tender manner, they endeavor, with
images of the cities of the homeland, to conjure the
homeland for the man whom the degenerate servant
army wishes to make homeless. The entire population
of Hungary hurries to announce that it declares as one
name the most faitful hopes are pinned. widespread nationalization campaigns were underway,
I, Balázs Orbán, present this modest fruit of my labors works that were already part of the holdings were often
to the great man who is worshipped like an idol Buda- replaced with books that had been in the libraries of
pest the nation: Regent Lajos Kossuth, as a sign of my aristocrats or monasteries and were in better condition.)
devotion and deep respect.” The Széchényi library no longer keeps the works from
Since its founding, the Kossuth Library, like the rest Kossuth’s library in the original cases, as was specified
of the collections of the National Széchényi Library, has in the Founding Charter. Rather, they are kept in the
weathered the tempestuous storms of history. It is one of depositories of the main collection, separately from the
the collections to have survived World War II and the main holdings, alongside the collections of other famous
1956 Revolution without significant damage. The mate- figures of public life which are also kept separately as a
rials in the Kossuth library were not kept together as a sign of respect.
Bibliography
HERMANN Róbert, A Kossuth-kultusz [The KATONA Jenő, Kossuth Lajos könyvtára [The Li- REZNÁK Erzsébet, Kossuth Lajos kilencvenkét
Kossuth Cult], In: ’48 kultusza [The ’48 Cult], brary of Lajos Kossuth], Könyvtáros [Librarian], éve [The 92 Years of the Life of Lajos Kossuth],
ed. G. Merva Mária, Gödöllő, Városi Múzeum, 4, 1954, 11; 5. 1955, 1. Cegléd, Kossuth Múzeum, 2002.
1999.
Notes
1
National Széchényi Library. Document 4
Kossuth’s book registries 2. National 6
SOMLYÓI TÓTH Tibor, Diplomácia és emig­
Collection. Széchényi Library, Manuscript Collection. Fol. ráció “Kossuthiana” [Diplomacy and Emigration
Hung. 1939. “Kossuthiana”], Budapest, Magvető, 1985.
2
Kossuth’s book registries 1. National
Széchényi Library, Manuscript Collection. Oct. 5
SOMKUTI Gabriella, Kossuth Lajos könyvtára 7
HENTALLER Lajos, Kossuth és kora [Kossuth
Hung. 1064. [The Library of Lajos Kossuth], Könyv, könyvtár, and His Era], Budapest, Athenaeum, 1894.
könyvtáros [Book, Library, Librarian], 1994.
3
Kossuth’s book registries 2. National August. 8
SOMKUTI Gabriella, ibid.
Széchényi Library, Kossuth 2.584.
97
 László Pászti
LAJOS KOSSUTH’S MAPS
Lajos Kossuth’s son, Francis, donated his father’s book
and map collection to the National Library on 26 May
1894. According to a catalogue in Turin, some 2,702
works had been recorded in Turin, each bearing a serial
number and a seal based on Kossuth’s signature. Lat-
er, additional documents—mostly manuscripts, broad-
sheets—became included in the collection, stamped
“Documents of Lajos Kossuth, MN Museum.” To the
best of our knowledge, the latter contained a map.1
The total number of cartographic works ascribed to
Kossuth amount to 72 pieces, which include three frag-
Collectors and Collections
ments2 and attachments featuring a number of histor-
ical and travel guide maps, one of which is presumed
lost.3 The majority of these documents were made in the
second half of the nineteenth century. Fewer (13 piec-
es) were published before 1851, and only a single work
among them dates back to the eighteenth century. Out
of a total of 72 works, three are handwritten, the oth-
ers printed using a variety of techniques (copper-plate,
steel-plate, lithograph).
A detailed history of the collection, and its pace of
expansion require further research, so that we can only
make inferences from the data available to us. Based on
the years of their appearance, it is clear that Kossuth
could only have taken a few maps with him into exile;
these were, of course, maps of Hungary, and the vast
majority were acquired in exile. We know that during
his years in Turkey he had enlisted the help of other
immigrants to get his hands on published works and
articles about the Hungarian War of Independence
that had appeared in Istanbul and Western Europe. 4 In
many cases, names of trade publishers and distributors
can be found in the works. Some maps and atlases he
had received as gifts, and, naturally, he himself had
purchased others in the interest of his travels or to
follow events unfolding on the world’s political stage.
His well-known financial straits may explain the large
numbers of rather modestly produced maps, for the
most part taken from daily newspapers and from other
sundry publications.
Undoubtedly, it would be an exaggeration to say that
it was Kossuth’s intention to become a map collector; he
read and used maps, insofar as they served his interest
Among the guidebooks, a map of Turin, Kossuth’s city of exile, and its surroundings (Piccola Guida, 1860)
and were appropriate to his situation. Reviewing even
98 this relatively small collection gives us a glimpse into
the personality of the map collector, who is abreast of
current political events, carefully following new de-
velopments in the press, whether they touched upon
questions about his homeland or unfolded on distant
continents. We are well aware of the close relationship
between history and geography, and what could be more
natural than for a statesman to exploit these works with
great skill.
Perhaps the most salient example of how he used maps
is contained in a letter he had sent to General Arthur
Görgey in Bratislava on 3 November 1848: “Dear Friend!
I am in a state of distress. Any news from Guyon? If
I look at the map, there is no other way to understand
LAJOS KOSSUTH’S MAPS
the advance at Magyarfalva other than: if he headed
toward St. János either it was intended to cover Simu-
nich’s retreat, or it was a feint maneuver to distract our
attention from elsewhere. Or, what is the most likely,
Guyon will be attacked from Gödington, press down-
ward, while the troops from Magyarfalva pour across the
mountains and attack their flank. This might explain
why they have no canons… “5
To facilitate a survey of the cartographic documents,
we have grouped them as follows:
1. Hungary and its parts (12)
2. Europe, parts of greater European regions (9)
3. European states and parts thereof:
Italy (12)
Great Britain (7)
France (3)
Switzerland (2)
Schleswig and Holstein (2)
Poland (1)
4. The “Turkish question:” the Balkans, the Black Sea
region and the Caucasus (10)
5. America (5)
6. Africa (5)
7. India (2)
8. Misc: world and historical atlases (2)
Lajos Kossuth left the country and stepped on Turkish
soil on 17 August 1749; living in exile until his dying
day in March, 1894, he had never given up on the cre-
ation of an independent Hungary. “His experience of
1848-1849 demonstrated to him that without consider-
ing the prospects afforded by the international political
community and without an awareness and exploitation 99
 of the conflicts among the great powers, the creation of
an independent Hungary had little chance of success.”6
Waiting for an opportune development in foreign
affairs, he continuously monitored what was going on
in Europe, primarily, but he also kept a watchful eye on
key political and military events in distant continents,
even after the 1867 Compromise.
A lesson from the War of Independence was an ap-
preciation of the conflict between political and mili-
tary leadership, which shaped his decision—not without
precedent—that in any future war, the head of state and
the chief of the armed forces must be consolidated in
one hand, his own. To this end he applied himself to the
study of military science and research.7 As early as 1850,
Wilhelm Ramming von Reidkirchen’s book, appeared
in Budapest with the title Der Feldzug in Ungarn und
Siebenbürgen im Sommer des Jahres 1849. This map,
with the title-page torn off, was used by Kossuth (26568)
during the events of 1848-1849 and bears markings to
Collectors and Collections
Kossuth stepped on American soil on 3 December
1851. His aim here was to win over politicians to the
principle mentioned above, as well as to raise funds
to reignite the Hungarian War of Independence. He
launched numerous tours in the United States, enjoyed
remarkable rhetorical success, but failed to reach his
political aims. From his travels brought him a map of
the 1847 Mexican-American War (266416), a map of
central and eastern US territories gained in the previous
war (261617), as well as a map of the South American
continent north of the Amazon (269018). In addition,
he received a gift of a valuable eighteenth century work,
a Seven Years War military history atlas (264119) from
Thomas J. Fenwick of New York.
Under the pseudonym of Mr. and Mrs. Smith, he
and his wife sailed to London on 14 July 1852. The
Russian-Turkish conflict reached a boiling point in
the spring of 1853. Kossuth had hoped that Austria
would enter the war on Russia’s side, and thus involve
the Habsburg Empire in the conflict. He noted in his
memoir that on April 27, he had offered his assistance
to the Turkish Embassy. In October, the war broke out.
In 1854, Kossuth continued to give speeches in English
cities in defense of Turkey, urged a halt to Russian ex-
pansion, called for the establishment of a unified Poland,
and the liberation of Hungary and Italy. From January,
1855, he continued to express his views on the pages
of The Sunday Times. His hopes were dashed because of
Austria’s “inhospitable” absence from the war, and in
September 1855, Sevastopol fell. The peace treaty was
signed in March, 1856 in Paris.20
Three maps can be connected to this era with reliable
accuracy. One, published in 1840 in French, is a nautical
map of the Danube, the Black Sea and the Mediterrane-
an (262021); the other—a work more closely associated
with the war—is a map of the Baltic Sea and Northern
Europe in 1854, with illustrations of strategic coastal
fortifications: Kronstadt et al, Baltic Port. (267022); the
third map depicts the war’s main theater, the Crimean
Peninsula and Sevastopol fortress (265123).
About this time, Major Richárd Gelich24, a Hungarian
army officer living in exile in London since 1851 prepared

designate the emplacement of forts and ramparts.

During his studies he certainly made good use of a

LAJOS KOSSUTH’S MAPS

map of Hungary prepared by Lajos Schedius and Sámuel
Blaschnek9 (264010), which he brought out with him
from his homeland; in addition, there is a road-map of
Hungary (262711) to which a road-map of Transylvania
is appended, and to the latter – as an attachment – a map
of the Romanian principalities that complete the whole
(499 and 269712). These two maps, certainly the first,
and the probably the second as well, were lithographed
by A. Floder, and these may be regarded as simplified
versions of the Schedius-Blaschnek map; the scale and
segmentation are roughly the same.
The Kossuth Military Sciences Library contain sev-
eral works by Carl von Clausewitz, among them Der
Feldzug von 1796 in Italien (Berlin, 1833) with the most
copious marginal notations. Curiously, he made many
comments about General József Alvinczy’s unsuccessful
military operations near Mantova.13 It may well be that
he obtained the Karacsay Fedor Mantova range maps
for this very reason (268314).
The stages of his exile started with Vidin, Sumlo and
Kütahya. Kossuth was able to escape being interned in
Asia Minor by a decision of the United States, and in
September 1851, he boarded an American steamship for
the distant continent. Along the way, he landed in Eng-
land in October and appeared before large gatherings in
Southampton, Winchester, London, Birmingham and
Manchester. He tried to promote his “Interference for
Non-interference” principle according to which Eng-  Distance indicator map of
land should came interfere to make certain other great Hungary from the early
1850s, handwritten copy
powers like Russia do not interfere on the side of the by Major Dániel Dénes
Austrians, should the war for Hungarian independence Reinfeld (Etappenkarte,
100 rekindle.15 circ. 1861) 101
 included a map of Rome, in a similar vein, appearing as
part of the Dispatch Atlas (269435). He also had in his
possession two maps of India, a general map (266836)
and a military map showing the deployment of British
troops (266337) in the aftermath of the so-called “Se-
poy” rebellion.
In the late 1850s, the Italian unification question
was once again at the forefront of European politics.
On 18 January 1859, a military alliance was reached be-
tween Piedmont and France. György Klapka, in March,
1858, announced that the French government had no
objection to Kossuth moving to Paris. He, however,
considered such a move imprudent until the beginning
of hostilities, and requested the assurance of Napole-
on III that he would not take advantage of Hungarian
émigrés for diversionary purposes. Indeed, the failure
of conspiring alliances between 1850-1853 forced him
to conclude that without provisions and a guarantee
of foreign support, it would be futile to start anew any
Collectors and Collections
organized resistance in his home country.
Klapka, meanwhile, held discussions with Italian
Prime Minister Camillo Cavour over the prospect of
setting up a Hungarian legion, and in Bucharest he con-
cluded successful meetings with Colonel Alexander Cuza
and princes from Moldavia and Wallachia about the
feasibility of launching a Hungarian attack from their
territory. Kossuth, László Teleki and Klapka traveled
to Paris in May, 1859, and on the 5th Napoleon III re-
ceived Kossuth. Although in many quarters his meeting
with the Emperor was unpopular, he argued: “Under
certain conditions, a pact with the devil is necessary
to achieve the liberation of Hungary.” But it was also
his opinion that for him to call his nation to arms, the
allied countries would have to declare that their chief
aim was to restore Hungary’s independence, and for
the French army to appear on the border. The Emperor
asked Kossuth to ensure England’s neutrality during the
duration of the war, and accepted his offer to prepare
an atmosphere in the country which would lead to the
downfall of the Austrian-friendly Derby government.
Sightseeing map of India (1857) Kossuth held public assemblies in London, Manchester,
Bradford and Glasgow; owing in large measure to his
a distance indicator map (269525); the manuscript was perspective of the Age of Reform to the struggle for Hun- efforts, the Tory government capitulated on May 30.
based on a rail network map produced between 1850- garian independences and the unification of Italy—as Henry John Palmerston formed a government, and gave
1853. From the manuscript we can ascertain in geograph- for the latter, he already felt that official British policy assurances to Kossuth about England’s neutrality in case
ical miles (7420 m) a specified distance between major was becoming less attached to maintaining Austrian of a Hungarian war.
settlements, and between military stockpiles of various rule over Italy than over Hungary. On May 6, the Hungarian National Directorate,
categories. Based on his major’s rank, it was presumably His residence in England is connected to the following comprising a unified body of émigrés, held their first
this map that was copied (266626) in 1861 by Dániel maps: one of Thames (268028); one of Kent (268529); a plenary session. Kossuth, Teleki, and Klapka decided
Dénes Reinfeld.27 map of a county estate in Northampton (268630), which on sending emissaries to the Romanian principalities
After the war, between 1856 and 1858, Kossuth held was featured in the Weekly Dispatch Atlas as individual and Serbia (offering their support for Serbian autonomy
public lectures in at least 35 English and even more foldouts; a map of Dover (265231); three maps of Scot- and recognition of Croatian sesession), and in Piedmont
102 Scottish cities, on topics that ranged from an historical land (261932, 268133 and 269634). The collection also they also decided to reorganize the Hungarian army.
On June 5, the organization of the Hungarian Legion
started. Kossuth arrived in Turin on June 24, the day
of the Battle of Solferino, and met with Cavour, but
his further plans were made moot by the July 11 Armi-
stice of Villafranca. Soon after, Kossuth traveled back
to London.
Giuseppe Garibaldi landed in Marsala, Sicily, in May,
1860; his goal was to make Italian unification a reality.
In September, representatives of the Hungarian Nation-
al Directorate met again in Turin with Cavour, who
promised his help on behalf of any future Hungarian
uprising in Piedmont. Meanwhile, the political climate
changed in Hungary. On October 20, Franz Joseph issued
his October Diploma, which established an imperial
council, summoned the Hungarian parliament, restored
local power to the counties, and made Hungarian the
official language in administrative matters. Despite his
ultimate dissolution of the parliament on August 22, it
later came to light that in fact it had been the Hungarian
political elite who had insisted that only under auspi-
cious international circumstances would the creation of
LAJOS KOSSUTH’S MAPS
an independent Hungary possible. In June however, Ca-
vour died. His successor, Italian Prime Minister Bettino
Ricasoli, deemed it more important to consolidate power
in unification than to wage war against the Habsburg
Empire for possession of Venice. In 1862, he asked for
the disbanding of the Hungarian Legion charged with
keeping order, and with Klapka’s resignation in June, the
Hungarian National Directorate ceased to exist. Once
again Kossuth’s hopes proved to be in vain.38
A number of maps are available in the collection, the
acquisition of which date to the period described above.
The very first is a French public administration map, the
other, a road map (262639); the two are nearly identical;
the work, published as an addendum, is a map of the
1859 Italian-French-Austrian theater of war (2323 and
267640), two beautifully crafted maps of Italy from1860
(263841 and 265542) and a map of Turin (265343). Spe-
cial mention should be made of a map of northern Italy,44
which has been attached to a French military historical
work on the war (1645); on its reverse side is the Battle
of Magenta of 4 June 1859 and a handwritten outline of
the city’ revenue. Knowing Kossuth’s interest in military
science, he might have done the drawing himself, but
based on the handwriting, it is more likely the work of
a local émigré officer.
Other Italian maps: a fine relief map of northern and
central Italy (261546); an Italian rail map (265447);
a city of Rome map (266748); and a lithograph with
information about the location of the 1881 National
Exhibition in Turin (266149).
Kossuth’s analysis of international relations repeated-
ly turned to the Balkans and the smaller Balkan states. 103

Collectors and Collections
Lithograph of the 1884 Turin National Exhibition’s venue
Having learned from earlier mistakes, he tried not only
to develop good relations with the Serbian and Roma-
nian politicians, but also to win allies from neighboring
peoples. In 1862, the Italians wanted the Italian mon-
archy to dominate the peninsula by starting a Greek
uprising in the Balkans. To this end, they needed the
other Balkan countries to cooperate, and asked the Hun-
garian emigration to mediate. It was from these plans,
unrealized at the time, that Kossuth formulated—in
conjunction with Klapka’s basic concept—the notion
of a Danubian Confederation. The confederation that
he conceived would consist of Hungary, Transylvania,
Romania, Serbia and other south Slav states; he went
as far as to work out in elaborate detail the political and
economic structure of such an alliance.50
By this time he had two Balkan maps in his possession:
one depicts the European part of Turkey (269851), and
the other, territories inhabited by Romanians.(26735252).
Of course, it was possible that he had already obtained
104 these during his stay in Turkey.
A uprising broke out again in Poland in January 1863.
In the event that the fighting spread beyond areas under
Russian control—as had been the case with France’s
overtures—Europe could have been drawn into war.
However, Russia, with powerful support from Prussia,
brutally suppressed the December uprising. As early as
March, Kossuth and Klapka asked the Polish Interim
National Government for permission to deploy a Hun-
garian fighting force, but they would only be allowed
to do so if they used the troops against the Russians.
Kossuth followed the events on a map of Poland published
in Milan (267453).
The year 1864 passed without any war. This time,
Denmark wanted to gain control over the province
of Schleswig, but action by Austria and Prussia forced
them to abandon both Schleswig and Holstein. The
affected region is represented on two maps, a German
(265754) and an Italian edition from the year of the
conflict (268755). The territories came under the joint
authority and served as a pretext in 1866 for the two
allies to wage war, when in fact their real aim was to
consolidate the German Confederation. Prussia entered
into an alliance with Italy, and this offered the last op-
portunity to the Hungarian emigration to fight for an
independent Hungary.
Kossuth and his colleagues developed an ambitious
plan to liberate the country. It called for attack from
four directions: Prussians from the north, Garibaldi with
28,000 troops from the southwest, General István Turr
from Serbia, and another detachment from the Roma-
nian principalities. At the same time there would have
to be a rebellion in Hungary. The plan did not have
the support of the great powers; Prussia did not want to
humiliate Austria, and Italy was defeated. It is possible
that the establishment of a Hungarian Legion in Prussia
began in July, which on August 2, under the leadership of
Klapka, crossed into Hungary at Jablonka, but withdrew
without achieving his objectives, and by the second half
of the month, the three parties signed a peace treaty.56
In the meantime, in Hungary, support for the Com-
promise was intensifying, and even though Kossuth, from
November 1866 on, sharply criticized the draft articles
A Milan edition map of Poland from the time of the 1863 upris-
ing (Teatro della guerra attuale in Polonia ... Milan, 1863)
and the method of compromise, Austria and Hungary
reconciled in 1867.
The Franco-Prussian war of 1870-1871, which left
a defeated Napoleon III and a unified Germany in its
wake, also appears in the collection. On the one hand,
the map details the North-East area of France, which is
probably part four in a possible series of six, segmented
pieces (269257); and on the other hand, it details a
connecting network of French-Belgian-Prussian railway
lines (269358 ).
Kossuth’s collection includes numerous maps portray-
ing the staging areas of the great eastern crisis, the Bal-
kans, and scenes that show the inevitable march toward
war as resolution of the crisis. In 1875 riots broke out
repeatedly in Herzegovina, which led to widespread war,
and finally the great powers gathered at the Congress
of Berlin in 1878, the result of which caused the largest
rearrangement of territory on the peninsula in the nine-
teenth century. For the most part, Kossuth’s collection of
maps only saw daylight as attachments: a map of the war
in the East (267759); a survey map of Russian-Turkish
LAJOS KOSSUTH’S MAPS
battlefields in Europe and Asia (267560), and the Asian
Russian-Turkish front, with title (267161); an Italian-lan-
guage map of the Slavic uprising (60462); and works about
the Congress of Berlin’s Balkan plans (268963). In addi-
tion, two German-language maps also show European and
Caucasian battlefields (267264 and 267865 ).
Shortly after the unification of Italy, colonization
began. The opening of the Suez Canal (17 November
1869) gave access to East Africa, and in 1882 the Italians
started to take possession of Abyssinia (now Ethiopia)
beginning with Eritrea and then continued its expansion
in Somalia. Kossuth tracked these events on maps of
Africa (45966) and North-East Africa (256967), a map
of the Suez Canal (268468), one of Abyssinia (262469)
and a detailed map of Eritrea (26237070 ).
The story behind his Mexican Topolobampo maps is
quite interesting (2319 and 23207171). The name of the
area on the east coast of the Gulf of California does not
sound familiar, nor could we find anything Hungarian
in connection with it. On the bay of the same name,
the city builder Albert Kimsey Owen, bought land and
founded a colony. Closed communities were formed in
the area beginning around 1886, with the principle that
everyone would work together, reject the use of money,
and base their lives on diligence and community spirit.
Under the leadership of Owen several thousand people
lived in these new towns, where they paved roads, built
irrigation canals, started a community theater from the
ground up, and founded a scientific academy. After a suc-
cessful start, however, an overly ambitious young man took
over the leadership and drove Owen out, and after 14 years
of existence, the utopian community became extinct.72 105
 Other pieces in the collection that cannot be tied
to certain events or to anything Hungarian: An ethnic
map of Hungary – using creditable census data from the
1880s – with dedication by its author Ferenc Réthey
(127873); a new segment, finely crafted map of Hun-
gary, gift of Joseph Péch (TM 6272/1-1374); a map of
Budapest (265075); an advertisment map of the Ferenc
Channel (209376); and a map of the planned shipping
channel in western Szerémség between the Danube to
the Sava River running between the settlements of Vu-
kovar and Jaruge (257077 ).
Other works with no Hungarian connections: Ge-
ographical World Atlas (134978); a nautical map of
the Mediterranean (229179); a railway map of Europe
(2665,80); a map of Europe (2661-262281); two railway
maps of Central Europe (266282 and 268283); a rail-
way map of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and its
neighbors (263684); two maps of Switzerland (267985
and 266986); and a map of the 1867 Paris International
Collectors and Collections
Exhibition (World’s Fair) (265887 ).
A map of Hungary from
Lajos Kossuth’s collection
“Hungaria, Croatian, Slovak, and Transylvania countries,
the coastal areas and the old frontier, common postal and
road maps, the Austrian Empire, together with bordering
provinces, and drawn from the best sources and most credible
presentations, it was published by Lajos K. Schedius, Roy-
al Hungarian University Professor, and the City of Pest’s
surveyor Samuel Blaschnek”
1833-1838
John Lipszky88 (1766-1826) produced the first highly
detailed and accurate map of Hungary based on astro-
logical and topographical formations which appeared
between 1804 and 1808, a milestone achievement en-
titled Regni Hungariae (General Map of the Kingdom
of Hungary). Based on this, Lajos Schedius and Samuel
Blaschnek prepared their map of Hungary89, correcting
the triangulation data in connection with the second
military survey, using in part the major river and roadm-
ap studies. Schedius also took part in the preparation
of Lipszky’s name-place index, the Repertorium locorum
objectorumque (1808)90.
The map, like other larger-format maps, was quite
different from the release of present-day map publica-
tions, because the maps were made on segments (cards)
that were created at different times, sometimes over
several years. If a change was needed, the pages were
changed and reprinted, while the title with the release
date was not altered. The publishers intended to release
106 the 9-segments between 1833 and 1836, the way it ap-
peared in 1833. The title on the first segment makes this
apparent. The second segment was probably completed
in 1834, when due to censorship, it was banned. In fact,
Galicia which is included in part of the segment was
prepared using the same detailing as that of Hungary,
and in comparison, the area of Moravia which appears
in the first section is barely detailed.
From 1772 the control of Galicia was an open ques-
tion between Austria and Hungary. Maria Theresa was
the first to partition Poland, on the grounds that it
once belonged to the Hungarian Kingdom, and kings
used “King of Galicia and Lodoméria “ in their title
which linked the Polish area to the realm, and which
“naturally” was governed from Vienna. Detailed elab-
oration of Galicia on the map stirred up unrest, as if
it were a province of Hungary, and because this was
a sensitive issue for the Viennese government, it led
to its seizure.
Despite the ban, a number of copies reached the sub-
scribers, but it was impossible to collect, particularly in
Hungary. Finally in 1836, publishing and censorship
after bickering back and forth, released the segments
which detailed all the areas outside of Hungary, authen-
ticated by the publishers. In the following years, each
territory outside Hungary was worked out in careful
detail, according to the publisher’s original concept.
In actuality, the publication had to start from scratch,
and the appearance of the work had to be postponed
until 1837.91
Soon, minor enhancements had been made to the
map legends, and then in 1838 there was a more sig-
nificant expansion in content. First, they corrected the
year 1833 to1838, and then inserted the “Ferdi­nand
V.” under the title illustrations of Bratislava, Pest and
Buda, with the addition of the newer rail lines and
map legends.
 The main battle scene showing the deployment of Hungarian
About a decade later, in 1847, the map was released
again with a new title and improved content. Probably
sometime after Lajos Schedius’s death (12 November
1847), a period during which constant revisions and
updates were completed, but this was limited to the rep-
resentation of the new railway lines, sometime between
1850 and 1853, and perhaps the early 1860s.92
However surprising, in the course of the publications
they kept employing the same original 1833 copper
plates for the nine segments which were used when
they began printing the maps. It was deemed unneces-
sary to re-engrave on these plates which would utterly
cancel out the details, and confuse the map reader. In
addition, the Blaschnek of Schedius-Hungary-maps are
scaled approximately on the same scale only illustrated
by Floder, a lithographer, using a scale of: (Hungary
1: 432 000, Transylvania 1: 446 000). These maps are
also among the Kossuth collection’s simple road maps,
without additional topography; a more detailed print-
ed version using the second the military survey – only
appeared in 1858 (1:288 000) and between 1869-1881
LAJOS KOSSUTH’S MAPS
(1:144 000).93
As we have seen, maps which were made in the
nineteenth century and mid-nineteenth century were
practical and, in terms of content and functionality,
suitable for many uses. However, the map in the Kossuth
collection, may not hold much interest for us. These
maps may appear to us as fragments dotted with holes.
This in itself is unimportant since the map came from
an age when the easiest and fastest method of map-mak-
ing was to copy a map by placing it over a blank sheet
of paper through which a thin needle carefully pricks
holes marking the major points, and using that method
a copy is prepared. On segment 5, however, the needle,
which was used to mark central Hungary (Nagyvárad
to Győr), shows it was traced using a specifically thick
needle to mark in the vicinity of more than one map
symbol; while often a settlement is indicated by several
holes around it, there is no sign of the town itself. It
is obvious that it was not done with the usual tracing
needle but – without a doubt – they mark the mili-
tary events of the spring and winter campaigns of 1849,
and the main military theater of the 1848 to 1849 War
of Independence. Among other things, it marks such
Hungarian militarily historical towns such as Cegléd,
Cibakháza, Hatvan, Isaszeg, Kápolna, Nagysalló, Szol-
nok, Tápióbicske, Tiszafüred, Tokaj, etc.
The Office of the National Defense Committee con-
ducted their work from the director’s office, which was
and Austrian troops on the eve of 5 April 1849, in accordance
with the day’s military events 107

Collectors and Collections
Maneuvers of Hungarian troops in the Cibakháza-Szolnok area from January to March 1849
(prepared by cartographer Thomas Szeitz)
headed by Kossuth himself as Director of the National
Defense Committee. All the documents were obtained
through the office of the Committee, but often Kossuth
took matters into his own hands, especially when they
affected military affairs. As time went on, his military re-
ports and the nature of his office in the military strength-
ened. Kossuth’s apartment was next to the military office
because he needed the staff and officers’ co-operation to
follow the ever-changing events on the front, includ-
ing glorious victories.94 There is every reason to assume
that this map could have been taken with him on those
occasions when he stayed with the army – Cibakháza
from March 17-19; from April 25 to 10 April, however,
Görgey escorted him with his Army – the work also
became an important parcel of his travel cases when he
went into exile.
Developments continued to be monitored by either
Kossuth himself or, in his absence, by his office. In Jan-
108
uary 1849, General Mor Perczel launched an attack on
Szolnok on the 22nd with his advance from Cegléd, and
on April 25th he occupied Esztergom; the next day’s
battle of Komarom cannot be found on the map. It helps
greatly to know the meaning of the “holes” in order to
follow the movements of the Hungarian forces; however,
it should be added considering modern flow of informa-
tion, these maps contain imprecise intelligence on the
enemy due to communication problems, and omissions,
especially those that dealt with the emplacement of
enemy forces which were, more often than not, based
on unreliable reconnaissance.
These operational maps needed more detailed ex-
amination and testing, and contemporary Hungarian
military reports use civilian maps prepared by experts
with civilian-military background to cast further light
on the events during the 1849 winter/spring campaign.
Bibliography
ÁCS, Tibor, KOSSUTH Lajos, Hadviselet és
csatatan elemei, edited and introduction by
ÁCS, Tibor, Budapest, 2002.
BONA, Gábor. Tábornokok és törzstisztek a
szabadságharcban 1848–49, Budapest, 1987.
BONA, Gábor. Kossuth Lajos kapitányai, Buda-
pest, 1988.
FALLENBÜCHL, Zoltán, Adalékok Schedius
Lajos és Blaschnek Sámuel Magyarország-térképe
kiadásának történetéhez, In: Az OSZK Évkönyve
1965–1966, Budapest, 1967, 446–457.
FEKETE, Miklós, Kossuth katonai irodája. Egy
soknevű hivatal tevékenysége 1848 szeptemberétől
Notes
1
The archive labels with the exception of the
last one tagged with „Kossuth L.” before the
number are indicated by bold numbers inside
parenthesis.
2
One wall map depicting parts of Europe,
Southeast Europe, the Adriatic and Hungary
(A, Appel & Company of Vienna, shows
Europe, or South-Eastern Europe is part of the
Adriatic and Hungary (2571), and two sheets
of a French-language European-Atlas,which
show the Northwest coastal regions of the
Black Sea, the Danube Delta and Dobrudzsa
(2688 and 2691).
3
KLÖM (XIII vol. 225. item d) of the CD-
ROM.
4
ÁCS 2002, 13-15.
5
KLÖM (XIII vol. 225. item d) of the CD-
ROM.
6
HERMANN 2002, 90.
7
About this in detail: 2002.
8
Uibersichts Karte des Kriegsschauplatzes von
Ungarn und Siebenbürgen. (Pest, 1850). In: W.
RAMMING, Der Feldzug in Ungarn und Sieben-
bürgen im Sommer des Jahres 1849.
9
Lajos Schedius (1764-1847), Professor of
Linguistics and Aesthetics at the University of
1849 augusztusáig, “Hadtörténelmi Közlemé-
nyek,” 1978/3, 385–402.
FODOR, Ferenc, A magyar térképírás, Budapest,
1952.
FUCHIK, Don: Topolobampo or Bust. “The
California Native Newsletter” (www.calnative.
com/stories/n_topo.htm).
HERMANN, Róbert. Kossuth Lajos élete és kora,
H. n., 2002.
JANKÓ, Annamária. A második katonai felmé-
rés, “Hadtörténelmi Közlemények,” 2001/1,
103–127.
Pest. Samuel Blaschnek (?-1854), Silesian-born
surveyor.
10
For a detailed description of the map, see the
second part of the study.
11
A. FLODER, Strassen-Karte des Koenigreiches
Ungarn. (1850-1853). Originally published
1832.
12
Strassen Karte des Grossfürstenthums Sieben-
bürgen; die Grenze zur Militair Siebenbürgens mit
einer gehörigen andern Schriftgattung Ortschaften
sind beschrieben. (cir.1832).
13
ÁCS in 2002, 16.
KARACSAY, Fedor, Carta della Provincia di
14
Mantova . (cir. 1850).
15
HERMANN 2002, 95.
J. G. BRUFF, A Correct Map of the Seat of
16
War in Mexico Being the Copy of Arista’s Map
Gen. I., New York, 1847.
17
Carl Ferdinand WEILAND-Heinrich KIE-
PERT-Karl MÄDEL, Die Vereinigten Staaten
von Nord America what Ausschluss von Texas
und den westlichen Territorien (Weimar, 1849).
18
LORRY, Goverment of Caracas with Guia
(London, 1806).
KLÖM. Kossuth Lajos összes munkái, Budapest,
2003. CD-ROM.
PAPP-VÁRY, Árpád and HRENKÓ, Pál. Ma-
gyarország régi térképeken, Budapest, 1989.
RAUM, Frigyes. A magyarországi földmérők
és térképészek fontosabb életrajzi és bibliográfiai
adatai, 1993. Manuscript.
SZÁNTAI, Lajos. Atlas Hungaricus. Magyaror-
szág nyomtatott térképei, 1528–1850, Budapest,
1996.
LAJOS KOSSUTH’S MAPS
19
Jacob Andreas Fridrich, Jeziges Vorstellung
Kriegs-Theater oder Tali dacaj Lager, Belagerun-
gen, Marchen und Schlachten, andern merckwür-
digen Begebenheiten des gegenwaertigen Kriegs in
Deutschland (Augsburg, after1760).
20
HERMANN in 2002, 99.
21
Carte rá eduite du cours du Danube de la Mer
Noire et de la Mediterranèe à l’est du meridien de
Paris, avec l’indication des principales entreprises
de navigation à vapeur qui frèquentent les mers du
Levant (Vienna, 1840).
22
Alexander Keith JOHNSTON , Johnston’s
Chart of the German Baltic Sea Ocean & English
Channel with the Adjoining Countries Showing the
Principal Lines of Railway Communication to the
Coasts of Northern Europe (Edinburgh, 1854).
23
James WYLD Jr., The Crimea (London,
1854).
24
Richard Gelich (1821-1899), a Lieutenant in
the 30th Imperial-Royal Infantry at the end of
1847, and from November 1848 a Lieutenant
Major on the general staff of the Ministry of
Defense promoted in June to Major. After the
failed War of Independence he emigrated to
England and as Colonel and was assigned to
the British Foreign Legion and took part in
the Crimean War. He returned to Hungary in
1858, and from 1867 he worked as an advisor
for the Ministry of Defense and retired with
109

the rank of General. His work, Magyarország
függetlenségi harca 1848–1849, is one of the
primary sources or the era’s the history. (Bona
1987, 158).
25
GELICH, Richard, Etappenkarte (von Un-
garn). Manuscript (after1851).
REINFELD, Denes Daniel. Etappenkarte (von
26
Ungarn). Manuscript (cir. 1861).
27
REINFELD, Denes Daniel. In the autumn of
1848 he was a member first of the Viennese,
and then the German Legion; from May 1849
he is Captain of the Legion’s Third Division.
During the armistic, he his Commander of the
newly-formed 126th Division. He emigrated
to London, and from 1860 fought in Italy as
a Captain in the Hungarian Legion. In 1861,
with Italian support, he was Captain of the
new Swiss Legion. (Bona, 499-500, 1988) It is
conceivable that he received his Captain’s rank
earlier from Kossuth, which suggests that the
map contemporaneous with the previous one.
Collectors and Collections
28
Edward WELLER, The River Thames from
Its Source to the Sea. (London, 1858-1863). In:
“Weekly Dispatch Atlas.”
29
Benjamin Rees DAVIES, Kent. (London,
1858-1863). In: “Weekly Dispatch Atlas.”
John DOWER, Northamptonshire (Northern
30
Division). (London, 1858-1863). In: “Weekly
Dispatch Atlas.”
31
The Map of the Town and Port of Dover (attr.
to Small & Son). (Dover, 1844).
32
Sidney HALL, Scotland (Edinburgh, 1854).
33
Sidney HALL, Scotland (Edinburgh, 1852-
1860).
34
John BARTHOLOMEW, The Tourist’s Map
of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1840-1858).
35
Theodor ETTLING, Rome (modern) (Lon-
don, 1858-1863). In: “Weekly Dispatch Atlas.”
36
Read’s Illustrated Map of India (London,
1857).
37
James WYLD Jr., Wyld’s Map of India (Lon-
don, 1858-1863). In: “Weekly Dispatch Atlas.”
38
HERMANN 2002, 100-106.
39
J. B. CHARLE–P. ROUSSET-ACIER,
Nouvelle carte routière et toutes administrative de
la France, indiquant les routes de poste avec les
distances en kilomètres les chemins de fer (Paris,
1842).
40
Both maps are identical: Giuseppe CIVEL-
LI, Carta del Gran teatro della guerra in Italia
(Milano, 1859).
110
41
J. Alexis ORGIAZZI– PELICIER, Carte
study, et minèrelogique de l ‚ Italie sont toutes
les tracèes oá u routes, relais, et les distances de
postes, & nouvelles limit (Paris(sic) London, cir.
1860).
42
Postale Nouva carta delle Italia (Milano, cir.
1860).
43
V. ANGELI, Pianta della città di Torino e
borghi colle sue adiacenze (Turin, 1861).
44
ORGIAZZI-DALBE-STUCCHI, Italy (I.),
London, (cir. 1859). The title is based on the
assumption that this map along with others was
originally an English-language appendix. It is
possible that in time it found its way into the
Kossuth library.
DE BAZANCOURT, La campagne d’Italie.
45
Chroniques de la guerre, (Paris, 1859).
46
A. PUTZU FALQUI-Giuseppe CAT-
TANEO, Carta corografica dell’ Italia superiore e
centrale, (Torino, 1865).
47
Carte delle strade ferrate de regno d’Italia
(1865).
48
Luigi RONCHETTI-GUIONI, Roma (Mila-
no, 1871).
49
CERRIANA-R. COUCOURDE–Fratelli
DOYEN, Esposizione Generale Italiana in Torino
1884, (Torino, 1884). The same map appeared
as attachment with the title Torino 1884.
Esposizione Italiana.
50
HERMANN 2002, 107–110.
51
J. J. HELLERT, Carte gènèrale de la Valachie,
de la Bulgarie et de la Roumilie, (Paris, 1843).
Franz FRIED, Carte de la Valachie et de la
52
Moldavie comprenant aussi la Bessarabie, la
Transilvanie et la Bukovine, (Vienna, 1850).
53
Teatro della guerra attuale in Polonie coi regni
confinanti (Milano, 1863).
54
Friedrich HANDTKE, Karte von Holstein,
Lauenburg, Schleswig u. den angrenzenden Lan-
destheilen, Glogau (cir. 1864).
55
L. ROLLA, Carta del teatro della guerra nello
Schleswig. Febbrajo 1864, (Florence, 1864).
56
HERMANN 2002, 111–112.
57
Nordöstliches Frankreich, Gotha, 1870. Atlas
page.
58
Réseau international Franco-Belge-Prussien,
(Paris, 1865-1870). Attachment.
59
A keleti háború térképe, (Budapest, 1877–
1878). In: “Közvélemény,” political daily.
76
A Ferencz-csatorna átnézeti térképe. Szegedről 82
Strade ferrate dell’ Europa Centrale (Milano, 88
Lipszky, János (1766-1826), military cartog-
Átnézete az orosz-török csatatérnek Európa- és
60
Budapestre 8 nap, Szegedről Győrbe 11 nap, (cir. 1865). rapher who took part in the Napleonic War.
Ázsiában, (Budapest, 1877–1878). In: “Közvéle- 1870).
mény,” political daily. 83
Carte des chemins de fer de l’Europe Centrale 89
Approximate ratio 1:470 000.
77
Canal navigable, de la Save au Danube (Sam- pour le livret-chaix continental (Paris, cir.1883).
61
Azsiai(sic.) orosz-török csatatér, (Vienna, ac–Vukovar.) Manuscript, (1850-1881). 90
PAPP-VÁRY-HRENKÓ, 1989. 187. and
1877). Attachment to “Melléklet a Hon.” 84
Wilhelm LIEBENOW, Verkehrs-Karte von Szántai, 1996. 550–551.
78
Atlante geografico antico e moderno, diviso in Oesterreich-Ungarn, nebst den angrenzenden
62
Giuseppe CIVELLI, Carta dell’ insurrecione 36. carte ad uso dei collegi militari e nazionali Ländern des Deutschen Reiches, von Russland und 91
FALLENBÜCHL, 1967, 446–457.
slava bestratta dalla Gran d’Europa, Milano, (Torino, after 1851). der Europäischen Türkei (Berlin, 1877).
(1877). Attachment. FODOR, 1952, 225-227. and
92
79
John William NOIRE-William HEAT- 85
Heinrich Keller-J. SCHEURMANN, Original PAPPVÁRY-HRENKÓ, 1989, 187.
63
Turchia secondo le decisioni del congresso di Ber- HER-J. STEPHENSON, Chart of the Mediter- von Keller’s erster Reisekarte der Schweitz (Züri-
lino, (Torino, 1878). In: “Gazetta Piemontese.” ranean Sea Including the Gulf of Venice and Black ch, 1859). 93
JANKÓ, 2001, 103-127.
Sea (London, 1824).
64
Friedrich HANDTKE, Das Schwarze Meer, Tschudi’s Schweizer-Karte für Reisende (Sankt
86 94
FEKETE, 1978, 385-402.
nebst Kriegsschauplatz in der europäisch. u. asia- 80
SMITH-ROUSSET, Chemins de fer de Gallen, 1863).
tisch. Türkei (Glogau, 1877). l’Europe (Paris, 1863).
87
Auguste BOUSQUEL-FREZOULS, Plan
65
Wilhelm GREVE, Karte des russisch–tür- 81
Francesco BOELLA, Carta militare-statistica gènèral du palais et du parc de l’Exposition Univer-
kischen Kriegsschauplatzes in europa und Asien dell’ Europa Centrale (Torino, 1864). selle de 1867 (Paris, 1867).
(Berlin, 1877).
66
Pietro ALLODI, Africa (Milano, 1885).
Edward STANFORD, Map of the Nile
67
from the Equatorial Lakes to the Mediterranean
Embracing the Egyptian Sudan (Kordofan Darfur
LAJOS KOSSUTH’S MAPS
& Co.) and Abyssinia (London, 1884). The
map was in serious disrepair before restoration,
and for a long time it seemed as if it were a
fragment, but only the lines containing the
title broke off and are presumed lost.
Paul MEA, Carte de la Basse Égypte et du
68
Canal Maritime de Suez (Paris, 1882).
69
Map of Abyssenia from the Instituto Geog-
rafico Militare (Florence, 1885).
70
Massaua-Keren Asmar-Zula e dintorni (Floren-
ce, 1887).
71
Albert Kimsey OWEN-Albert MOTZ, Plan
of Gonzales City, 1882 and Albert Kimsey
OWEN-Albert MOTZ, Plan of Topolobampo
Harbor and Vicinage, 1882.
72
FUCHIK (trans. György Danku.)
73
RÉTHEY Ferenc-KOGUTOWICZ Manó,
A magyar sz. korona országainak ethnográfiai
térképe az 1880-ik évi népszámlálás adatai alapján
(Budapest, 1886).
74
FLEISCHER S., A magyar állam közúti, vasuti
és vízi térképe, összeállította a Közmunka és Köz-
lekedési Minisztérium Vízrajzi osztálya (Budapest,
1887). The map can be found in the Map
Collection archieves. József Péch (1829-1902),
waterworks and surveying engineer. From 1886,
director of the newly-formed Waterworks-Draf-
ting Department (Raum 96.A good study is
available in the catalogue.)
75
Budapest fővárosának térképe a budapesti
fővárosi közmunkák tanácsa által megállapított
szabályozási vonalakkal (Budapest, 1873–1876).
111
 Anikó Kocsy
JÓZSEF SZINNYEI THE ELDER’S
“PERIODICAL LIBRARY”
In the evolution of Hungarian culture, newspapers and
journals have played a significant role (as indeed they have
in the evolution of all national cultures), since they signal
the changing of time and the directions of development
or regression earlier than any other written document.
New notions, new ideas, and new trends always appear
first in the press. Therefore, collecting, exploring, and
preserving periodically published documents is one of the
primary tasks of the Széchényi National Library. It was
this revelation that inspired bibliographer József Szinnyei
Collectors and Collections
the Elder to establish National Periodical Library. The
realization of the idea required diligence, purposefulness,
and at times heroic efforts on the part of Szinnyei, the
“Gőzhangya” [Steam-ant], as his contemporaries called
him. To us, the achievement exemplified by Szinnyei’s life
may seem unbelievable.
József Szinnyei the Elder was born on 18 March 1830
in Komárom (today Komárno in Slovakia), the ninth
child of Alajos Ferber and Juliánna Hikker. His father
was a respected vintner, tavern keeper, and lessee of tolls.
“A good citizen is like a general; the latter leads the army
to victorious battles, the former educates the civilians
József Szinnyei, the Elder (1830–1913)
112 In 1908 Szinnyei offered his diary, recording the setting of his adolescent years, to the Hungarian National Museum.
who protect the nation, and helps win those battles.
A good citizen labors to revive the nation, as he is striv-
ing to improve industry and trade, and the wellbeing of
others. Such was my father, Alajos, born on February
JÓZSEF SZINNYEI THE ELDER’S “PERIODICAL LIBRARY ”
1792 in Komárom, where his father, János was a burgher
and siever, and his mother, Terézia Kreutzer, was the
daughter of a siever from Graz,”1 writes Szinnyei, also men-
tioning that his grandparents wished his father to have
a scientific career, but on the basis of his performance in
school it seemed wiser to have him learn a trade. “Nev-
ertheless, he liked punctuality to such an extent that he
was downright meticulous: he recoded even the smallest
detail concerning his business…” 2 Besides diligence and
exactitude, Szinnyei probably also inherited his relent-
less collecting from his father, as well as his sensitivity
towards public issues: he recalls how his father collected
old coins and had an amphitheater built in his garden
for actors, in order to support Hungarian theater arts.
After his parents’ early death in 1836, Szinnyei and his
three sisters went to live with their aunt (on his father’s
side), Anna Ferber, and her husband, János Feichtmajer,
in the so-called “tawer house” in Komárom. This was
113

Issue by issue, Szinnyei collected the newspapers reporting on the Hungarian Revolution of 1948-49
Collectors and Collections
in Komárom, surrounded by Haynau’s troops.
the golden age of the town, on the bank of the Danube
River; handcraft and trade prospered. Szinnyei’s uncle, a
wealthy tawer, educated the boy strictly but with care and
attention. Seeing young József’s skills and diligence, he
wanted him to become a lawyer. Szinnyei continued his
studies in his hometown, in St. Benedict High School; in
the meantime—to adequately acquire Slovak (in Hun-
garian, Tót)—he attended the Piarist school in Nyitra in
second and third grade. His foster father found it import-
ant that József be able to make himself understood with
tradesmen coming to Komárom, so he extended the boy’s
studies in Nyitra for one more year, which he perceived
as a punishment and complied bitterly. His teachers,
however, got to like him, especially József Wohlfáhrt,
an educated and widely read man, who—being a great
teacher—recognized his students’ talent. Wohlfáhrt often
took his favorite students for a walk, and Szinnyei was
among them. The teacher gave him books and advice.
It was probably during these years that Szinnyei became
a relentless collector; he started collecting playbills and
books while at grammar school.3
In the tawer house the family spoke Hungarian, but
in the workshop conversation with the apprentices took
place mainly in German, so Szinnyei could learn German
relatively effortlessly. He studied Humanities and Law
in Pest and Győr. His diary about his studies and his life
at university was published in Vasárnapi Újság [Sunday
Paper] in 1884.4
In 1848 Szinnyei moved to the Castle of Buda to his
brother-in-law, Zsigmond Beöthy, who was a drafter for
114 the Minister of Education at that time. Szinnyei learned
French from János Lemouton, and often went to Pilvax
Café, as well as the main libraries and museums in Pest.
Heated by the events of the revolution, he changed his
surname, Ferber, to Szinnyei on 29 July 1848. In October
1848 he joined the Hungarian army. He was serving as
a lieutenant when Komárom capitulated. Szinnyei re-
mained true to himself even as a soldier: he continued
writing his diary during the fights, on the battlefield, re-
cording the events of the battles. It may sound incredible,
but he did gather the war papers, Komáromi Értesítő [The
Bulletin of Komárom] and Komáromi Lapok [Komárom
Papers] issue by issue, amid the sounds and deadly danger
of the battle. This act provided the basis for his later urge
to collect the press releases of the revolution, and the idea
of compiling these publications in a unified collection.
From October 1849 to August 1853, Szinnyei stayed
with his brother-in-law, the lawyer Zsigmond Beöthy, and
worked as an office assistant. During this time, he learned
to speak French, English, Italian, and Spanish. He did
translations from French and English—predominantly
literary translations, which were published in Hölgyfutár
[Ladies’ Courier]. In 1853 he got married, and with his wife,
Klementina Gancs, he moved to Gancsháza in Pozsony
County, where—instead of farming—he read all the
books in the house, the village, and then the neighboring
village. When he ran out of books to read, he started to
read the letters of families in Csallóköz [today Žitný ostrov
in Slovakia], as a result of which he put down the story
of several families, and later, having completed them in
the archives in Pozsony [today Bratislava in Slovakia],
he sent them to Iván Nagy in Pest, who eventually used
Szinnyei’s research in his work, Magyarország családai…
[Families in Hungary].
In 1854, after one year in the village, the couple moved
to Pozsony, where Szinnyei could finally be close to a
metropolitan library again. By favor of teacher Pál Lichner
and the head librarian, Szinnyei had access to the rich
collection of the Evangelic Lyceum and several private
libraries. To provide for his family, he worked in the
office of Károly Samarjay, writer and lawyer. Besides a
regular income, the job promoted advance in other areas
as well: for example, since trials were always in German,
Szinnyei had the chance to improve his proficiency in
German. Meanwhile, he was diligently collecting data
about Komárom for a future monograph. His estimable
diary entries, Komárom 1848–49-ben [Komárom in 1848-
49],5 Tímár-ház [The Tawer House],6 and Bach-korszak
1849–51 [The Age of Bach 1849-51],7 were published in
print in his lifetime.
In 1864, Szinnyei became a clerk at Hungária Bank and
Insurance Company, which was taken over by Nemzeti
Biztosítbiztosítóbank [National Insurance Company] in
Pest in 1869, so the Szinnyei family moved to Pest.
It was a pure coincidence that actuated the principal
activity of his life, taking stock of Hungarian periodi-
cals, in early 1862: in 1848, Ottó Wigand published a
study in Pannonia8, the supplement of Pressburger Zeitung,
about journalism in Pozsony, but he left out all Hungarian
papers. Based on his research and knowledge gained that far,
Szinnyei wrote his study about newspapers in Hungary in
the eighteenth century, which Albert Pákh, the editor
of Vasárnapi Újság published in 1862,9 and encouraged
him to continue his research. Szinnyei thus decided to
dedicate all his time to raising awareness of the neglected
newspaper of our counry.10
With rapid growth in the number of periodicals, it
became increasingly evident that scientific research was
lacking articles; therefore the writings published in the
papers had to be taken stock of sooner or later. At this
time in Hungary even journals tended to lack a table of
contents. “While the literature of big nations is read by
foreigners as well, the literature of smaller nations is con-
fined in narrower limits. Smaller nations living in such
difficult circumstances must therefore work twice as had
to sustain their literature.11 Initiated by Flóris Rómer and
encouraged by Vilmos Fraknói, Szinnyei submitted a plan
to the Hungarian Academy of Sciences about preparing
a repertorium of newspapers and journals. On receipt of
his commission, he started work straight away and within
three years he resuscitated and publicized 56,437 articles,
enough to fill two large volumes. Although the costs of the
endeavor forced the Academy to suspend the commission,
he did not stop compiling the bibliography of articles.
Commissioned by Hungarian National Science Society,
in two years’ time Szinnyei and his son completed the
bibliography of works in the natural sciences, including
8,912 books and 2,834 articles by 4,978 authors. They also
provided bibliographical information about newspapers
and journals in the natural sciences (134 titles in total).
After this, Szinnyei got another job from the Academy:
for the historical department he listed all the articles on
history that were published in the papers—his research
covered almost 3,000 issues of 740 volumes of 177 peri-
odicals. The result of this gigantic endeavor was 139,000
handmade cards.12
In the course of this work, however, he realized that
the data were not worth much if one did not know, pos-
JÓZSEF SZINNYEI THE ELDER’S “PERIODICAL LIBRARY ”
sess, or have access to the newspapers themselves, so he
started collecting them intensively. Since Szinnyei did
not content himself merely with the collection of Hun-
garian papers, he was actively involved in correspondence
and exchange with collectors of newspapers abroad. Up
until 1875, he collected some 12,000 different kinds of
periodicals13, which enabled him to compare Hungarian
papers with papers published in other parts of the world.
For lack of space and time, however, later he confined
himself to collecting only Hungarian newspapers, which
he published an annual report on in Vasárnapi Újság
(1873–1894), then in Magyar Könyvszemle [Hungarian
Book Review] (1895–1913). As for foreign newspapers,
he made do with purchasing monographs and catalogues
only. Apart from newspapers, Szinnyei also collected
the corresponding calls for subscription—many of these
documents currently enrich the small prints archive in
National Library.
While in quest of newspapers, Szinnyei also noticed
that there is no handbook published on the biography,
works and pseudonyms of editors and newspaper jour-
nalists, so he set to fill the gap. “We have to value our
literature ourselves, to maintain data about the lives of
our national authors by collecting these data and their
works, so that our descendants, learning from our exam-
ple, could labor effectively on maintaining our language
and literature.”14 And this is how Szinnyei’s indispensable
work, Magyar írók élete és munkái [The Life and Works of
Hungarian Writers], came into being. Its first volume was
published in 1891, the last one (the fourteenth) in 1914,
after Szinnyei’s death. The significance of Magyar írók élete
és munkái lies in the fact that, unlike other biographical
encyclopedias, Szinnyei’s work does not make a selection
based on the reputation and notability of writers, thus we
may come across with the biography of several authors
who are entirely left out of other encyclopedias.
In 1872 Szinnyei’s dream finally came true: his office
was moved next to the books—with Ferenc Toldy’s help,
he became an official at the University Library. There
was hard work awaiting him here, so Toldy fended off 115
 Hungary did not care for collecting newspapers or pre-
serving and maintaining the ones they already had. “As
our newspapers are perishing, we are trying to believe that
at least county and town authorities are actually preserv-
ing their papers in archives, since they include as much
valuable information about the history of the county or
town as some safeguarded documents. Apparently, this is
not the case—or at least I did not come across with any
county or town which would collect its own newspapers.”18
To have knowledge of our periodicals, it is essential that
we collect and preserve them—this was the idea that made
Szinnyei come up with the plan of establishing National
Periodical Library. He realized that newspapers have a vital

JÓZSEF SZINNYEI THE ELDER’S “PERIODICAL LIBRARY ”

role in the rendition of our literary and everyday lives,
and they are also a rich repository of our history. “As a
librarian I soon came to see that the issue of establishing
a periodical library was urgent. At that time, Baron József
Eötvös’s ‘Politikai Hetilap’ [Political Newspaper], published
in Pest in 1866, was nowhere to be found and had to be
Collectors and Collections

looked for via newspapers; and the repertorium I published

Pictures from the 1848 volume of the journal Hazánk [Our
Nation]: engraving about the contemporary façade of the tun-
nel in Buda, and a colored drawing of the garment and badges
116 of the Order of St Stephen
Szinnyei’s thankful words for his support saying “It is our
pleasure that we could win you over.”15 The unsettled
nature of the library (waiting to be moved) made the
collection of 180,000 volumes almost entirely unmanage-
able. “When I first saw this destitution, the unnumbered
books, I felt just like in the first in battle, I was feverish.
Then I got used to it, after I had survived one more winter
amid such conditions.”16
Szinnyei was appointed to first guard in 1875. With
the help of his colleagues he reorganized and catalogued
the reference library, then moved it to another building,
the difficult task of which was also his responsibility. “It
was me who best knew the misery of dealing with the un-
numbered books, so it was also me who fought the hardest
for a modern catalogue card system and numbering.”17 In
1876, after the resignation of library director Árpád Hor-
váth, Ágoston Trefort, Minister of Education, appointed
Szinnyei as the director of the library temporarily. Szin�-
nyei became so famous and renowned for his hard work
of systematizing and putting things in order that in the
summer of 1874 he was also asked to organize Archduke
Joseph Karl’s library in Alcsút—a task that his son (who
later became a professor of linguistics) assisted him in.
Nevertheless, in the course of his work Szinnyei was
increasingly forced to face the fact the public libraries in
could not be made use of without a periodical library, not
to mention my later work, ‘Magyar írók’.”19
As mentioned before, Szinnyei’s first articles on news-
paper bibliography and the history of newspapers were
published in the early 1860s, and gradually directed at-
tention to the importance of processing and preserving
periodicals. Szinnyei’s almost two-decade long persis-
tent battle and ardent agitation finally achieved its aim.
It was especially two of his articles, A mi hírlapjaink [Our
Newspapers]20 and Alapítsunk hírlapkönyvtárakat! [Let us Es-
tablish Newspaper Libraries]21, that managed to draw the
attention of those concerned to the inexhaustible source
value (with regards to the history of education) of the vast
amount of newspapers scattered about in the storerooms
of libraries. “Newspaper literature is the thermometer of
modern civilization; it help us see how educated nations
attempt to develop and how oppressed nations are left
behind. It is a fact that temporary periodicals have become
a great power; without them there is no way to estimate
the gradual rise, as well as the political and national eco-
nomic condition of a nation—in short, they are the true
reflection of the history of nations.”22
Szinnyei’s notes reveal that he could even get the at-
tention of József Eötvös, the first Minister of Education
after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867.23 How
could that happen? How did the cultural publics become
aware of these writings and tolerate lengthy newspaper
bibliographies in the most popular illustrated weekly pa-
per, Vasárnapi Újság? A possible explanation may be that
the readers of the paper were disappointed in politics. In-
stead of the public sphere at the time of the Compromise,
they turned to the legacy of the past to find a hope for a
better future. Szinnyei’s collection of newspapers, his lists
In his open letter to Ágoston Trefort Ágoston (1817–1888),
Minister of Education and Religion in 1884, Szinnyei empha-
sized the importance of collecting periodicals (OSZK Kézirat-
tár [National Széchenyi Library, Manuscripts Archive],
Annalecta 5842.)
and reports, the connections he explored put periodicals
in a different light: papers from 1848, kept hidden in
fear of retaliation in the period of absolutism after the
Revolution, became the emblems of crushed resistance.
All the papers that had been lost in the libraries of the
gentry in the country or squirreled away in dusty attics
gained new meaning, a new significance due to Szinny-
ei’s writings encouraging collection. The liberal suits of
the period that followed the Compromise necessarily led
to the idea of independence, and the public sentiment
this generated made people receptive to the call for the
collection of newspapers.
“Eight years ago I was doing research in the museum
library on newspapers published during the revolution
and found that our most renowned national library of-
fered very few newspapers that I could base my article on
contemporary newspaper literature on, and even those
papers that were actually there in the library were in un-
favorable condition. Most of them consisted of unbound
and incomplete copies; sometimes I found 4-5 copies of
one particular issue of a paper, other times 10-15 issues
were missing.” Szinnyei also stressed that even Közlöny 117
 National Museum, and Sándor Szilágyi, director of the
University Library; Vilmos Fraknói, secretary general,
and several other member of the Hungarian Academy
of Sciences, Pál Hunfalvy, József Sztoczek, József Sza-
bó, Kálmán Szily, Imre Szalay; Béla, Majláth, guard of
Széchenyi Library, and widely respected historian and
archeologist, and Károly Szász, minister counsellor. At
the meeting they came to an agreement: every single
newspaper to be found in the collections of public li-
braries and other accessible places must be collected.
With regard to its size and relative soundness, it was
the newspaper collection of the National Museum that
seemed most worthy of, and appropriate for, being com-
newspapers in 2,600 bound volumes. Along with the
newspapers in the University Library and the library of
the Academy, this material (later complemented by du-
plicates from Ráday library and the museum library in
Kolozsvár [today Cluj-Napoca in Romania]), grew into a
collection of 1,250 different newspapers and 8,159 vol-
umes. After the periodical library received a subsidy of
2,000 Forint per annum from the Hungarian government,
we had all the unbound volumes bound.”26
On behalf of the government, between 1885 and 1887
Szinnyei visited every newspaper printer in the country to
personally convince them of the importance of handing
in papers. The delivery of deposit copies was ordered

JÓZSEF SZINNYEI THE ELDER’S “PERIODICAL LIBRARY ”

pleted. After the meeting, on 2 July 1884, the minister
reinforced the establishment of National Periodical Li-
brary, within the framework of the National Museum.
Work was immediately underway, starting off on 23 July.
Again, Szinnyei was commissioned with the implemen-
tation of the task, and was given two assistants, who
Collectors and Collections
by Article XVIII of the 1848 Law, with no passage on
possible penalties. Previously, the library was content
with quarterly, semiannual, or annual delivery, which,
however, required special attention from the printers and
often led to shortcomings. On several occasions during
his ‘tour,’ Szinnyei went through the storage rooms and

helped him organize, list, and complete the collection.
Initially, Szinnyei was doing the task while keeping job
at the library, and he did it with his usual devotion and
enthusiasm.
“We were making such progress in the first year that
we managed to prepare cards for 2,370 volumes of 735
The old storage room of Periodical Library in National Széchényi Library of the Hungarian National Museum
(A Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum multja és jelene [The Past and Present of Hungarian National Museum]. Budapest, 1902)
cellars of larger libraries himself, to dig out the odd pub-
lication that the collection of the periodical library was
still lacking. He sent a number of letters to publishers and
editors—whether known or unknown—to convince them
to pay more attention to what happens with the papers
after publication and to see to their preservation.

[The Gazette], the official newspaper of the revolution
was fragmentary: “We may not acknowledge the value
of this paper, but the British Museum does. A simple re-
minder: it gave 240 silver thalers for one single incomplete
copy. Among the arguments he listed were examples of
large collections abroad: he emphasized that the Paris-
ian Bibliothèque Nationale has a significant newspaper
collection, the foundations of which were provided by
revolutionary journalism after 1789. It was the materials
of this collection that enabled the compilation of the
first great national newspaper bibliography in the world,
by Eugéne Hatin.24
The National Museum has been collecting newspaper
since it was established in 1802. From the start it was
the order of the Royal Council of Governor that war-
ranted one deposit copy of every publication. However,
the warrant was not—and let us admit, has not been—
implemented without complications. The first director,
Ferdinánd Miller Jakab already found it shameful that
due to careless delivery by the publishers, publications
in the national library are predominantly incomplete
or fragmented.25 The subsequent director, Gábor Mátray
highlighted the obligation of delivering deposit copies in
118 the 30 January 1859 issue of Vasárnapi Újság.
Collecting and purchasing must, however, be followed
by processing and maintenance. At the dawn of Hun-
garian newspaper literature, these were not too difficult
tasks. Newspapers were like books in terms of their size
and shape, so their storage and use was not problematic.
The ‘problem’ started in the years following the Hungar-
ian Revolution of 1848–49 and the Compromise, when
Hungarian newspapers went through a significant growth
in both number and size.
Most libraries were forced to cull papers, since due to
their size and prolificacy they “behave like young cuck-
oo bird” in public libraries, “demanding” lots of trouble,
energy and space.
József Szinnyei the Elder—although bound to the
University Library by his workplace—was a day-to-day
visitor at all the larger collections, which he knew ex-
tremely well. The conditions he described were evidently
becoming increasingly insupportable—and he brought
this fact to the attention of everybody who he hoped
would support the cause. To discuss the issue of news-
papers, Minister of Education Ágoston Treffort called
a meeting, which was then held with the participation
of every renowned expert, including the heads of each
large library: Ferenc Pulszky, director of The Hungarian Volume of A Felsőmagyarországi Minerva [Minerva of North Hungary] from the year 1835, with István Széchényi’s portrait 119

Collectors and Collections
Volumes of Tudományos Gyűjtemény [Scholarly Collection],
published between 1817 and 1881 in János Trattner’s printing house.
A paper for children from Kolozsvár, from 1843, with the view of Macao
120 (Magyar Gyermekbarát [Hungarian Friend of Children])
The cover and first page of the volume of 1790 of Magyar Kurír [Hungarian Courier] (1786–1834), published in Vienna
Szinnyei’s strategy was effective: only 30 newspapers
published in 1886 were missing, and the number of vol-
umes in the collection reached 5,164.27 The problem of
their placement could also be solved: they were placed
on a corridor with long lines of practical shelves and a loft,
and in accordance with the languages they were written
in. This way the collection of (already) 8,500 volumes
was more suitable for use of, and was open to, the public.
At this point, the periodical library was the fourth depart-
ment of National Széchényi Library, which made the ma-
jority of the collection available. The reorganization of the
collection in 1888 justified the experience that typological
division and providing two services in two separate institu-
tions was exceptionally difficult. The new organizational
system meant that papers published once a month (or less
frequently) were placed in the Print Archive, while those
that were published more frequently were deposited in
the Periodicals Archive, which gradually became respon-
JÓZSEF SZINNYEI THE ELDER’S “PERIODICAL LIBRARY ”
sible for the registering, then the processing, and much
later, from the 1930s, the preservation of journals as well.
Following the opening of the reading room, the number
of readers and bound volumes started to grow dynamically.
The number of readers was 1,249 in the year 1889, which
then more than doubled—reached 2,967—by 1901. Like-
wise, growth in the number of volumes used was signifi-
cant: there were 3,130 volumes in 1889, and 6,878 in 1901.
“The library of periodicals is a highly valuable col-
lection, as it contains entire volumes of even the rarest
periodicals, as well as of papers from 1848–1849, such
as Magyar Hírmondó [Hungarian News], published since
1780; Magyar Kurír [Hungarian Courier] from 1787 to
1834, Hazai és Külföldi Tudósítások [Hungarian and Fireign
Reportage] (Nemzeti Újság [National Newpaper]) from
1806 to 1848 …, to name but a few. We may also note
that our Periodical Library, in its entirety, is unrivalled
in the continent.”28 121
 troubles this destruction would bring along some 25 years
ago, and as our newspaper literature grew, I spoke about
the need for a periodical library in public—but nobody
listened to me. Since then, I have been fighting for this
on the pages of Vasárnapi Újság in exchange for a compli-
mentary copy, elsewhere for free. I finally accomplished
my goal in 1884, because the minister put me in charge
of establishing a periodical library; I got 2000 forints per
annum at my disposal, no penny of which I have spent
on myself. I have employed two scriveners, pay 1 forints
50 pennies for one and 2 forints for the other, spend the
rest on binding, and 200 forints on travelling on behalf
of the library, but during my previous two trips last year
large manuals he compiled with the diligence of an ant;
by the light of these torches we realized: science—or even
the haughtiest discipline—is nothing but orientation,
finding our way!…
What this Hungarian patriotic soldier of the pen did shall
forever remain an invaluable possession of the Hungarian
nation, but it is first and foremost the pride and honor of
the National Museum, from whose library it emerged.”32
Thanks to Szinnyei’s immense diligence and love of
collecting, several renowned collections were enriched by
his tireless work. In addition to the aforementioned Small
Prints Archive of the Széchényi Library, the Archive of
Theater History also has documents collected by Szinnyei.

JÓZSEF SZINNYEI THE ELDER’S “PERIODICAL LIBRARY ”

I had to supplement this sum with 50 forints from my own
pocket. I may not make any financial profit but surely
I shall be rewarded morally?”31 Indeed, Szinnyei’s name
shall live forever, in the history of Hungarian science and
culture. Gyula Sebestyén, director of National Széchényi
Library of the Hungarian National Museum, said good-
Collectors and Collections
Similarly valuable are his manuscripts, which are also held
in public collections, such as the archives of the Museum
of Komárom, where his 10-volume diary recording the
history of Komárom is found, or the Manuscripts Archive
of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, which safeguards
many of his letters (the Széchényi Library and the Uni-

bye to Szinnyei at the bier with the following words: versity Library also have several of his letters). Szinnyei
“I wish to emphasize this: this simple workman illuminat- donated several documents that he had collected to the
ed the depths and heights of science. His torches were the Library of Komárom County, founded in 1831.

‘Supplement’ to Bécsi Magyar Újság [Hungarian Newspaper Engraving

of Bécs], also published between 1832 and 1834 in Vienna
Owing to Szinnyei’s exceptional managing skills, the
collection grew steadily. When organization was started,
the library had 472,328 issues of 6,580 volumes; which
then increased to 1 520,342 issues of 20,540 volumes of
3,910 Hungarian periodicals in 1902, the first year of the
library’s centenary. This growth was also facilitated by
Article XLI. of the 1897 Law on the delivery of deposit
copies, including a passage ordering the payment of a fine
when delivery is neglected. The library also placed a special
emphasis on periodicals with lower print runs published in
the country, as well as on special issues and editions. At
the same time, the colleagues of the library kept an eye on
Hungarian papers published beyond our borders and tried
to purchase, or get a gift copy of, Hungarian-related publi-
cations in Austria, Romania, Croatia, and other countries.
Notes
of József Szinnyei in his old age
1
SZINNYEI József id., Tímár-ház,1836, Napló- 12
ABAFI, op. cit., 9. Széchenyi Library. On its 75th Anniversary] , In:
jegyzetek 1835–1848 [The Tawer House, 1836, Az OSZK Évkönyve [Annal of NSZL], 1957,
Diary Notes], Komárom, 1889. Offprint from
13
ABAFI, op. cit., 8. Budapest, 1958, 85.
odicals bears testimony of his precise work and beautiful Komáromi Lapok.
Id. SZINNYEI József, Könyvtári emlékek,
14
handwriting even today. In honor of his accomplishments, Budapest, 1887, 20.
25
KOLLÁNYI Ferenc, A Magyar Nemzeti
2
Ibid. 16. Múzeum Széchényi Országos Könyvtára [National
in 1897 he received the title royal counsellor, and in Széchényi Library of the Hungarian National Muse-
3
ABAFI Lajos, Idősb Szinnyei József [József Szin�- Id. SZINNYEI József, Könyvtári emlékek,
15
1899 he became correspondent member of the Hungar- Budapest, 1887, 4. um]. 1802–1902, Budapest, 1902, 177.
nyei Sn.]. Biography, Budapest, 1881, 4–5.
ian Academy of Sciences. In 1901 he was promoted to Id. SZINNYEI József, A hírlap-könyvtár, In:
26
4
Id. SZINNYEI József, Horváth István és az egye- Id. SZINNYEI József, Könyvtári emlékek,
16
head of guards and in 1911 to head of department. He Budapest, 1887, 6-7. A Magyar Nemzeti Muzeum múltja és jelene,
temi élet 1845–46-ban. Naplójegyzeteim [István
held several other honorary titles. He died on 9 August Horváth and Life at the University in 1845-46. My
Budapest, 1902, 50.
Id. SZINNYEI József, Könyvtári emlékek,
17
1913, at the age of 84, while working on the final sheet of Diary Notes.], Vasárnapi Újság, 1884, 293–294.
Budapest, 1887, 9.
27
Ibid. 51.
Magy­ar írók élete és munkái. His main work contains data 5
Id. SZINNYEI József, Komárom 1848–49-ben. 28
Ibid. 52.
Id. SZINNYEI József, Könyvtári emlékek,
18
on 20,000 writers, and is still considered to be an essential, Naplójegyzetek [Komárom in 1848-49. Diary
Budapest, 1887, 18.
Notes], Budapest, Aigner, 1887. 29
ALAPY Gyula, Id. Szinnyei József, a hang-
fundamental source for research on the life and works of yaszorgalmú tudós [József Szinnyei, the Diligent
19
Id. SZINNYEI József, Hogyan készülnek a
authors until the 1900s. He could indeed fulfil his vision: 6
Id. SZINNYEI József, Tímár-ház 1836.
„Magyar Irók?” [How is ‘Hungarian Writers’ Scholar], Dunatáj, 2000, 2. 6.
Naplójegyzetek, Komárom, 1889. Offprint from
“The greatest merit and reward for a writer is when his Komáromi Lapok. Prepared?], In: Budapesti újságírók almanachja 30
KÓKAY György, Hírlapkönyvtár [Periodical
work is used and his name is mentioned.”29 1908-ra [Almanac of Journalists in Budapest, Library], In: Kulturális kisenciklopédia [Encyclo-
7
Id. SZINNYEI József, Bach-korszak. Naplójegy­ 1908], Budapest, 1907., 231.
With the establishment of Periodical Library, Szinnyei zetek [The Period of Bach. Diary Notes], Komárom,
pedia of Culture], Budapest, Kossuth, 1986, 226.

Nonetheless, the storage and maintenance of the ev-
er-growing collection became more and more problematic.
By 1893, the first room designated to store the collec-
tion was full, and by 1895 there was no more room in
the corridor furnished in 1895. By 1909, even the addition-
ally designated room in the stairway was full. By the 1990s,
it was necessary to rent storage space outside the building.
József Szinnyei the Elder spent 25 years at the National
122 Museum. The so-called “large-page” catalogue of peri-
placed Hungary in the forefront in Europe, since besides
Bibliothèque Nationale and the British Library not many
libraries could take pride in such an institution and rich
collection. In Germany—in fact, the first country to ever
publish periodicals regularly—it was only in 1957 that
a similar periodical library could be established, where
newspapers and journals from the seventeenth and eight-
eenth centuries can be read at least on microfilms.30
“I took into account the destruction of newspapers and the
[1909]. Offprint from Komáromi Lapok.
20
Reform, 1872, 149. 31
KOZOCSA Sádor, Adatok id. Szinnyei
8
Pannonia, July 1848.
21
A Hon [The Nation], 1880, 271. József életéhez [Recordr. on József Szinnyei the
Elder’s Life], In: Id. Szinnyei József emlékezete.
22
Idősb SZINNYEI József, Alapítsunk hírlap- Művelődéstörténeti és sajtótörténeti írásai [Remem-
9
SZINNYEI József, Hírlapirodalmunk a 18-ik
században [Our Newspaper Literature in the könyvtárakat!, A Hon, 1880., 271. bering József Szinnyei Sn, His Works on the History
Eighteenth Century], Vasárnapi Újság, 1862, 33. 23
Id. SZINNYEI József, A hírlap-könyvtár
of Education and of the Press], comp., redact and
bibliography by GAZDA István, Introduction.
391–392; 34. 404–405. [The Periodical Library], In: A Magyar Nemzeti KOZOCSA Sándor, Piliscsaba, 2002, 13.
10
ABAFI, op. cit., 7.
Muzeum múltja és jelene, Budapest, 1902, 49–53.
32
Alapy Gyula, op. cit. 2000, 3. 6.
24
DEZSÉNYI Béla, Az Országos Széchényi
11
Id. SZINNYEI József, Könyvtári emlékek [Mem- Könyvtár Hírlaptára. Fennállásának hetvenötödik 123
ories of the Library], Budapest, 1887, 15–16. évfordulója elé [The Periodical Library of National
 Ágnes W. S algó

COUNT SÁNDOR APPONYI

“Some people love horses, others love wild animals, still
other love birds. For my part, ever since I was a young
boy I have always been inflamed by the wondrous desire
to acquire and own books.” Sándor Apponyi wrote this
statement, which is attributed to Emperor Justinian, in
Latin as a kind of motto in the little book that he used to
record all of the new books he acquired.1 Over the course
of his long life, his most beloved pastime was the very
deliberate and carefully planned acquisition of books,
a pastime in which he engaged with profound respect
Collectors and Collections
rare books, and bibliographical reference works, all of
which were held in his manor house in Lengyel, would
go to the National Széchényi Library of the Hungarian
National Museum (at the time, these two institutions,
which today are independent of each other, were a single
institution). At the suggestion of Kuno Klebelsberg, the
minister of religion and public education, the National
Assembly expressed the gratitude of the nation in a law
passed in 1925. Earlier, the minister had sent the text
of this law to Apponyi for his approval. Apponyi give

for and a great love of the many values and cultural and the following reply:

COUNT SÁNDOR APPONYI

intellectual treasures that have been accumulated over
the centuries in books.
On 15 September 1924, Apponyi signed a deed of
gift according to which, after his death, his collection
of books on Hungary and in Hungarian, his collection
of short printed publications, his maps, engravings, old,
“I ask a thousand pardons for not having thanked
you earlier for having sent me the text of the statute, a
gesture with which you pay me great honor. Please be-
lieve me, it is not merely a platitude if I say that today,
on the night of my 81st birthday, I say that I cannot find
words to express my thanks for such kind intentions

The furnishings of the library in the Apponyi manor house in Lengyel (in Tolna County) were also donated, along with the
collection, to the National Széchényi Library. The Apponyi Room is in the building in which the Széchényi Library is currently
124 Count Sándor Apponyi (1844–1925). Oil painting by Countess Alexandra Esterházy housed in the Buda Castle. 125
 Collectors and Collections
Sándor Apponyi’s handwritten book registry (National Széchényi Library, Manuscript Collection. Oct. Gall. 19)
and to ask forgiveness. My vision is poor, it is difficult
for me to write, I am weak in general. In other words,
I have grown old. I am now correcting the galley proofs
of my catalogue, and this tires me greatly. I should have
started a bit earlier, but this did not depend entirely on
me. I regret that at this point I am not going to see my
books in the Museum.
Once again, let me express my thanks for your kind
role as intermediary in this issue. If perhaps with the
coming of spring your affairs should bring you to the city
of Pécs and you would not be reluctant to spend one or
two days in Lengyel in order to look at the books, the
engravings, and the old maps while they are still all to-
gether, I will be very pleased.”2 The statute was published
on 7 April 1925. Apponyi lived to see it pass, but on 18
April he passed away peacefully.
Countess Alexandra Esterházy, Apponyi’s wife, con-
tinued to be deeply concerned about the fate of the gift
that her husband had made to the library. She knew
that it would not be easy for the National Library to
make additions to the collection, and so she created a
foundation that was overseen by the Hungarian National
Museum and that enjoyed, as its financial foundation,
the entire wealth of the Apponyi family, which was left
by Apponyi’s widow to the museum, with the exception
of a trifling right of usufruct. Because of her generous gift,
all of the furnishings of the large library that had been
in the manor house in Lengyel were transferred to the
National Library. Today, these furnishings can be found
126 in the National Library in the so-called Apponyi Room,
where one also finds the countess’ famous collection
of books in Hungarian and on Hungary. The Countess
only survived her husband by five years, but the founda-
tion that she created made it possible for the library to
make additions to the collection up until World War II.
Other items that she had given to the library ended up
enriching the collections of many museums in Hungary
with archaeological relics and remarkable work of the
applied Arts. Librarians are always grateful when a few
of the documents concerning the origins of a collection
survive, documents with which we can determine the
sources from which the person who founded the col-
lection acquired individual items. Together with the
collection, Countess Alexandra Esterházy also donated
the correspondence of the Apponyi family to the library
as a very significant historical source. Apart from this,
however, very few handwritten sources survived in the
bequest on the basis of which it might be possible to
trace the growth of the collection.3 One of these sourc-
es is a book registry that was kept by Sándor Apponyi
entitled Livres nouveaux, livres vieils et antiques.4 In this
small notebook, which on the basis of the shifts in the
handwriting appears to have been used at various times
over the course of many years, Apponyi made notes of
the most important information of the books he had
acquired, which were organized in alphabetical order:
author’s name, title, place of publication, year of publi-
cation, and size. However, he did not include the source
from which it had been obtained or the year in which
it was added to the collection. In the absence of other
COUNT SÁNDOR APPONYI
The library in the manor house in Lengyel
documents, the only source on the basis of which we his siblings and continued to make additions to it. He
can venture conclusions concerning the development even allowed scholars access to its holdings. He wanted
of the collection is the four-volume catalogue that was to make the collection a useful resource for the wider
published and the annotations that Apponyi added to public, and he pondered the possibility of transforming
some of the entries.5 Copies of catalogues in Apponyi’s it into a public collection. He offered the holdings to the
collection from auctions that were held at the time pro-
vide some complementary information, and they some-
times include notes written by the count. Contemporary
articles in the press also offer some data, along with mem-
oirs of friends and relatives and the very few surviving
private letters.
The love of books was a tradition in the Apponyi fami­
ly. In 1774, Apponyi’s great-grandfather, Antal György
Apponyi (1751–1817), a privy councilor, founded a li-
brary in Vienna with a wide-ranging collection. The
library boasted some 26,000 volumes, including valuable
manuscripts, incunabula, and many books, engravings,
and even paintings by great masters (such as Veronese,
Tiziano, Correggio, Murillo and Van Dyck) from as early
as the sixteenth century. There was not enough room
for the tremendous collection in the palace in Vienna,
so Apponyi’s great-grandfather had kept some of the
works in the manor house in Hőgyész in Tolna County.
A portrait of the poet Zrínyi in the English biography that
After his death, in 1817 his heirs had sold the paintings. was published in London in 1664 on the occasion of his death
His son and Apponyi’s grandfather, also named Antal (The Conduct and Character)
(1782–1852), had purchased the library in Vienna from (National Széchényi Library, App. H. 2082) 127
 city of Pozsony (today Bratislava in Slovakia). In 1827,
the county erected a self-standing building for it. The
inscription on the façade aptly expresses the intention of
its founder: “Litteris in patria augendis.” For 20 years, the
collection served as a valuable resource for scholars and
people who took an interest in the sciences. However,
ultimately the city proved unwilling to provide funds
to cover the salary of the librarian, so the count had
the entire collection transported to the manor house
in Nagyappony (today is Oponice in Slovakia).6 Thus,
when Sándor Apponyi was born, the library that had
been founded by his great-grandfather and had grown
under the stewardship of his grandfather was found in
the old family manor house. His grandfather was the
Habsburg ambassador in Paris at the time, where he
worked alongside his son Rudolf (1812–1876), who was
the embassy secretary.
Sándor Apponyi was born in Paris in 1884. He spent
most of his childhood abroad, first in Paris and then, after
Collectors and Collections
a short time in Italy, moving to London, where his uncle
Rudolf served as ambassador from 1856 to 1871. The
years his spent in London exerted a decisive influence on
him. He completed his grammar school studies privately,
returning to Hungary every year to take exams giving by
the Piarists in Pest. His private instructor, Elefánty Fe­
renc, was a superb mathematician who spoke Latin and
had studied law. He had fought in the 1848 Revolution,
and after the defeat of the Hungarian forces he had been
compelled to flee the country. Even decades later, Sándor
Apponyi still cherished fond memories of Elefánty, as
indicated, for instance, by a few lines in a letter he wrote
to literary historian István Hegedüs: “I was very moved
by the letter I received from you yesterday, which awoke
old memories in me, memories of my mentor, for whom
I have so much to thank that I can hardly find words to
express myself. … My uncle György Apponyi … recom-
mended Elefánty to my father as an instructor when, after
Munich, he was preparing to go to London. E[lefánty]
arrived in London in May of 1856, almost at the same
time as us. A few weeks later we traveled to Scotland
(E. and I), and we spent three months near Inverness
with an old friend of my parents. We very much enjoyed
our time there and the beautiful trip, and we became
very fond of each other. We were together for five years.
I cannot imagine a more ideal bond between mentor and
pupil… What can I say about him as a teacher? Vir bonus
docendi peritus! I cannot say anything else. I taught every
subject with pleasure, as if it were the most important. He
did now know Greek, but he was first-rate in Latin. …
But Elefánty was first and foremost a mathematician, and
I would not hesitate to assert, then with the exception of
my strong conviction I can refer to no one else, that he
128 was an inspired genius of a mathematician!”7
During the years he spent in London, at which time
he was still little more than a child, he met many bib-
liophiles. One of them was Count Gusztáv Kálnoky,
who later became Minister of Foreign Affairs. Kálnoky
was interested first and foremost in obtaining first edi-
tions of classics, so-called Elzevirs (works in the famous
duodecimo series), and eighteenth-century engraving
books. The young count often accompanied him when
he went to galleries, auction houses, and secondhand
bookshops. Kálnoky encouraged him to create a library
based not on a wide range of works of general interest,
but rather on a specific branch of the sciences, and he
should strive, according to Kálnoky for comprehen-
siveness in that particular field of inquiry.8 Together,
they lingered in the secondhand bookshops of London.
A drawing by Kálnoky survives in which he depicted the
young Sándor Apponyi. The small, color caricature has
as a caption the saying attributed to Terentianus Maurus,
“Pro captu lectoris habent sua fata libelli,”9 except that
the word libelli is left out, implying that indeed our fates
are all shaped by our abilities, and perhaps in particular
our abilities to read. In the lower left-hand corner of the
depiction one finds a date: London, 20 November, 1864.
On the right side one finds a signature: G. Kalnoky.
According to the text on the back, Gusztáv Kálnoky, a
good friend of Apponyi’s father, made the depiction of
the young Sándor, drawing the image while the young
man was engaged in his favorite pastime, studying the
works available in a secondhand bookshop. Kálnoky was
then made a diplomat in London, and together with
Apponyi he explored the secondhand bookshops, both
the famous ones and the grimy little dens in the side
streets of the enormous city.
Apponyi’s father supported his son’s interest in books.
Indeed, according to the recollections of historian Bálint
Homán, he even gave his son sound advice: “Initially,
he took a general interest in everything, but at 14 years
of age his interests began to turn towards foreign liter-
ature that touched on Hungary, and once he obtained
a copy of the famous work by Osvát Laskai (1858) his
collection of books acquired a clear direction. Recog-
nizing his son’s inclination towards the sciences and
his unfaltering passion for a calling that Sándor himself
had chosen, his father, Count Rudolf, was glad to help
him in his efforts, and he encouraged him to compile
a bibliography of Hungarian works and works on Hun-
gary. In a letter written to his 20 year-old son, his fa-
ther, a highly educated and culture diplomat, defined
the concept of bibliophilia with a precision that would
have embarrassed contemporary specialists. In his as-
sessment, the task of the aristocratic bibliophile was
to create specialized collections that were exhaustive
and to compile a bibliography of works pertaining to
this particular subject.”10 Apponyi wrote the following
remarks in his catalogue concerning the acquisition of
the aforementioned incunabulum, Osvát Laskai’s Salu-
tisa (Hagenau, 1498): “I came across the book in 1858,
when I was fourteen years old, in London, in the dark
shop of the antiquarian Westell on Tottenham Court,
and I purchased it for two shillings.”11 He also provided
an account of his second major acquisition, the English
biography of Miklós Zrínyi, which was published in Lon-
don in 1664, the year in which Zrínyi died. We do not
know for certain who wrote the biography, but scholars
have concluded that in all likelihood, it was written
by Comenius or one of his circle.12 Apponyi wrote the
following comments in his catalogue concerning this
purchase: “I bought this book in 1857 or 1858 from the
elderly George Bumstead, whose shop at the time was on
High Holborn Street. It was Bumstead who, a few years
later, obtained a copy of Werbőczy (1517) for me for one
shilling. What I later recounted this to my patron Mr.
Monckton Milnes, who later became Lord Houghton
(father of Lord Crewe, who is frequently mentioned
these days), he told me that he was the most honest man
in the world and that this was I remember him in my
last will and testament.”13 Concerning the first edition of
Werbőczy (Vienna, 1517), Apponyi added the following
remarks: “I purchased it at an auction in London for one
shilling, but later had it bound in blue Moroccan leather
by Trautz-Bauzonnet for more than one-hundred times
as much.”14 Sir Monckton Milnes, Apponyi’s patron,
had begun to take an interest in Hungary as a student
at Cambridge. In 1849, he had initiated a push in the
English parliament in support of the Hungarian War of
Independence and the recognition of the Hungarian
government. Later, he became one of the most impas-
sioned speakers in support of Lajos Kossuth during the
many decades Kossuth spent in exile.15 In the 1850s,
he often invited prominent Hungarians for meals. In
1853, together with Belgian ambassador Van der Weyer,
he founded the Philobiblon Society, of which he was
the first president. The Belgian ambassador was also
an impassioned book collector and an old friend of the
Apponyi family. The young Count Sándor Apponyi
often accompanied him to secondhand bookshops and
auctions, in particular the auctions that were organized
by the Quaritch firm. The passages cited above offer
testimony to the mutual respect shared by collectors
and merchants at the time.
An Englishman named also Thomas Watts played
a decisive role in Apponyi’s love of books and his pas-
sion as a collector. Watts was a librarian at the British
museum. He knew many foreign languages, including
Hungarian, and he also had a thorough knowledge of
Hungary’s history. Beginning in 1837, he was responsible
for compiling a list of books for the library to acquire
in languages other than English, including Hungarian.
He was made an honorary member of the Hungarian
Academy of Sciences on the basis of the essays that he
had written on the Hungarian language and Hungarian
literature.16 The young count began going to the British
museum regularly well before completing his grammar
school studies, and during his visits to the institution he
made the acquaintance of the English librarian. Recol-
lections that were published several decades later offer
insights into the relationship between the two men. In
the winter of 1915, Edgár Palóczi, a historian of culture
and education, went to see Apponyi, who at the time
was 71 years old. In 1931, Palóczi published parts of
their conversation concerning the collection of books.
According to his notes Apponyi made the following
remarks: “I first began to awaken to my love of collecting
in London. The library of the British museum played
a significant role in this, and in particular one of the
Librarians: Mr. Watson. A the time, the section of the
COUNT SÁNDOR APPONYI
library on Eastern Europe was under the direction of this
well-rounded and highly educated expert, and it had a
rich collection of works in Hungarian and on Hungary.
So every time I checked a Hungarian book out of the
library, I came into contact with Mr. Watson. He had
an astonishing memory. It was common knowledge that
he was able to underline in his head the works listed in
catalogs of books from other countries that were not part
of the library’s holdings. When anyone double-checked,
he always turned out to have been right. Once I paid a
visit to Mr. Watson in his modest apartment because he
was sick. When I entered the room, I found him lying
in bed immersed in a book. He only realized I was there
when I was very near to the bed. What are you reading
with such interest, Mr. Watson? This was my first ques-
tion. I am reading a very interesting book by one of your
compatriots, young man. And to my great surprise he
gave me Gereben Vas’s book Nagy idők, nagy emberek
[Great Times, Great Men] in Hungarian.” However the
Sándor Apponyi had only limited financial resources
with which to pursue his passion for collecting. Again,
at 71 years of age, he offered the following recollection:
“at the time I was a very young man and I received only
modest amounts of pocket money from my strict father.
With his money, I would wander from one secondhand
bookshop to the next. Soon they knew me well, and
slowly the first works in mine collection of books on
Hungary began to wander into my library. This took
place only slowly, because I often did not have enough
money to purchase books that I found interesting. On
such frustrating occasions, I had to leave the stores with-
out having completed the task for which I had come,
or I had to acquire my first and last debts, which they 129

Collectors and Collections
The famous work by János Zsámboki (1531–1584), entitled
Emblemata, a verse presentation of terms and locutions, with
illustrations. In the depiction of “Dog-Like Devotion,” one sees
Zsámboki himself, with his faithful dogs, Bombo and Mandell
(National Széchényi Library, App. H. 420)
allowed me to do because of the liveried servant who
accompanied me. Then, on the first day of the next
month, radiant with joy, I would pay off the debt.”17
Because of his family and diplomatic ties, the young
count was able to examine the works in many private
important collections in England, and he always took
advantage of any opportunity to build on his knowledge
The Apponyi Manor House (renovated in 1876)
130 in Legyel (Tolna County)
and learn more about documents and works that touched
on Hungary. The 2,428 entry in the fourth volume of
his collection of works on Hungary has the following
annotation: “in 1861, as a boy seventeen years of age,
I had the rare good fortune of spending two days in
Althorpe in the dwelling of Lord Spencer. On one of
the two days, there was a big fox hunt, and I was lived
at home alone. Thus, I had the entire day to explore
the library as I pleased. I came across a beautiful old
book in a red Moroccan-leather binding with the Mar-
quise de Pompadour on the cover with her three towers.
I flipped the pages mechanically—I had no idea what
it was about—and I came across a letter written from
a camp in Vác or near Esztergom! I was overjoyed, and
I read as much as I could of the book and made a note
of it. More than 30 years passed before I finally found a
copy at Damascene Morgand. It was also a lovely edition,
two volumes, bound in red Moroccan leather, with the
ex libris of A. A. Renouard.” 18
Sándor Apponyi lived in London at a particularly
fortunate juncture in history. The trade in used books
was remarkably lively, and many large collections were
put up for auction. A determined collector with the
necessary financial resources often made remarkable
finds. At the time, another enthusiastic Hungarian book
collector was browsing the shelves of the secondhand
bookshops in search of books on Hungary: the Bene-
dictine Monk Jácint Rónay. Rónay lived in London
from 1850 to 1866. In his diary, fragments of which
were published, he offered the following account of his
experiences as a collector in the English capital: “Lon-
don, Nov. 23, 1864. Searching for books is an old and
beloved pastime of mine, so whenever my circumstances
permit, I go to the secondhand bookshops in London
Countess Alexandra Esterházy
(1856–1930), wife of
Count Sándor Alexandra
and look first and foremost for books that concern our
homeland.” He then gives list of 16 publications on
Hungary but in languages other than Hungarian, and he
appends the list with the following remarks: “Perhaps
I will serve again in this place, for the moment I only
note that one could assemble an impressive library of
the works that have been written on our homeland in
other languages.” One also finds a remark concerning
Apponyi in his diary: “I had wanted to acquire these
works, but the son of the Austrian ambassador, Count
Apponyi, was haggling over them. I cannot compete
with him, and I only note the name of the bookseller:
Quarits [sic!]. Piccadilly.”19 Of the works included in this
list, István Gál has identified five: App. H. 1124, 1203,
1311, 1359, 1396.20 Having examined the available data
again, scholars have managed to identify two others as
works in Apponyi’s collection: App. H. 828 and 2869.
Thus, of the sixteen works, Apponyi managed to strike
a deal for the purchase of at least seven.
Sándor Apponyi took his comprehensive exams with
the Piarists in Pest, thus completing his grammar school
studies. He then pursued the study of law at the univer-
sity in Munich, as was family tradition. He also spent
his years in Munich pursuing his interest in Church
history and other subjects in the Humanities. After
having completed university, he entered the foreign
service. He was sent to Paris, where he worked alongside
Richard von Metternich. In 1865, Baron Ernő Pléner,
the son-in-law of József Eötvös (and later the Austrian
Minister of Finance), was also sent to Paris. Pléner and
Apponyi became lifelong friends. Paris was rich with
new opportunities for Apponyi. He was able to make
the acquaintance of the most prominent French book
collectors. Baron James Rothschild (1844–1881), who
was Apponyi’s age, was a close friend of the Hungarian
diplomats in Paris. Like Apponyi, he too had begun
collecting books as a child of only twelve years of age.
He was a young man when he died, but he nonetheless
had managed to create a collection consisting of more
than 3,000 volumes. The collection was particularly rich
in sixteenth-century and seventeenth-century, partic-
ularly beautiful works published in France that origi-
nally had been part of the collections of aristocrats and
members of the royal family. When making decisions
concerning acquisitions for his library, Rothschild had
sought out the assistance of Emile Picot, a member of
the faculty at the École des Langues Orientales Vivantes
and a first-rate bibliographer. Later, Picot published the
catalogue of Rothschild’s collection in six volumes.21
Picot advised Apponyi to publish the contents of his
rapidly growing collection of works on Hungary in a
“catalogue raisonné.”22 Lajos Dézsi noted Apponyi’s
recollections: “I almost forgot to mention that I began
writing my catalogue in Paris, in French. Emil Picot,
the very find French bibliographer, perhaps remem-
bers that the first pages [of the catalogue] were written
with his kind assistance. Later, under the influence, or
perhaps I should say pressure, of the ever proliferating
German relations I continued in German.”23
At the time, one of the most important French col-
lectors was a man named Jérôme Pichon (1812–1896).
As he was approaching his 40th birthday, Pichon had
decided to quit his job as a civil servant and focus on
his love of books and works of art. He purchased the
Hôtel Pimodan, an elegant edifice built in 1657 on the
quai d’Anjou, Île Saint-Louis, to house his collection.
He organized his collection according to the principles
of the famous bibliographer Jacques Charles Brunet.
From 1844 to 1894, Baron Pichon served as president
of the Société des Bibliophiles François. He then served
as the honorary president until his death.24 Apponyi
was also admitted to this prestigious society, and he
continuously renewed his membership until the signing
COUNT SÁNDOR APPONYI
of the Treaty of Trianon in the wake of World War I.25
Ambroise-Firmin Didot (1790–1877), a great bibliophile
who was some 50 years older than Apponyi, was a close
friend of Apponyi’s father. His collection was particu-
larly rich in works of scholarship.26
In 1866, Rudolf Apponyi, who was the ambassador
in London at the time, took his son to London as the
attaché. The years Sándor then spent in London were
decisive from the perspective of the growth of his collec-
tion. He made many new friends and acquaintances, for
instance with the famous Scotsman Sir Thomas Carlyle
and the historian Benjamin Disraeli (who briefly served
as Prime Minister). Disraeli invited Apponyi to join
him on his estates many times. He may have made the
acquaintance of Henri Eugène Philippe Louis d’Orléans,
Duke of Aumale (1822–1897), a bibliophile, member
of the French royal family, and leader of the Orleanists.
Having served in the French military in northern Africa
for many years, the Frenchman lived in exile in England
from 1848 to 1870. In 1861, he purchased the tremen-
dous collection of Armand Cigognes for 375,000 franks.
He kept his collection on his estate in Twickenhamben
in England and later, after his return to France in 1871,
in Chantilly in the castle that had once belonged to
Louis de Bourbon, Prince of Condé. The duke remained
in France for some fifteen years, but in 1886 he was
compelled to flee the land of his birth again, and he
again returned to England to live in exile.27
The young Apponyi was almost always present at
auctions. For instance, he was present for the auction in
Paris of the library of Nicolaos Yemeniz, where indeed
he made some purchase. Yemeniz (1783–1871), a Greek
merchant who traded in silks, was born in Istanbul. He 131
 Collectors and Collections
Pages from the guest book of the manor house in Lengyel from
1907 to 1925. The closing lines are: “On 18 April 1925, Count
Sándor Apponyi passed away. May we bless his memory!”
(National Széchényi Library, Manuscript Collection)
settled in Lyon in 1799. He worked both in the trade and
the production of silk, and he earned a respectable for-
tune. For many years, he served as a Turkish and Greek
consul in France. He also had a passion for writing and
literature, and in the early nineteenth century he began
to put together a library, which he organized according to
Brunet’s principles. His collection was particularly rich
in incunabula, rare items from the sixteenth century,
and editions with unusually valuable bindings. His was
devastated by his wife’s death in 1860 and no longer
132 found pleasure or even solace in his library. He closed
COUNT SÁNDOR APPONYI
and locked the doors to the library and never set foot
in it again. The printed matter from the holdings was
put up for auction in 1867. The collection was appraised
at 725,000 franks, which was a record at the time. In
1868, the collection of manuscripts was also put up for
sale.28 Entry 2,117 in the 823-page catalogue for the
auction (the catalogue had a total of 3,954 entries) was
the work by János Zsámboki entitled Emblemata. It was a
particularly beautiful 1567 edition that had been printed
in the workshop of Christophe Plantin in Antwerp.29
Apponyi regarded Zsámboki, a sixteenth-century physi-
cian and a classical philologist of international renown,
as scholar of great importance.
Though he was living abroad, Apponyi nonetheless
followed events in Hungary closely, including events
in scholarly life. In 1868, Toldy Ferenc introduced the
gathering at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences to the Engravings depicting Zrínyi Miklós, the hero of Szigetvár, from a volume extolling his courage
count, whose passion for book collecting was common (Hungariae propugnaculo… Wittenberg, 1587) (National Széchényi Library, App. H. 1875)
knowledge. On this particular occasion, Apponyi had
won deserved praise for having found a printed edition Apponyi abandoned politics, perhaps with a sense of in his library, both modest notebooks and sumptuously
of a work by Mihály Sztárai that until then had been relief, and devoted himself instead to his library. In 1878, bound works, did survive, and many of them contain
completely unknown. he married Countess Alexandra Esterházy, a woman of his remarks and annotations and sometimes even the
At 32 years of age, an important change took place remarkable erudition and a strong artistic inclination. prices that were paid for the given works. The most
in Apponyi’s life. In May of 1876, his father died. The Auctions began to play an increasingly important important auctions took place in Paris in the 1860s.
young count decided to return to his homeland for good. place in the growth of his library, at least in compari- Beginning in 1880, several large collections were put
He had the manor house in Lengyel completely ren- son to earlier years, in which most of the additions to up for sale in London. The annotations in Apponyi’s
ovated, and he made it the new home for his library. his collection had come from secondhand bookshops. four-volume printed catalogue offer a good impression
Guided by his love for his family and his homeland, he He maintained his ties to important secondhand book of how closely he followed the international trade in
ran for the office of the parliamentary representative of dealers and the companies that handled the auctions, antique books. As mentioned earlier, works from the
his county. He failed to win the confidence of the voters, and he consistently was sent or ordered catalogues. His library of Ambroise-Firmin Didot put up for auction on
however. According to many of the local newspapers, correspondence with them would undoubtedly yield several occasions between 1878 and 1884. At one of
a count who had lived most of his life abroad could numerous fascinating insights, but unfortunately it did these auctions, Apponyi purchased a volume of works
hardly be sincere in his professed love for his homeland. not survive. However, the auction catalogues that were by Seneca entitled Naturales quaestiones. It had been 133

Collectors and Collections
Gusztáv Kálnoky’s drawing of the young Sándor Apponyi
printed in 1522 by the Aldus heirs. The annotations
and the introduction had been written by the first in-
ternationally recognized Hungarian classical philologist,
Matthaeus Fortunatus Pannonius írta.30 As he watched
his library grow, Apponyi became increasing convinced
that he should focus on publications having to do with
Hungary’s culture and history. The National Library that
had been founded by Ferenc Széchényi already consti-
tuted a tremendous resource to scholars and scientists,
and it focused on providing an exhaustive collection of
works in Hungarian and works that had been printed in
or touched in some way on Hungary. Obviously, it was
easier to acquire the vital works for this collection in
Hungary. However, works by authors abroad and works
that were written in other languages but were still im-
portant as additions to the collection were more difficult
to identify, find, and acquire. Taking this into consid-
eration, Apponyi devoted the time he spent out of the
country to finding and obtaining works on Hungary that
had been written or printed abroad. He also purchased
editions of works by Hungarian authors that had been
published abroad in other languages, particularly if they
were rarities.
One of the particularly rare and valuable items in his
collection was a French translation (from German) of
a pamphlet printed in 1526 on the Battle of Mohács,
where the Hungarian armies were defeated by the Otto-
134 man Turks. At one time, the pamphlet had been in the
Bonfini, Antonio: Rerum Ungaricarum decades. Basel, 1568, Kircher, Athanasius: Arithmologia. Roma, 1665, Varese.
Oporinus. The volume was from the collection of the Boncom- The author dedicated the book to Lord Chief Justice Ferenc
COUNT SÁNDOR APPONYI
pagni family of Bologna. It has a sixteenth-century Moroc- Nádasdy, who was beheaded in 1671 because of his partici-
can-leather binding with a supralibros. App. H. 1823 pation in the Wesselényi conspiracy. The Italian binding is
richly gilded, which may indicate that this copy was intended
for Nádasdy himself. App. H. 2088
collection of Ferdinando Columbus, the son of Chris-
topher Columbus.31 Apponyi purchased the pamphlet,
which was only a few pages (or leafs) long, at the auction
of the library of Pichon in 1897. In his catalogue, he
provides a detailed description of the exciting tale of
how the volume ended up in his collection. It had been
purchased in 1535 in Lyon by Ferdinando Columbus,
as Columbus himself noted on one of the empty pages
at the end. (When Ferdinando Columbus died in 1539,
his famous library in Seville had 13,570 manuscripts
and printed books. As far as we know, it was the largest
private library in Europe at the time.) In 1841, Spanish
bibliographer José Gallardo compiled a catalogue of the
Sensuyuent les faictz du chien insaciable du sang chrestien … [Geneva], 1526. [Wigand Köln?] A contemporary account of the
most important books and pamphlets in the collection. Battle of Mohács. Ferdinand Columbus was the first person to own the work. App. H. 1656
In 1887, Columbus scholar Henry Harrisse had a list of
the works written in French, Latin, and Spanish pub-
lished in Excerpta Columbiana. The pamphlet on the Pécsváradi’s description of his travels in the Holy Land:32 auction (1900) for 300 franks. It is a beautiful edition in a
Battle of Mohács was one of the items on the list, and “My copy is from the library of Sauley, the archeologist Chambolle-Duru Moroccan-leather binding.”33 Charles
the list included the notes that had been written in it. and traveler in Palestine, which, I think, was auctioned Henri Auguste Schefer (1820–1898) was the director of
In the 1880s, several valuable items were stolen from in 1874. My bid of 200 franks proved too low. A few days the L’École des Langues Orientales in Paris. The first part
the library, including the pamphlet. The note on the later I ran into Charles de Schefer at one of the sittings of his catalogue, which was published in 1899, contains
inside, which was scratched out, can still be read using of the Société des Bibliophiles. His face radiant with joy, a list of 1,197 works on theology, the applied sciences,
ultraviolet light. The pamphlet changed hands many he told me of the sale of a rare book. ‘Travels to the Holy and European and Asian literature and history.34
times before ending up in Pichon’s collection and then Land…’ What? ‘So it was you?’ ‘So it was you?’ I am very Apponyi purchased even more—some 21 items—at
being purchased by Apponyi. sorry, he said, but the book is far too interesting for me the auction of the Karajan library.35 Theodor Georg von
At the famous auctions good friends often bid against to part with it. You know what! You are much younger Karajan (1810–1873) was a scholar of German literature
one another. Apponyi’s catalogue contains an inter- than I am, when I die, by books will be sold, and you can and history. Many of his works touch on Hungary and
esting account of one such instance involving Gábor buy it.’ And so I did. I bought the book at the Schefer its history. At the auction of his Austriaca-Viennensia 135
 The certificate of the Order of the Golden Fleece, founded in
1430, with the signature and seal of Emperor Franz Joseph
that had been carefully organized according to clear,
even scientific principles were broken up and sold. In
1892, Lajos Apponyi and his wife, the heirs to the family
Collectors and Collections
library in Nagyapponyi, sold 2,000 of the 22,000 works
in the collection to Sotheby, Witkinson and Hodge
in London in order to gather funds to found a hospital
and a school. The auction took place in November,
and Sándor Apponyi himself purchased on item.37 The
family entrusted him to select the works to be sold,
and at his suggestion, Lajos gave some rare manuscript
works to the National Széchényi Library. Scholars across
Hungary assumed that Sándor played a decisive role in
the gesture. Sándor, however, wrote a letter to Gyula
Schönherr, the editor-in-chief of Magyar Könyvszemle
[Hungarian Book Review], in which he gave a precise
list of the works that were being donated by his nephew.
As he makes very clear in the letter, the decision had
been made by Lajos, not by him, and the Museum had
Lajos to thank.38 Sándor also provided an account of the
catalogue, on which work was still being done, and his
When Apponyi’s collection was incorporated into the holdings of the National Library, it included the only surviving copy of the
first printed map of Hungary (Tabula Hungariae…). The map, which depicts Hungary before the Battle of Mohács, was made in the other plans: “I think my catalogue will go to press in the
workshop of Petrus Apianus in Ingolstadt on the basis of a manuscript by a clerk named Lázár, who worked in the royal chancellery autumn, as a private pastime it was interesting, but I fear
alongside Tamás Bakócz, the Archbishop of Esztergom. (National Széchényi Library, App. M. 136) Today, the map is listed in the that it will not be seen as anything more than this. Only
World Heritage Encyclopedia.
a few issues will be printed, I hardly need tell you that
I will gladly provide you with one. If only it had already
collection, which in the last decade of the nineteenth teenth century. At first, the works had been kept in the been printed! But now comes the most tiring—indeed,
century was kept in Leipzig and Vienna, Apponyi pur- family residence in Althorp, but Spencer later had had soul crushing—work, and since now it is not a matter of
chased many of the pamphlets involving the wars with them taken to London. When he died, the collection inspiration, but rather of reliability and precision, this
the Ottoman Turks. boasted 20,000 works. After this, however, very few cannot be avoided.”
The auction of the Bibliotheca Sunderlandiana, also additions were made, and the works were moved to On 6 September, he continued his letter: “If you read
known as the Blenheim Library, was a turning point in Blenheim. Spencer’s descendants put the holdings up through my catalogue, you will certainly say that I have
the trade in secondhand books towards the end of the for sale. A five-volume catalogue was published, copies down some experience in the field of the bibliographer,
nineteenth century. Different sections of the holdings of which Apponyi had in his library.36 and you will be right. However, when it comes to man-
were put up for auction on various occasions between Thus, Sándor Apponyi made his extensive purchases uscripts, I have no competence at all.
1881 and 1883. The library had been founded by Charles of secondhand books precisely at a time when libraries Once I have finished my catalogue, I would like to
Spencer (1675–1722), 3rd Earl of Sunderland, who had that had been assembled over the course of centuries write a short treatise on the Antal Apponyi the Elder, a
136 built on a small collection of works from the early six- were being put up for sale. He bore witness as collections scholarly collector of books. I would be glad to give it to
A Memorial Album dedicated to theologian János Mezőlaki:
Album amicorum Joannis Mezőlaki 1667–1669 (National
Széchényi Library, Manuscript Collection. Duod. Lat. 108)
you. As far as the higher circles of museum politics are
concerned, I understand this even less than I understand
manuscripts.”39 The treatise of which he speaks remained
an idea only.
COUNT SÁNDOR APPONYI
While he was working diligently on the catalogue of
his increasingly famous collection, he also strove to ob-
tain every possible reference work in order to ensure that
his descriptions be as precise and scholarly as possible.
His valuable collection of reference works and secondary
literature offer ample testimony to his perfectionism
in matters of scholarship. He asked for assistance from
others in such cases. For instance, he requested help from
Schönnher with a composite volume on Saint John of
Capistrano. As Apponyi writes, “if I were in the capital,
I would find out myself and not burden you with this
request. Here, however, I am compelled to beg a favor
of you and ask that you give a short answer to my ques-
tions, an answer that will only rob you of a few minutes
of your precious time.”40
His library became more and more well known among
the wider public, in part because at the book exhibi-
tion that was held in 1881 by the National Museum
of Applied Arts 51 works from his collection were on
display. As part of the events organized in celebration
of the 1896 Millenium several Hungarian engravings
from Apponyi’s collection were put on display. From
then on—and in particular after the publication of the
first two volumes of the catalogue of his Hungarian col-
lection—he often welcomed scholars as guests in his
manor house in Lengyel. The elegant edifice, nestled in
the hills of Tolna County, became a place of pilgrimage
for people in the sciences.
The Apponyi manor house in Lengyel was appealing
not only because of the many books in the library and
the growing collection of engravings, but also because
of the unsurpassed collection of archeological findings,
which also came to light in large part thanks to Sándor 137

Collectors and Collections
A certificate of thanks issued by the National Museum and
the library as an expression of gratitude to Sándor Apponyi.
National Széchényi Library, Old Manuscripts Collection
Apponyi’s magnanimity. Mór Wosinsky, the local Cath-
olic priest, did excavations on the Apponyi estate in
Lengyel at Apponyi’s expense, and in doing so went
from being an amateur archeologist to a world-farmous
scholar. The finds he discovered in the course of the
excavations are today known as the Legyel Culture,
an archaeological culture of the European Neolithic.
Apponyi helped not only by providing the necessary
funds and allowing Wosinsky to use the land, he also
helped win the attention of the international commu-
nity of archeologists. He welcomed leading Hungarian
and European archeologists and natural scientists, who
were eager to see the excavations and the collection in
the manor house, including prominent representatives
of the sciences like Ferenc Pulszky, Béla Czobor, Aurél
Török, Virchow Rudolph, Ranke Johannes, and Pigorini
Luigi. Thanks to his efforts and the work of Wosinsky,
a museum was created in Szekszárd which opened its
138 doors to the public in 1902.41
Apponyi was increasingly concerned with the fate of
his collection. Well before his death, he clearly grasped
that the library, which he had managed to assemble
over the course of many decades with great devotion,
scholarly precision, and tireless effort, would only survive
as a single, unified library if it were made a protected
public collection. According to one of the entries in his
catalogue that bears a date, by 1915 he had resolved to
find a way to ensure that the library would remain intact
as a unified collection. He added the following note to
the description of a rare volume: “I am very pleased that
this will remain in Hungary.”42
Apponyi worked on the third and fourth volumes of
his catalogue up until his death. The work was com-
pleted by his old friend Lajos Dézsi, who had taught in
Cluj and then Szeged. The catalogue was printed in a
small number of copies, and the first two volumes, which
had been printed before Apponyi’s death, were not sold,
rather they were sent as gifts to the directors of similar
libraries and people who had similar collections. The
four-volume catalogue contains 2,509 items, including
more than 100 incunabula. It presents the works in
the holdings by year of publication, beginning in the
fifteenth century and ending in the eighteenth century.
The library was particularly rich in works on the wars
with the Ottoman Turks, as well as works on the Zrínyi
family, the uprising led by Thököly, and the Rákóczi
War of Independence. The collection of works on Hun-
gary also contains an impressive number of pamphlets
from these times, i.e. printings of a few leafs that can
be seen as the precursors to the newspaper, although
initially Apponyi had not considered including these
kinds of materials in the collection. He was an atten-
tive and methodical collector and a devoted student of
history. He realized that these short publications, which
were often plain and unimpressive in and of themselves
and had for the most part been sold at markets, were
actually important historical sources if seen from the
proper historical perspective. Thus, we find primarily
documents that are important indications of the Eu-
ropean responses to the wars with the Turks and the
events of the subsequent century.43 Given the nature of
the Hungarian collection, it is perhaps not surprising
that one finds a number of works that contain copper-
plate engravings. Apponyi also endeavored to obtain
complete editions that were in good condition. He only
purchased copies of works that had been damaged if he
felt he would never find or at least never obtain copies
in better condition. If a book did not have a proper
binding, he would have it bound by the finest French
and English binders. Thus, it is a pleasure simply to
gaze at the books on the shelves, which offer a good
impression of the prevailing ideas concerning beautiful
and valuable books in centuries past. In addition to the
works listed in the four-volume catalogue of the Hun-
gary collection, there were almost 500 other works of
which Sándor Apponyi never had time to prepare proper
entries. These items were included in a republication
of the entire catalogue in print and on CD, along with
annotations by József Vekerdi.44
Sándor Apponyi’s collection of engravings is also of im­
measurable value. It contains items from the sixteenth,
seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries, and
it constitutes a vital source in the study of Hungarian and
European history. The collection, which numbers almost
1,000 items, includes many compositions only a single
copy of which has survived, for instance the first printed
map of Hungary, the aforementioned Lázár map, which
was printed in 1528 in Ingolstadt.45
The Hungarian collection and the collection of en-
gravings are of tremendous value, but along with Ap-
ponyi’s library, the National Library also received other
significant donations, for instance the so-called Rariora
Collection, which (as its Latin name suggests) contained
remarkably rare items, primarily books printed in the
fifteenth, sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth, and nine-
teenth centuries, as well as a few manuscripts. The latter
include a fifteenth-century Italian parchment manu-
script by Isota Nogarola, a noblewoman of erudition.
Nogarola writes on theological questions, specifically
on the question of who should bear more of the blame
for original sin, Adam or Eve.46 The collection of manu-
scripts contains many items that touch on Hungary, for
instance a memorial album of seventeenth-century theo-
logian János Mezőlaki. In the course of Mezőlaki’s studies
abroad, university instructors and students wrote notes
in the pages of the album in Latin, Greek, and English.47
The collection also contains a small handwritten volume
of seventeenth-century verses, such as an adaptation of
Dies irae, which was modified to celebrate the recapture
of Buda from the Ottoman Turks in 1686.48 The Rariora
Collection also contains first-edition printed works that
are genuine rarities. The documents on Italian Human-
ism and the aforementioned Nogarola family constitute
a separate group. The materials concerning events that
had important ceremonial functions are interesting as
primary sources for the study of cultural history. These
materials include descriptions of weddings, funerals,
and processions. The collection also contains the most
important literature on the history of the Order of the
Golden Fleece (Apponyi was made a night of the Or-
der), as well as several items that are interesting from
the perspective of genealogy, heraldry, archeology, and
art history, for instance the first edition of Benvenuto
Cellini’s two treatises.49 Apponyi did not have time to
compile a proper registry of the items in the collection,
so he entrusted the task to Gyula Végh, president of the
Hungarian Bibliophile Society. The catalogue was only
published after Apponyi’s death, and it contained, in an
appendix, entries on a few works in Hungarian that could
not be grouped with the Hungarian collection (which
contained works in other languages) but which were still
part of the count’s generous donation.50
Apponyi also kept a collection of reference materials
that were a tremendous resource in his efforts to make
important additions to his library. The reference works
contained information concerning the most important
secondary literature, both contemporary works and older
publications. This reference library, which constitutes
an invaluable source from the perspectives of book, li-
COUNT SÁNDOR APPONYI
brary, and cultural history, was also among the materials
donated to the National Library. At the moment, it
is part of the reference library in the shared reading
room of the Manuscript Collection and the Collection
of Old Printed Materials. Apponyi’s general collection,
which contains books printed in the Modern Era, is
found in the main collection of the National Library
under a distinguishing shelf mark (App.). In total, the
contribution that was made by Sándor Apponyi to the
National Széchényi Library is roughly equal, from the
perspective of the number of books, to the donation
made by Széchényi when he founded the library. The
collection of engravings and the Hungarian collection,
both of which are famous internationally, greatly enrich
the holdings of the Széchényi Library, as do the other
collections of invaluable documents. Had it not been
for Apponyi’s generosity, the Széchényi Library, a great
repository of knowledge, art, and history, would be a
significantly more modest collection.
As an avid book collector, Sándor Apponyi walked in
the footsteps of great bibliophiles of the eighteenth cen-
tury, like Kata Bethlen, Gedeon Ráday, György Klimo,
József and Ignác Batthyány, Ferenc Széchényi, and József
and Sámuel Teleki. Without their generous donations,
many of the finest libraries in Hungary might well never
have come into existence or might never have grown
beyond a modest smattering of dusty volumes.
139

Notes
1
Oct. Gall. 19. National Széchényi Library,
Manuscript Collection.
2
Sándor Apponyi to Kuno Klebelsberg,
Lengyel, 9 January 1925. National Széchényi
Library, Manuscript Collection, Letter Col-
lection.
3
The volume in the Manuscript Collection of
the library with the shelf number Oct. Gall.
21. contains Sándor Apponyi’s book registry,
in which the works are divided by language
(French, German, English, Italian, and Hun-
garian) and organized on the basis of authors
ann titles, with no publication information
until the early twentieth century. It contains a
periodical from 1923, so it is possible that it is
a list of works he wished to obtain or had yet
Collectors and Collections
to read. I looked for many of the entries in the
general collection, which consists of several
thousand items and was donated along with
the Hungarian collection, but was only able to
identify a few of them.
4
Shelf number: Oct. Gall. 19.
5
APPONYI Sándor, Hungarica. Magyar vonat-
kozású külföldi nyomtatványok, I–II. [Hungarica:
Works Published Abroad on Hungary, I-II], Bu-
dapest–Munich, 1900–1903. (A German-Hun-
garian edition.); APPONYI Sándor, Hungarica.
Ungarn betreffende im Auslande gedruckte Bücher
und Flugschriften, III–IV., Munich, 1925–1927.
6
Nagyappony was merged with the neighbor-
ing settlement Kisappony in 1910 to form a
single settlement.
7
Sándor Apponyi’s letter to István Hegedüs,
Lengyel, 1921. II. 13. National Széchényi
Library, Manuscript Collection, Letter Collec-
tion. Hegedüs asked Apponyi for biographical
information on Elefánty. In the letter cited and
the other letter, Apponyi (28 February 1921)
offers ab account of how the signs of serious
nervous complaints began to become visible
on Elefánty in 1860, and he was compelled
to leave their home. Later, his condition
improved for a time, but sometime after 1862
he vanished. In all likelihood, he committee
suicide. The letters contain many interesting
bits of information about Elefánty. As a kind
of addendum to the second letter, Apponyi
copied some of the letters Elefánty had written
to him. See ROSENTHAL, Jacques, Graf Alex-
ander Apponyi, In: Apponyi Sándor, Hungarica.
Ungarn betreffende im Auslande gedruckte Bücher
und Flugschriften, IV. Munich, 1927, III.
8
ROSENTHAL, op. cit., V.
9
“Books have their destiny according to the
140 capabilities of the reader.”
10
HÓMAN Bálint, Gróf Apponyi Sándor
[Count Sándor Apponyi], Magyar Könyvszemle
[Hungarian Book Review], 1924, 2. The letter
has not survived.
11
APPONYI Sándor, Hungarica. Magyar vonat-
kozású külföldi nyomtatványok, I–II. [Hungarica:
Works Published Abroad on Hungary, I-II].
Budapest–Munich, 1900–1903, (Hereafter
App. H.), the annotation to entry 35. National
Széchényi Library Shelf number: Inc. 1027c
(=App. H. 35).
12
The Conduct and Character of Count Nicholas
Serini, Protestant Generalissimo of the Auxilia-
ries in Hungary, the most Prudent and Resolved
Champion of Christendom. Shelf number: App.
H. 2082. For more on the role of Comenius and
his circle see R. VÁRKONYI Ágnes, Európa
Zrínyije [Europe’s Zrínyi], Irodalomtörténeti
Közlemények [Publications on Literary History],
1996, 1–39.
13
App. H. 2082. Translated from the German.
14
App. H. 120.
15
GÁL István, Az Apponyi-gyűjtemény londoni
kezdetei [The London Origins of the Apponyi Col-
lection], Magyar Könyvszemle [Hungarian Book
Review], 1968, 363.
16
After his death in 1869, poet János Arany
wrote a necrology on him which was not pub-
lished at the time. It was published a century
later by István Gál: Arany János nekrológja
Thomas Wattsról [János Arany’s Necrology on
Thomas Watts], Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények
[Publications on Literary History], 1967, 5–6.
1–5.
17
PALÓCZI Edgár, Bei Alexander Grafen
Apponyi. Eine Erinnerung an Ungarns grössten
Bibliophilen, Műgyűjtő [Art Collector], 1931,
106–107. The use of the name Watson is a
mistake. The correct name is Watts.
18
App. H. 2428.
19
Cited in GÁL István, Az Apponyi-gyűj­
temény..., op. cit., 364.
20
Ibid.
21
Catalogue des livres composant la bibliothèque de
feu M. le Baron James de Rothschild, I–VI., ed.
Émile PICOT, Paris, 1884–1920; BOGENG,
G. A. E., Die grossen Bibliophilen, I. Bd., Leipzig,
1922, 186–187.
22
This term means a structured catalogue
arranged in accordance with consistent prin-
ciples.
23
Cited in DÉZSI Lajos, Gróf Apponyi Sándor
pályája [The Career of Count Sándor Appo-
nyi], In: Gróf Apponyi Sándor emlékezete [The
Memory of Count Sándor Apponyi], Budapest,
1926, 16.
24
For more on Pichon see BOGENG op. cit.,
173–177.
25
In 1897, decades after the baron’s death, the
Pichon collection was sold at auction. Apponyi
purchased two works from the collection. Their
shelf numbers are App. H. 1567 and 1656.
26
His collection did not survive intact as a
single collection for long. The first auction
was held in 1878, one year after his death, and
others were held until 1884. Apponyi made
purchases of items in the collection.
27
BOGENG, op. cit., 181–182.
28 Ua. XIII–XXXVI., Bogeng, op. cit.,
180–181.
29
Shelf number: App. H. 420 = RMK III. 554.
Catalogue de la Bibliothèque de M. N. Yemeniz,
[Preface by] M. LE ROUX DE LINCY, Paris,
1867, 455. The shelf number of Apponyi’s
copy: 140.649.
30
Shelf number: App. H. 166/ 2. copy = RMK
III. 252.
31
Shelf number: App. H. 1656.
32
Shelf number: App. H 1638 = RMK III. 962.
33
Apponyi Alexander: Hungarica. Ungarn
betreffende im Auslande gedruckte Bücher und
Flugschriften. III–IV. Bd. Besorgt von L. Dézsi.
Munich 1925. 93–96.
34
Catalogue de bons livres anciens et modernes
provenant de la bibliothèque de feu M. Ch.
Schefer, Première partie, Paris, 1899, 46.
According to the volume, the auction was held
between 8 and 16 May, so it is possible that
Apponyi was mistaken when he gave 1900
as the date, and the first part of the auction
was held in 1899. The shelf number of the
catalogue in the National Széchényi Library is:
143.015. The work of Pécsváradi is entry 321.
Apponyi purchased a total of 16 items for his
library at this auction.
35
BOGENG, op. cit., 359.
36
Bibliotheca Sunderlandiana. Sale catalogue
of the… Library of printed books known as the
Sunderland or Blenheim Library, I–V., London,
1881–1883. Shelf number: S 2532. This library
should not be confused with the other library
owend by the Spencer family, a library Sándor
Apponyi himself had visisted, as I noted at the
beginning of this essay.
37
See App. H. 72. Some old items from
Apponyi’s library are also mentioned in the
catalogue: App. H. 81, 152, 324, 361, 1569.
He noted, with regards to the last one, that it
was from the holdings in Hőgyész. Some of the
items that had belonged to his great-grandfa-
ther Antal are found in the Hungarian collec-
tion: App. H. 33, 263, 1574 [?], 1818.
38
“With regards to the Janus Pannonius codex,
my first note would be that it was not given to
the museum by me, but rather by my nephew,
Count Lajos Apponyi (of Nagyappony). As far
as I know, he gave four works to the museum:
1. the first manuscript of Istvánffy’s history;
2. the [an illegible word] edition of Farkas
Bethlen’s history with notes and addi-
tions;
3. the Janus Pannonius codex;
4. an incunabulum that in and of itself is
not terribly precious, but according to
the contemporaneous note was found at
the time of the recapture of the castle
of Buda.
I have listed these works because we feared that
the Museum’s directorate, in its note of thanks,
mentioned only the fourth work on the list,
which is the least important gift, and ignored
the rest. My nephew complained about this as
well, but I am convinced he would not fault
me if I were to note emphatically—precisely
because of my love of books—that I have been
confused for the noble-minded donor. The Ja-
nus Pannonius codex was in the library in Nagy­
appony, which was assembled by Antal Appo-
nyi (†1817). Like the most precious codices in
the collection, this codex was from the Ebner
collection in Nuremberg. I found it in the cata-
logue of this collection (just the title). Back in
the ’70s I had copies made for the Museum of
the two letters at the end of the codex, which
provide very valuable information concerning
Janus’ life. The codex itself, however, was only
sent to Budapest on the occasion of the Book
Fair. I do not know whether my friend Jenő
Ábel looked at it or not, but rumor has it that
only the aforementioned letter is of any partic-
ular value. It contains no unpublished verses, I
remember that, I cannot say anything for certain
about variations… Lengyel, 3 September 1893.”
National Széchényi Library, Manuscript Collec-
tion, Letter Collection.
39
Ibid.
40
To Gyula Schönherr, Lengyel, 3 November
1893. National Széchényi Library, Manuscript
Collection, Letter Collection. Shelf number:
App. H. 179.
41
For more on the excavations that were done
with Apponyi’s support, see ZALAI-GAÁL
István, Wosinsky Mór és a lengyeli kultúra ku-
tatásának aspektusai [Mór Wosinsky and Aspects
of the Lengyel Culture]. On the founding of the
museum, see SZABÓ Géza, Gróf Apponyi Sán-
dor és Wosinsky Mór szekszárdi múzeumalapítása
[The Foundation of the Museum of Count Sándor
Apponyi Mór Wosinsky], In: Magyarország
és Európa az Apponyi-gyűjtemény tükrében.
Emlékülés és kiállítás Apponyi Sándor születésének
150. évfordulója alkalmából [Hungary and
Europe as Seen Through the Apponyi Collection.
Commemoration and an Exhibition on the 150th
Anniversary of the Birth of Sándor Apponyi], ed.
W. SALGÓ Ágnes, Budapest, 1995, 59–80,
81–89.
App. H. 1867. In: APPONYI Alexander,
42
Hungarica, III., 291.
43
For more on this, see KÖPECZI Béla, Az Ap-
ponyigyűjtemény történeti forrásértéke [The Value
of the Apponyi Collection as a Historical Source],
In: Magyarország és Európa az Apponyi-gyűj­
temény tükrében [Hungary and Europe as Seen
Through the Apponyi Collection], op. cit., 11–14.
44
The title of the complementary volume:
Hungarica. Ungarn betreffende im Auslande
gedruckte Bücher und Flugschriften, gesammelt
von Graf Alexander APPONYI, Teil III.,
Band V., hrsg. von József VEKERDI, National
Széchényi Library, Budapest, 2004.
45
Shelf number: App. M. 136. On the im-
portance of the collection, see CENNERNÉ
WILHELMB Gizella, Gróf Apponyi Sándor és a
történeti képes forrásanyag [Count Sándor Appo-
nyi and Illustrated Historical Source Material], In:
Magyarország és Európa az Apponyi-gyűjtemény
tükrében [Hungary and Europe as Seen Through
the Apponyi Collection], op. cit., 25–35.
46
Shelf number in the Manuscript Collection:
Cod. Lat. 449. Sándor Apponyi’s father’s moth-
er was Teréz Nogarola, a woman whose ances-
tors played an important part in the cultural
life of fifteenth-century Italy. Apponyi pursued
research on the history of his family and thus
came to learn of the literary and scholarly
pursuits of some of its members. In 1450, Isota
Nogarola, whose erudition won her the ad-
miration of the famous Greek scholar Basilios
Bessarion, held an oration for Pope Nicholas
V. She also wrote a letter to Pope Pius II that
caused a tremendous stir. She Europe to unite
COUNT SÁNDOR APPONYI
against the increasingly menacing threat of the
Ottoman Empire.
Album amicorum Joannis Mezőlaki 1667–1669.
47
Shelf number in the Manuscript Collection:
Duod. Lat. 108
48
Poesie diverse manoscritte. Shelf number in
the Manuscript Collection: Oct. Ital. 26.
49
Due trattati: uno intorno alle otto principali
arti dell’oreficeria, l’altro in materia dell’arte della
scultura, Florence, Valenta Panizzii et Marco
Peri, 1568. Shelf number: Ant. 3325.
50
Rariora et curiosa gróf Apponyi Sándor gyűj­
teményéből [Rarities and Curiosities from the
Collection of Count Sándor Apponyi], Gyula
Végh, Budapest, 1925.
141
 ANNA BÁCSVÁRY
THE EARLY HUNGARIAN LIBRARY OF
DR. GYULA TODORESZKU AND HIS
WIFE, ARANKA HORVÁTH
Introduction
In its issue of 25 December 1919, Budapesti közlöny [Bu-
dapest Gazette] reported: “On the 16th of this month, in
acknowledgement of his services, the cabinet appointed
land-owner Dr. Gyula Todoreszku honorary director of the
National Széchényi Library of the Hungarian National
Museum. Dr. Todoreszku also received the title of Coun-
cilor to the Minister.”
Who was Dr. Gyula Todoreszku, the man who re-
Collectors and Collections
ceived this posthumous honor, and what were the servic-
es he performed in the name of culture? His Romanian
father, Pál Todorescu, came to Hungary at the age of 13.
He acquired considerable wealth in commerce, which
he invested in tenement buildings and estates. He had
three sons from his Hungarian wife, but Gyula, born in
1866, was the only one who survived into adolescence.
Unsurprisingly, he was carefully protected and smoth-
ered with love. His parents took him to Schnepfenthal,
Germany, where he learned German. In one of the major
cities, he noticed his first early book, a German Bible
in a shop window, and convinced his father to buy it
for him. “It was a decisive moment in his life, buying
this volume: the first unconscious manifestation of his
love for books,” writes Viktor Akantisz,1 who worked for
Todoreszku as a book binder and restorer. In addition
to German, Todoreszku learned French and English. He
studied law in Budapest and received his doctorate in
1892. He traveled widely, and spent considerable time
in Paris, which helped him broaden his horizons and
develop a European sensibility.
Later, Aranka Horváth, who was a student at the
Academy of Dramatic Arts at the time, began to work
as a reader for Todoreszku’s mother. After his mother’s
death in 1915, Gyula married Aranka, but their marriage
was short-lived, as he died on 29 November 1919 after
a long illness. In the absence of a will, it was entirely
thanks to his widow’s efforts that his collection, which
was of inestimable value, became part of the holdings of
the National Széchényi Library.
At first, Gyula Todoreszku intended to collect each
Gyula Todoreszku (1866–1919) and every Hungarian book. When he realized that this
was an impossible task, he decided to concentrate on
142 pre-1711 Hungarian publications. His passion for col-
THE EARLY HUNGARIAN LIBRARY OF DR. GYULA TODORESZKU AND HIS WIFE, ARANKA HORVÁTH
lecting books must have been roused by Károly Szabó’s
monumental bibliographical reference book, Régi magyar
könyvtár [Early Hungarian Books]. When the first volume
of Szabó’s work was published in 1879, it prompted a
surge in collection. Public libraries and private collectors
began to exhibit renewed interest in early Hungarian
prints. Szabó also provided a definition for the term
“early Hungarian book” in Régi magyar könyvtár. He drew
the line at the year 1711. The three volumes, the first
one listing 1,793 works published in Hungarian, the
second one with 2,452 foreign-language titles published
in Hungary, and the third one containing entries on
4,831 works by Hungarian authors that had been pub-
lished abroad in other languages, became household titles
among bibliophiles.
As demand for early Hungarian books increased, the
already scarce supply of such volumes began to dwin-
dle and prices soared. A collector with true passion,
Todoreszku was adamant on finding new sources. Upon
his father’s death, he inherited the family wealth, which
allowed him to scour churches and parsonages in Upper
Hungary and Transylvania in search of early Hungari-
an volumes. Meanwhile, of course, he maintained an
extensive network of booksellers and antiquarians in
Hungary and abroad.
Todoreszku, who had the relevant technical expertise,
also undertook the painstaking and time-consuming work
of cleaning the books. As Viktor Akantisz, whose work
and taste left a mark on the collection, recalls: “Well into
the wee hours, he washed, soaked, and dried the leaves
of the books—hundreds and thousands of them. People
who saw the light in his windows pointed with malice:
look, Todoreszku is making banknotes! Whereas, in fact,
he wasn’t making money but gold: saving the last known
treasures of Hungarian literature from decay.”2 Once, he
soaked the sheets of eight sixteenth-century books, in-
cluding two unique volumes, out of a leather-bound Latin
tome, which he had bought from an antique bookseller
in Budapest.3
He also found fragments of the book Kis keresztyeny
[Christian Handbook], which was translated from English by
Protestant pastor Ferenc Fogarasi and published in 1654 by
Márton Major’s print shop in Gyulafehérvár (today Alba Iulia 143
 He strove for completeness in his collecting endeavors. If who the owner of the other incomplete copy was, or
he acquired incomplete copies of the same work, he often tried how the two copies were eventually bound into the
to combine them into a full volume. He complemented his same cover.
stand-alone fragments with his own copies which faithfully Todoreszku intended to compensate for the poor work-

resembled the original. Occasionally, he combined sheets
which originated from disparate sources. The first ten leaves
of an 1480 Venice Bible, for example, proved to be part
of a different Bible printed in the same print shop, but in
1487–1488.5
Along with a complete version of chronicler Sebestyén
Tinódi Lantos’s Chronica (Kolozsvár, 1554), the Nation-
al Széchényi Library holds an incomplete copy, which
was acquired from the Todoreszku bequest. Todoreszku
bought it from antique bookseller Mr. Ranschburg in
1905 for 275 Hungarian crowns. The previous owner was
István Nagy. The original sheets of the volume originat-
ed from two incomplete copies, and these were comple-
mented by facsimiles and verbatim nineteenth-century
reprints of the missing pages. The volume also includ-
Collectors and Collections
THE EARLY HUNGARIAN LIBRARY OF DR. GYULA TODORESZKU AND HIS WIFE, ARANKA HORVÁTH
manship of Hungarian prints by binding them into lavish
covers. These were partly modelled on the originals in
his collection, including wrought silver, velvet, leather,
and dyed parchment bindings. Other covers were the
works of Secessionist book binding artists.
When Todoreszku died, his collection included more
than twelve hundred pre-1711 publications: 635 volumes
written in Hungarian, 535 foreign-language books print-
ed in Hungary, and 81 works of Hungarian authors pub-
lished in foreign countries. Károly Szabó’s comprehen-
sive bibliography had omitted more than two hundred of
these volumes. The eighteenth and nineteenth-century
section of the collection featured nearly one thousand
volumes of Hungarian prints. The library also held 44
incunabula, a number of sixteenth to nineteenth-cen-

The only surviving copy of Protestant pastor Ferenc Fogarasi’s
translation, published in 1654 in Gyulafehérvár
(today Alba Iulia in Romania)
in Romania). The volume was previously known on the basis
of written descriptions. Todoreszku found the first sixteen pages
in a book cover, and he presented the discovery in the Magyar
Könyvesház (Hungarian Atheneum) column of the journal
Magyar Könyvszemle [Hungarian Book Review] in 1911.4
ed handwritten sections. As recorded by his autograph
from June 1807, one of the copies belonged to Ferenc
Kazinczy, who acquired it from György Wágner. Twice
in his life, his financial difficulties forced Kazinczy to
sell his books. According to Gábor Kelecsényi, “Most of
these volumes were bought by Miklós Jankovich, who
donated them to the National Széchényi Library. This
Chronica, however, went astray and somehow ended up
in Gyula Todoreszku’s possession.” 6 We do not know
tury rarity prints of foreign origin, 26 early Hungarian
manuscripts, and 83 Romanian, Serbian, and Rusyn
prints with Cyrillic letters from the fifteenth to the
nineteenth century. The collection was supplemented
by a rich auxiliary library7, which demonstrates how
the passionate bibliophile became a bibliographer with
a scientific method.
According to the deed of gift of 6 January 1920, the
Todoreszku–Horváth collection was placed in permanent
care of the National Széchényi Library.
Modern paper bindings (Compendium biblicum. Tyrnaviae
1714.; Aurelio Augustino, Sameti prosperi aquitani. Jaurini
1740; Calmet, Augustini, Dissertatio historico-chronologi-
co-theologica. Jaurini n.d.)
Aranka Horváth proceeded with expanding and main-
taining the collection after donating it to the library. She
was a frequent visitor at the institution, and she attended
the social functions of the National Museum even after
marrying bank director Aladár Schöffler. In her will of 29

White marble book covers (Pál Rádai, Lelki hódolás [Indulgence of the Soul], Lőcse 1726; Hungarian grammar compiled by Jesuit priest and teacher Pál Pereszlényi ((1631–1689) based on the works
144 Kata Bethlen: Bujdosásnak emlékezetköve [Memorial Stone for an Exile], Lőcse 1726.) of Albert Szenczi Molnár (Grammatica lingvae ungaricae. Nagyszombat, 1738) 145
 The 1550 foundation of the Heltai–Hoffgreff press, the
first in Kolozsvár (today Cluj-Napoca in Romania) marked
the heyday of sixteenth-century Hungarian printing. In the
same year, Ritus explorandae veritatis was published, a dis-

THE EARLY HUNGARIAN LIBRARY OF DR. GYULA TODORESZKU AND HIS WIFE, ARANKA HORVÁTH
cussion of trials by ordeal and oaths sworn at the tomb of Saint
Ladislaus. Although when Tinódi’s aforementioned Chronica
was released, it was temporarily under the control of Hoff-
greff, the print shop remained in the possession of the Heltai
family between 1559 and 1660. The founder, Gáspár Heltai
was a humanist, a historiographer, and a Protestant pastor.
Eleven works from his press are featured in the Todoreszku
collection, and four others, which were published after his
death in 1575, when his widow gained control of the print
shop. His translation of the New Testament was published
in 1562. The only Hungarian Anabaptist volume, translated
from German by Ferenc Dávid, was published in 1570 under
the title Könyvetske az igaz Keresztyéni Keresztségrôl és a
Pápa Antichristusnak Majmozássáról (A Booklet of the True
The 1753 Sopron edition of Magyar rithmusok… [Hungarian Rhythms], a collection of 250 religious and secular songs compiled by
Baroque poet Péter Beniczky (1603–1664) Christian Faith and the Apery of the Pope, the Antichrist).
Collectors and Collections

Heltai published István Werbőczy’s law book, the Tripartitum

November 1924, which was made public after her death
on 25 June 1938, she also left two tenement buildings,
half of the estate in Ollóság (today Oloșag in Romania),
and her jewelry to the library. The bequest enabled the
institution in 1939 to buy the Breviary of Kálmáncsehi, one
of the most remarkable pieces from the book painting workshop
of King Mathias I.8
The incunabula of foreign origin represent a significant
value in the collection. They include a 1481 Cologne
edition of De Consolatione Philosophiae (The Consolation
of Philosophy) by Roman philosopher and politician Boethius.
In Hungary, the only other copy of this edition is held by the
Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences.
The rich collection of early Hungarian books, prints, and
calendars provides an invaluable insight into sixteenth and
seventeenth-century Hungarian history, and it sheds light on
the development of Hungarian language, literature, science,
and education. It also documents the history of printing and
book-binding in the era.
Early Hungarian prints
There are altogether five known fifteenth-century Hungarian
prints, the most prominent of which is Chronica Hungarorum
from 1473. In the following decade-long hiatus, the works of
Hungarian authors and translators were published by foreign
print shops in Hagenau, Nuremberg, Venice, or Vienna.
The Todoreszku collection includes a number of richly
ornamented Missals and a copy of Chronica Hungarorum
by János Thuróczy (Brno, 1488), bound in a wrought silver
cover with enamelled escutcheons and chased gold engravings.
There are also two works of renowned Catholic preacher Pel-
146 bárt Temesvári published in Latin in 1500 and 1502.
Novum Testamentum, Gábor Pesthi’s Bible translation
was published in Vienna in 1536. Two of the four known
copies are held by the National Széchényi Library, one of
which was part of the Todoreszku collection.
It was chiefly the Reformation that ushered in and escalat-
ed Hungarian printing, as Protestant preachers and teachers
needed Bible translations, catechisms, and theological works
written in the vernacular. Contrarily, with the country torn
in three and in a constant state of war, the scarcity of po-
tential readers limited the number of copies. 302 of the 651
sixteenth-century Hungarian prints are known from a single
copy or fragment, while there are only 106 publications with
six or more surviving copies. Calendars and one-sheet prints
had an especially low survival rate. Notably, the Todoreszku
bequest contributed a remarkable number of unique copies to
the collection of the National Library.
After a nearly seven-decade hiatus following the disap-
pearance of early Hungarian print shops, two new printing
houses appeared: one in Brassó (today Brașov in Romania)
and the other in Sárvár-Újsziget. It was Johannes Honter,
renaissance humanist, polyglot, pressman, and woodcutter
who established the Brassó printing press, chiefly to publish
textbooks for Transylvania, which was isolated at the time
due to the Ottoman dominion. The Todoreszku collection
includes Honter’s Greek grammar, published in 1539. The
other known copy is in Nagyszeben (Sibiu, Romania).
The bequest also features an 1541 publication from the
Sárvár-Újsziget print shop, founded by Count Tamás Ná-
dasdy: the first complete Hungarian print edition of the New
Testament in János Sylvester’s translation. The copy in the
Todoreszku collection is incomplete. The only complete version
is held by the Austrian National Library.
both in Hungarian (1571) and Latin (1572). His last book,
Chronica az Magyaroknak dolgairól (The Endeavors of the
Hungarians), was published in 1575. The colophon already
features Heltai’s widow as the printer. It was also her who pub-
lished the botanical work of Péter Melius Juhász under the title
Az Fáknak Füveknek nevekrôl természetekrôl és hasznairól...
(Trees and Herbs: Their Names, Kinds, and Uses).
Dictionaries
The Todoreszku collection also holds seven editions of the
Calepinus Dictionary: one from Lyon, 1586; one from Ge-
neva, 1594; and five from Basel between 1589 and 1627.
The Latin monolingual dictionary by Ambrosius Calepinus
was originally published in Reggio, 1502. In later editions,
definitions for other languages were added, generating a sig-
nificant source for Hungarian lexicography in the future. The
most complete versions with ten or eleven languages are the
ones in Todoreszku’s bequest. They also include Hungarian
definitions, written by Transylvanian Protestant Pastor Péter
Laskai Csókás in cooperation with two Hungarian students
in Wittenberg.
Published in Frankfurt in 1603, the dictionary of Hi-
eronymus Megiser demonstrates fifty languages, includ-
ing Hungarian. The only copy in Hungary is part of the
Todoreszku bequest, while another copy is held by the
Munich National Library.
The five-language Dictionarium by humanist lexicogra-
pher Fausto Veranzio was published in Venice in 1595. It
included entries from “the five noblest European languag-
es,” Latin, Italian, German, Dalmatian, and Hungarian. It
was republished by Czech monk Peter Loderecker (Prague,
1605), who added the corresponding Polish and Czech
meanings. This edition is part of the Todoreszku bequest.
Photograph of Mrs. Aladár Schöffer née Aranka Horváth (for-
merly Mrs. Gyula Todoreszku), who continued to expand the
collection even after the death of her first husband
Seventeenth-century prints
The first decades of the seventeenth century were char-
acterized by intense religious disputes, which, after a hi-
atus, erupted again in the 1660s. The most prominent
Protestant print shops in the century were founded in
Gyulafehérvár, Sárospatak, and Debrecen. Miklós Telegdi,
the Bishop of Pécs, established a Catholic press in Nagy­
szombat, while another such establishment was set up in
Kassa (today Košice in Slovakia). The most renowned
disputants of the time were Péter Pázmány, István Magya­
ri, Péter Alvinczi, András Monoszlóy, Imre Zvonarics, and
Péter Pécsváradi.
Pázmány, who was one of the key figures of Coun-
ter-Reformation, translated polemical essays as well as
pious works. He is featured with 10 volumes in the Todo­
reszku bequest, including an incomplete copy of his pam-
phlet Az igazságnak győzedelme... (Triumph of the Truth),
published in Pozsony in 1614. Three editions of his translation
of Imitatio Christi by Thomas à Kempis are also part of the
Todoreszku collection: the first edition, published in Vienna
in 1624, and two further versions from 1638 and 1648. In
the foreword, Pázmány expressed his hope that his Hungarian
text flows so naturally that nobody will realize that it was
translated from Latin.
A popular Pázmány-piece, Imádságos könyv (Book of
Prayers) was published four times in the cardinal’s life.
Two of the later editions (1665 and 1701) are included 147
 THE EARLY HUNGARIAN LIBRARY OF DR. GYULA TODORESZKU AND HIS WIFE, ARANKA HORVÁTH
Collectors and Collections

From the rich collection of Hungarian calendars: Uy es O Kalendarium… (New and Old Calendar, 1631 Kassa)

Excerpt from the illustrated, four-language edition of Orbis sensualium pictus (Lőcse 1728) by Comenius (1692–1670)

in the Todoreszku bequest. His collection of sermons,

Ornamented binding of the 1735 edition of Comenius’s Latin
148 grammar (Janua. Lingvae latinae…)
A Római Anyaszentegyház Szokásából Minden Vasárnapok-
ra… Rendelt… Prédikációk (Sermons for Every Sunday in
the Year) is featured in the library with its 1636 Pozsony
and 1695 Nagyszombat edition.
Péter Alvinczi was a political writer as well as a re-
ligious author. The Todoreszku collection features the
second volume of his sermons (Kassa 1634) and his Latin–
Hungarian political pamphlet, Querela Hungariae: Magyar­
ország panasza [Complaints of Hungary] published in Kassa
in 1619. Besides the one in the bequest, there is only one
known copy of the latter—in Temesvár, today Timișoara,
Romania.
Prominent authors of the mid-seventeenth-century
disputations, such as Mátyás Sámbár, István Czeglédi, From the collection of fifteenth-century foreign calendars: Calendarium Venetiis. 1486
János Pósaházi, and István Matkó, are all featured in the
library with their polemic essays and theological works.
World-renowned Czech philosopher and pedagogue Pál Medgyesi, rector of the Debrecen Reformed Col- own works, such as individually printed and collected
Comenius, director of the Sárospatak Reformed College lege, was among the most prolific Hungarian authors of versions of his sermons are also featured.
between 1650 and 1654, wrote his illustrated Orbis sensu- Puritan piety. He translated Lewis Bayly The Practice of Another significant volume in the bequest is Magyar En-
alium pictus while living in Hungary. The volume had several pietie, a widely read reference book and a collection of Prot- cyclopaedia by professor of the Gyulafehérvár College János
bilingual, trilingual, and quadrilingual editions, four of which estant musings and prayers. The 1636 Debrecen edition Apáczai Csere (Utrecht 1653), who was among the most
are included in the Todoreszku bequest. The library also held was followed by six more, which, with one exception, are prominent figures of seventeenth-century Hungarian
nine editions of Comenius’s chief pedagogical work, Janua. all included in the Todoreszku collection. Pál Medgyesi’s scholarly and literary movements. 149

Ex libris from the volumes in the library of Gyula Todoreszku
Between 1640 and 1660, the most prominent Hun-
garian press was operated by Ábrahám Szenci Kertész in
Nagyvárad (today Oradea in Romania). He published
an array of remarkable books, and his publications ex-
Collectors and Collections
celled in terms of editing as well as the quality of print-
ing. Twenty prints from the Nagyvárad press are part of
the Todoreszku collection, including an edition of the
aforementioned Praxis Pietatis, synodical documents, a
1660 edition of the Károli Bible, and several calendars.
The greatest Hungarian pressman and letter cutter
of the century, Miklós Misztótfalusi Kis was the head of
the print shop of the Kolozsvár Reformed College from
1693 to 1702. His concept included printing a large
number of copies while maintaining cost-efficiency and
high linguistic and typographical quality. During his
years in Amsterdam, he used his own typeset to print
the Károli Bible in 1685, the Psalms in 1686, and the
New Testament in 1687. All three are part of to the
Todoreszku bequest with another 27 publications from
the Kolozsvár press, including Pax Corporis and Pax
Aulae by Ferenc Pápai Páriz, works of Péter Pázmány
and Comenius, catechisms and Bible interpretations, as
well as religious songs written by Bálint Balassi and János
Rimai. He also published calendars for several years. An
example of his inexpensive popular publications would
Notes
1
AKANTISZ Viktor, Dr. Todoreszku Gyula és 4
Magyar Könyvszemle [Hungarian Book
neje Horváth Aranka régi magyar könyvtára [The Review], 1911, 353.
Early Hungarian library of Dr. Gyula Todoreszku
and his wife, Aranka Horváth], Budapest, 1922. XII. 5
MOKCSAY Júlia, A Biblia Latina (1480.
Velence) kiegészített budapesti példányáról [The
2
AKANTISZ, ibid.., XIV. supplemented Budapest version of the Biblia Latina
(1480 Venice)], Magyar Könyvszemle [Hungari-
3
PUKÁNSZKYNÉ KÁDÁR Jolán, A Todoresz- an Book Review], Vol. 62, 1938, 150–152.
ku–Horváth-gyûjtemény [The Todoreszku–Hor-
váth collection], Magyar Könyvszemle [Hungari-
150 an Book Review], Vol. 88, 1972, 53–54.
be Szakács mesterségnek könyvetskéje (Booklet on the Craft
of Cooking), which was printed in 1695 and 1698, although
the remark “now extended” on the 1695 cover suggests that
there had been an earlier edition. The widely read cookbook
was published ten more times during the eighteenth century.
Besides a 1695 copy, Todoreszku’s bequest also held a 1745
and a 1755 edition.
One-sheet prints and calendars
As mentioned above, one-sheet prints and calendars were the
most perishable items. Gyula Todoreszku’s collection features
a large number of unique copies. Soaked out of a book cover,
there is only one surviving copy of a funeral poem and an
epitaph under the title Epicedion written by a student, János
Szilvási, on the death of his teacher, rector of the Kolozsvár
College Johann Femmich on 27 July 1586. When he wrote
the history of the College in 1935, Kelemen Gál used
this 1586 publication as a source on the life, death, and
funeral of Femmich.
Another one-sheet publication, printed in Bártfa in
1595, records the funeral poems for Bálint Balassi and his
brother, Ferenc. Two copies of the print are in the col-
lection of the National Széchényi Library, one of which
were acquired with the Apponyi library, the other with
the Todoreszku bequest.
Calendars constituted popular readings in the seven-
teenth century. The Todoreszku collection contains Hun-
garian, Latin, and German pieces, including a fair number
of unique copies. Europe-wide renowned polymath, doctor,
mathematician, and astronomer David Frölich, who also
served as the rector of the Késmárk Evangelical School,
edited 36 calendars, six of which were unique and mostly
intact additions to the Todoreszku library.
Conclusion
It is impossible to do justice to such a vast and rich col-
lection in such a brief overview. Yet it may convey a
sense of the wealth represented by the heritage of earlier
centuries, and, of course, the significance of the person
who collected and cultivated this heritage.
6
KELECSÉNYI Gábor, Múltunk neves
könyvgyűjtői [Great Book Collectors of Our
Past], Gondolat, 1988.
7
PUKÁNSZKYNÉ KÁDÁR Jolán, ibid.,
54–55.
8
PUKÁNSZKYNÉ KÁDÁR Jolán, ibid, 58–59.
Ádám Kövi
FROM PROLETARIAT MUSEUM
TO COLLECTION OF THE DICTATORSHIP
OF THE PROLETARIAT
on the origins of a special collection of yore
Special collections have always been an important part
of the National Széchényi Library. These collections
consist of materials that for some reason have been kept
separately from the main holdings. In general, the ma-
terials in a special collection are held separately from
the main holdings because of their distinct format or
content. This is true, for instance, of the holdings in the
Posters, Small Prints, and Reproduced Graphics collec-
tion, the Map Collection, the Music Collection, and the
Theatre History Collection. In some cases, materials are
kept separately because of their rareness or extraordinary
value. The oldest collection, the Newspaper Collec-
tion, was established because of the distinctive ways in
which this particular type of document is organized in
the holdings.
In contrast, in the case of the Collection of Seques-
tered Publications that was established in 1946 and the
Collection of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat that
was created following the fall of the short-lived Soviet
Republic of 1919, with regards to the materials that
were included in the holdings political considerations
were decisive. We know considerably more about the
first collection than we do about the second.1 In the
case of the second, with the exception of the work of
scholars of the history of the library, the only document
on the basis of which we can venture conclusions is the
Proletariat Dictatorship journal of acquisitions that is
kept in the Acquisition Department and the topology
journal found on the seventh floor.2
The role of the collection that was created in 1920 was
similar to the role of the Collection of Sequestered Pub-
lications that was established after 1945, even if the two
collections were founded out of contradictory ideological
motivations. In other words, each collection consisted of
works that were regarded as undesirable or even dangerous
by the system at the time.
Throughout the twentieth century, decisions were
made concerning the inclusion of materials in the main
holdings of libraries on the basis of ideological considera-
tions all over Europe. In the Soviet Union, while massive
FROM PROLETARIAT MUSEUM TO COLLECTION OF THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT
purges were underway in the 1930s, works that were re-
garded as retrograde were removed from the library col-
lections.3 After 1945, the staff at the Deutsche Bücherei
in Leipzig cooperated in the creation of a list of works to
be included on the index of items to be removed from
the holdings.4 Similarly, in Hungary decree 530/1945
M. E. dealt with the removal and destruction of published
materials that had been dubbed as “fascist in spirt and
anti-Soviet.”
Measures that were taken to limit access to books (in-
cluding for instance the book burnings that were held in
Nazi Germany) were motivated by the realization that
books are the most effective vehicle of values and ideas. If
power manages to acquire control of the distribution and
preservation of books, it can easily influence the spread
of values and ideas, and it can shape the emergence of
a canon of readings that suits its needs. By canon, I am
referring to a list of works which are regarded as exemplary
representatives of norms.5 Thus, limitations on access to
books means the physical removal of destruction of works
that are not part of the canon.
There are divergent views concerning the exclusive
nature of the Collection of the Dictatorship of the Pro-
letariat. Györgyi Markovits, the one-time head of the
Collection of Sequestered Publications and a scholar of
the practices of literary censorship in the interwar peri-
od, emphasized the restrictive tendencies of the special
collection. In contrast, in her essay on the collection
(the only one of its kind so far), Mrs. Endre Ferenczy
acknowledges that the number of readers to use the
library “was probably small, since one had to have the
permission of the director and even with permission one
could not take books out of the building,” but she ob-
serves that “later some of the items in the collection were
handled uniformly as ‘books on reserve.’”7 In her study
of the history of the library between 1919 and 1922,
Mária Németh writes of the tremendous energies that
were invested by the library leadership to make additions
to the Collection of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat,
with emphasis on works that had been published in 151

Collectors and Collections
Some of the booklets from the collection that were later treated as “remote”(materials on reserve)
Hungary.8 This suggests that the National Library did
not only isolate or sequester works, but also strove to
make additions to the collection in question, taking into
consideration the importance of the materials as works
that had been published in Hungary.
In this essay, I examine the creation of the Proletariat
Museum. I address questions concerning the financial
resources that were used to make additions to the collec-
tion, and I also examine how part of the collection ended
up in the National Széchényi Library and how this led
to the creation of the so-called Proletariat Dictatorship
Collection. In addition to the works of secondary litera-
ture listed at the end of the essay, I also drew heavily on
the National Széchényi Library Archives.
Following the rise of the Soviet Republic in 1919, the
new regime began to attempt to shape cultural life in
accordance with its vision and ideology. According to
the decree issued by the Commissariat for Public Educa-
tion on 9 April, “the collection of the mementos of and
152 items important to the revolution is a matter of the first
importance in the development of a proletarian culture.
These items must be made public property!” The decree
gave a very broad definition of “mementos,” including
badges, emblems, flags, pictures, photographs, statues,
pamphlets, handwritten texts, and in general any and
all items that could be associated with the events of the
revolution. The Budapest Museum was entrusted with
creating an inventory of these items, and it began work on
the task.9 The newspaper Népszava [People’s Voice] wrote
of the new mission of the institution in connection with
the opening, which was planned for a May: “Until now,
the Museum has presented the history of the capital. Now,
it has been given instructions to develop its collection
in socialist direction and thus serve as an instructive
museum for the workers of Budapest.”
The Revolutionary Governing Council also wished
to create a completely new museum, in addition to the
Budapest Museum. In the 1910s, the Social Democratic
Party had worked on plans to found an independent
museum presenting the history of the Hungarian labors
Poster from the period of the 1919 Soviet Republic
movement, which had begun in the mid-nineteenth
century. However, the plans had been dismissed because
of lack of funds.10 At the meeting that was held on 18
April, at the suggestion of Zsigmond Kunfi, commissar
for public education, József Diner-Dénes, Rezső Krejcsi,
and Mihály Révész were entrusted with the task of creat-
ing the museum and doing the necessary organizational
work, including collection relevant materials.11
The three members of the directorate—József Di­
ner-Dénes, Rezső Krejcsi, and Mihály Révész—were
esteemed left-wing intellectuals. After having completed
his studies in art history, beginning in 1891 Diner-Dénes
began to publish ever more frequently on questions per-
taining both to art history and the social sciences. He was
one of the founding members of the periodical entitled
Élet [Life], and he also worked at the periodical Szocia-
lizmus [Socialism] and Neues Pester Journal. As an impor-
tant figure in the Social Democratic Party, he worked in
the foreign ministry of the government of Mihály Károlyi
as a state Secretary. In 1919, he pursued negotiations in
Paris in an attempt to get financial support for the soviet
government in Hungary. After 1 August, he remained
in Paris and he died in exile.12 Rezső Krejcsi also studied
law. Beginning in the 1890s, he was a member of the
Hungarian Social Democratic Party. He worked at the
periodical Szocializmus és a Huszadik Század [Socialism
and the Twentieth Century]. He contributed to the first
Hungarian translation of the Communist Manifesto.
After the Aster Revolution, he was named ambassador
to Prague, and after 21 March he was given a position in
the embassy in Vienna. Following the fall of the Soviet
Republic, he was compelled to live in exile.13 Mihály
Révész also pursued studies in law before becoming part
of the Social Democratic movement. In 1912, he was
FROM PROLETARIAT MUSEUM TO COLLECTION OF THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT
one of the delegates of the Hungarian Social Democratic
Party at the second International Congress held in Basel.
After 21 March, he became the keeper of minutes of the
Revolutionary Governing Council.14 As his two older
colleagues were often busy with tasks involving foreign
affairs, the work of organizing of the Proletariat Museum
fell first and foremost on his shoulders.
Initially, space was made for the museum in the build-
ing of the Commissariat for Foreign Affairs. At the end
of May, according to Népszava, “the museum had moved
to its permanent home in what was once the Wenckheim
Palace on the corner of Reviczky Street and Baross Street.
The many rooms and spacious halls of the building are
ideally suited for the purposes of the Communist prole-
tariat Museum.”15
The staff of the museum consisted of two larger groups
with a total of 18 people. One of the most important
tasks they faced was to identify and compile an inven-
tory of items relevant to the labor movement but in
the possession of private collectors. In order to do this,
they wanted to establish an organization of Communist
Proletariat collectors. This organization “would signif-
icantly ease the work of our collector comrades, who
are isolated from one another,” because “permanent
relationships would develop among them.” Thus, “the
collectors of the society, who were gathering similar
materials, would be able to share useful experiences and
extra copies, and at the regular gatherings colleagues
with more experience would hold presentations.”16 The
other group dealt with the preparatory work involving
the organization, inventory, and display of the material
that had been acquired. Thematically, the collection of
the museum was divided up into five parts: the library,
the archives, the collection of newspapers, the poster, 153
 pamphlet, and photograph collection, and works of the
fine arts. Officially, the museum was open on weekday
mornings between 9:00 and 12:00.17
In a written introduction to the institution, Mihály
Révész characterized the field of interest of the museum
as broad, as indeed the decree of 9 April had done: “the
leading members of our labor movement have experi-
mented with every form and every manner of agitation.
[…] There are very few pamphlets, notebooks, or other
publications from this time. But one of the tasks of the
museum will be to acquire a complete collection of the
newspapers that were published at the time. Another
one of its primary tasks will be to acquire all of the papers
involving the proceedings that were launched against
members of the labor movement by the authorities and
to preserve these papers as a complete collection. […]
[these documents] must be collected from archives, mu-
seums, the old Ministry of Internal Affairs, the county
authorities, the former police, archives of the courts,
Collectors and Collections
offices of the labor associations, archives of the political
parties, and private collections. […] We wish to have a
complete collection of all books touching on the labor
movement in Hungary or books that were published by
our party or some organ of our party. We wish to have a
collection of all of the newspapers of the workers party,
the party newspapers, and the specialized periodical pub-
lications […] of the workers movement in one place.”18
In order to realize this ambitious plan, the decrees of
the Revolutionary Governing Council issue created the
necessary legal foundation for the institution. According
to the decree issued military commissar Béla Szántó on
13 May, “every items related to the revolution between
31 October 1918 and 21 March 1919 is to be preserved
conscientiously like a museum piece.” The military units
were to provide “at least two copies of each such item
immediately, and in the future, following the issue or
acquisition of such items, to send them immediately to the
Archives and Museum of Military History, from where
copies these publications would be given to the Com-
munist Proletariat Museum created by the governing
council.”19 On 8 June, the day on which the decree was
issued, Vilmos Bőhm, the commander-in-chief of the
successful campaign in the north, also issued a decree
according to “military political delegates and the political
delegates active in the theater of military operations […]
will without delay collect all [documents] found in the
liberated cities having to do with the labor movement,
revolutionary movements, and possibly counter-revolu-
tionary movements and will send them to the Proletariat
Museum in care of comrade Miklós Révai.”20 Accord-
ing to the second paragraph of the decree CXIX of the
Revolutionary Governing Council, which on June 21
154 officially established the Proletariat Museum, “the mu-
seum, with the cooperation of the authorities and the
labor organizations, collects items bearing on the labor
movements. It can take possession of these items even
if they are privately owned. Everyone is obliged to fulfill
the measures it takes with regards to this.”21
It is not surprising that the Proletariat Museum quick-
ly came into conflict with the institutions that were in
possession of items that were seen as pertaining to the
labor movements. In his recollections of the 133 days of
the soviet regime of 1919, Pál Gyulai wrote very critical-
ly of the methods that were adopted by the new museum
in its attempt to acquire items for its collection. Drawing
on documents from the archives of political appointees
responsible for library affairs, he cites cases in which the
people charged with the task of making acquisitions for
the museum took possession of libraries that belonged
to private individuals. György Nagy, the founder of the
Party of the Republic, protested against this in a letter
to Mihály Révész. He was informed that the authorities
would return the works that had been taken from him
at his request, with the exception of two. For those two,
the regime expressed its thanks.22
The Széchényi Library also had to take defensive mea­
sures against the attempts of the Museum to take posses-
sion of items from its holdings. On 19 May, the Hungarian
National Museum received a letter from the Proletariat
Museum, in which a request was made for a meeting
of the leaders of the two museums in order to appoint
people who would “oversee the creation of a catalogue,
the transport [of items from the holdings], and the reor-
ganization.”23 On 23 May, a meeting was held between
Hugó Kenczler and János Melich.24 The meeting was not
entirely successful. Melich wrote the following concern-
ing the work of the library under the dictatorship of the
proletariat: “the Proletariat Museum was much prouder in
its stance with regards to us. It simply wanted to take all
of the literature concerning the proletarian movements
from our library.”25 The heads of the library lodged a pro-
test against this with the delegates of the Commissariat
for Public Education responsible for library affairs, who,
after having had a discussion with Mihály Révész, tried
to sooth tempers at the Széchényi Library. “The Prole-
tariat Museum will strive to ensure that it completes its
groundbreaking work to the extent possible in its entirety
by making use of the collections of private individuals and
societies. If, after this work has been finished, the collec-
tion should still be noticeably incomplete, the Proletariat
Museum will take individual items from the library of the
National Museum and other collections in such a manner
that the items remain in the old collections according
to the catalogues. […] The Proletariat Museum, which
is now at the beginning of this work of organization and
acquisition, cannot take measures to make such claims
Issues purchased by subscription of Vörös Újság [The Red News] and Bécsi Magyar Újság [Viennese Hungarian News], two of the
newspapers that were published abroad following the fall of the Soviet Republic
according to the agreement above yet. Its request, thus,
can be amicably denied.”26 In a letter, the library thanked
the people in charge of library affairs for having inter-
vened.27
Following the fall of the soviet republic, Mihály Révész
submitted a request in the name of the directorate to the
trade union government, in which he argued in support
of the preservation of the institution and made the con-
tention that “there is a definite need for such a museum
to further the education of the proletarian masses.” How-
ever, the statement that was issued in response two days
later, on 7 August, dismissed this idea: “the maintenance
of such a museum, alongside the museums that already
exist, does not appear to be necessary.”28
On 4 August, the Peidl government issued decree
1919/8, which revoked the decree of the dictatorship
of the proletariat regarding the nationalization private
dwellings.29 Thus, the Wenckheim Palace was returned
to the count’s family. This emboldened Révész to ap-
proach the National Museum, through the intercession
of two of his colleagues, András Váradi and Sándor Sz-
entmiklósi, in spite of the fact that only two months
earlier he had sought to remove a significant number
of items from its holdings. In his petition to Melich, he
argued that “materials of historical importance cannot
remain in private hands for a moment.” He asked the
directorate to allow “the materials collected by the Pro-
letariat Museum, given their special relevance to the
history of the working class, to be kept and dealt with
separately when transferred to the National Museum.”
The two officials met personally with Melich before
21 August, and they repeated their request “to be al-
FROM PROLETARIAT MUSEUM TO COLLECTION OF THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT
lowed to continue making acquisitions and organizing
the holdings for a few months under the oversight of the
National Museum, because it was to be feared that the
specialists in question would be discharged and there
would be no one able to continue the search for the
items of historical value which still awaited discovery
and would no doubt soon go astray.” They mentioned a
sum of 40,000 crowns in the bank account of the museum
(which by that time had been closed), which would be
used to pay their salaries.30 Melich made a suggestion to
director László Fejérpataky concerning the negotiation
of the repeal of the decree regarding the creation of the
Proletariat Museum by the Ministry of Religion and
Public Education and also the transfer of the collection.31
On 4 August, Romanian soldiers marched into Bu-
dapest. The Wenckheim Palace was occupied by the
Romanian military. It later served for a time as the seat
of the Christian National Party. A significant share of
the museum archives were seized, and they were only
returned in 1955.32 Some of the pictures, paintings, stat-
ues, and documents were destroyed. In September, the
Wenckheim family entrusted attorney Ferenc Spett to
serve as the custodian of the palace. On 19 September,
Tivadar Rédey, who had been charged by the National
Museum with the task of transferring the materials that
had been in the Proletariat Museum, found the doors
to the building locked. Spett informed him that he had
locked the doors so that the count would be able to
separate the items belonging to his private library.33
On 22 September, Spett informed Melich that “the
National Museum can take possession of the materi-
als that were left by Proletariat Museum anytime.” He 155
 requested that a representative of the police also be
present, “because there are confidential documents, for
instance, which were stolen from the police division of
the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the police.”34
On 29 September, drafter Dr. Miskolczy turned over
a small share of the materials with the condition that
“publications that may have turned up after the materials
have been studied and might be of interest to the police
should be separated and given to the police.” Most of
the materials were transferred on 2, 3, and 4 October.
Rédey provided an account of how “in the basement,
where most of the material lay that was left before the
transfer had been made, we found a huge pile of torn,
dirty bundles of paper that had been part of the holdings
of the Proletariat Museum, the now completely unusable
remains of posters, pamphlets, newspapers, and docu-
ments.” On 4 October, Melich informed Fejérpataky
that the transfer had been completed. The materials
were haphazardly dumped in the ground-floor two rooms
Collectors and Collections
of what had been the Fraknó apartment.35
In this report, Melich emphasizes the need to return
the books, documents, and letters that were taken from
private individuals by the people entrusted to collect
materials for the collection In a letter written on 22
September, attorney Illés Pollák requested the return
of some sixteen books. On 14 October, Vilmos Mezőfi,
editor of Szabad Szó [Free Word], demanded the return
of three bundles of letters and several books that were
taken by the authorities of the soviet regime. The return
of these kinds of properties probably went very slowly,
since in his report on 27 October Melich returned to
the subject.
After the materials had been transferred, they had
to be systematically organized. In a petition dated 7
October, Sándor Szentmiklósi offered his services to the
National Museum again, and again he emphasized the
need to create a separate collection on the history of the
labor movement. The former employee of the Proletar-
iat Museum confessed that “my preliminary studies are
not the same as the preliminary studies that are usually
expected of staff members of museum, but the unusual
nature of the work that I intend to undertake perhaps
justifies divergence from the norm. I am aware that from
the perspective of scholarly qualifications and museum
experience there are many people who are more suitable
for this work than I, but what I lack in these I amply
compensate for with my enthusiasm and the love with
which I deal with these questions.”36 In all likelihood,
he was motivated not only by his enthusiasm and love
for the questions at hand, but also by simple existential
fear. While the Entente powers had not yet allowed him
to enter the city, Admiral Miklós Horthy was on the
156 outskirts of Budapest with his National Army. A position
in the national museum would have given Szent­miklósi
some protection. For Melich, Szentmiklósi’s offer came
at just the right moment. On 27 October, he asked Fe-
jérpataky for permission to hire Szentmiklósi for two or
three months at a salary of 800 crowns to organize the
holdings.37
The process of organizing the collection lasted several
months. On 1 January 1920, Vukoszava Panity became
the head responsible for the collection.38 According to
a note written on 10 January 1920, István Kereszty, the
head of the Collection of Newspapers, received various
issues of 21 Hungarian and German-language newspa-
pers that had been part of the collection of the Prole-
tariat Museum from Szentmiklósi and his colleagues.39
In April of 1920, the entries of items that remained in
the collection, which included, in addition to 3,670
books, mostly posters, photographs, and the type texts
of presentations, were entered in the Széchényi Library
journal of acquisitions. There were somewhere between
20 and 40 copies of most of the books according to the
inventory,40 a detail which offers a sense of the zeal of
the members of the staff at the Proletariat Museum who
had been in charge of requisitions.
We know almost nothing about how often the works
in the newly created collection were used by readers. As
I mentioned earlier, one could only read the works with
the permission of the director and only within the con-
fines of the building. According to the report concerning
the state of the building in 1920, “we loaned one item
from the proletariat dictatorship collection for official
use.”41 The report for 1921 indicates only that neither
was any of the works used by readers in the building,
nor was any used outside the building.42 In subsequent
years, no mention was made of the readership of the
collection at all.
The task of creating property inventories and cata-
logues and organized the materials systematically was far
more daunting than the task of coping with a virtually
non-existent readership. According to the aforemen-
tioned report concerning the state of the library, five or
six people were engaged with these tasks at any given
time.43 In 1924, the émigré newspapers were transferred
to the Newspaper Collection.44 Finally, according to
the 1929 annual report, “librarian Dr. Panity […] has
completed the systematic organization of the collection
of war-time, proletariat, and illustrated posters.”45
The collection grew with additions from a number
of sources. Decree 4680/1919 M. E. of September 1919
addressed the surrender and destruction of “printed ma-
terial that threatened law, order, and public safety.”46 At
the request of the National Museum, the police made
an exception for the Széchényi Library, and in a circular
written on 27 September it authorized “the delegates of
the Hungarian National Museum to examine the printed
materials and selected printed materials that they wish
to keep.” The library delegates often took advantage of
this right.47
Cooperation with official organs of the government
proved fruitful in later years as well. The directorship of
the post office sent printed materials that had been con-
fiscated in locked sacks to the library. The materials had
been confiscated in accordance with a prohibition against
sending inciting or seditious works by mail. (The post
office and the telegraph office kept a registry of works that
were prohibited between 1919 and 1944.) The Ministry
of Interior the police also sent copies of forbidden works
that had been confiscated in the course police operations
to the library. The prosecutor’s office sent censored cop-
ies of prohibited works to the library, and, finally, when
prisoners of war returned from the Soviet Union, the
library managed to ensure that it would receive publica-
tions in Hungarian that had been confiscated from them.
In order to obtain things that had been printed out-
side of Budapest under the soviet republic, the library
cultivated ties with several libraries around the country,
including, for instance, the Somogyi Library in Szeged,
which was under the directorship of Ferenc Móra.48
The other main source of acquisitions was purchas-
es. In the case of purchases, more works were obtained
from abroad than from within Hungary. Understandably,
private individuals who wished to sell prohibited works
to the library wanted to remain anonymous. The large
acquisition of materials from within Hungary took place
in 1923–1925, when the library purchased the collection
of attorney Dénes Bánóczi, which contained primarily
the literature of the Vienna, Munich, and Berlin émigré
communities.
With regards to the purchases of work from abroad, it
is worth saying a few words about Ferenc Eckhart, who
throughout the 1920s regularly bought works pertain-
ing to Hungary from the émigré communities, whether
in Hungarian or other languages. In a letter written
in 1920, he asked Melich for guidance with regards to
acquisitions: “First and foremost I would ask for clarifi-
cation as to whether the Museum needs periodicals, like
Ember [Human] or Vasárnap [Sunday], or just dailies or
newspapers that appeared every week, such as Magyar
Pénzvilág [Hungarian Financial World], Vörös Újság [The
Red News]. Bécsi Magyar Újság [Viennese Hungarian
News]?” In his reply, Melich asked Eckhart to take out
subscriptions on the library’s behalf to Magyar Pénzvilág,
Vörös Újság, Bécsi Magyar, Újság, and Ember. He also
asked Eckhart to purchase “everything that is published
in Vienna in Hungarian.”49
Finally, it is worth examining how the library used the
array of superfluous copies that had been acquired by the
overly zealous staff of the Proletariat Museum. The Li-
brary attempted to sell them in order to help pay off some
of the debts it had accrued during the war. These debts
involved additions that were made to the war collection,
FROM PROLETARIAT MUSEUM TO COLLECTION OF THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT
and most of the money was owed to the Swiss company
Schweizer Argus der Presse. In order to offset its debts,
the library sold double copies from the war collection
and the collection on the dictatorship of the proletariat
to the Swiss company. So dire was the financial state of
the library that the Swiss embassy in Budapest agreed to
transport the books to Switzerland. When the embassy
was no longer able to make the deliveries because its
courier mail service was overburdened, the library asked
for assistance from the courier mail of the Hungarian
Foreign Ministry. However, the Foreign Ministry wanted
to charge the library 400 forints to cover the costs, and it
only dropped this demand when the Ministry of Finance
interceded on behalf of the library.50
In the same year, another major sale was made. Thanks
in part to the mediation of the American Relief Ad-
ministration Child Welfare Mission to Hungary, the
Hoover War History Collection, under Frank A. Golder,
purchased 670 extra copies of works from the Széchényi
Library. The library put the price of the collection at
2,500 Swiss francs. The American library regarded this
sum as absurd. It attempted to exert pressure on the
Széchényi Library by enlisting the help of Pál Petri, a
counselor in the prime minister’s office. In his letter,
Petri notes that “the sum seems high to the Americans.”
He made references to matters of great political concern
and noted that, “the prime minister’s office places con-
siderable emphasis on ensuring that these American
gentlemen, who have done so much for Hungary, leave
with good impressions.” He therefore expressed his wish
“that the affair be resolved favorably.” In his reply, Melich
expressed his surprise that Petri had sought to intervene.
As he notes, “the Americans did not obtain either to
the price of the purchase or to the currency, so the sale
was made, as the record of transfer that was signed on
21 December 1921 proves.” In the same letter, Melich
mentions that duplicate copies were also sold in France
and Belgium.51
In addition to selling extra copies to the war col-
lections that were created after the end of World War
I the library also sold extra copies to companies and
societies in Hungary as waste paper. Thus, in April of
1920 Melich sold somewhere between 40 and 60 quintals
of paper from periodicals and various publications to
paper merchant István Németh, “who paid 150 crowns
for each quintal of bound newspaper placed in sacks,
75 crowns for other [kinds of paper], and 35 quintals
for mixed refuse.”52 On 19 July 1922, the library sold
380 kilograms of paper for 3,800 crowns to NYUKOSZ 157
 (Nyugállományú Katonatisztek Országos Szövetsége, or
the National Association of Retired Military Officers),
and on 29 November of 1922, because of inflation, it
sold 305 kilograms of paper to NYUKOSZ for 19,825
crowns.53
After 1945, the manuscripts, small prints, posters, and
periodicals from this particular collection were incorpo-
rated the holdings of the other special collections. Ac-
Notes
1
ELBE István, Adalékok a Zárolt Kiadványok
Tára kialakulásának történetéhez az Országos
Széchényi Könyvtár irattárának tükrében [Data
on the History of the Collection of Sequestered
Publications, Drawing on the Archives of the
National Széchényi Library], Könyv, Könyvtár,
Collectors and Collections
Könyvtáros [Book, Library, Librarian], 7.
(1998), August. 47–52; Tombor Tibor, A zárolt
kiadványok tárának születése [The Origins of the
Collection of Sequestered Publications], Magyar
Nemzet [Hungarian Nation] (1991), January
23, 8.
2
National Széchényi Library Archives
2470/1970 Mrs. György Wix’s acknowledgment
of the transfer of the diary of acquisitions,
dated 1 March 1968.
3
GLAZKOV, Mihail Nikolaevics, Dokumen-
ty svidetel’stvuut... (o cistkah fondov rossijkih
bibliotek vo vtoroj polovine 1930-h godov), Bib-
liotekovedenie 10, (2002) 3. 109–113.
4
STEIGERS, Ute, Die Mitwirkung der
Deutschen Bücherei an der Erarbeitung der “Liste
der auszusondernden Literatur” in den Jahren
1945 bis 1951. Zentralblatt des Bibliothekswesens
und der Bibliographie 38. (1991) 3. 236–256.
5
PETRUCCI, Armando, Olvasás az olvasásért.
Az olvasás jövője [Readings for Reading’s
Sake: The Future of Reading], In: Az olvasás
kultúrtörténete a nyugati világban [The Cultural
History of Readings in the West], ed. Guglielmo
CAVALLO, Roger CHARTIER, Budapest,
2000, 384–385.
6
MARKOVITS Györgyi, A nemzeti könyvtár
remotái nyomában [In Search of the Books on
Reserve of the National Library], In: Az OSZK
Évkönyve 1959 [Almanac of the National
Széchényi Library, 1959], 260–276.
7
FERENCZYNÉ WENDELIN Lídia, Az
Országos Széchényi Könyvtár ún. világháborús- és
proletárdiktatúra-gyűjteménye [The So-Called
World War and Proletarian Dictatorship Collec-
tions of the National Széchényi Library], In:
Az OSZK Évkönyve 1967 [Almanac of the
National Széchényi Library, 1967], 263–277.
158
cording to the journal, in September of 1950 63 volumes
were transferred from the Labor Movement Institute
(today the Institute of Political History). The books
were given proper shelf numbers and made part of the
general holdings, though several books ended up in the
newly created Collection of Sequestered Publications,
with the note “sequestered material.”
8
NÉMETH Mária, Az Országos Széchényi
Könyvtár története 1919–1922 [The History of
the National Széchényi Library, 1919–1922],
Budapest, 1997, 79.
9
A Magyar Tanácsköztársaság művelődéspolitiká-
ja. Válogatott rendeletek, dokumentumok, cikkek
[The Cultural Policies of the Hungarian Soviet
Republic]. Ed. and with an introduction by
PETRÁK Katalin, MILLEI György, Budapest,
1959, 150.; also Népszava [People’s Voice],
1919. április 12.
GERELYES Endre, Kommunista Proletár
10
Múzeum 1919-ben [The Communist Proletariat
Museum in 1919], In: Legújabbkori Történeti
Múzeum Évkönyve 1 [Almanac of the Historical
Museum of the Recent Era, 1]. (1959), 18.
11
A Forradalmi Kormányzótanács jegyzőkönyvei
1919 [Records of the Revolutionary Governing
Council]. Ed. IMRE Magda–SZÜCS László,
Budapest, 1986, 322–323.
12
Új Magyar Életrajzi Lexikon [New Hungarian
Biographical Encyclopedia], 2 Vol., Budapest,
2001, 167.
13
Ibid., 3. Vol., Budapest, 2002, 1213–1214;
A szocialista forradalomért. A magyar forradalmi
munkásmozgalom kiemelkedő harcosai [For the
Socialist Revolution: Prominent Figures of the
Hungarian Revolutionary Labor Movement]. Ed.
BAKÓ Ágnes, annotations by LÁNG Péter,
Budapest, 1972, 362.
14
Ibid., 5. Vol., Budapest, 2004, 735.
15
Népszava [People’s Voice], 29 May 1919.
16
Ibid., 18 July 1919.
17
GERELYES Endre, op. cit., 19.; National
Széchényi Library Archives 233/1919; Népsza-
va [People’s Voice], 29 May 1919.
18
Népszava [People’s Voice], 31 May 1919.
36
National Széchényi Library Archives 43
Jelentés az Orsz. Széchényi-Könyvtár 1920. évi 48
The documents concerning this were pub-
233/1919. állapotjáról [Report on the State of the National lished by DEZSÉNYI Béla, Móra Ferenc hiva­
Széchényi Library in 1920], Magyar Könyvszem- talos levelezése az Országos Széchényi Könyvtárral
37
Ibid. le [Hungarian Book Review], 28 (1920–1921), az 1920-as években [The Official Correspondence
141. of Ferenc Móra with the National Széchényi
FROM PROLETARIAT MUSEUM TO COLLECTION OF THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT
38
Department head Ágnes Rácz kindly dis- Library in the 1920s], Irodalomtörténet [Literary
closed this. 44
Jelentés az Orsz. Széchényi-Könyvtár 1924. évi History], 55 (1973), 742–758.
állapotjáról [Report on the State of the National
39
National Széchényi Library Archives Széchényi Library in 1924], Magyar Könyvszem- 49
National Széchényi Library Archives
233/1919. le [Hungarian Book Review], 32 (1925), 163. 233/1920.
40
FERENCZYNÉ WENDELIN Lídia, op. cit., 45
Jelentés az Orsz. Széchényi-Könyvtár állapotáról 50
National Széchényi Library Archives
271. az 1929. év első felében [Report on the State of 344/1921.
the National Széchényi Library in the First Half of
41
Jelentés az Orsz. Széchényi-Könyvtár 1920. évi 1929], Magyar Könyvszemle [Hungarian Book 51
National Széchényi Library Archives
állapotjáról [Report on the State of the National Review], 37 (1930), 315. 475/1921 and 615/1921.
Széchényi Library in 1920], Magyar Könyvszem-
le [Hungarian Book Review], 28 (1920–1921), Magyarországi Rendeletek Tára [Archives of
46 52
National Széchényi Library Archives
143. Hungary’s Decrees]. 53, (1919), 702. 217/1920.
42
Jelentés az Orsz. Széchényi-Könyvtár 1921. évi
19
A Magyar Tanácsköztársaság művelődéspoli-
állapotjáról [Report on the State of the National 47
Here and in my discussion of other sources of 53
National Széchényi Library Archives
tikája [The Cultural Policies of the Hungarian
Széchényi Library in 1921], Magyar Könyvszem­ acquisitions I have drawn on the article by Mrs. 341/1922 and 502/1922.
Soviet Republic]. 158.
le [Hungarian Book Review], 29 (1922), Endre FERENCZY.
183–184.
20
Népszava [People’s Voice], 14 June 1919.
21
A Magyar Tanácsköztársaság művelődéspoli-
tikája [The Cultural Policies of the Hungarian
Soviet Republic]. 162.
22
GULYÁS Pál, A kommunista könyvtárpolitika
[Communist Library Politics], Magyar Könyvsze-
mle [Hungarian Book Review], 28. (1920), 27.
23
Ibid., 24.
24
National Széchényi Library Archives
104/1919.
25
National Széchényi Library Archives
238/1919.
26
National Széchényi Library Archives
134/1919.
27
National Széchényi Library Archives
135/1919.
28
GERELYES Endre, op. cit., 21.
Magyarországi Rendeletek Tára [Archives of
29
Hungary’s Decrees]. 53, (1919), 624.
30
National Széchényi Library Archives
188/1919.
31
Ibid.; Transcript number VKM 177.069/1919
decreed the transfer of the materials of the
Proletariat Museum to the National Museum.
National Széchényi Library Archives 233/1919.
32
GERELYES Endre, op. cit., 21.
33
National Széchényi Library Archives
233/1919.
34
Ibid.
35
Ibid.; and FERENCZYNÉ WENDELIN
Lídia, op. cit., 271.
159
 Klara Csepregi

OTTO SEITZ AND THE SEITZ LIBRARY

One of the most significant and to this day exciting fields
for libraries is the growth of their holdings. One manner
in which to add to the holdings of a library is through
the receipt and incorporation of private libraries into
an existing collection: the book collections of famous
and less familiar personalities of the ages often enrich
the holdings of a library, while also offering a faithful
sketch of the owners’ personalities and, indirectly, the
book-collecting customs and fields of interests of the age.
maceutics in Vienna. In Budapest, he took over the
Tschögl store, out of which the subsequent firm later
evolved. It sold various herbs, raw medicaments, and
medicinal products. Ferenc Seitz, together with Bela
Thallmayer, founded the B. Thallmayer and Co. drug
company, which engaged in wholesale trade, on 1 Au-
gust 1852.1 They managed the company with great care.
Initially, it sold spices and colonial goods, and it later
turned towards medicinal and chemical products and

OTTO SEITZ AND THE SEITZ LIBRARY

The bequests that were bequeathed by people who have finally became a drug wholesaler. From 1877 to 1940, it
been completely forgotten by subsequent generations was run as Thallmayer & Seitz Wholesale Drug Com-
Collectors and Collections

The photo of Dr. Otto Seitz on the cover of Magyar Drogista
(“The Hungarian Druggist”) (volume 5, issue 22, 1929)
160
are particularly interesting. The name of the original
owner is of no significance to the public, being familiar
only to people in the profession. It is a fascinating task
to get acquainted with the work, family life, and range
of interests of such a person.
Perhaps the most unfamiliar collection within the
National Széchenyi Library, handled as a separate unit,
is the Seitz library. The name of its late owner has
also faded from the popular mind, and now bears some
meaning only for pharmacists. The task of learning
more about him is not easy, because the registry reveals
nothing about the former collection owner except for
his surname. None of the catalogues offer a clue. Hence,
at the beginning of a research project like this, a large
number of individual questions and doubts arise. Who
could claim the collection as his own? Under what
circumstances did it become a part of the National
Széchényi Library? Was it acquired directly from the
collector himself or later, from an heir? Was it acquired
as a gift, as a purchase, or in some other manner? Was
it set out in a will? Do we learn anything about the
owner’s reading habits, or were the books kept merely
as objects of value?
We managed to collect data about the Seitz family
and about Ottó Seitz himself, who had carefully been
accumulating his collection, through detailed study of
his library, archival and newspaper materials, and his be-
quest. Above all, we thank Mrs. Gyula Sefcsik, a librari-
an at the National Széchenyi Library), and Erzsebet Sagi,
a pharmacist and a dedicated researcher of the history
of pharmacology, for their kind help and cooperation.
Let us begin with a bit of family background. Ottó
Seitz was born to Ferenc Seitz the Elder (1824–1905)
and Paulina Preysz (1833–1897). His father studied phar-
pany. Ferenc Seitz was a member of a committee of the
Chamber of Commerce in charge of regulating the trade
of poisons, medicines, and pharmaceutical substances.
He participated in creating the drug list for the Public
Health Act of 1876 and in the classification of medi-
cines. He was one of the founders of the Galenus Factory
in 1904. Budapesti czim- és lakjegyzék (“The Address
Calendar from Budapest”) mentions Ferenc Seitz as a
spice merchant in 1910, although in fact he died on 21
April 1905.2
The family lived at 10 Nádor Street until 1896. It then
moved to 3 Zrinyi Street,3 which served not only as a
home but as a place for the head offices. They had four
children: Ferenc (1854–1933), Ede (Eduard, 1855?–1881),
Jutta (1858–1935), and Ottó. Ede became a bank clerk
and died young. Ferenc Seitz, Jr. was also a pharmacist
and worked in the family business.
Otto was born into this wealthy family on 15 March
1870 in Budapest. Unfortunately, we do not have any
primary sources or memoirs on the development of the
young man’s nature and character. However, one can
venture some hypotheses on the basis of his textbooks
that survived in the library and his secondary school
report. After finishing primary school, he attended the
Archiepiscopal Jesuit Grammar School in Kalocsa.4 He
was a 7th and 8th grader at the Piarist Main Grammar
School in Budapest (4 Városház Street, district IV).5
There is not a single note in the course-books found
in the collection. This is hardly surprising, considering
the textbook-friendly habits of the age. Only some of
his books from the grammar school years survived. Of
the six volumes of Letter-Arithmetic (“Betűszámtan”),6
his name appears only in two. The interesting thing
about these volumes is that a small piece of paper was 161

Collectors and Collections
His surviving textbook from the grammar school years with
his signature (Lutter, Nándor. Betuszamtan. Budapest: 1882)
(1201, Seitz Collection, National Széchényi Library)
left in both. On the first he wrote a poem by József Bajza
(“Múltadban nincs öröm...”; “No joy in your past”) in
black ink and elegant handwriting, but without nam-
ing the author. The first line of the third stanza is also
missing. It was penciled in by someone with different
handwriting. On the other side of the slip of paper there
is only one sentence without any comment: “Although
studying is still not going too well, it is better than in
the previous month.” This sentence is a postscript to a
letter, and the slip of paper on which it was written is
the sole personal primary source concerning the time he
spent in the Jesuit Grammar School in Kalocsa. It is the
only firsthand document that has survived from Seitz’s
term as a schoolboy thirteen years of age. We do not have
much more concerning the subsequent year. One finds
little more than a few calculations with numbers and four
attempts writing an epigram for instance on a cuckoo,
the city of Mohács, or politician and reformer Ferenc
Deák.7 The Report of the Archiepiscopal Jesuit Grammar
School, Kalocsa tells us more about Ottó Seitz and the
ethos of the school than he himself did. He did not at-
tend the first class here, because his name is missing from
the list of students in the 1880–1881 school year. As of
the second year, he was a pupil of the Stephaneum, so he
lived in the boarding school. He was given top marks up
to and including class six: he was given praise for “good
progress and all advancements” or was commended for
his work “in each subject.” In class 2, out of all the jun-
162 ior section students he gained the institutional merit of
Stephaneum as well. The Main Grammar School even
ranked the students who got perfect marks. The Report
for each school year indicates, course by course, who the
best in the subject concerned and who were the students
who had come “near” this standard. Ottó Seitz was of-
ten the best in several subjects, including mathematics,
history, geography, and Hungarian. He had a real gift for
languages. He was excellent in German, and he studied
French as an extra subject. As a 3rd grader he was the
best French conversationalist in his age group, and he
held this distinction throughout his schooling. As a 4th
grader he was the second best student in class, the best in
German and History, the second best in Hungarian, and
the third best in Latin. He did his best to reach his full
potential in each subject. As a 5th grader he stood out in
his study of Greek because of his remarkable interest and
devotion: he translated and delivered thirty recitations
by heart; alas, one of his classmates recited forty and thus
broke his record. As a 6th grader Seitz translated the first
and the fourth Catiline Orations by Cicero, for which
he was given a certification of his “personal effort,” as
well as the so-called Divinatio and 86 sections from the
Cyropaedia from Greek.8 He came in third and second
again, because there were a few students who were even
more zealous than he. In the same year he did skillful
fencing. Of course, we do not know whether or not he
actually enjoyed this.
The school’s main teaching methods were making stu-
dents learn tremendous amounts of lexical inforamtion,
recite things by heart, regularly check their work, quiz
them, and have them repeat specific tasks. “The staff
tried to make academic education successful by arousing
in the students a self-conscious interest in their work so
that they would not meet their obligations because of
external constraints, threats, reprimands, or penalties,
but rather out of a sense of religious duty.” The daily
tasks assigned by the teacher were “not a matter of mere
whim or use of power, but rather were God’s will.”9 Thus
we can conclude that during his years in school the sense
of duty got into his blood, and through his diligence
and endurance he set out to make the family’s dreams
come true. He proved unable to achieve such brilliant
results in the next institution in Budapest. The school
ethos, the teaching methods, and the regulations were
all different. In Latin and Greek, the two subjects he
favored, along with French, he got a grade four (out
of five, five being the best), though he got fives in all
the other subjects. But he graduated from the grammar
school with excellent results. Definitely, the profession
of his uncle, Móric Preysz, who worked as a chemist,
must have strongly influenced his career choice and his
interest in the sciences. There is an interesting table in
the school report that shows the career orientation of
the graduating class. Of the fresh graduates, he was the
only one who wanted to become a chemist.
He attended university in Strasbourg and Berlin, where
he studied chemistry, physics, mathematics, and philos-
ophy. He defended and published his doctoral thesis,
which was entitled Halogenalkylverbindungen des Phtal-
amids [“The halogen-alkyl Bonds of Phtalamide”] at the
Faculty of Philosophy at Friedrich Wilhelm (now Hum-
boldt) University.11 After finishing university, he fulfilled
his obligations concerning military service as a Volunteer
Cavalryman. He was discharged from the army as a Re-
serve Cavalry Lieutenant.
The necessary financial means for Seitz to pursue
his studies were never in question. His father pursued
wholesale business with flair in Budapest and became
a national success. He had warehouses in towns in the
countryside, for instance Temesvár (today Timişoara
in Romania). His wholesale business was also profita-
ble in Galicia, Moldova (The Republic of Moldova),
Serbia (the Republic of Serbia), Bosnia (Bosnia and
Herzegovina), and Croatia. The company had about
200 employees.
Otto Seitz conscientiously prepared to take over the
business after his father’s death. He did everything to
acquire the knowledge needed to manage a big company.
With his usual scrupulousness, he acquired a thorough
background in finance and economics. He traveled a lot
at every stage of his life; according to Drogista Közlöny
(“Druggist’s Gazette”), he “traveled around the whole
world twice in his youth.”12 His obituary also reveals
that “he did research of great value in Africa.” (As far as
we know, he studied tropical drugs and their potentials
as painkillers.) He traveled to England and Germany
a great deal, and he spent a long period in France too.
The story of the Thallmayer & Seitz Wholesale Drug
Company is not part of this exposé. In short, Ferenc Seitz
(the Elder), Ottó Seitz, and Sándor Török, the husband
of his sister Jutta,13 founded the “Galenus” Chemical-Phar-
maceutical Plant in Zugló in 1904, which worked at
45 Telep (today Telepes) Street. The father, who was
eighty years old at the time, provided only his name for
the new plant. His son and son-in-law did the actual
work. After the father’s death, Ottó and young Ferenc,
his brother, were registered in the Trade and Company
Register as associated partners.14 Sándor Török was an
owner, too, but as the Magyar Kereskedők Lapja (“Hun-
garian Merchants’Journal”) reported on 17 November
1906, “Ferenc Seitz, Jr. and dr. Ottó Seitz, associated
partners [from Galenus], were removed from the Regis-
ter, Sándor Török [became] the only proprietor.”15 The
Seitz brothers kept the wholesale drug company under
the same name: Thallmayer & Seitz. The actual work
was managed by Ottó, who was the head of a very good
team. Dr. Elemér Simon had worked there since 1909
as a legal adviser.16
I mention the following fact only as a curiosity and to
add a fresh dash of color to our image of the period: on
the basis of the scanty surviving archival data, we learn
that the Gresham Insurance Company infringed on the
Seitz brothers’ inheritance, and the brothers only won
back the property in question after 10 years of litigation
and repeated appeals. The subject of the trial can be seen
today, too, in the immediate neighborhood of Gresham
Palace, 3 Zrinyi Street, district V. It was both their family
home and the headquarters of their company.17 Ottó
Seitz established a modern, well-equipped laboratory
here, and then he enlarged the central storage area.
Thallmayer & Seitz, one of the four biggest drug
wholesalers, was tremendously important during the First
World War. On 12 October 1918, the Royal Hungarian
OTTO SEITZ AND THE SEITZ LIBRARY
Minister of Trade notified Dr. Ottó Seitz in a letter that,
“in recognition of his merit in the defense industry during
the war” he had been given the honor of a Civil Cross of
Merit Class II. (The announcement ended with the state-
ment, “I am having the emblem delivered subsequently,”
a remark that is expressive of the difficult circumstances
of the time.)18
The Thallmayer & Seitz company had warehouses in
Zalaegerszeg, Petrozsény (today Petroșani in Romania),
Kötegyán, Nagyvárad (today Oradea in Romania), Zenta
(today Senta in Serbia), Eperjes (today Prešov in Slo-
vakia), and Endréd (today Ondrejovce in Slovakia). It
also had lively contacts with businesses abroad, and it
marketed Nivea and Colgate products.
The school reports offered insights into the develop-
ment of Ottó Seitz as a child. Similarly, his obituaries
offer a glimpse of the views of his contemporaries con-
cerning him. He was anti-social, even secretive and
reserved. Given this, it is perhaps his library itself that
offers the most subtle understanding of this erudite and
shy man.
Obituaries that were published in 1929 (See: Notes)
offer the most information concerning his life and career,
along with the record of his death. Wherever he went,
he always worked to inform and train himself, and he
always strove to familiarize himself with the most recent
scientific findings. He played a major role in the fact
that, after the fall of the short-lived Hungarian Soviet
Republic in 1919, the national drug supply was in a
relatively acceptable state. At the cost of considerable
financial sacrifice, his company struggled together with
the pharmaceutical society to solve the problems of drug
supply and distribution. In their appreciative remarks,
people emphasized that Ottó Seitz “set an example of
how to pursue his profession without losing sight of the
general importance of public health for a moment.”19 163
 His social status was distinguished. He was acclaimed
for his public service, although he avoided political and
public life. The governor appointed him Principal Gov-
ernment Counselor. His contemporaries described him
as an erudite man with a tremendous capacity for work,
who led a reserved life. They also praised him for his
humanity. He was friendly and genteel with everybody.
The Magyar Drogista (“Hungarian Druggist”) offered a
striking summary of his lifestyle: “One can judge his
efforts only on the basis of his achievements and his
incessant, steady development of the company. We did
not hear or read his words, we saw the achievements
of his silent, voiceless effort.”20 Those who paid tribute
to him uniformly stressed his intense interest in the
sciences. We found a reference to his library in the edi-
torial obituary of the Drogista Közlöny that is relevant in
this context: “[he] searched for and found his pleasure
in science. He was a highly cultivated, one might say,
erudite man […] whose academic mathematical knowl-
Collectors and Collections
edge won the recognition of specialists. But he also had
an excellent professional background in medicines and
chemistry, and he kept up with each and every branch
of the pharmaceutical science and kept up with the
development of the profession as well. He had all of
the specialist’s works in his library, and not only on the
shelves, but in his mind too. He protected and collected
his books with jealous attentiveness, and he took great
pleasure in dealing with them.”21
His life ended unexpectedly and suddenly. Seitz, who
had never been seriously ill before, got pneumonia on 12
November 1929 and died three days later. Only his com-
pany issued an obituary notice.22 His family, more precisely
his sister and her husband, did not. His funeral was on 17
November; he was laid to rest in the family sepulchral vault
(number 499) on the right side of Kerepesi Cemetery. In
addition to the family and his close friends, the managers
of wholesale companies, the Hungarian Pharmaceutical
Association, the Budapest Druggist Guild, and delegates
from the Druggist Youths’ Association also attended his
funeral. “The memorial was worthy of the deceased: ma-
jestically gloomy and distinguishably tranquil. There was
quiet singing and the coffin of the man who had always
looked for calmness and solitude sank without parting
words, soundlessly into the vault from this rattling, thun-
dering world.”23 The dailies reported neither on his death
nor on the funeral. The grave’s current numbering is: 251
left side mural vault. The grave itself and its surroundings
are a melancholy sight. The family tombs at the fence fac-
ing Tattersaal are mostly abandoned; nobody visits them.
Thus, the once so majestic Seitz shrine is also uncared-for,
in ruins, the engravings almost illegible. “In your reserved
soul you opened the path to the noble and good,” says
164 sentence of commemoration.
According to the record of his death,24 Dr. Ottó Seitz
Managing Director, was unmarried, 59 years old, Roman
Catholic, lived at 3 Zrinyi Street, Budapest, died at 8:15
pm on 15 November 1929. His heirs were Ferenc Seitz
(3 Zrinyi Str. Distr. V, Bp.) and Jutta Seitz (Mrs. Sándor
Török, 26 Andrássy Str. Distr. VI, Bp.), his brother and
sister. This same form indicates that no will was found.
Regarding his finances, it indicates that he had 100,000
pengő (then the Hungarian currency) in personal prop-
erty from his shares in Thallmayer & Seitz. The archive,
however, has five wills written by Ottó Seitz himself.25
The most detailed one includes a stipulation according
to which the residuary legatees would be his brother and
sister, but this would not apply to the shares. One third
would be left to his brother, another third to his sister,
and one sixth “either in kind or in the sufficient value to
Jeanne Marie Amélie Dupont, in her stage name Liane
de Vries, a resident in Paris.”26 The final one sixth of
the wealth, existing as shares, would be offered to his
brother for sale. He mentions that the management of
the joint-stock company “should appoint the rate at
which the shares can be accepted on the basis of con-
scientious and impartial deliberation” with regard to
the interests of the heirs and the bequeathed. He had
acted attentively in relation to buying the shares, and he
took into consideration both his brother and his sister,
as well as their families, and interest of the joint-stock
company.27 There were six more people with whom he
wanted to share his wealth, partly with a single-sum
benefit, partly with a monthly payment.28 In his last will
and testament, he included provisions concerning the
long-term treatment of his fortune and the later heirs,
who would come into the bequest after the deaths of the
direct heirs. Thus, on 4 February 1930, the enigmatic
Liane de Vries of Paris could get the 44,000 francs due
for that year,29 and she received a whole life annuity,
the sum of which depended on the company’s incomes.
The heirs were lucky, because Ferenc Seitz gave up his
part of the legacy. By then he had been living the solitary
life of a broken, ill, old man in Abkhazia, where he was
undergoing treatment as a patient. He had a sufficient
income, but his health was so bad that he was unable
to attend the funeral.
But what about the library? Interestingly, it was not
mentioned in the will at all. How, then, did it become
part of the collection of the National Széchényi Library?
One can read the annual report of the National Széché­
nyi Library of the Hungarian National Museum in the is-
sue of Magyar Könyvszemle (“Hungarian Book Review”)30
from 1930: “We are happy to see that the willingness to
make sacrifices which will enrich our library is spreading.
Though we cannot fail to note that due to our modest
income, our library is far from being able to obtain all
the books, mainly in the field of foreign literature, that
it needs as one of the foremost cultural institutions of
our country in order to keep pace with the standards of
time and culture.”
The National Széchényi Library record from which
we learn the story of the Seitz-library is unpublished to
this day. The most important document is the Report to
the Director General on the Seitz-library,31 deposited under
archive number 80/1931. It was a report by Dr. Miklós
Asztalos to Elek Jakubovich, the Library Director, who
forwarded it with very few changes to Bálint Homan, the
Director General of the Hungarian National Museum.
I quote the Report, because it is also offers an important
picture of the age:
In the name of its heirs, the Seitz library was offered as
a gift on 20 January 1931 by Elemér Simon Lord Lieu-
tenant of Sopron to the National Széchenyi Library of
the Hungarian National Museum. The only condition
is that the material be kept together and the late col-
lector’s name remain in the books. The heir is Sándor
Török, pharmacist, thus the grant should be seen as his
private donation.32
On behalf of our library, Dr. Miklós Asztalos, was sent
on the same day to perform an on-site inspection and
assessment of the collection that had been donated. He
was joined, in line with your Honor’s request (because
the library is scientific in nature), Dr. József Ernyei, the
Director of the Medal Collection.
According to their verbal report, the donated library
is an exemplary collection of the most modern foreign
literature related to the natural sciences. As such, given
its value, it will fill a great gap in our library, and with its
fine volumes it will add to the decorative beauty of the
individual collections. The value of the library, when
taking the current purchase prices as a basis, represents
a very large amount of money. Even if the evaluation is
made using the prices given by second-hand booksellers,
the value of the body of books and the related American
cabinets which have also been offered comes to at least
50,000 pengő.
Since the library did not have an inventory or cat-
alogue on the basis of which the incorporation of the
materials could have been tracked, János Eperjesy, Adju-
tant, and Dr. Lajos Treml, class A Adjutant, studied the
material on the spot from 26 January to 10 February. [...]
On the basis of the inventory I can report to your
Honor that the library consists of German, English
(American), Italian, and French materials, mainly con-
cerning mathematics, geometry, and the natural and
medical sciences. It also consists almost entirely of works
published between 1910 and 1928. Since with regards
to these branches of inquiry almost all of the vital con-
temporary reference books and collections can be found
in it, once opened to the public, the library could be
an important cultural factor for 40 to 50 years, until it
becomes obsolete. [...]
Concerning the methods of delivering the library,
discussions are underway, and I can already report gladly
that through Dr. József Ernyei’s mediation, who prevent-
ed the Seitz-library from going to the Pharmaceutical
Association’s library (which is accessible to a much nar-
rower public—a great achievement), probably the donor
will have the body of books transported to our library,
which means significant savings.
The most interesting figure mentioned in the note is Jó-
zsef Ernyei. His original qualification was as a pharmacist
who published a great deal in professional journals. He
founded the Medication History Collection of the Hun-
OTTO SEITZ AND THE SEITZ LIBRARY
garian Pharmaceutical Association in 1906. In the same
year, the Hungarian Pharmaceutical Museum opened its
gates with exhibitions of the objects he had collected.
He worked for the Hungarian National Museum begin-
ning in 1908, where, as the Report mentions, he was the
Director of the Medal Collection. As a real Renaissance
man, he dealt with ethnography, linguistics, and history,
and he researched the history of the natural sciences.
He published a lot of books and studies on these topics.
He became the Director General to the Natural History
Museum of the Hungarian National Museum in 1934
and continuously taught pharmaceutical history at the
university in Budapest. Indubitably, he personally knew
Dr. Ottó Seitz. This qualified and motivated pharma-
cist prevented the collection from becoming part of the
Pharmaceutical Association’s library, as the family had
originally intended. As he judged, the Seitz-library was of
such remarkable quality, value, and status that it belonged
in the preeminent library in Hungary. Everybody had
to respect his decision, since he was able to address the
question on professional grounds. He was also right to note
that, considering the pace of development in the sciences
at the time, “the library could be an important cultural
factor for 40 to 50 years, until it becomes obsolete.” Thus,
the body of books could remain as a whole, compris-
ing one of the collections that had been donated to the
Széchényi Library. But did it really stay in one piece?
The global economic crisis in 1931 had an influence
that was keenly felt around the world, and the money
provided for the development of public collections was
drastically cut in Hungary as it was in other places.
According to a citation from Magyar Könyvszemle, “In
such a sad state the sole consolation is the constant and
even, we can bravely say, increasingly manifestations of
national sacrifice for the institution founded by Ferenc
Szécenyi. Here we would like to thank you very warmly for 165

Collectors and Collections
Among the works of Nobel Prize-winning scholars, the library contains works of Pierre and Marie Curie, with a photo and the signa-
ture of Pierre Curie (1338, Seitz Collection, national Széchényi Library: Curie, P. Madame: Traité de radioactivité.Tom.1. Paris 1910)
the social solidarity which finds expression nearly every
day, regardless of our audience’s financial circumstances,
with offers of valuable gifts and donations to our Library.
We tried to deserve this generosity when, remaining true
to our traditions, we aimed at making our values increas-
ingly useful, striving to make research easier through our
work in the library. […] Our acquisitions of note, which
we received mainly through donation, were the following:
the Seitz-Török natural science library, which contained
3,485 [!] volumes.”33 This volume number does not mean
volumes. Rather it means individual items, as is clear from
the report provided to Bálint Homan.
The file entitled Report on the Inventory of the Seitz
Library related to registration number 1931/80, in which
Library Officer János Eperjesy and Dr. Lajos Treml, class
A Adjutant, reported on 13 February 1931 to Director
General Emil Jakubovich on the work done between
26 January and 10 February. The process of drawing up
an inventory of the library’s holdings was made easi-
er by the fact that the Thallmayer and Seitz company
provided the library an employee as a coadjutor and a
typewriter for two weeks. Therefore, at this point, after
Ottó Seitz’s death, regardless of the change of ownership
the material was in one piece, intact. I cite the Report
on the inventory: “The body of books is mostly related
to mathematics, geometry, and the natural and medical
sciences, and it is stored on 96 American-type bookcases.
In addition, we made records of some mixed print items
166 that had been divided into groups.
The 1,778 items in our inventory, together with the
mixed prints, represent 3,483 pieces. 3 lists attached.”
The lists unfortunately cannot be found in the ar-
chive. Without them, it is impossible to identify the
periodicals that became part of the collection of news-
papers and the short print items that became part of the
collection of small prints. The holdings of the small print
section have been reorganized many times since 1952.
The items, which have been divided into groups, are
separated on a yearly basis. There were no distinguishing
signs on the mixed prints, so they cannot be identified.
Of the missing 1,560 pieces, I could only find one, and
it is not possible to reconstruct the Seitz-library’s mixed
print material without the lists.
We know nothing about the fate of the 96 Ameri-
can-type Lingel bookcases, but we do know that the li-
brary used them separately from the Seitz-Library. When
the library was moved to the Buda Castle in 1985, the
bookcases were not brought with the collection.
A volume catalogue was prepared of the books on the
typewritten temporary lists, which now functions as a
holdings diary. This included only one handwritten work
that belonged to librarian Dr. György Kemény. On page
69 the work ends with classification number 1720 and a
summary: altogether 2,293 works in 2,925 volumes. The
closing date is 22 May 1934.
If we examine the body of books item by item, we
can establish that there is no ex libris or original hold-
ing stamp in the volumes. There are also no accession
The series of red, gilded books, bound with half-leather, made by the collector. The “Seitz Collection” labels were an addition by
the national library to honor the memory of the donor.
registers concerning the whole collection. Initially, a
kind of survey was undertaken, which is proven by the
penciled number on the cover in nearly one-third of
the volumes. The penciled number in all likelihood got
into the books in the order of acquisition. Numbering
stopped at 875. In line with the wish of the heirs, the
book collection was given its own holding stamp: the
purple oval stamp of the store register bears the follow-
ing inscription: “M. N. M. Orsz. Széchényi Könyvtár
Seitz Gyűjtemény” (“M. N. M. Nat. Széchenyi Library
Seitz Collection”), with the date 1931 in the center. In
the volumes the serial numbers are substituted for the
years, going up from 1 to item 1,720. The serial items
follow each other, however, the serial items with a sub-
heading, which in themselves contain several volumes,
were often given one collective mark, typically without
volume indication. Thus, for example the 90 volumes of
Sammlung Göschen34 and the 108 volumes of 106 works
entitled Aus der Natur und Geisteswelt35 are based upon
the same mark. The store register proves the original number
of volumes. Whether the owner wrote the new items into a
notebook we do not know, much as the librarians making the
list did not come across any such thing either. They placed the
catalogue papers that were written at the same time as the list
temporarily in the books and later in the Munich catalogue.
The reader can see them in the photographed papers in the
grand catalogue of the holdings. The still valid holding stamp
appears in few volumes, but naturally—like other sections
of the holdings—it is found on each supplement. The order
OTTO SEITZ AND THE SEITZ LIBRARY
of the volumes follows basically the order of the “opening of
the boxes and taking the material in hand,” but the books
have not been separated according to their size.
Neither the penciled numbers nor the present marks follow
alphabetic order, nor do they correspond to specialized fields.
The specialized fields on the books with the present marks
can be determined on the basis of a note by the National
Széchényi librarian on the back side of the title page, and
the note is identical with the practice of the “Munich mark”
books: Phys., Math., Mat., med., Med., Anat., Anthr.,
Chem., Geo., Bothanica, Elektr., Mech., etc., that is phys-
ics, mathematics, medicine, anatomy, anthropology, chem-
istry, geography-geology, botany, electricity, mechanics, etc.
Considering the unity of the holdings, it can be safely said
that Dr. Ottó Seitz knew his library without its having been
organized and inventoried. Only in a few volumes did he
write his name, sometimes on the title page, usually in pencil,
rarely in black ink. He did not make notes in the volumes;
there are hardly any volumes in which one finds passages
that have been underlined. Only in a few volumes are there
any handwritten pieces of paper, either with calculations or
blank. This is probably due to Ottó Seitz’s profession and
his love of order.
If one wishes to know the individual items in the Seitz
library, one does not always have to follow the order of
marks. The material of the Seitz library is indeed a spe-
cialized scientific library, the result of the efforts of a ra-
tional man, driven by an interest in the national sciences,
steadfast and sober, who studied the most current scientific 167

Some of the oldest volumes in the library, which were inherited
Collectors and Collections
from his grandfather; with a handwritten note. G. Vega’s math-
ematical work (Vienna, 1838) (436, Seitz Collection, National
Széchényi Library)
literature in German, French, and English, but one finds
books in Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese as well. In col-
lecting the volumes, Seitz was driven not by the consider-
ations of a bibliophile, but by the desire to learn the most
recent findings in the sciences. It would be difficult to list
the outstanding authors whose works he studied, let alone
introduce these works in any detail. He knew and studied in
the original languages (or in translation), for example, the
works of Nobel Prize-winners on radioactivity, such as the
writings of Ernest Rutherford, Madame Curie, Lénárd
Fülöp, and Max Born.36 In addition, one can find the
works of Wilhelm Ostwald, Robert Millikan, Zsigmondy
Richárd, and Max Planck,37 but Seitz also knew the work
of William Tomson, the later Lord Kelvin,38 who made
contributions of immense importance to the study of
thermodynamics. Also, the collection has the Nobel
laureate Hendrik Lorenz’s work on radiant phenomena
in magnetic fields, as well as the works of A. H. Bec-
querel, who discovered spontaneous radioactivity. 39 Seitz
was interested first and foremost in mathematics. If one
divides the collection on the basis of the various sub-
jects, the result is the following: mathematics: 499 works
(geometrics); physics: 225 (mechanics: 67; electricity:
81; astronomy: 50); chemistry: 98; pharmaceutics: 37;
biology: and microbiology: 16; bacteriology: 6; medicine
(physiology and sanitation included): 137; hygiene and
healthcare: 9; anatomy: 25; anthropology: 4; finance and
banking: 20; economy and trade: 14; political economy
and science theory: 14; geography as an applied science:
168 18; geology: 8; petrology: 7; geodesy: 4; meteorology: 6;
...and the work of the physicist Johann Ph. Neumann (Vienna,
1842) (435, Seitz Collection, National Széchényi Library)
mechanical engineering: 26; photographic techniques:
22; telephone, sailing, and maritime navigation: 6; and
the use of the microscope: 7. But he also dealt with
erector work, building planning, telephone technology,
steam-driven machines, locomotives, mining, aviation,
and gasoline fires. There are 7 volumes on philosophy,
10 volumes on dictionaries and language books, and 25
encyclopedic works. Almost by accident, two art history
books are found in the collection as well.40 He studied
Italian, Spanish, Russian, and Hindi, but he also had a
Romanian dictionary. With hindsight it is impossible to
state how much he learned of these languages, and we
know little about his other personal activities. General
lexicons, especially in Hungarian, cannot be found in
his library. In the leisure section there are three books.
As a member of the Natural Science Society, Seitz
studied geography and even hiking, astronomy, and pho-
tography more than he did literature or philosophy.
There is not a single volume of literature in the collec-
tion! Maybe he procured them from other libraries or the
libraries of his relatives, or he was not at all interested
in this field. The collection contains seven volumes of
works on philosophy and the history of philosophy.41 He
did not preserve his study book on the humanities. In
addition to theory, he was attracted by practice as well:
as a factory builder and manager, he was interested in
technical solutions, whether in the form of drafts, me-
chanics, machine planning, the wireless telegraph, or
something else. He was not content to rely on the alleged
expertise of others; he checked everything thoroughly,
A memento of Ottó Seitz’s trip to Rio de Janeiro, 1893, the
volume of É. Laveleye (1822–1892) (Paris, 1891), in which he
glued the local bookstore’s advertisement. (1229, Seitz Collec-
tion, National Széchényi Library)
and he sought to understand everything. He wanted to
become a partner equal to any expert in any given field
when talking to them.
The condition of the library at present is very good.
The visible deterioration of the holdings is due to nat-
ural causes, which actually arise from the collection
being unused. On volumes in Hungarian that have been
in circulation different signs of wear can be detected.
About two-thirds of the books are in the original bind-
ing. The originally linen, half-linen, half-leather or
leather-bound books are still in their original format.
He did not have about a quarter of the paperbacks re-
bound. In 1928, there was not a single rebound volume
in the library. We do not know what system Seitz used
to rank the earlier volumes regarding binding, much
as we do not know where or when he procured these
volumes (rather booklets). These volumes are bound
on five ribs in green or red half-leather, with a mottled
paper cover and front paper and a gilded spine. On the
spine one finds, in addition to the author and the title,
a triple rectangular or star shaped sticker in addition to
a gilded line in the middle of the spine or some small
tendril decoration at the bottom. Without doubt, Seitz
had the binding done in Hungary, because the majority
of the foreign-printed and language books are in this
format, as are the works that are not original copies.
This is especially true of the multi-volume works and
some series. After 1927 Seitz did not have the later
volumes of the same series bound. In some volumes one
finds the small-scale emblem of the binder: “Szalatnai
OTTO SEITZ AND THE SEITZ LIBRARY
The Hindi language book that preserves the memory of Seitz’s
travels (London, 1916) (1083, Seitz Collection, National
Széchényi Library)
and Weichner’s Successors / Géza Weichner’s Bindery,
Budapest, Fourth district, 4 Aranykéz Street.”43
The oldest items in the library are J. Ph. Neumann’s
Handbuch der Physik (436)44 and Georg Freiherr von Vega
Vorlesungen über die Mathematik.45 Ottó Seitz inherited
these from his grandfather, József Seitz. His grandfather lies
in the Seitz sepulchral vault, and he was a teacher according
to the cemetery register. The front pages are scribbled full of
handwritten text in German, using the Gothic German script
and black ink. The newspaper clippings about Helmholz’s
work containing new findings were glued in after 1868.
The signature in the second volume of Neumann’s book is
probably the attempt of a child to imitate an adult signature.
According to the name inscribed in pencil, Seitz also owned a
Deutsch–englisches Handels Correspondenz-lexicon, which
was published in Leipzig in 1870.46
There are hardly any books that can be conclusively said
not to have belonged to the family. The name of the owner
is either Koleb or Kobb.47
There is no indication as to where Seitz purchased his
books. In certain cases the penciled bookseller price provides
some help. One of the books indicates that Seitz spent some
time in Paris in 1893,48 but we know neither his route nor
the duration of his stay. According to a French-language
book published in Paris,49 he took a trip to Rio de Janeiro. He
made a note of the city and the date: Dr. Othon Seitz 17/VI.
1893. Rio de Janeiro. This book also represents an exception
because the small advertisement of the bookstore in Rio de
Janeiro, where it was purchased, was glued to the inner sheet
of the book (which was bound, later, in red half-leather). 169
 One of the books that was written during World War
I is Paul Fuchs Schlüssel zur Russischen Konversations-
grammatik.60 The Fuchs conversation language book is not
part of the library, only a reference work. It is possible that
Seitz thought that this book would be enough to give him
the minimum necessary knowledge. In the second half of
the nineteenth century, many language books were written
according to the method of Thomas Gaspey. This small
book, 88 pages long, ranges from pronunciation and
repetition of phonetically transcribed Russian words to
reading and translating Cyrillic texts which function
as a kind of code with which to translate Russian and
German texts, but which also stand on their own as in-
dividual readings. It also gives a short survey of Russian
literature in German.
H. E. Dudeney’s book The Canterbury Puzzles and
other curious problems61 is also proof that Seitz sometimes
One of the most spectacular items in the library is
Blücher’s Moderne Technik,63 which was made using color-
ful paper models that could be unfolded. It also gives an
overview of the structures of the machines that were the
most modern at the time. The National Széchenyi Li-
brary, in accordance with its profile, mainly collects items
relating to Hungarian culture and basic books of foreign
literature, history and the social sciences. Therefore,
good intentions have had some negative effects, because
readers only rarely sought out these foreign-language
social science books in the past, and this trend has not
changed. Therefore, the Seitz Collection never became
a major element of or factor in culture here, or a major
source of knowledge for the readership.
József Ernyey originally estimated that within 50 years
the holdings of the library would become obsolete. The
donors’ request has been respected only in part, because

OTTO SEITZ AND THE SEITZ LIBRARY

read lighter literature as well. The book follows the frame of while the books have been kept together, the periodicals
the Chaucer tales, but this works is also a collection of witty and smaller publications were not. Since our library
Collectors and Collections

mathematical riddles and their solutions.
One of the special items of the Seitz collection, given
to the National Széchényi Library, is the catalogue of the
holdings of the library of Gyula Todoreszku and Aranka
Horváth.62 The answer as to why this book catalogue
can be found in the otherwise strictly natural science
collection is given in the title page inscription: To Dr.
Ottó Seitz / dedicated with love [!] / widow dr. Mrs.
Gyula Todoreszku. There is no reason to be surprised: the
H. Blücher’s work (Moderne Technik. Leipzig – Vienna, 1912) offers a spectacular representation of the technology at the time, volume is uncut, so its owner could not have read it.
with colorful paper models of various machines that can be unfolded (1719, Seitz Collection, National Széchényi Library)
mainly focuses on the humanities, the Seitz Collection
was not able to play the role in the sciences that the
donors wished it to play. From the perspective of cul-
tural history, however, the collection is a significant
one and will remain so. It offers an authentic example
of a private scholarly library of its time and also offers
an understanding of the intellectual curiosities and as-
pirations of the age.

Among his interesting books on travel is Thimm, C. A.
Hindustani Self-Taught with English Phonetic Pronuncia-
tion.50 This 33-page-long conversation booklet contains basic
expressions and simple conversations in Hindi. Seitz might
have learned the language with the help of D. C. Pillot’s
language book Hindustani Manual, which was published
in Calcutta.51
The distribution of languages among the books is also
interesting: German (published in Germany, Austria,
and Denmark): 810; English (published in England, the
United States, and India): 227; Italian: 18; Spanish and
Portuguese: 4. This does not conclusively prove that Seitz
spent time in each of these countries. The German section
is further extended by 19 books published in Hungary but
in German. The Hungarian section of the collection does
not reflect the high scientific standards that one discerns
in the case of books published abroad. There are only 36
Hungarian items, out of which 11 are one-time school-
books. Only a small section of the remainder represents a
high degree of scholarship, for example, György Zemplén,
170 Az elektromosság (“Electricity”), G. Riegler, Közegészségtan
(“Public Health”),53 József Kürschák, Analízis (“Analy-
sis”),54 and Géza Zemplén, Az enzimek (“Enzymes”).55 It
is interesting to note that Endre Kazay’s four-volume Gyógy-
szerészeti lexikon (“Pharmaceutical Lexicon”), published in
1900 and considered a basic work, is not in the Seitz collection,
although he must have known Kazay, because the latter was
section boss in the Galemus Factory and he published articles
frequently. There are a few volumes among the Hungarian
books that Seitz needed on a daily basis in his work, for ex-
ample, Gy. Zachár, Váltó-Ismé (“Knowledge of Bills”),56
S. Novák, Az egyszerű és kettős könyvvitel tankönyv (“School-
book of Single and Double Booking”),57 but there are also
some informative science books on, for instance, Wodetzky,
Üstökösök (“Comets”),58 and D. P. Todd Népszerű csilla-
gászat (“Popular Astronomy”).59 The gaps in the depository
of the library (4 pieces) are also found in this subject area:
W. Archibald Korunk találmányai (“Inventions of Our
Time”) (Budapest, 1910) and A technika nagy alkotásai
(“The Great Pieces of Technology”) (Budapest, 1916) as
well as Ch. Turner A levegő meghódítása (“The Conquest
of Air”) (Budapest, 1913).
Notes
1
Budapest Archives, XI. a. 1154. Company
registration of Thallmayer and Associate’s
Pharmaceutical Company.
2
Budapesti Czím- és lakjegyzék [Budapest registry
of addresses and residences]. 1910. Budapest,
1910, 711.
3
Budapesti Czím- és lakjegyzék [Budapest registry
of addresses and residences]. 1891/92, Budapest,
1892, 703. – Pharmacist Ferenc Seitz is not
listed for the year 1894. In 1896/97, his address
is given as Zrinyi Street 3.
4
A Jézus-Társasági Kalocsai Érseki Főgymna-
sium értesítője [Gazette of the Society of Jesus
Archbishop’s Comprehensive School of Érsek],
1881/82-1885/86, Kalocsa , 1882-1886.
5
Tudósítvány a kegyes tanítórendiek budapesti
főgimnáziumáról [Report on the Budapest Com-
prehensive School of the pious order of teachers]
1886/87, Budapest, 1883.
6
Seitz 1201, LUTTER Nándor, Betűszámtan
[Letter-Arithmetic], 3. book, for the sixth grade,
Budapest, 1883.
7
Seitz 1201, LUTTER Nándor, Betűszámtan,
[Letter-Arithmetic] 4. book, for the seventh grade,
Budapest, 1884.
8
CICERO, De divinatione.
9
A Jézus-Társasági Kalocsai Érseki Főgymnasi-
um értesítője [Report on the Budapest Compre-
hensive School of the pious order of teachers]
1884/85, Kalocsa, 1885, 21.
10
Preysz Móric (1829–1877) middle school
teacher, chemist member of the Hungarian
Academy of Sciences. Discovered pasteur-
ization three years before Pasteur. Achieve
impressive results in the spread of gas lighting.
11
ZALAI Károly, A magyar gyógyszerészet
nagyjai [Great Figures of Hungarian
Pharmaceutics], Budapest, 2000, 70.
12
Drogista Közlöny [Druggist’s Gazette] 26,
1929. November 30., 11.
13
Sándor Ebesfalvi Török (1855–1931), phar-
macist, son of pharmacist József Török. Execu-
tive Member of the Budapest and Pharmacists
Association. He owned the Török Pharmacy
on Király Steet and the Opera Pharmacy on
Andrássy Street, as well as the Galenus factory.
In 1931, he sold his shares to the German
Bayer company, a decision he explained with
reference to his age.
14
Budapest Archives. XI.a. 1154. Thallmay-
er–Seitz Pharmaceutical Company. Excerpt
from the registry of companies maintained
by Budapest Royal Court of Commerce and
Exchange. (1919): 60/5 – “20 September 1905
– 107.574. The status as partner and independ-
ent authorization of Budapest resident Dr. Ottó
Seitz as a dealer in drugs has been registered.”
Ferenc Seitz Jr. was registered with the same
authorization on 3 October 1905. 171
 15
Magyar Kereskedők Lapja [Hungarian Mer-
chants’ Journal], 17 November 1906, 11.
16
Lawyer Elemér Simon, husband of Pál-
ma Török, Sándor Török’s sister. He later
became the lord lieutenant of Sopron County.
Following Dr. Ottó Seitz’s death, he became
the General Director of Thallmayer and Seitz.
of the yearly income of the devisor to Jeanne
Marie Amélie Dupont until the end of her life.
28
Idem, “I ask my siblings immediately to take
the necessary legal measures to ensure that
their inheritance from me is divided, after their
deaths, into four equal parts:
1.) Gusztáv Preysz and his children [pharma-
Seit 1204, Idem., Theoretische Optik, Leipzig,
1927.
38
Seitz 1246, TOMSON, William, Natural
Philosophie, Cambrigde, 1886, Kelvin, Lord:,
Molekular Dynamik. Leipzig, 1910.
Seitz 651, BECQUEREL, A. H., Cours de
39
51
Seitz 144, PILLOTT, D. C.: Hindustani Man-
ual 2. Ed. Calcutta, 1913.
52
Seitz 730, ZEMPLÉN György: Az elektromos-
ság [“Electricity”], Budapest, 1910.
53
Seitz 732, RIEGLER Gusztáv: Közegészségtan
és a fertőző betegségek. Orvosok, gyógyszerészek,
57
Seitz 1428. NOVÁK S., Az egyszerű és kettős
könyvvitel tankönyve [Textbook on Simple and
Double-Entry Bookkeeping]. Budapest, 1898.
Chapter underlined with blue pencil:
“A pénztárkönyv tételeinek szerkesztése” [The
Organization of the Entries in a Cash Book].
Seitz 940. WODETZKY, Üstökösök [Comets].
58
62
Seitz. 1431. The old library of Dr. Gyula
Todoreszku and his wife Aranka Horváth. In
accordance with the wishes of its founder, per-
spective a document drawn up on 4 December
1919 Dr. Gyula Todoreszku’s widow gave it to
the library of the Hungarian National Museum.
Compiled by Viktor Akantisz, Budapest, 1922.

For more, see Ki kicsoda? Kortársak lexikona
[Who is Who? Encyclopedia of Contemporaries],
Budapest, Béta Irodalmi Rt., 1936, 745.
17
The two-story building, constructed around
1810 as a residential building, with its 6+1+6
windows and its gateway, which is early
Classicist in its style. The building, which was
radically rebuilt because of damages it suffered
during the war, preserves the traditions. Since
1986, it has been home to the National Phar-
maceutical Institute and the Pharmaceutical
Department of the Post-Graduate Medical
Institute..
cist, Dr. O. S.’s cousin]
2.) Elemér Simon, Lord Lieutenant of Sopron
County [president of the joint share com-
pany, Dr. O. S.’s brother-in-law]
3.) Emil Reichardt and his children [director
of the joint share company]
4.) Katinka Strakonitzky (in the records
of her birth her given name is listed as
Erzsébet). I ask my siblings to ensure that
immediately after my death Olga Veit [his
niece], Katinka (Erzsébet) Strakonitzky
and Mari Leitner [his house keepers] have
a regular monthly income and be spared
any serious financial woes.”
Physique. Laval, 1924–26.
40
Seitz 1239, LORIA, Le scinze castle nell’ antico
grecia Milano, 1914. Seitz 1259, LÜBKE, W.,
Grundriss der Kunstgeschichte, Stuttgart, 1892.
41
Seitz 163, WUNDT, Wilhelm: System der
Philosophie, Leipzig, 1889.;
Seitz 1061, DILTHEY W., Geschichte der Philos-
ophie. Altenburg, é. n.;
Seitz 437, ZELLER, E., Grundriss der Geschichte
der Griechischen Philosophie. Leipzig, 1889.
42
Seitz 295, CHWOLSON, O. D.: Traité de
építészek, és közigazgatási tisztviselők számára
[Public Health and Infectious Diseases. For
Doctors, Pharmacists, Architects, and Admin-
istrative Officials]. Cluj. 1910. Vol 1-2.
54
Seitz 1462, KÜRSCHÁK József: Analízis I
[Analysis I]., Budapest, 1920.
55
Seitz 1521. ZEMPLÉN Géza: Az enzimek
[Enzymes]. Budapest, 1915.
56
Seitz 1464. ZACHÁR Gyula – MATTYAS-
OVSZKY László: Váltó-ismé, jog- és szokások
[Knowledge of Bills, Law and Customs], Buda-
Budapest, 1910. 63
Seitz 1719, BLÜCHER, H.: Moderne Technik.
Die wichtigsten Gebiete der Maschinentechnik
59
Seitz 445. TODD, David P.: Népszerű csil- und Verkehrstechnik. Allgemeinverständlich
lagászat [Popular Astronomy]. Budapest, 1901. dargestellt und erläutert durch zerlegbare Mod-
– The Society for the Natural Sciences had this elle. - Leipzig; Vienna, 1912.
book published for its members.
60
Seitz 694. FUCHS, Paul: Schlüssel zur Rus-
sischen Konversationsgrammatik. Zum Schulund
Selbstunterricht / Bearbeitet von Felix Asna-
vourov. 6. Aufl. Heidelberg, 1915.
61
Seitz 868. DODENEY, Henry Ernst: The
Canterbury Puzzles and other curious problems. -

OTTO SEITZ AND THE SEITZ LIBRARY

Budapest Archives. XI.a. 1154. Dr. Seitz
18
Ottó – Distinction: decree of the Hungarian
Collectors and Collections
physique. Tom supplémentaire la physique de pest, 1888. 2. Ed. London, Edinburgh, N. Y. Nelson, 1919.
Idem., Personal documents. Acknowledge-
29
1914-a 1926. Traduite da russe ...) Paris, 1928.
ment of receipt in French.

Royal Minister of Commerce 36.540/eln. 43

19
Dr. Ottó Seitz (Necrology), Gyógyszerészi
Értesítő [Pharmacists’ Gazette] 37(1), 1929, 16.
234.
20
Dr. Ottó Seitz. (Necrology), Magyar Drogista
[Hungarian Druggist] 5, 1929, 22. 4.
Dr. Seitz Ottó. (Szerkesztői nekrológ), Drogista
21
Seitz 17.,
30
Magyar Könyvszemle [Hungarian Book Re- Seitz 18.,
view], 1931, 1–4. sz., 78. Seitz 19.
31
Archives of the National Széchényi Library 44
Seitz 436, NEUMANN, Johann Ph.: Hand-
80/1931. file: Jelentés a Főigazgató Urnak a Seitz buch der Physik. Für Unterricht und Selbstbe-
– könyvtárról [Report to the General Director on lehrung, mit immerwährender Beziehung und
the Seitz Library]. Original registration number: Anwendung. 1. Bd.: 3. Aufl. Vienna, 1842., 2.
K1-80(931)7. Date 21 February 1931. Bd. 2. Aufl. 1835.

Közlöny [Druggist’s Gazette] 26, 1929, 11. 1. 32

The real heir was not Sándor Török, but Seitz 1212, VEGA, Georg Freiherr von:
45

National Széchényi Library, Collection of
22
Small Prints.
23
Magyar Drogista ibid.
24
Budapest Archives XI.a. 1154. Fond: Docu-
ments of the Thallmayer & Seitz Pharmaceuti-
cal Company, 1876–1940.
25
Last Wills and Testaments: 24 June 1906;
22 September 1909; 6 November 1923; 20
November 1923; 13 June 1927.
Ibid., Personal documents. Last Will and
26
Testament, Budapest, 6 November 1923.
27
“However, in order to ensure that I do not
cause my brother or the Thallmayer and Seitz
Company any financial woes or difficulties by
my death I here affirm that neither my brother
nor his heirs need pay the necessary sums to
purchase the shares at once. Rather, beginning
in the year of my death, every year they can
make payments, if possible equal payments, and
make the entire payment within a short period
of time if possible, but if necessary as long as
5-10 years. This question must be agreed upon
by my heirs and the Thallmayer and Seitz joint
stock company. The instalments will be paid
with no costs or dues to my heirs and my devi-
see, Jeanne Marie Amélie Dupont, resident of
Paris, in their place of residence.” He entrusted
172 his brother to transfer, once a year, one-sixth
rather his wife, Jutta Seitz, Mrs Sándor Török.
33
Jelentés a Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum könyvtári
osztályainak állapotáról az 1931–33 évben [Report
on the state of the departments of the Hungarian
National Museum in 1931–1932], Magyar
Könyvszemle [Hungarian Book Review] 39,
1932–34, 3-4. 89–91.
34
Seitz 860. Sammlung Göschen Naturwissen-
schaftliche Bibliothek, Leipzig, Göschen Verlag.
35
Seitz 861. Aus der Natur und Geisteswelt,
Leipzig, Teubner Verlag.
36
Seitz 1257, RUTHERFORD, Ernest, Die
Radioaktivität, Berlin, 1907; Seitz 1326, Curie,
Mme P., Radioactivité, Tom 1–2., Paris, 1910;
Seitz 1057, LENARD, Philipp, Die Relativ-
itätsprinzip, Leipzig, 1918; Born, Max, Die
Relativitäts-Theorie, Berlin, 1922.
37
For instance Seitz 27, OSTWALD, Anorgan-
ische Chemie, Leipzig, 1919;
Seitz 29, Idem, Die Welt der vernachlässigten
Dimensionen, Dresden, 1915;
Seitz 46, MILLIKAN, Robert, Das Elektron,
Braunschweig, 1922;
Seitz 1355, ZSIGMONDY R., Kolloidchemie,
Leipzig, 1922;
Seitz 1057, LANCK, M., Termodynamik,
Leipzig, 1911;
Seitz 1205, Idem., Theoretische Elektrizität,
Leipzig, 1922;
Vorlesungen über die Mathematik.. 1.Bd. 6.Aufl.
Vienna, 1838, 2.Bd. 7.Aufl. Vienna, 1835.
46
Seitz 1035, NOVAK, Friedrich - Graham, T.
J.: Deutsch-englisches Handels Correspondenzlexi-
con. German and English Book of Reference …
2. red. Ed. Leipzig, 1870.
47
P. Seitz 1045, EDELMANN, Wilhelm: Das
Deutsche Handelsrecht : Systematisch vorgestellt.
2. Verb. Aufl. Heidelberg, 1866. Original
owner: Koleb/Kobb. A few pages have been
underlines and there are some notes in the
margins, not in Seitz’s handwriting. The book
is interesting in part because the binding is
flawed. The customary half-leather binding
contains not the original preface (Vorrede zum
ersten Auflage) and the table of contents. The
preface and the table of contents are inserted
almost as additional supplements with the ap-
propriate page numbers. Rather, it contains an
Latin-Hungarian conjugation table the origins
of which are unknown. (89–96, 81–86).
48
Seitz 1492, Grammaire de bourse. Paris, 1892;
Containing sheets of paper with calculations in
pencil and ink.
49
Seitz 1229, LAVEBEYE, Émile: La monnaie
ez le bimétalisme international, Paris, 1891.
50
Seitz 1803, THIMM, C. A.: Hindustani Self-
Taught with English Phonetic Pronunciation. 5.
Ed. London, 1916.
173
 Irén Elekes
An “anonymous székely woman”
kata piroska boldizsár, the organizer of collections
“[…] although libraries usually pretend not be pleased
to receive such bequests, in today’s world, when there
are hardly any countries in which the theft of objects
of art is not common, smaller and simpler collections
can also prove invaluable in replacing missing or worn
copies. Not to mention that smaller libraries compiled with
expertise and love may have more to offer in a specific field
(emphasis added, I. E.) than the overworked staff of the
national library, whose attention is necessarily divided
between all scholarly fields, would be able to collect.
Collectors and Collections
Therefore let book collectors and passionate readers
thrive and multiply! We preserve their memory, and the
aim of the present paper is to help us remember their
figures when we come across their names in their books.”1
In her article on the history of donations made to the
national library, Mrs. György Wix praises enthusiastic and
selfless donors on behalf of grateful posterity. When we
study the collections they established, the figures of these
collectors of old come to life before us. We learn about
their tastes and personalities, and their views of the world.
This is true even when we read about a person who did
not wish to disclose her name at the time of making her
donation. Kata Piroska Boldizsár, wife of Gyula Benczúr,
founder of the Hungarian Women’s Library, gave her
valuable collection to the Széchényi Library in 1924 as
an “anonymous Székely woman.” Her work and biography
shed light on this decision, and reveal that it was not
grounded in false modesty, but in a pure wisdom and in
the desire to be of use.
In the following, I would like to present Kata Piroska
Boldizsár by drawing on her letters, her own writings,
and her notes concerning her book collection. The other
important aim of this paper is to explore connections in
Hungarian cultural history which form a coherent story
and reveal the beneficial effects of the activities of gen-
erations of women on Hungarian culture.
An important event in the history of Széchényi Library
allows us to detect these connections: on 18 May 1865,
The founder of the library: Kata Piroska Boldizsár, wife of Gyula Benczúr (1854–1928)
a speech commemorating Countess Teréz Brunszvik was
delivered in the great hall of the National Museum. Teréz
Brunszvik is known as the founder of the first nursery
school in Hungary, but it is less well known that her
father, Antal Brunszvik, proposed the establishment of
174 a publicly funded institute for young women at the Na-
tional Assembly of 1790. It was also at this session of the
National Assembly that Péter Bárány (Ferenc Széchényi’s
secretary) read the petition of the Hungarian Mothers,
which was the first expression of women’s demand to be in-
cluded in public affairs, and which appealed to a sense of
responsibility for the affairs of the country.
This memorial speech called Teréz Brunszvik “Hun-
gary’s most patriotic daughter,” and repeatedly compared
her to Széchenyi, who “launched material development
An “anonymous székely woman”
and industrialism, and personally laid the foundations of
the Hungary that ‘is to come’—whereas Teréz Brunszvik
attempted to mitigate the dangers following in the wake
of industrialism [...] through public education.”2
The hall in which this accolade was delivered was
ceremonially opened only eleven days earlier, on 7 May
1865. The women’s committee led by Antónia Szőgyéni
Bohus raised the funds necessary to furnish the room.
(Hermin Benitzky, wife of Pál Veres, published her Appeal
to women in autumn of the same year.3 This proclamation
heralded the foundation of the National Association for
Women’s Education, which, two years after its estab-
lishment, submitted a petition signed by nine thousand
women to the National Assembly with the mediation
of Ferenc Deák to establish a model school which could
serve as a nationwide example.4)
In order to reconstruct the story I mentioned above,
we should first examine the figure of Antónia Szőgyéni
Bohus. One of her admirers wrote about Bohus that “her
name was a banner inscribed with philanthropy, charity,
and a noble heart.”5 As I have noted, Hungarian culture is
also indebted to her. She introduced Baron József Eötvös
to Janka Zirzen, the highly educated and very talented
governess. Eötvös, the energetic leader of Hungarian cul-
tural policy, which became independent in 1867, “laid
the foundations of public education by drafting Act 38 of
1868, and thereby made women’s education possible as
well. [Hungary] was ahead of several developed countries
in introducing compulsory education. Similar laws were
passed in 1870 in England, in 1871 in Italy, and in 1882
in France.”6
Eötvös found a suitable executor of his plans in Jan-
ka Zirzen. The State School for Female Primary School
Teachers of Terézváros, or the Zirzen Institute, as con-
temporaries called it, became a famous educational in- 175
 was an active member. Polixéna Pulszky Hampel is an-
other example of a highly educated and creative woman.
She studied archaeology and art history, and married
well-known archaeologist József Hampel (from 1871 cus-
todian, then director-custodian of the National Museum,
from 1901 head of the department of antiquities). She
travelled widely both with her father, Ferenc Pulszky
(director of the National Museum in 1869–1894), and
with her husband. She visited Greece, Asia Minor, Egypt
and nearly every country in Europe. Her greatest inter-
ests were female education, qualifying women for work,
and the situation of female primary school teachers. She
published travel memoirs, professional studies (e.g. Mátyás
király trónszőnyege [King Matthias’ throne carpet], Budapest,
1887), and translations.
The above letter from 1888 makes no mention of the
library. Kata Piroska Boldizsár probably started collecting
without telling about it to anyone.
of this article the author’s book and letter collection was
already ten years old, thus she had the opportunity to
research the history of female education in Hungary in
the previous centuries based on her own rich collection.
Her writing also reveals her view on manuscripts: “The
hand is now turned to dust, the heart is cold, the mind
at rest, which left this treasure to us. We turn the yellow
pages with reverence, as they are precious witnesses to
the culture of Hungarian family life in those ages.” She
writes with respect and appreciation about the education
of young women in the sixteenth and seventeenth cen-
turies, and voices her apprehension concerning modern
female education, which in her view “presents us with
two alternatives: either we compete with men in work,
and find in the fruits of honest work our compensation
for the domestic happiness we have given up for it; or we
become puppets kept by a man we do not love, whose
name we bear because he ensures our living and protects

An “anonymous székely woman”

Her quiet life changed in 1892, when she married paint- us from care, work, and want. [...] There was no cultural
Collectors and Collections

Antonina De Gerando (1845–1918), headmistress in Kolozsvár (today Cluj-Napoca in Romania), daughter of Emma Teleki, wrote
about the life of her aunt, Blanka Teleki (1806–1862), who was imprisoned in Kufstein. The book, published in 1892, features a
painting of Blanka Teleki and a stamp with the inscription “Hungarian Women’s Library 1888” (M. Assz. Kvt. 193.)
stitution, successfully managed by Janka Zirzen from the
year of its founding, 1872, to 1896. (At the end of her
career, Janka Zirzen achieved another important feat: she
founded the Maria Dorothea Association, which, together
with other associations, e.g. the National Association for
Female Education, urged that higher be made available
to women.)
In 1876, Kata Piroska Boldizsár was on the teaching staff
as an assistant schoolmistress, and from 1882 she taught
geography and history as a regular schoolmistress. She
remained at the institution until 1892, thus she worked
closely with Janka Zirzen for sixteen years.
Kata Piroska Boldizsár was born on 13 June 1854. Dur-
ing her childhood and studies—she studied at Vienna,
Budapest, and Kolozsvár (Cluj-Napoca)—the cause of
female education was making swift progress. Highly ed-
ucated women like Antonina De Gerando (a relative
of Teréz Brunszvik’s) were no longer rare. De Gerando
remarks in a poetic vein concerning education: “A little
knowledge makes women pedantic, bookish, ridiculous,
and boring. Greater knowledge returns their modesty,
spiritual freshness, and womanly charm: clear light is the
antidote to partial darkness.”7
In addition to the predecessors, the young woman’s
intellectual development was greatly influenced by out-
standing contemporary female educators. Antonina De
Gerando portrayed the educated woman in a series of
books. Her works sum up the experiences and theoretical
176 lessons of a rich career in pedagogy: “The capacity for
self-sacrifice of the soul is the truest moral measure of
erudition, as it makes life poetic, confers eternal youth,
and makes one worthy of enthusiasm. Enthusiasm may be
derided by those whose dried-up soul is no longer capable
of it, by those who no longer deserve enthusiasm, but these
may only induce pity in the sober thinker, because no
matter what these ‘practical persons’ may say, the world
belongs to those whose soul can soar!”8
Kata Piroska Boldizsár’s entire life is proof of the reali-
zation of these beautiful ideals. “She had considered books
her best friends since her childhood. She read historical,
philosophical, and literary studies. She greatly admired
Goethe, and she was one of the few Hungarian members
of the Goethe Society of Weimar,” we read in her short
biography.9 She spent the years at the Zirzen Institute in
continuous self-education. The composition and careful
management of her collection are another evidence of
her wide knowledge. In 1888, she founded the Hungar-
ian Women’s Library. From this year on, the ownership
stamps in her books also indicate the year of foundation.
At this time she was already close friends with Polixéna
Pulszky Hampel, with whom she actively corresponded
for several years. In one of her letters from the summer of
1888 she writes: “My days are calm and peaceful, which
I love so much, I work a lot and think often of my Dear
Ones” [...] “Give my warmest affection to your infants,
Pyroska.” In another letter she remarks that “there is no
news concerning the association.” This may have been the
Maria Dorothea Association, of which Polixéna Pulszky
er Gyula Benczúr, a widower with four children. She raised movement, innovation, or fight between religious de-
the children with affection, and was a worthy companion nominations which did so much harm to the inner life
to her husband. It is all the more surprising that, according of Hungarian families as the upheaval at end of the nine-
to Benczúr’s biography by Lajos Homér, published in 1938, teenth century which removes chains and overthrows
“His second wife could not fit in her husband’s company traditions. In this feverish tumult we fail to notice that
of friends, thus he became more and more isolated, and while we liberate woman’s intellect, we let her mightiest
abandoned his old friends.”10 In contrast, Piroska’s letter
written to Polixéna Pulszky at Christmas 1896 mentions
“my dear, good Gyula, who guesses even the most secret
desires of my heart.”11 Another letter written years later to
Minka Czóbel, which may also have included a picture,
reveals even more clearly how affectionate the couple’s
relationship was: “The two old people looking at you from
the picture are portrayed like this in the painting. They
believe that, due to the shortness of life, they cannot waste
even one hour being without each other. Therefore, they
also want to remain together in one of your drawers.”12
The house at 15 Lendvay Street “had an atmosphere of
art, literature, and scholarly work,” writes Anikó Nagy in
her important study, the first to describe the collection.13
“The lady of the house participated in literary life, and
was present everywhere where there was an opportunity
for action or creation.”
The biography cited above14 lists the fields in which
Mrs. Gyula Benczúr engaged with enthusiasm and success:
she participated in the foundation and development of the
Children’s League and the Home Industry Association,
as well as in the creation of the Lotz and Petőfi albums.
It is worth mentioning those of her works that best ex-
press her views on education, which she considered such
an important cause. Her article titled A régi és a modern
nemzeti nőnevelés [National Female Education Then and
Translation into Romany of Petőfi’s poem Reszket a bokor,
Now] [signed as Kata Barkóczy] deals with education, more mert… [The bush trembles because…] in the Petőfi Almanach
precisely female education.15 At the time of publication (Budapest, 1909) (M. Assz. Kvt. 673.) 177
 fesses how great an effect Deiphobe’s book had on her.
In addition to this, her personal correspondence shows
the founder of the Hungarian Women’s Library to have
been a woman of deep feelings and thorough education.
Mrs. Gyula Benczúr collected books with skill, enthusi-
asm, and professionalism for forty years in order to create
a library which contained every Hungarian work written
by women about women and women’s cause, comple-
mented by the most important books on the topic pub-
lished abroad. The collection of four thousand volumes
is accompanied by a collection of several hundred letters.
Before a description of the collection, we must emphasize
that the primary criterion of collecting was content, and
form only came second. “For the researcher interested
in content, an authentic copy is almost as good as the
original,” writes Bibliofil Szemle in its article presenting
the library.17
In the following, I will first describe the two main parts
Szülőkhöz szóló levelek [Letters to parents], a work outlining a

An “anonymous székely woman”

model for child-rearing, was translated from German by Kata of the collection, followed by an analysis of the available
Collectors and Collections

Benczúr (Budapest, 1908)
weapon and her most sublime treasure, her temperament,
lie waste. Modern woman’s entire view of life, intellect,
and thought lacks the aspiration for higher ideals. There
data about the method of collection, the circumstances of
donation, and expansion after 1928. Finally, I would like
to call attention to the great significance of this collec-
tion, which is unique even in international comparison.
The collection includes works written in Hungarian
The printing house of the Jesuits in Nagyszombat (today Trna- The prayers of Kata Bethlen (Debrecen, 1735)
va in Slovakia) published the life of Jesus in 1712, translated (M. Assz. Kvt. 674.)
from Czech by Judit Újfalusi (M. Assz. Kvt. 670.)

is no intuition of transcendental inclination left in her
soul. Shallow or false religious sentiment, superficial en-
tertainment, the luxury of clothes, and cheap victories
make up one side of the coin, whereas the other side
consists of exaggerated studying, unwholesome ambitions,
lack of religion, and cynicism. What will become of the
Hungarian female ideal? Which of us dares answer this
question?” These lines betray a partly justified fear of the
decline of Antonina De Gerando’s ideal of the educated
woman, but they are incapable of reflecting on the auto-
biographical fact that their author, too, had only chance
to thank that she did not have to work for a living for her
entire life. Later, when valuable Hungarian and foreign
works on women’s movements written in the 1910s and
1920s were added to the collection, these books them-
selves helped to refine this question.
The book she translated and published under the pen-
name Kata Benczúr was a German work by Deiphobe on
education,16 to which Ellen Key, the famous pedagogical
writer of the turn of the century personally called Mrs.
Gyula Benczúr’s attention. Like Ellen Key, Deiphobe sub-
scribed to new ideas about education, which in her view
could no longer be based in violence and intimidation.
Ellen Key’s ground-breaking book, The Century of the
Child, expected the twentieth century to bring recogni-
tion of the human dignity of children. Letters to Parents
offers an educational model based on the knowledge and
appreciation of children. In her translator’s preface, the
178 otherwise always reserved Kata Piroska Boldizsár con-
as well as in foreign languages. Besides the 930 works
written in Hungarian, it also contains 263 in English,
453 in French, 1335 in German, 86 in Italian, and 10 in
other languages. The donordescribed her collection in
detail in handwritten catalogues prepared with scholarly
meticulousness. Descriptions are organized by language,
and within this in the alphabetical order of the authors’
names. The library was initially intended as a collection
of Hungarian books, i.e. its main objective was to collect
every Hungarian work written by female writers or about
women, and in the case of foreign works the goal was to
collect the most important ones only.
Anikó Nagy provides a detailed, professional, and com-
prehensive description of the Hungarian part of the col-
lection in her article cited above,18 thus I will adopt her
classification in presenting the most valuable items of
the Hungarian Women’s Library from every period of
literary history.
Old Hungarian literature (mid-fifteenth century
to mid-eighteenth century)
Characteristic works of this period include prayer books,
Bible translations and biblical exegeses, psalms, and
funeral sermons. The sermon delivered in honour of
Zsuzsanna Károlyi and printed in 1624 belongs to this
group, as does Zsuzsanna Lorántffy’s biblical exegesis
from 1641. The copy of Werbőczi’s laws printed at Lőcse
(today Levoča in Slovakia) in 1660 is important because
its first owner was Mária Mikes Teleki, who passed it with eighteenth-century typography, which contains the
on to her daughter Borbála, and it was always owned following: Kata Bethlen’s prayer, an excerpt from Péter
by women, as the notes attest. The autograph songs of Bod’s poem Tiszta, fényes drága bíbor... [Clear, bright,
the first significant Hungarian poetess, Kata Szidónia precious purple], a passage from Hungarian Athenas on
Petrőczy, are found in the Letter Collection in tran-
scripts made by Ferenc Toldi.
The works related to Countess Kata Bethlen are impor-
tant items in the Hungarian Women’s Library. We know
about the famous library of this widely educated lady from
the catalogue made by Calvinist preacher Péter Bod. This
early literary historian presents 500 writers and scholars
in his work Magyar Athenas [Hungarian Athenas] published
in 1766, including famous women. Mrs. Gyula Benczúr
engaged in the study of the period and of Kata Bethlen’s
library. She wrote an article about a later catalogue in
issue no. 7 of 1912 of Erdélyi Helikon. Reading this arti-
cle, we may get the impression that Mrs. Gyula Benczúr
especially respected this aristocratic book collector, and
even considered her a role model. She writes: “The wife
of Count József Teleki of Szék, Countess Kata Bethlen of
Bethlen, being a Hungarian woman, is a rare phenomenon
among eighteenth-century book collectors. She is even
more than that. She is the epitome of the book-loving
aristocratic lady. She must have loved the books about
which she disposed with such foresight and apprehension
in her wills.”19
Sermons published with the sponsorship of Kata Bethlen
Thus it is not by accident that Mrs. Benczúr had a (1700–1759) (Egyenes ösvény [The Straight Path], Szeben
bibliographical rarity made in 1911—in only 25 copies— [today Sibiu in Romania], 1744) (M. Assz. Kvt. 721.) 179

Collectors and Collections
In the late eighteenth century, women writers appear in the genre of verse letters as well: The letters of Borbála Molnár (Pos-
on—Pest, 1794) (M. Assz. Kvt. 715.), The Correspondence of József Gvadányi and Julianna Fábián (Pozsony, 1798)
(M. Assz. Kvt. 666.)
Kata Bethlen, and the catalogue of her library. László
Fejérpataky praised the publication in a letter of com-
pliment: “Your devotion to Kata Bethlen’s memory is
as respectable as the tact and taste with which you have
expressed this sentiment.”20
From Enlightenment to Realism (mid-eighteenth
century to the late nineteenth century)
Molnár Borbála Munkáji [The Works of Borbála Molnár]
from 1794 (Pozsony [today Bratislava in Slovakia]) is the
oldest book from this period, but the work titled Barátsági
vetélkedés, vagy Molnár Borbálának Máté Jánosné asszon�-
nyal a két nem hibái és érdemei felöl folytatott levelezései
[Friendly debate, or the correspondence of Borbála Molnár
with Mrs. Máté János on the merits and vices of the two sexes]
(Kolozsvár [Cluj-Napoca], 1804) is more interesting as
regards the history of literature on women. During their
correspondence, which lasted for three years, the two
writers conducted a debate on “the situation of Hun-
garian women, their possible roles in family and society,
[and] determining their education, cultural and public
rights.”21 Éva Takáts’ Gondolatok a nap alatt. Némelly a’
reá kijött feleletekkel együtt [Thoughts under the sun, with
some answers] (Buda, 1829) is also important from this
aspect. The book presents the five-year debate conduct-
ed on the pages of Tudományos Gyűjtemény about the
intellectual abilities and rights of women. (It is notable
180 that one of the authors of Tudományos Gyűjtemény cited
An “anonymous székely woman”
Portrait and verses of the poetess Malvina, criticized by János Arany, on the title pages of Színes könyv [Colour Book] (Brassó, 1861)
Mary Wollstonecraft’s famous piece a few years before (M. Assz. Kvt. 472.)
this debate.22)
Amália Bezerédi’s book of tales, Flóri könyve [Flóris’s
Book] was published in 1836. This was the first significant
Hungarian children’s book. Another representative of
children’s literature is Mrs. Sándor Vachott’s anthology
Gyermekvilág [Children’s World], which contains tales, songs,
games, stories, and riddles. Színes Könyv. Díszemlény számos
magyar írónő s író közreműködésével szerkesztve és a magyar
írói segélyegylet alaptőkéje gyarapítására kiadva Khern Ede
által. Malvina a költőnő arcképével [Colour Book. Edited
with the contribution of numerous Hungarian authors and
authoresses, published by Ede Khern to increase the funds of
the friendly society of writers, with a portrait of the poetess
Malvina], Brassó (today Brașov in Romania), 1861, is a
publication typical of the period. János Arany wrote an
indulgent, benevolent critique about Malvina’s poems. At
the time of Lenke Bajza’s appearance the voices against
female writers are already dying down, and Jókai himself
welcomes female authors. Several works by Lenke Baj­
za appear in the collection: Rózsa-e vagy viola? [Rose or
violet?], Hol a boldogság? [Where is happiness?], Beszélyek
[Stories].
Emilia Kánya, wife of Mór Szegfi, was the first female
editor in the Monarchy. She edited the weekly Családi Kör
[Family Circle], which first appeared in 1860. Of her own
works, her novel Válságos napok [Critical days] and her short
stories were included in Mrs. Gyula Benczúr’s library. Lilla
Bulyovszky, a member of the National Theatre, translated Emperor Francis I and his wife (M. Assz. Kvt. 2564.); with a stamp bearing the name of the library’s founder, Mrs. Gyula Benczúr 181
 plays at first, then published short stories and travel mem-
oirs. A novel by Krisztina Bogdanovics, published under
the penname György Bogdanovics, Egy humánus háziúr
élményei [Experiences of a humane landlord] (1891) and one
of her volumes of poetry, Álmatlan éjszakák [Sleepless nights]
(1896), can also be found in the Hungarian Women’s
Library. Successful writer Mrs. Zsigá Gyarmati, who lived
in Transylvania and, unlike her contemporaries, never
wished to move to the capital, is represented by two of
her novels (Monostory Katinka, 1890; Zudorék, 1897) and
three volumes of short stories. The Wohl sisters, who were
central figures of the cultural life of Budapest, edited the
journal of the Association for Female Education; in addi-
tion to this, they also maintained a popular literary salon
and wrote literary works. The collection includes Janka
Wohl’s publication Az én első albumom [My first album],
as well as Stefánia Wohl’s Hátrahagyott iratai [Posthumous
writings] (1891), and Regék [Legens] (1898). Beszélyek és
tárczák [Stories and essays] (1877) is a work written jointly
Collectors and Collections
by the two sisters.
The anthologies published in this period show to
what extent the appreciation of female writers had in-
creased by the mid-nineteenth century. Albert Farkas
published an anthology titled Nemzeti hárfa [National
harp] in 1862, which includes writings by Atala, Ágnes
Bányai, Bianka, Kornélia Czobor, Irma Csávolszky, Judit
Dukai Takáts, Eleonóra, Teréz Ferenczy, Flóra Majthényi,
Teodóra, Hermina, Iduna, Izidóra, Róza Kalmár, Luiza
Malom, Malvina, Melánia, Mari, Szilárdka, Riza, Júlia
Szendrey, Nina Szöllősi, Krisztina Újfalvy, Mrs. Sándor
Vachott, Countess Ottilia Wass, and Janka Wohl. The
poetesses who started their career in the 1850s and used
only their first name were the “pioneers.” A few years
later, in 1865, Károly Zilahy edited a similar anthology
with the title Hölgyek lantja [The lute of ladies].23 His
preface is the first overview of the history of Hungarian
female literature; he provides biographical data about the
female poets in the volume, and offers strict criticism
about their work.
The Hungarian Women’s Library contains biographies
of the female members of royal dynasties and great aristo-
cratic families from this period: the genre is represented by
novels, articles, and studies on the lives of Saint Elisabeth
of Hungary, Saint Margaret of Hungary, Erzsébet Báthory,
Zsuzsanna Károlyi, and Queen Elizabeth. Farkas Deák’s
work, Magyar hölgyek leveleiről [The letters of Hungarian
ladies], which contains 499 letters written between 1515
and 1711, provides information about earlier periods. Ist-
ván Mikó’s linguistic treatise Női magyar levélstílus a 17.
században [The style of Hungarian female correspondence in
the seventeenth century] (1896) is an expression of nascent
scholarly interest in female literature. Mariska Hentaller
182 Fáyl’s A magyar írónőkről. Arcképekkel [On Hungarian fe-
male authors. With portraits], (2nd ed., Budapest, 1889) is
an important source for literary historians.
Memoirs, diaries, and travel books continued to be
popular: the collection includes Mrs. Déry’s diary, the
memoirs of Mrs. Sándor Vachott, and Emma Teleki’s
letters from Greece.
The collection’s documents on female education and
early women’s movements are of special significance.
Ádám Takács “revised and collected” the complete works
of Teréz Karacs in 1853. Teréz Karacs, eldest daughter of
Éva Takács, was a talented writer, but besides this she
dedicated her life to the cause of female education, which
she considered of utmost importance, and she held that
the education of women must be entrusted to women.
Paulina Bethlen, wife of Count Kálmán Esterházy, pub-
lished her work Költészettan és történet nők számára [The-
ory and history of poetry for women] in 1878. Antonina De
Gerando’s Nőtan, A női élet [The study of women. Women’s
life] and other works combine scholarly analysis with a
literary style. Hermin Beniczky, wife of Pál Veres, also
published her experiences in the field of education with the
title: Tapasztalati lélektan felnőttek számára. Több lélektani
munka alapján [Empirical psychology for adults. Based on sev-
eral psychological works] (Budapest, 1895, National Associ-
ation for Female Education). Sarolta Geöcze’s writings also
have to be mentioned. This feminist educator and author
frequently contributed to the journal Magyar Paedagógia in
the late 1800s. György Illésy’s work A nők munkaképessége
és munkajoga különösen szellemi téren [Women’s capacity and
right to work, especially in intellectual fields] (Pest, 1871) rep-
resents a transition between education and feminism.
The Hungarian Women’s Library also includes volumes
which present the activities of women’s associations, such
as Tudósítás az Asszonyi Egyesület által sz. k. Pest Városában
alapított jóltévő Intézetekről azoknak belső elrendeltetéséről és
fenn-állásáról 1817-diki mártius elejétől 1833-diki september
végéig [Report on the charitable institutions founded by the
Women’s Association in the city of Pest, their inner structure
and organization, from the beginning of March 1817 to the
end of September 1833] (Vienna, 1834) about the first
Hungarian charitable association.
Zsófia Torma was one of the first women to engage
in serious academic work; her study Hunyadmegyei Ne-
olith kőkorszakbeli telepek [Neolithic settlements in Hunyad
County] was published in Kolozsvár in 1879 (Offprints from
issues no. 5 and 6 of 1879 of Erdélyi Múzeum). In the first
decade of the twentieth century academic publications
written by women appeared one after another. Erzsébet
Schmidt: Corday Sarolta [Charlotte Corday]. Doctoral dis-
sertation (Gyula, 1907); Flóra Perczel Kozma: Felolvasások
és költemények a modern vallásbölcselet és sociológia terén
[Lectures and poems in modern philosophy of religion and
sociology] (Budapest, 1908); Mária Takács: Társadalmi
állapotok és törekvések Magyarországon 1830–1847 [So-
cial conditions and endeavors in Hungary 1830–1847] (Bu-
dapest, 1909); Irén Götz: A radium emanatio quantitativ
meghatározásáról [The quantitative determination of radi-
um emanation]. Doctoral dissertation (Budapest, 1911);
Antónia Matskássy: Halmágyi István „Naplói”-nak magyar
művelődéstörténeti vonatkozásai. Tanulmány [The Hungari-
an cultural historical aspects of István Halmágyi’s “Diaries.”
A study] (Budapest, 1912).
Modern Hungarian literature (twentieth century)
Many women writers of this period were in direct con-
tact with Mrs. Gyula Benczúr, such as Minka Czóbel,
for whom the book collector was a personal friend, a
patron, and occasionally a critic. We learn from one of
the letters that Piroska recruited subscribers for Minka’s
forthcoming book. She also urged several newspapers to
write about the already published books. For example:
“Several papers have written about Opálok [...] Buda-
pesti Szemle also published a review. I am curious to see
whether old Gyulai will make an exception in this case,
as he is not supportive of feminist talents. We shall see!
... Vasárnapi Újság asked me for biographical data and a
portrait. Please let me know whether you have any objec-
tions and whether you will send a photograph. Your true
friend Pyri. (Dated Ambach, 1903)”24 Piroska and Minka
were not only good friends, but also worked together: “My
dear Minka, I enclose the galley proofs of your volume of
poetry. Please send me the two poems to be added with
your corrections. The redacting ‘committee’ would like
to lay two humble suggestions at the feet of the poet:
1./ the title of the book: would it be possible to change
‘Clouds and flowers’ to ‘Book of songs’ or any other more
compelling title you may propose?...”25
Mrs. Gyula Benczúr acquired all of Minka Czóbel’s
works for the Hungarian Women’s Library: Nyírfalom-
bok [Birch leaves] (1890), Újabb költemények [New poems]
(1892), Kakuk füvek [Thyme sprigs] (1890–1900), A vir-
radat dalai [Songs of dawn] (1896), Opálok [Opals] (1903),
Fehér dalok [White songs], as well as her play: Donna Juanna
(1900), and her novel: Két arany hajszál [Two golden hairs].
Countess Sándor Teleki used the penname Szikra
(Spark). An outstanding representative of the feminist
movement at the turn of the century, she was also active
in public life and writing. Her literary works earned
deserved praise from contemporary critics. As editor of
the feminist newspaper A Nő [Woman] (a successor of
Nő és Társadalom [Woman and Society]), and as a well-
known public speaker, she wrote and talked about such
serious problems as child mortality, girl trafficking and
prostitution, the ubiquity of tuberculosis, illiteracy, and
the need for women’s suffrage. She was chair of the
preparatory committee of the Conference of the Inter-
national Woman Suffrage Alliance held in Budapest in
1913, working with colleagues like Vilma Glücklich,
Rózsa Bédy-Schwimmer, Sándor Giesswein, or Eugénia
Meller Miskolczy. The collection includes several of
her novels and short stories: Bevándorlók [Immigrants]
(1898), Ugody Lilla (1900), Csak egy bokor muskátli [Just
a geranium bush] (1904), A hét szilvafa árnyékában [In the
shadow of the seven plum trees] (1909).
Margit Kaffka is undoubtedly the greatest female author
of the period, or rather one of the greatest authors of the
period, even according to the critics of “high literature.”
Several of her novels and short stories may be found in
the collection: Két nyár [Two summers] (1916), Az élet útján
[On the road of life] (1918), Állomások [Stations] (1922). Of
conservative female authors, Cécile Tormay achieved sig-
nificant success both in Hungary and abroad. Post-WWI
critics compared her to Selma Lagerlöf. She was the first
An “anonymous székely woman”
Hungarian female writer whose books were published all
over Europe. Her most popular work is A régi ház [The
old house].
The anthology titled Újabb magyar költők—Lyrai anth-
ologia [New Hungarian poets—A lyrical anthology] (1890–
1910) (ed. Arthur Elek, Budapest, Nyugat) includes works
by both conservative and modern female poets: Renée
Erdős, Margit Kaffka, Anna Lesznai, Jutka Miklós, Piroska
Reichard, Fruzsina Szalay.
Diaries, memoirs, and letters continued to be popular
in this period as well. The diaries of Mrs. Árpád Feszty,
Mari Jászai, Lujza Blaha, Júlia Szendrey and others were
published, as were anthologies about historical women
figures. Mózes Gaál’s book Magyar nők [Hungarian women]
(Budapest, 1914) contains writings about Sarolta, Eliza-
beth, Lea Ráskai, Cecille Rozgonyi, Borbála Czillei, Er-
zsébet Szilágyi, Zsuzsanna Lórántffy, Mária Széchy, Ilo­na
Zrínyi, Mrs. Miklós Wesselényi, and Ilona Cserei. Sándor
Takáts’s volume Régi magyar asszonyok [Hungarian women
of old], published in 1914, is significant as regards both its
contents and its length.
More and more women were studying at the universities
and doing academic work. Mrs. Gyula Benczúr attempted
to acquire every book that presented the scientific results
of women. Her library includes several works by Edit
Hoffmann, Emma Bartoniek, Marianne Czeke (all three
worked in the Széchényi Library), and Valéria Dienes.
A new genre emerges: longer seminar papers and disserta-
tions by female university students. In many cases, these
papers deal with female subjects, mostly in the form of
biographies, such as Rozália Gyöngyössi’s Szent Erzsébet
Thüringiai fejedelemasszony élete [The life of Saint Elisabeth,
Landgravine of Thuringia] (Kolozsvár, 1917, Értekezések
a Kolozsvári M. Kir. Ferencz József tudományegyetem
közép- és újkori történelmi szemináriumából. 10. sz. [Dis- 183

Collectors and Collections
Study on women’s emancipation (Leipzig, 1891)
(M. Assz. Kvt. 2107.)
sertations from the medieval and early modern history
seminar of the Royal Hungarian Francis Joseph University
of Kolozsvár, no. 10]).
The foreign books in the collection exceed the number
of Hungarian works many times. Besides a high number
of German publications, there are also works in French,
English, and Italian, totalling over 2,000 volumes. Their
list also contains surprises. There is a very early German
booklet from 1790—only 16 pages—on the debates about
the emancipation of women in Hungary: Gedanken über
die Nazionaltracht der Frauenzimmer in Ungarn und eini-
ge andere Gegenstende wider das berüchtigte Buch Ninive
(Thoughts on the national costume of Hungarian women
and a few other subjects against the infamous Ninive
book), and an even earlier work from Leipzig, Frauen-
zimmerlexikon (Leipzig, 1773).
Several of the original catalogue pages contain key-
words, and numerous works are marked by the keyword
feminism, including a few early volumes: Fejes, Johann
von: Hat sich das männliche oder das weibliche Geschlecht
um die Menscheit mehr verdient gemacht? Zur Vortheile des
weiblichen beantwortet (Pesth, 1808). (Did the male or the
female sex do more in the interest of humanity?) Johann
von Fejes decides in favor or women. William Godwin’s
memoirs translated into German: Erinnerungen an Mary
Wollstonecraft (Halle, 1912), is an important work for the
184 history of feminism.
Kata Piroska Boldizsár also obtained works by Hun-
garian female writers translated into foreign languages.
Her collection includes a German translation of Emil-
ia Kánya’s work, as well as of her contemporary Edit
Hoffmann’s, even though the latter was published in
a journal.
There are one or two works by every significant rep-
resentative of the feminist movement (Henriette Fürth,
Rosa Luxemburg). Of the works of famous female edu-
cators, an especially high number belong to Ellen Key
and Maria Montessori. Among the publications about
important international women’s conferences we can
find one which has a special significance for Hungary:
Der Internationale Kongress für Frauenwerke und Frauen-
bestrebungen in Berlin 19. Bis 26. September 1896 (Ber-
lin, 1897). (Berlin International Congress for Women’s
Work and Endeavors.) It was as a result of this congress
that the National Association of Female Officials was
formed in Hungary, which was a modern, twentieth-cen-
tury professional and advocacy organization of working
women.
Similarly to the Hungarian part of the collection, we
also find bibliographical rarities here. One of these is re-
lated to the Millennium and to Queen Elizabeth: Buch der
Lieder. Von Heinrich Heine, 57. Aufl., Hamburg, 1895.
The catalogue page contains the following note: “The
cover of this book is made from the dress Queen Elizabeth was
wearing to the Millennium celebrations in 1896. Only three
copies were made: one is in the possession of Ida Ferenczy, the
second is owned by Ilona Andrássy, wife of Lajos Batthyányi,
and this is the third.”
The Letter Collection
The Letter Collection is the most valuable part of the
Hungarian Women’s Library. The letters written by
out­standing women in our history in the sixteenth to
eighteenth centuries are invaluable sources of cultural,
economic and linguistic history, and they also provide
rich material for microhistory, which is becoming in-
creasingly important today. The authors of these letters
bear historic names: Anna Lónyai, Orsolya Kanizsay,
Anna Bornemissza, Erzsébet Báthory, Zsuzsanna Ló-
rántffy, Zsuzsanna Károlyi, Kata Szidónia Petrőczy. The
first thing to notice if one reads these letters is Kata
Piroska Boldizsár’s marginal notes. She recorded every
important circumstance regarding the item in question,
as in the case of Krisztina Barkóczy’s letters. The note is
written in Piroska’s hand: “copied and excerpted by Dr
Sándor Takáts.” The letters have a kind tone, giving a
wide range of information on various topics, displaying
education and intelligence. All of them begin with the
address Dearest heart:
“Nagykároly, 5 August 1712
If God granted me the grace not to agitate myself over one
thing or another, but to be able to entrust myself to Divine
Providence, like the monks do who are named after it,
I should consider myself at least partly happy; or if I could
at least hide it, even at the price of inner anguish; but since
this is not granted to me, my punishment is that I must
pour forth my inner passion, and then I am relieved, but
it returns ten times as strong afterwards. I know full well
that others may think this foolish, and my great distress
does not enter their thoughts or move them to pity, but if
anyone were beset by such great torment... would thereby
understand its severity.”26
According to entry no. 1955/82 in the register, part of
the Letter Collection was transferred to the Manuscript
Collection of National Széchényi Library in 1955. Margit
Busa categorized the material as follows: 1.) Collection
of copies of the manuscripts in the archives of the Tel-
eki family kept at the Teleki library in Marosvásárhely,
2.) Collection of copies of various family archives, 3.)
A few original manuscripts, 4.) The correspondence of
Mrs. Gyula Benczúr concerning the acquisition of the
collection of copies. The material sent by the Depart-
ment of Acquisitions contained Mrs. Gyula Benczúr’s
own accession register of the collection of copied letters
in the Hungarian Women’s Library, marked as Fol. Hung.
2643. The columns in this carefully kept register—serial
number; name of the letter’s author and of the addressee;
place; year; month, day; autograph or not; which archive;
pressmark—illustrate the method of collection. The list
of original locations is impressive: Count Erdődy’s ar-
chives, Galgóc, archives of the town of Kassa, Zayugróc-
zi archives, Bethlen archives, Keresd, archives of Árva
Castle, Thurzó family, Erdélyi Múzeum, Kolozsvár, ar-
chives of the Andrássy family, Homonna, archives of the
Vasvár-Szombathely Cathedral Chapter, Teleki family,
Marosvásárhely, Manuscript Collection of the Hungarian
Academy of Sciences.
The list of those who corresponded with Mrs. Gyula
Benczúr—mostly on the subject of her collection—is
no less impressive: Dezső Malonyai, Cornélia Mauks,
Kálmán Mikszáth, Mrs. Kálmán Mikszáth, Mrs. Mihály
Munkácsy, Frigyes Riedl, Gyula Szekfű, Sándor Takáts,
Ilona Vörösmarty, wife of Kálmán Széll, etc. The notes
also suggest the painstaking nature of her work. We may
mention as an example her notes to the works of the first
significant Hungarian female poet. The entry is compre-
hensive: Kata Szidónia Petrőczy’s songs, written in her
own hand. Typed copy, twentieth century (made after
Ferenc Toldy’s copy). See Irod.tört. Közlemények Vol.
XXV. Appendix: Copies from the works of Kata Szidónia
Petrőczi 1./ Two letters by István Harsányi, professor in
Sárospatak, to Mrs. Gyula Benczúr, 2./ Clipping from ITK
Vol. XXV: Harsányi István–Gulyás József: The poems of
K. Sz. P., 3./ Portrait of K. Sz. P., 4./ Portrait of Baroness
István Radák.
In the above-mentioned issue of Irodalomtörténeti Köz­
lemények, the authors describe in detail the eventful story of
finding and copying the manuscript. The following passage
is especially interesting: “Few may have known that a
copy made from the original manuscript was kept in the
library of the Academy. Mrs. Gyula Benczúr (as she kindly
informed us in her letter) found it while searching for the
original, and copied it for her own use.”27 Thus, besides
corresponding extensively, the collector also researched
libraries, museums and archives personally.
Mrs. Gyula Benczúr was in contact with the director
and officials of Széchényi Library as well. László Fejérpa-
taky sent her several letters in 1912 because the Acad-
emy’s historical committee decided to publish a volume
of correspondence by Hungarian women.28
An “anonymous székely woman”
The donation officially took place in 1924 (librarian
Tivadar Rédey mentions the event in an article which
describes and praises the collection in the newspaper
8 Órai Újság29), but the collection remained in Lend-
vay street. The cooperation between Széchényi Library
and Mrs. Gyula Benczúr became even closer. During the
further expansion of the collection—which the dono-
rundertook—it was necessary to check whether the work
she intended to buy was available in Széchényi Library,
in order to prevent the acquisition of duplicate copies.
In a letter dated 1925,30 Imre Lukinich sends a proposal
regarding the expansion of the collection. In the appendix
to the letter, he provides a list of the already available
volumes.
In 1925, Mrs Benczúr also donated her husband’s cor-
respondence to the Széchényi Library. The generous ges-
ture was acknowledged by director Lukinich in a letter of
gratitude. In a later letter written in 1927, Piroska asks
Emma Bartoniek to visit her as soon as possible, as she
is about to undergo eye surgery. She wanted to discuss
printing the catalogue at a reduced price.
After the death of Mrs. Gyula Benczúr on 13 March
1928, the collection became part of the library’s holdings.
Bálint Hóman, general director of the National Muse-
um, writes in a letter to Imre Lukinich (then director of
the National Széchényi Library) that, according to the
testator’s wish, he has entrusted Emma Bartoniek with
managing the collection.31 Emma Bartoniek had long
been in contact with the Benczúr family, she knew well
the collection, as well as the donator’s intentions and
principles of collecting. From this time on Ida Benczúr
maintained contact with the institution on the family’s
behalf.
At the time of making the donation, Mrs. Gyula
Benczúr emphasized that she was offering her library to 185
 Hungarian women so that it may be used and further
expanded. Her wish was fulfilled for a few years. More
than one hundred Hungarian and foreign publications
were added to the collection after the death of its founder.
Many of these works were dedicated to the Hungarian
Women’s Library by the authors. Edit Hoffmann regularly
sent her writings, Marianne Czeke wrote on the title
page of her work published in 1938:32 “For the Hungarian
Women’s Library, respectfully.” Henriette Szirmay-Pulszky
published a book on psychology in Munich in 1935,33
which was included in the collection, as were Sophie
Török’s poems (1929),34 Irén Gulácsy’s novel (1930),35 or
Ida Bobula’s important work on the history of women.36
The management of Széchényi Library also paid atten-
tion to the special collection. They repeatedly tried to
publish the printed catalogue which had been planned
for so long. The issue of publishing the catalogue was
raised again in 1931. At this time, the collection was
Much has been lost of the Hungarian Women’s Library,
and what survives is now in the reserve stock. The fate
of the collection after the war is disappointing. It was no
longer the living force which its founder intended it to
be. As we can read in a 1924 issue of Bibliofil Szemle: “The
Székely woman hopes that Hungarian women will use,
increase and love her library, which is a faithful literary
reflection of the role of Hungarian women in intellectual,
economic, and social life.”
Ida Benczúr lived a long life, overcoming every hard-
ship and tribulation. “She liked flowers, and often painted
them so that their undying charm may remind us of the
harmony of nature and the beauty of our environment.
She lived by the motto of the Benczúr family: ‘Love hu-
manity’. Her kind, ever-smiling face was made beautiful
by the purity of her soul. ...harbouring the beauties and
joys, but also the trials of a world forever gone.”39 She
probably found a way to cope with her losses. Her last

An “anonymous székely woman”

managed by Vukoszáva Pánity, who prepared a thematic letter of gratitude to the library’s director, József Fitz, is
Collectors and Collections

catalogue and a bibliography with an alphabetical index.
The finished work was intended to appear in Széchényi
Librarys series of publications. After negotiations with
several printers, the offer of József Kertész from Kar-
cag was found to be the most favorable: he undertook
to print 400 copies of the bibliography of 12 sheets on
good-quality paper and with beautiful typography for
about 1500 Hungarian pengő. Together with the fee
paid to Vukoszava Panity for preparing and editing the
catalogue, the publication would have cost about 2200
pengő. Emil Jakubovics, the library’s director informed
Cécile Tormay, president of the National Association
of Hungarian Women about this plan.37 He asked the
renowned and respected author to organize a fundraising
within the Association to cover the expenses, as the
meagre budget of Széchényi Library, which had been
reduced by this time, was insufficient to cover the costs
of the catalogue’s publication. We do not know why the
plan was not realized. Perhaps the answer could be found
in the archives or the minutes of the meetings of the
National Association of Hungarian Women.
The last official mention of the collection is found
in the report for the year 1941: “Located in one of the
rooms on the ground floor of the Eszterházy Palace. The
82 running metres of shelves along the walls hold 3,120
works. The ca. 3,000 copied manuscripts of the Hungarian
Women’s Letter Collection are kept in a carved Renais-
sance bookcase. 10 books were added to the collection
in the past year, which were gifts by painter Ida Benczúr.
Ida Benczúr also donated a Renaissance armchair and a
painting to complete the furnishings. The collection has
an alphabetical and thematic card index, and we plan to
publish the catalogue. The collection is managed by chief
186 librarian Vukoszáva Pánity.”38
nevertheless food for thought. She did not write anoth-
er letter after this one in the following three decades.
What could this elderly lady, who worked on her paintings
among the beloved reminders of the past, have felt when
she learned that the collection so dear to her would be
placed in closed storage? The above-mentioned letter is
still an expression of joy:
“We visited the new room of the Hungarian Women’s
Library. As to my regret I did not have the opportunity to
see you, allow me to express my gratitude to you in these
lines for giving such a beautiful room to my Mother’s
collection. It is rare pleasure in life that our wishes are
entirely fulfilled. I was dreaming about a larger room for
the Hungarian Women’s Library, but this large, spacious,
beautiful room, in which every book is accessible and
displayed to its advantage, surpasses even my dreams.
Please accept my warmest thanks for the care you have
shown to my Mother’s library and letter collection. Al-
though the collection is now the library’s property, I still
feel a strong emotional connection to it, since Mother
collected these books and letters with great affection,
her enthusiasm only increasing during the forty years
of her work.
I would like to ask you to continue to care for the
Hungarian Women’s Library in the future. It will make me
very happy when the catalogue is published. I can deliver
the Renaissance chair and the painting of flowers to you
whenever it is convenient for you and perhaps when the
weather is also suitable. [...]
With the warmest thanks, and regards to your wife,
Sincerely yours, Ida Benczúr.”
This engraving of a woman with a harp illustrates Andreas Meyer’s “Friendly education for the female sex,” translated from German
into Hungarian by Calvinist pastor István Nagy Szerencsi (1747–1789) (Poson—Buda, 1783). (M. Assz. Kvt. 472.)
The significance of the Hungarian Women’s
Library
Contemporaries were aware of the value of the collection,
and praised it in the highest terms. They commended
the consistency and self-discipline as a result of which
“there is no item which does not fit the profile of the
collection.”40 All of its critics emphasize the cultural his-
torical value of this venture, as well as the important fact
that “…even if one peruses this material superficially,
he will come to the conclusion that Hungarian history,
i.e. written history, is very much one-sided, the history
of men only, in which women are awarded a much less
significant role than they had in reality.”41 It is perhaps
not an exaggeration to say that the above remark formu-
lates the most important goal of Kata Piroska Boldizsár’s
library. A woman of rare intellectual ability and erudition
recognized the task she had to undertake to continue
the work of her predecessors. In the nineteenth century,
“the schooling of women and the expansion of women’s
education had been regarded for decades as one of the
foremost national interests. It is a public issue which…
deservers the attention of national organizations, or if
this is not possible, it at least deserves widespread social
solidarity.”42 Kata Piroska Boldizsár contributed to this
cause by founding a library which “is unique in Hungary
and probably rare abroad as well. If the intentions of its
collector are realized, it will be unmatched in the entire
world.”43 The fact that it was founded in 1888 means that
the collection was indeed ahead of larger and wealth-
ier countries. The (also privately founded) Marguerite
Durand library in Paris started collecting books written
by women or about women, and documents related to
women’s cause in 1897, Fawcett Library in London in
1926, and the women’s library of Amsterdam in 1929.
The catalogues of these still functioning libraries contain
all of the subjects also represented in the Hungarian
Women’s Library. All three large libraries have been
continuously expanded and developed since their estab-
lishment, and today all of them are famous collections on 187
 gender studies, in beautiful locations and with up-to-date not only the details, but the whole, to comprehend its 20
Letter of Fejérpataky László to Mrs. Gyula 29
Egy „névtelen székely asszony” könyvtára- 38
Az Országos Széchényi Könyvtár 1941. évi
technological equipment. harmonious unity.”45 Benczúr, National Széchényi Library Manu- dománya a Nemzeti Múzeumnak [The donation of jelentése [Report of the National Széchényi Library
script Collection, Letter Collection. 9 January an “anonymous Székely woman” to the National for the year 1941]
Kata Piroska Boldizsár also thought that her work would Naturally, women writers had a firm opinion about the 1912. Museum], 8 Órai Újság, 1 May 1924, Vol. 10,
be continued. “She expressed the wish both in her conver- public good, which they expressed in their writings: “The Issue 89, 16. 39
Katalin TELEPY: Benczúr Ida emlékére [In
sations and in her last will that the collection should not present century does not ensure superiority, power, and
21
Anna FÁBRI, „A szép tiltott táj felé” [“To- memory of Ida Benczúr], Művészet, 1970, Vol.
wards the beautiful forbidden land”], Budapest, 30
National Széchényi Library Document Col- 11, Issue 5, 27.
end with the essential work carried out by her.”44 strength to the nation which can boast of outstanding 1996, 24. lection 643/1925.
Women fighting for the opportunity of education individuals, while its large masses are ignorant, but to 40
B. R., Magyar Asszonyok Könyvtára [The
brought a new way of seeing things, and a new kind of the nation whose majority is intelligent and educated.
22
Anna FÁBRI, op.cit. 31
National Széchényi Library Document Col- Hungarian Women’s Library], Magyar Bibliofil
lection 111/1928. Szemle, 1924, Vol. 1, Issue 2, 65–68.
responsibility for both society and themselves. “Human The nation will find in women a very efficient means to 23
Hölgyek Lantja. Magyar költőnők műveiből
soul, just like the lovely swallows on our rooftops, has achieve this end, if only women are given the opportunity [The lute of ladies. From the works of Hungarian 32
Brunszvik Teréz (1775–1861) grófnő naplói és 41
B. R., op.cit.
sufficiently long wings to be able to fly close to the ground. to educate themselves.”46 poetesses], ed. Károly ZILAHY, Pest, 1865. feljegyzései [Diaries and Notes of Countess Teréz
Brunszvik], ed. and with an introduction by 42
Anna FÁBRI, A nő és hivatás [Woman and
Nature urges both to soar higher, but if for any reason they The emergence and strengthening of the demand for 24
Mrs. Gyula Benczúr to Minka Czóbel, Na- Marianne CZEKE, I., Budapest, 1938. Professions], Budapest, 1999, 121.
cannot distance themselves from the ground, they will women’s social participation is usually explained with tional Széchényi Library Manuscript Collec-
struggle in the mud, besmudge themselves, and perish! the effect of great historical processes and with the spread tion 30/13. 33
H[enriette] von SZIRMAY-PULSZKY, Genie 43
B. R., op.cit.
und Irrsinn im ungarischen Geistleben, München,
Thoughts are our wings. The higher we allow them to of the ideas of Enlightenment in Hungary. It is a well- 25
Ibid. 1935. 44
Emma BARTONIEK, Benczúr Gyuláné,
soar, the more the horizon opens up before us; the closer known argument that women, the first educators of the Magyar Könyvszemle [Hungarian Book Re-
we get to the light, the more clearly we see and the better new generation, were important factors of independent
26
Excerpts from the correspondence of Sándor Sophie TÖRÖK, Asszony a karosszékben.
34
view], 1928, Issue 1/4. 91–93.
Károlyi Krisztina Barkóczi. National Széchényi Versek [The Woman in the Armchair. Poems],
we are able to conduct our life, the more easily we can nationhood, and the developing literature also required Library Manuscript Collection Fol. Hung. Budapest, 1929. 45
Antonina DE GERANDO, A női élet [The

An “anonymous székely woman”

resist base temptations and allurements. Consciousness a female audience. However, many of the current expla- 2652. Life of Women], Kolozsvár, 1892, 11–12.
Collectors and Collections

and knowledge are better safeguards against all that is
depraved and corrupt than innocence itself, which it is
possible to lose. Knowledge and consciousness are only
strengthened by the passing of time; because to live with
open eyes, a thoughtful mind, a staunch and steadfast will,
that is, to live as a human being always means to learn
how to live and to become more and more worthy of life,
nations neglect what women themselves did for their
intellectual and political emancipation and for the right to
independent creation. The Hungarian Women’s Library
is a convincing proof of the creative power of women and
of the unceasing work of generations of women, which
enables us to see clearly the lasting effect that the activ-
ities of women had on Hungarian culture.
27
István HARSÁNYI–József GULYÁS,
Petrőczy Kata Szidónia versei [The poems of Kata
Szidónia Petrőczy], Irodalomtörténeti Kö-
zlemények, 1915, Vol. 25, Issue 2, 191–206.
28
Fejérpataky László to Mrs. Gyula Benczúr.
National Széchényi Library Manuscript Collec-
tion Fol. Hung. 2655.
35
Irén GULÁCSY, Pax vobis, Budapest, 1930.
46
Veres Pálné Beniczky Hermin élete és
36
Ida BOBULA, A nő a XVIII. század magyar működése [Life and Work of Hermin Beniczky].
társadalmában [Woman in Hungarian Society of Published by the National Association for
the Eighteenth Century], Budapest, 1933. Women’s Education. Ed. Józsefné RUDNAY
and Gyuláné SZIGETHY. Budapest, 1902.
37
National Széchényi Library Document Col- 236.
lection 33/1931.

to better understand the reality of life, to understand

Notes
1
Mrs. György WIX, Rég elfelejtett gyűjtőkről
[Long-Forgotten Collectors]. In: Az Országos
Széchényi Könyvtár évkönyve [Yearbook of the
National Széchényi Library] 1984–1985. Buda-
pest, 1992, p. 202.
2
Brunszvik Teréz grófnő naplói és feljegyzése [Di-
aries and Notes of Countess Teréz Brunszvik], ed.
and with an introduction by CZEKE Marianne,
Budapest, 1938.
3
Hermin BENITZKY PÁL VERES, Felhívás a
7
Antonina DE GERANDO, A női élet [The Life
of Women], Kolozsvár, 1892, 39–40.
8
Antonina DE GERANDO, op.cit.
9
National Széchényi Library Manuscript Col-
lection, Benczur family. Fond 36/1068.
10
Lajos HOMÉR, Benczúr Gyuláné [Mrs. Gyula
Benczúr], Budapest, 1938.
National Széchényi Library Manuscript
11
14
National Széchényi Library Manuscript Col-
lection, Benczúr Family. Fond 36/1068.
15
Kata BARKÓCZY, A régi és a modern nemzeti
nőnevelés [Women’s Education Then and Now],
Nemzeti Nőnevelés, May 1898, Vol. 25, Issue
5, [185]–193.
16
DEIPHOBE [GUTTMANN, I. L.], Szülőkhöz
szóló levelek [Letters to parents], trans. Kata
BENCZÚR, Budapest, 1908.

nőkhez [Appeal to Women]! Hon 28 October Collection Fond VIII/2114. 17

B. R., Magyar Asszonyok Könyvtára [The
1865. Hungarian Women’s Library], Magyar Bibliofil
12
Mrs. Gyula Benczúr to Minka Czóbel. 6 Szemle, 1924, Vol. 1, Issue 2, 65–68.
4
Györgyi SÁFRÁN, Zirzen Janka és az egységes January 1904. National Széchényi Library
magyar nőnevelés kezdete [Janka Zirzen and the Manuscript Collection, Fond 30/13. 18
Anikó NAGY, A Magyar Asszonyok
Beginnings of Standardized Women’s Education in Könyvtára [The Hungarian Women’s Library],
Hungary], Szeged, 1942, 10. 13
Anikó NAGY, A Magyar Asszonyok op.cit., 28–30.
Könyvtára [The Hungarian Women’s Library],
5
Péter BÚSBACH, Egy viharos emberöltő [A Manuscript, National Széchényi Library; edited 19
Gróf Bethlen Kata magyar könyvtárának
Stormy Generation], II, Budapest, 1906, 79–87. and abridged version: Nőszemély, 1997, Vol. 7, lajstroma [Catalogue of the Hungarian library
Issue 2, 28–30. of Countess Kata Bethlen], by K[ata] P[iroska]
6
Györgyi SÁFRÁN, op.cit. B[oldizsár], with notes by Zoltán KÖBLÖS,
Erdélyi Múzeum, 1912, Vol. 7, [162]–190.
188 189
 Zsuzsa Maurer
THE VENICE CULTURAL CONVENTION
ON LIBRARY AND MUSEUM
HOLDINGS: NOVEMBER 1932
According to the terms of the Peace Treaty of Trianon,
which was signed in the wake of World War I, Hungary
lost roughly two-thirds of its territory and more than half
of its population, as well as significant economic resources.
In addition to these palpable losses, institutional net-
works which had been vital to economic, commercial,
cultural, and scholarly life in the Dualist Era and earlier
centuries were disrupted. The territory of the country (not
including Croatia) went from 283,000 square kilometers
Collectors and Collections
to 93,000. The population went from 18.2 million to
7.6 million. Some 3.2 million people who had declared
themselves Hungarian when censuses had been taken
found themselves citizens of one of the neighboring states.
This drastic loss of territory and population led to an array
of economic problems. The country lost 62 percent of
its wealth, 83 percent of its iron ore production, and 88
percent of its forests. Post-Trianon Hungary’s popula-
tion density (82.1 people per square kilometer, compared
with 64.6 people per square kilometer in pre-Trianon
Hungary) was more than twice the European average.
The country was industrially underdeveloped and largely
reliant on agriculture, which made it particularly difficult
to provide gainful employment for the proportionally
large population. With regards to culture and scholarship,
Hungary lost some of its most important monuments,
lieux de memoire, museum collections, archives, libraries,
and schools. Libraries that looked back on long, distin-
guished histories were separated from the institutions in
post-Trianon Hungary. Of the 1,348 scholarly and pub-
lic libraries in pre-Trianon Hungary, 605 remained. 273
were in the newly created state of Czechoslovakia, 326 in
Romania, 77 in the newly created state of Yugoslavia, 38
in Austria, and 29 in Italy. Of the 485 scholarly libraries
265 ended up in one of the neighboring states. According
to an overview done by Pál Gulyás, these institutions
can be divided into the following groups: founded in the
Middle Ages: 6 (4 of which were lost); founded in the
sixteenth century: 15 (9 of which were lost); founded
in the seventeenth century: 44 (31 of which were lost);
The opening of an exhibition in the National Museum of works that had been returned to Hungary from Viennese collections founded in the eighteenth century: 110 (58 of which were
(Képes Pesti Hírlap [The Illustrated Pest Newspaper], 5 July 1933) lost); founded in the first half of the nineteenth century:
113 (42 of which were lost); founded in the second half
190 of the nineteenth century: 159 (80 of which were lost);
THE VENICE CULTURAL CONVENTION ON LIBRARY AND MUSEUM HOLDINGS: NOVEMBER 1932
founded in the twentieth century: 31 (15 of which were
lost). There were another 51 libraries for which precise
information is not available concerning when they were
founded. Of these 51 institutions, 26 ended up in one of
the neighboring countries. Thus, a total of 265 institutions
were beyond the borders of Trianon Hungary, and in their
holdings were found 26 percent of the manuscripts, 26.3
percent of the incunabula, and 41.7 percent of the old
Hungarian books that been part of the cultural treasure
trove of pre-War Hungary. While the Treaty of Trianon
set the conditions of peace between Hungary and the vic-
torious powers (which included the newly created states
of Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia and the dramatically
larger state of Romania), Hungary and Austria were left
to resolve debates concerning possessions and real estate
through so-called liquidation negotiations. These nego-
tiations also addressed the fate of Hungarian art treasures
and entailed properties.
As early as 1919, there was some unrest in Hungary
at the news that the new Austrian state perceived the
imperial and royal collections as Austrian national prop-
erty on the basis of territorial considerations. In other
words, Austria regarded relics, treasures, and artworks
that were part of Hungary’s cultural heritage but had
been held in Vienna for centuries as Austrian. The rep-
resentatives of Austria based their stance on paragraph
208 of the Saint-Germain Treaty. According to them,
the Republic of Austria was not a successor state of the
old Monarchy, and so, with the ratification of the treaty
that established its new borders, it obtained unlimited
ownership of all formerly shared properties that were
within its territory.
According to Hungary, in contrast, the peace treaties
could contain no provisions concerning the shared prop-
erties of the two states of the former Dual Monarchy.
Rather, Hungary and Austria had to arrive at agreements
on these matters on their own. Since there had not been
a separate Hungarian court under the Dual Monarchy,
Hungary was entitled to half of the wealth of the (fallen)
Habsburg court.
Műkincseink vándorútja Bécsbe (The Journey of Our
Art Treasures to Vienna), a book written in 1919 by
László Siklóssy, offers a good impression of the restless- 191
 ness that was felt among the public in Hungary over this
issue. The government formed a committee to address
the issue of the liquidation of the collection in Vienna
and the collections that had been part of the Habsburg
court. The committee was also entrusted with the task
of formulating Hungary’s stance on this issue. The pres-
ident of the committee was Vilmos Fraknói. The mem-
bers of the committee were either government officials
or heads of public collections in Hungary, specifically
László Fejérpataky (the director of the National Mu-
seum), Elek Petrovics (the director of the Museum of
Fine Arts), Gyula Végh (the director of the Museum of
Applied Arts), Elemér Czakó (of the National Széchényi
Library), and Dezső Csánki (of the National Archives).
They managed to have an addition made to paragraph
177 of the Peace Treaty. Originally, this paragraph stipu-
lated merely that Hungry was obliged to return all of the
official documents, charters, and historical records that
were in the possession of public collections but were seen
Collectors and Collections
as the rightful property of the governments of allied or
partner states and were in some way directly tied to the
history of the territories that had been ceded but had,
in the period since 1 January 1868, been removed from
the given territory. Furthermore, it stipulated that the
objects of art, archeological relics, and items of histor-
ical or scholarly importance that had been part of one
of the collections of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy
or of the Crown, but which nonetheless constituted
part of the intellectual patrimony (the term used was
“patrimoine intellectuel”) of the country of their place
of origin were to be returned at the request of the given
country within the framework of an amicable agreement
(“accord amiable”).
The addition to paragraph 177 of the peace treaty simi-
larly authorized Hungary to request the return of Hungar-
ian intellectual or cultural property (objects, collections,
documents, etc.) from the states in question, in particular
from Austria. According to paragraph 191, the possessions
of the former or the current Hungarian government were
to be understood as including the possessions of the former
Kingdom of Hungary and the Kingdom of Hungary’s share
in the common properties of the Austro-Hungarian Mon-
archy, as well as the entire crown estates and the private
possessions of the former ruling family of Austria-Hunga-
ry. Thus, the Hungarian party to the negotiations, citing
its rights as joint-proprietor, requested the division of the
items belonging to Hungary’s cultural heritage (museum
pieces, library holdings, archival holdings, and the collec-
tions of the Habsburg court), a proportional share of the
former military properties (including real estate), and the
recognition of its right to half of the wealth of the court.
The effectuation of the stipulations concerning the
192 Hungarian intellectual patrimony was entrusted to the
Committee of Cultural Properties, established by the
Minister for Religion and Public Education. The presi-
dent of the committee was Gyula Wlassics, an attorney
and a widely known figure in education policy. The
executive of the committee was Elemér Czakó, a deputy
under-secretary. The other members of the committee
were respected representatives of the ministries and
public collections. By 1922, they had articulated their
position with regards to the legal foundations. They then
created two committees responsible for the negotiations,
the Archive Committee under the leadership of Dezső
Csánki and the Museum and Library Committee under
László Fejérpataky. The Archive Committee (Árpád
Károlyi, Gyula Szegfű, and Ferenc Eckhart) had been
engaged in discussions with the Austrians concerning
the common archives and the court archives since 1920.
The committee under Fejérpataky began to attempt
to determine precisely the materials to which Hungary
was laying claim in what had been the shared archives
and libraries of the Austro-Hungarian state, the archives
and libraries that had belonged to the court, and the
archives and libraries in the shared ministries. The com-
mittee based its assessment on a survey provided by
Árpád Károlyi, the retired director of the Haus-, Hof-
und Staatsarchiv (the Austrian State Archives). On
18 July 1922, Fejérpataky entrusted János Melich, the
director of the National Széchényi Library, with the task
of compiling the specific demands Hungary planned to
make. On the basis of Károlyi’s survey, Melich divided
the library materials to which Hungary laid claim into
three groups. The first group consisted of the objects
that fell under the term Hungarian intellectual patri-
mony according to paragraph 177 of the peace treaty.
The second category consisted of the assets to which
Hungary laid claim as joint-proprietor in accordance
with paragraph 191 of the treaty. The third category
concerned items or properties that were of importance
to both states or to which neither Austria nor Hungary
could lay exclusive claim. Hungary asserted its right as
joint-proprietor of these properties, which were seen as
undivided common possessions. The manner in which
this shared ownership would be translated into practice
or ownership would be transferred to one of the two
parties in exchange for some compensation was to be the
subject of a so-called “accord amiable.” The proposal also
listed the libraries and museum collections the holdings
of which Hungary laid partial claim to. These libraries
included the Bibliotheca Palatina (what at the time was
the Österreichische Staatsbibliothek and later became
the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek), the Imperial
and Royal Entailed Library, the library of what had been
the Austro-Hungarian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the
Consulate Academy Book and Manuscript Archives, the
Library of the Court and State Archive, the Hofkammer
Library, the Library of Art History (which had been
part of the entailed property belonging to the ruling
family), and the libraries of the Austrian ministries. The
museum collections and other collections included the
Treasury of the Imperial Family, the Art History Col-
lection of the Imperial Family, the Imperial and Royal
Museum of Military History, and the Imperial and Royal
Museum of the Natural Sciences. Works that belonged
to the first category included copies of books that had
been sent by publishing houses and printing presses to
public collections as a matter of law from anywhere in
the territory of what had once been the Kingdom of
Hungary, works by Hungarian authors (regardless of
their place of publication), books that had been pub-
lished by Hungarian printing presses, any work that
was originally from Hungary (for instance books that
had been taken from monasteries), works that had been
given by Hungarian donors or as parts of Hungarian
bequests, and all book collections that had been created
by Hungarian book collectors and purchased either from
the original collector or his or her heirs (for instance the
Zsámboki Library). Works that belonged to the second
category included works on Hungary by non-Hungari-
ans if they had not been printed in Austria or did not
constitute part of Austria’s cultural heritage. The third
category consisted of works to which neither Austria
nor Hungary could lay exclusive claim, but rather were
to be divided between the two states on the basis of
common agreement. Similarly, manuscripts were divided
into the following three groups: every manuscript or
collection of manuscripts that originally had come from
Hungary, regardless of where it had ended up in the court
library; every original manuscript or copied manuscript
by a Hungarian author; and every omnibus edition by
Hungarian authors if none of the authors was Austri-
an. According to the proposal, these works included
the following: the Vienna Illuminated Chronicle, old
documents in Hungarian, sources on Hungarian history,
and the Corvina Codices. Maps that had been made
by Hungarian cartographers, copperplate engravers, or
wood engravers belonged to the first category, as did
maps that had been made in Hungarian institutions and
maps or collections of maps that had been purchased
from or given by Hungarian collectors if they were not
part of Austria’s cultural heritage. The second category
included all maps or drafts of maps depicting Hungary,
a county in Hungary, a region in Hungary, a district of
Hungary, a city in Hungary, or a castle in Hungary if
the map or draft in question was not part of Austria’s
cultural heritage. It also included all works that had been
dedicated to a Hungarian, again if the work in question
was not part of Austria’s cultural heritage. The part of
the proposal that dealt with items in museum collections
was drafted by Elek Petrovics on the basis of similar
categories and also with lists of concrete examples and
explanations for their inclusion.
THE VENICE CULTURAL CONVENTION ON LIBRARY AND MUSEUM HOLDINGS: NOVEMBER 1932
In 1923, the issue of the division of cultural properties
was made part of the broader series of negotiations con-
cerning issues of wealth and finance as they pertained to
the division of Austro-Hungary into Austria and Hun-
gary. At these negotiations, Hungary was represented
by Baron József Szterényi, the former royal Minister
of Commerce and a member of the Upper House of
parliament
At the same time, law 1922: XIX brought all of the
public collections affected by the negotiations between
Hungary and Austria together in the National Hungar-
ian Collection (Országos Magyar Gyűjteményegyetem),
the governing board of which took over the negotiations
from then on.
After Fejérpataky’s death on 6 March 1923, the Na-
tional Collection reorganized the Museum and Library
Committee. Petrovics was made president of the com-
mittee. The other members were Bálint Hóman (the
director of the National Széchényi Library), Gyula Végh,
Elemér Varju (the director of the Museum of Fine Arts),
and Tibor Gerevich, head librarian. The Ministry of
Foreign Affairs was represented by ministerial secretary
László Bárdossy. The committee continuously consulted
the advisor of the National Collection, Kunó Klebels-
berg, the Minister of Religion and Public Education, as
well as Szterényi, the representative of the Hungarian
government at the negotiations between Hungary and
Austria concerning the liquidation of the various col-
lections.
First, the committee compiled a list of the items that
it regarded as Hungarian intellectual patrimony. The
inventory, which was based on thorough study of the
secondary literature, was submitted in July of 1923. The
museum and library experts (Varju, Károly Csányi, Edith
Hoffmann, Gerevich, Emil Jakubovich, Zoltán Oroszlán,
Zoltán Tóth, Pál Harsányi and Fógel József) continued
to gather information and examine the materials in Aus-
trian collections. An inventory divided on the basis of
genre was submitted to the Austrian representatives at
the negotiations at the end of 1923.
Over the course of the year in 1924, the two parties
to the negotiations exchanged inventories of the items
to which they laid claim. Personal talks were held in
the hopes of finding some common ground, but in the
end the negotiations were broken off because of strong
differences of opinion. The Austrian government con-
tinued to throw into question the competence of the
two parties to the negotiations with regards to the ar-
chives, the properties of the court, and the various 193
 collections. It stuck rigidly to the territorial principle, crown or the Treasure of Sânnicolau Mare, or as it is gary’s and Austria’s shared history and the relationship
i.e. the items in question belonged, in the view of the known in Hungarian, the Treasure of Nagyszentmiklós. between these values and the collections of the court
Austrian government, to the state in whose territory By 1930, it had become clear that several questions treasury and the ruling family’s entailed estates. The
they fell at the time of the signing of the peace treaties. would remain unresolved, the efforts of the negotiators Hungarian government was entitled to send represent-

Finally, in 1925, in accordance with the terms of the
Burgenland pact of 26 February 1923 (an arbitration
accord between Hungary and Austria), the two gov-
ernments chose arbitrators. The Austrian government
appointed Minister of Finance Viktor Kienböck, the
Hungarian government appointed Szterényi, whose
appointment was approved by the Council of Ministers
on 5 June 1925. Szterényi and Kienböck tried to arrive
at common agreements on the unresolved questions
(for instance items that had belonged to the military,
common military real estate, issues pertaining to state
credit, the court collections and properties) in order
to reduce the amount of material that would have to
be addressed by the court of arbitration. The actual
court of arbitration had not been formally established,
Collectors and Collections
notwithstanding. In order to accelerate the process, on
15 September 1930 the Austrian-Hungarian court of
arbitration was formed in Lausanne. The president of
the court was Agostino Soldati, an expert on interna-
tional law and a judge of the Swiss high court of justice.
The Hungarian government sent Petrovics and Kálmán
Alkér, a justice of the Hungarian supreme court, as del-
egates. The case before the court of arbitration involved
question of the 50 percent share of the court properties
and the properties that were entailed, as well as the
Hungarian demands concerning the Hungarian govern-
ment’s right to half of the former royal collection. On
18 April 1931, the Austrian government responded to
the petition that had been submitted by the Hungar-
ian government on 27 December 1930, to which the
THE VENICE CULTURAL CONVENTION ON LIBRARY AND MUSEUM HOLDINGS: NOVEMBER 1932
atives of bodies of government to the collections, who
would be given free access to the items in the collections
and allowed to compile registries, take photographs, and
pursue research. Neither government had to request
the permission of the other when making this kind of
information public. Citizens of Hungary were allowed
access to collections according to the same conditions
that applied to citizens of Austria. One provision that
was not part of the Lugano Convention specified that
the Austrian government was obliged to loan objects
that were part of Hungary’s intellectual patrimony for
temporary exhibitions held by public collections in Hun-
gary. With regards to the Bocskai crown, however, the
convention did not fulfill the wishes of the Hungarian
state (because of opposition raised by Romania). Finally,

but in the course of negotiations in Baden the two
arbitrators reached a tentative agreement concerning
the library and museum holdings, with the stipulation
that the agreement would only be binding if the other
questions were resolved. The document concerning this
agreement was drawn up on 14 May 1928 in Lugano.
However, the most significant result of the negotiations
was the Baden Archival Charter, which came into
effect on 1 January 1927. The charter was based on
the principles outlined by Árpád Károlyi. Documents
and written materials that were Hungarian intellectual
patrimony and Hungarian in their provenance were
returned to Hungary. Archival documents that had
come into being in the course of the functioning of
the central bodies of state administration that were at
least in part under Hungary authority between 1526 and
1919 were given the status of indivisible shared intel-
lectual patrimony. The archival delegation which had
been active in 1921–1922 (in the Military Archives,
the Austrian State Archives) was made permanent.
It exerted a palpable influence on the conditions of
archival research and ensured that Hungarian delegates
would have equal access to holdings, as would Hun-
garian scholars. These principles were of considerable
significance from the perspective of later events as well,
since the Lugano Charter also used the concept of in-
tellectual patrimony as it was understood here with
regards to museum and library holdings, and it added
nuance to the Venice Charter. It is worth noting that
the three lists of items that were included as a supple-
ment to the Lugano Charter were included without
modification in the Venice Charter. This meant that
there were no further opportunities to effectuate the
194 return of additional art treasures, such as the Bocskai
Hungarian government then offered its own reply. In
March of 1932, the Austrian government called into
question the authority of the court of arbitration to reach
any decision concerning the fate of the collections. In
May, it issued a response to the reply of the Hungarian
government. The Hungarian government responded in
writing to the petition of the Austrian government in
which the Austrian government called into question the
jurisdiction of the court of arbitration, but no negotia-
tions in person were held. During the sitting in Vienna
in October, Soldati and Plinio Bolla, the secretary of
the committee, examined the art treasures in question.
Finally, on 27 November 1932, at the suggestion of
the president of the court of arbitration Szterényi and
Kienböck signed a convention on “some questions of
state debt” and “the issue of the museum and library
holdings.” The convention was ratified by both Austria
and Hungary, and thus could be implemented.
The Venice Charter was, first and foremost, a state-
ment of principles. Namely, it recognized items that were
part of Hungary’s intellectual patrimony but had not
been returned to Hungary on the basis of the convention
as the shared cultural property of the two countries. This
provision was not part of the Lugano Convention. The
objects could not be given to any third party. A scholarly
expert appointed in agreement by both countries was
called on to resolve debated questions of intellectual
patrimony. If the two governments were unable to reach
agreement on the person to play this role, the Commis-
sion de Coopération intellectuelle international would be
asked to appoint him or her. The convention assured
Hungary favorable rights of access and use to the col-
lections, in recognition of the common cultural values
that had come into existence as a consequence of Hun-
the convention specified that the provisions concerning
the museum and library holdings were not to have any
prejudicial effect on questions that had not yet been
resolved. This was particularly true of the private prop-
erties of the House of Habsburg-Lorraine and the court
treasury.
With regards to museum and library holdings, the
Venice Charter included two supplements with lists of
the items that had been returned to Hungary (the first
contained materials from library holdings, the second
contained materials from museum holdings). In its an-
nual report, which was customarily published in Magyar
Könyvszemle [Hungarian Book Review], the National
Széchényi Library described 1933 as a memorable year
because of the return of art treasures to the institution
and a representative exhibition. Petrovics himself was
present for the transfer of the materials from Vienna.
Petrovics had asked Minister of Culture Homán to send
Jakubovich, Varju, and Zoltán Tóth to examine and
identify the items individually. According to Petrovics’
report, the materials would be transported by boat, since
that would ensure the highest degree of safety, both
from the perspective of the normal stresses of travel and
from the perspective of theft. According to an estimate
of expenses submitted by the transport company, the
costs of packaging and transport would come to 35,000
schillings, or roughly 3,000 Hungarian pengős. Insurance
would come to 3,500 pengős for each shipment of 3.5
million pengős in value. The manuscripts were appraised
at a value of 1 million pengős, the paintings at a value
of 160,000 pengős, the relics made of metal at a value of
140,000 pengős, the marble reliefs at a value of 200,000
pengős, the works of glass art at a value of 3,000 pengős,
and the weapons, military equipment, and state coaches
Anonymus: Gesta Hungarorum. A parchment codex in Latin.
The anonymous author (“P. dictus magister”), who was the
first to present the history of Hungary, presumably was a scribe
in the court of King Béla III. (National Széchényi Library,
Manuscript Collection. Cod. Lat. 403)
at a value of 497,000 pengős. Mrs. Tivadar Rédey, Emma
Bartoniek, Miklós Asztalos, Gábor Halász and Iván Gro­
novszky took part in the preparatory work for the exhi-
bition. The members of the organizing committee were
Varju, Ferenc Dőry, Edith Hoffmann, Jakubovich, and
Tóth, and the president was Petrovics. The woodwork
company Károly Lingel and Sons provided the necessary
furnishings, including horizontal and slanting display
cases, cabinets, weapon stands, and the mannequins nec-
essary for the display of armor (the company offered an 8
percent discount because of the historical nature of the
occasion). The exhibition, which presented materials
from library, museum, and archival holdings, as well as
items from military history collections (in other words
works that had been returned in accordance with both
the Baden Charter and the Venice Charter), opened on
5 July 1933. It included an illustrated catalogue entitled
A bécsi gyűjteményekből Magyarországnak juttatott tárgy­
ak kiállítása a Nemzeti Múzeumban [Exhibition in the
National Museum of Items Returned to Hungary from
the Collections in Vienna]. The day before the open- 195

Collectors and Collections
The Latin codex, which dates back to the fourteenth century, is
known as Kálti Márk Képes krónikája [Márk Kálti’s Illuminat-
ed Manuscript], after the man who is assumed to have been its
author. (Earlier it had been referred to as the Vienna Illuminat-
ed Chronicle simply because it had been kept in Vienna.) The
codex, which is richly adorned with illuminations and illumi-
nated initial letters, is a fine specimen of European codex art
(National Széchényi Library Cod. Lat. 404)
ing, members of the government and the two houses of
parliament were invited guests in the vaulted hall of the
Hungarian National Museum, where Petrovics offered
words of welcome, followed by an opening speech by
Hóman. Homán and Petrovics then offered the repre-
sentatives of government a guided tour of the exhibition.
The first supplement to the convention listed 37 man-
uscripts that had been returned to Hungary. The list is
sparing in the details it provided, including only the
shelf number of the items in the library in Bibliotheca
Palatina and titles one or two words in length. The works
that were returned consisted of two works of historical
value in Hungarian, 28 codices in Latin (16 of which
were so-called Corvina Codices, including the richly
illustrated, very precious Graduale and the Philostratus
Corvina, which, according to a parenthetical remark in
the inventory could be returned “in recognition of the
particularly emphatic wish of the Hungarian royal del-
egate”). Three works from the invaluable collection of
196 Humanist book collector János Zsámboki, which formed
the foundation of the library of the Viennese court, were
returned, including a codex containing the Hungarian
Chronicle (which the inventory incorrectly identified as
the Kézai Chronicle) and bearing Zsámboki’s name. The
The “P” initial letter of the Képes krónika
[Illuminated Manuscript]
items in Latin included a number of works of remarkable
value, such as the Gesta Hungarorum, (the first extant
Hungarian chronicle, by Anonymous), as well as the
codices with the Hungarian chronicles: the Thuróczy
Codex (which also contained the laws of the earliest
Hungarian kings), the an incomplete codex known as
the Acephalus Codex, and the “Képes Krónika” (Illu-
minated Chronicle), which previous had been known
as the Vienna Illuminated Chronicle. The collection
also included the account books of King Ulászló (or
Wladislas), the “school book” from Esztergom (which
contained theological tracts, cursive musical notations,
and glosses in Hungarian), and Humanist eclogues with a
commendatory verse to John the Valiant. The materials
that were returned to Hungary also included two works of
tremendous value from the perspective of the history of
written culture in Hungarian, namely the earlier codex
of the fir Hungarian Bible, the so-called Vienna Codex,
and the Birk Codex, which was four leafs written by
Pál Váci for Dominican nuns. The chronicle of György
Szerémi also represented an important addition to the
collection of works in Latin from the Modern Era, as did
the manuscripts of laws, including the Ilosvay Codex.
The latter included also a manuscript by Márton György
Kovachich entitled Memoriale de adornanda nova collec-
tione et emendata editione decretorum comitialium Regni
Hungariae, and another manuscript by Kovachich was
also returned entitled Még egy Kovachich-kézirat került
THE VENICE CULTURAL CONVENTION ON LIBRARY AND MUSEUM HOLDINGS: NOVEMBER 1932
The “S” initial letter of the Képes krónika
[Illuminated Manuscript]
vissza: Indices manuscriptorum in diversis Bibliothecis re­
peribilium. Specificatio collectionum manuscriptorum de re-
bus Hungaricis. Two other manuscripts were sent from
Vienna that were given to the University Library in
Budapest because originally they had been part of the
Hevenesi Collection, as is indicated in the 1933 report
of the Széchényi Library.
The list below is an inventory of the manuscripts
that were to be returned to Hungary according to the
first supplement to the Venice Charter. It includes the
shelf number and short name that was given to each
item when it was part of the holdings of the Bibliotheca
Palatina. Each item was given a new shelf number when
it was incorporated into the holdings of the National
Széchényi Library. These shelf numbers are listed in the
right-hand column.
Cod. 545. Acephalus Cod. Lat. 405
Cod. 3418 II. Ulászló Account Book Cod. Lat. 411
Cod. 3455. Thuróczy Codex Cod. Lat. 407
Cod. 3458. Magyar Bible Translation MNy. 72
Cod. 8496. Ilosvay Codex Fol. Lat. 4023
Cod. 8649. Szerémi Chronicle Fol. Lat. 4020
Cod. 3426. Birk Codex MNy. 71
Cod. 8465. Quadripartitum Fol. Lat. 4024
Cod. 7572/73 Series actorum et Acta autographa
turned over to the University Library
Cod. 8630. Kovachich Memoriale Fol. Lat. 4013 197
 Cod. 15189. Kovachich CatalogusManuscriptorum 2 altar wings with the depiction of archduke Maxi- after the acquisition has transpired, i.e. in connection in Vienna, the registry of benefactors of the Aggsbach
Fol. Lat. 4014 milian. with my next quarterly report.” However, on 9 June Carthusian monastery, the necrology of the Bruck an der
Cod. 4723. Sermones de tempore Cod. Lat. 410 The pistols of field marshal Laudon. 1933, Jakubovich reported to his superior, Zsigmond Mur Minorites, Thomas Ebendorfer von Haselbach com-
Cod. 405. Illuminated Chronicle of Hungary A few swords, spurs, stirrups, bits, etc. from the early Bátky, the deputy director general of the Hungarian mentary on the Ten Commandments, and Gesta Roma-

Cod. Lat. 404
Cod. 3374. Chronicle of Simon of Kéza Cod. Lat. 406
Cod. 82. Agathias Cod. Lat. 413
Cod. 1769. Antiphonale Cod. Lat. 424
Cod. 831. Basilius Magnus Cod. Lat. 415
Cod. 1076. Basilius Cod. Lat. 426
Cod. 2391. Chalcidius Cod. Lat. 418
Cod. 256. Isocrates Cod. Lat. 430
Cod. 2363. Regiomontanus Cod. Lat. 412
Cod. 2343. Trapezuntius Cod. Lat. 428
Cod. 178. Xenophon Cod. Lat. 422
Cod. 2365. Antonius Bonfini Cod. Lat. 421
Cod. 2489.Tribrachus Cod. Lat. 416
Cod. 105. Quintilianus Institutiones Cod. Lat. 414
Cod. 109. Genealogia Deorum Cod. Lat. 423
Collectors and Collections
Middle Ages up to the sixteenth century, according to
a selection made in agreement with the leadership of
the collections.
An assortment of Hungarian graphics and the corre-
sponding publications according to a selection made
by the leadership of the collections.
A series of Hungarian bank and treasury bills from after
1918 that have lost their value.
A smaller object of old or modern sculpture or applied
arts chosen in agreement with the heads of the collec-
tions.
A few books (possibly manuscripts) chosen in agreement
with the library directorate.”
At a meeting that was held at the Museum of Fine
National Museum, that the codices touching on some
aspect of Austria’s history had been handed over to
Austria. Jakubovich asked that his report be presented
to the managing vice-president’s office of the National
Hungarian Collection. On 12 June of the same year,
the works that had been surrendered to the Austrians
were removed from the manuscript inventory. In Bar-
toniek’s catalogue of Latin codices, which was published
in 1940, one finds, next to the empty shelf marks (with
no description of the codices), only the small inscription
written in small letters: “ex pactione cum Austria, Ve-
netiis 27. Nov. 1932 facta a Museo Nationali Hungarico
Bibliothecae Nationali Vindobonensi traditus est.”
It was possible to identify the codices and manuscripts
that were given to Vienna on the basis of the aforemen-
THE VENICE CULTURAL CONVENTION ON LIBRARY AND MUSEUM HOLDINGS: NOVEMBER 1932
norum in German, and a five-volume eighteenth-century
Codex Provincialis manuscript. Each of these codices is
from the collection of Miklós Jankovich, who made the
largest donation to the Széchényi Library after its founder,
Ferenc Széchényi. The manuscript from the Modern Era
had been part of the library’s oldest holdings. We have
supplemented the National Széchényi Library inventory
with the data from the catalogue of the Österreichische
Nationalbibliothek.
Cod. Lat. 131
Formerly shelf mark Fol. Lat. 1989
Breviarium seu ordo officii divini ecclesiae ad St. Stepha-
num Viennae
Cod.saec. XV. pag. 468. in 2o. (Nic. Jankovich)

Cod. 152. Asconius Pedianus Cod. Lat. 427
Cod. 437. Boccaccio de casibus Cod. Lat. 425
Cod. 249. Horatius Cod. Lat. 419
Cod. 1079. Bernardus de consideratione Cod. Lat. 429
Cod. 1799. Breviarium Strigoniense Cod. Lat. 409
Cod. 1781. Calendarium Strigoniense Cod. Lat. 408
Cod. 188. Fulgentius Cod. Lat. 420
Cod. 514. Anonymus Cod. Lat. 403
Cod. 25. Philostratus Cod. Lat. 417
The second supplement, which contained items from
museum holdings, included only a few works meriting
particular mention here: relief depictions of King Mátyás
and his wife Beatrix, so-called Maximilian armor, altar
wings by Hans Memling, a Tintoretto, pictures of Pest-Bu-
da by Rudolf and Thomas Alt, watercolors by Thomas
Ender, works by goldsmith József Szentpétery, paintings
by Sándor Wagner, József Borsos, Károly Markó the El-
der, and armor, helmets, swords, sabers, maces, daggers,
hunting equipment, flags, pieces of furniture, medals,
and reliquaries that were regarded as part of Hungary’s
intellectual patrimony. These items included objects
that were given in lieu of and as compensation for works
that were actually part of Hungary’s cultural heritage
and served only to make the Hungarian collections more
complete. The works that were part of Hungary’s cultural
heritage were kept by Austria collection on the basis of
the principle of respect des fonds, i.e. in order to preserve
the historical character and unity of these collections.
I cite almost in its entirety the third supplement to the
convention, which lists the demands of the Austrians:
“A selection of 2 old Austrian paintings from roughly
198 1430 (one of higher quality and one weaker work).
Arts on 23 May 1933, the final list of works to be giv-
en was compiled by the Hungarian party. According
to the minutes of the meeting, those present (Ludwig
Baldass, August Gross, Petrovich, Varju, Hofmann,
and Tóth) had made the following selection of works
of Hungarian graphics and corresponding publications:
36 woodcuts and copperplates by the following au-
thors: Vilmos Aba-Novák, István Szőnyi, Jenő Barcsay,
Jenő Sinkovics, Erzsébet Aszódi Weil, János Kmet-
ty, Kálmán Istokovics, Károly Patkó, Nándor Lajos
Varga, Gyula Komjáti, András Vadász, István Csóka,
Kálmán Gáborjáni Szabó, and Pál Molnár C. They also
selected the following works of typographic art: the
poetry of József Kiss, Arthur Keleti’s Angyali üdvözlet
[Ave Maria] with woodcut drawings by Pál Molnár C.,
Goethe in Hungarian translation, Ignác Kúnos’ A török
hodzsa tréfái [Jests of the Turkish Hodja], 40 woodcut
engravings by Dezső Fáy for Dante’s Divine Comedy,
Izidor Kner’s Félévszázad mezsgyéjén [On the Ridge of
a Half-Century], János Arany’s A Nagyidai czigányok
[Gypsies of Nagyida] with illustrations by Dezső Fáy.
With regards to the materials from library holdings,
they noted that eight manuscripts had been sent to
Vienna at the request of the director of the National
Library “zur Überprüfung und Wahl.”
The aforementioned 1934 report of the National
Széchényi Library that was printed in Magyar Könyv­
szemle makes no mention of this “exchange.” Only the
second quarterly report of 1933, which was not made
public (the report can be found in the Széchényi Li-
brary archives, Kt 2/1933, 8), alludes to it with a single
sentence attributed to director Dániel Havran: “I wish
to mention in greater detail the new acquisitions and
the manuscripts given to Vienna in compensation only
tioned file and the inventories. Then, their shelf num-
bers in the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek collection
could be identified. At the time, the Austrian party to
the negotiations had chosen works from the Hungari-
an manuscripts compiled by experts from the National
Széchényi Library and touching on Austria. They mate-
rials were sent by post in wooden chests to the Austria
National Library. Items in which the library had no in-
terest were returned. There are records in our archives of
the following codices having been offered for exchange:
Cod. Lat. 134, which contains the calendar made by the
astrologist and mathematician Joannes de Gmunden in
Vienna; Cod. Lat. 170, which was from Passau and con-
tained the resolutions reached by the Salzburg synod of
1418–19; Cod. Lat. 171, with the works of Nikolaus de
Dinkelsbühl; Cod. Lat. 193 on the reform of the Vienna
Augustine prebendaries; Cod. Lat. 254 with the Rosenheim
Roseum memoriale of the Benedictine Petrus; Cod. Lat.
261, the codex of the Schärding Augustinian canons; a
Cod. Germ. 2, which contains meteorological tractates;
Fol. Germ. 323, which was a Saltz- und Scheff-Ordnung
from the archbishopric in Salzburg from 1581; Fol. Germ.
535, the Österreichs Gerichts-Ordnung of Ferdinand I and
Maximilian I; Quart. Germ. 69 Johann Nepomuk Cratey’s
Geschichte Oestreichs; Quart. Germ. 85 Kurz gefaßte Bes-
chreibung der drey Länder Steyermarkt, Kärnten und Krain;
Quart. Germ. 278 Chronik der Stadt Wien; Quart. Germ.
410 Sämtliche Predigten by Ignaz Wurz; Quart. Germ. 415
Auszug aus den alten Grundbüchern des Stiffts des heiligen
Stephan in Wienn.
However, the Österreichische Staatsbibliothek (which
today is the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek), or rath-
er the Austrian republic laid claim to the following Latin
and German codices: the breviary of the Stephanskirche
Shelf mark in the Austrian National Library:
Cod. Ser. nova 3810
Cod. Lat. 188
Formerly shelf mark Fol. Lat. 2041
“Anniversaria Benefactorum” domus Carthusianorum in
Axpach [Aggsbach]
Cod. membran. saec. XIV. (A.1373.) pag. 22. in 2o.
(Nic. Jankovich)
Shelf mark in the Austrian National Library:
Cod. Ser. nova 3811
Cod. Lat. 270
Formerly shelf mark Quart. Lat. 1018
Magistri Thome Precepta [Ebendorfer de Haselbach:
Tractatus super Decalogum]
Cod. saec. XIV. pag. 192. in 4o. (Nic. Jankovich)
Shelf mark in the Austrian National Library:
Cod. Ser. nova 3813.
Cod. Lat. 384
Formerly shelf mark Fol. Lat. 2042
Liber mortuorum Ordinis Minorum in Bruck an der Mur
Cod. chart saec. XVI. (A.1512.) fol. 49. in 2o. (Nic.
Jankovich)
Shelf mark in the Austrian National Library:
Cod. Ser. nova 3812.
Cod. Germ. 49
Formerly shelf mark Oct. Germ. 27
Gesta Romanorum
Around 1460, letter 42. 220,145 mm.
From the collection of Miklós Jankovich
Shelf mark in the Austrian National Library: 199
 Ser. nova 3814
Hermann Menhardt leirása szerint “1r: Gebunden im
Juni 1933. Erworben durch Austausch der Kunstschätze
auf Grund des Friedensvertrages zwischen Österreich u.
Ungarn.”
Fol. Germ. 119/1-5
Füscher, Johann: Codex provincialis... deren... Herren
Ständen des Ertzherzogtums Österreich unter der Ennß
in fol. volumina quatuor, et index in volumine uno.
(Musei)
Shelf mark in the Austrian National Library: Ser.
nova 3815–3819.
In comparison with the initial demands of the Hungar-
ian party to the negotiations, very few items belonging
to Hungary’s intellectual patrimony were actually re-
turned, and this was particularly true of works in library
holdings. After having seen the exhibition, the daily
Collectors and Collections
papers, which had assumed that some 700 books had
been returned, had asked with disappointment that
bordered on despair whether this paltry assortment was
supposed to represent the cultural treasures that had
been collected by Hungarian kings over the course of
half a millennium. The negotiations were always con-
fidential, in part because of the opposing interests of
the two states and in part out of fear that the judges
who had been appointed and the governments would
be subject to attacks if the public were to have access
to too much information. Hóman, who served as Min-
ister of Religion and Public Education at the time of
the 1933 exhibition, offered a further explanation of
this secrecy in the preface to the exhibition catalogue:
“I open this exhibition of objects that have been re-
turned from Vienna with the hope that our society and,
most importantly, our youth will draw as many lessons as
possible from the relics of our past and will strengthen
our faith in the future.” In the end, the details of the
exchange remained in obscurity, and the whole affair
was even forgotten among experts. Characteristically,
even the Széchényi Library’s commemoration of the
30th anniversary of the convention did not touch on
it. Similarly, it was also forgotten that, according to
the stipulations of the Venice Charter, like archives,
200
libraries and museums could delegate experts to exam-
ine the Austria collections. In 1933, Petrovics, who
served as the vice-president of the National Hungarian
Collection and director of the Museum of Fine Arts,
pressed for measures to be taken on the institutional
level to ensure that the rights that were in principle
guaranteed by article IV of the Venice Convention
(rights that were important from the perspective of
scholarship) were respected in practice. The reply of
the Ministry of Culture, however, was in essence nega-
tive. Knowledge of the relevant parts of the convention
could offer effective principles in support of the loan of
items in Austrian collections belonging to Hungary’s
intellectual patrimony for exhibition. According to the
convention, the Austrian government was obliged to be
accommodating with respect to requests for temporary
loan of these items. And yet in spite of this, the orga-
nizers of an exhibition that was held in 2004–2005 on
István Bocskai had to content themselves with a black-
and-white photograph of the Bocskai crown, which is
held in the Weltliche Schatzkammer in Vienna. The
crown, a splendid work of Eastern art with remarkable
precious stones, was given to Bocskai, the Hungarian
prince, as a gift, and Bocskai left it to Hungary in his
last will and testament. Thus, it would be difficult to
claim that it does not represent an important part of
Hungary’s intellectual patrimony.
By the conclusion of the series of negotiations which
took place over the course of the first decade and a half
after World War I, the concept of intellectual property
had gained clear meaning. The two parties to the negoti-
ations, which arguably found themselves in a historically
unique situation, went from talks based on the simple
principle of territory to a more subtle recognition of
the cultural and historical importance of items of artis-
tic and intellectual value that lay beyond the bounda-
ries of a given country. They also managed to set aside
the equally simplistic notion of a fifty-fifty division of
properties and instead came to acknowledge the im-
portance of preserving the integrity of collections that
had evolved over the course of centuries. The striving
to reach consensus was not merely pretense, but rather
a shared understanding of a common cultural heritage
that looked back on centuries of history.
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A bécsi gyűjteményekből Magyarországnak
juttatott tárgyak kiállítása a Magyar Nemzeti
Múzeumban [Exhibition in the National Museum
of Items Returned to Hungary from the Collections
in Vienna], Budapest, 1933.
CSAPODI Csaba–TÓTH András–VÉRTESY
Miklós, Magyar könyvtártörténet [Hungarian
Library History], Budapest, 1987.
GULYÁS Pál, Magyarország könyvtárai és a
trianoni béke [The Libraries of Hungary and the
Treaty of Trianon], Magyar Könyvszemle [Hun-
garian Book Review], 1922, 225–229.
HANGODI Ágnes, A Bécsben folyó likvidációs
tárgyalásokról az Újság 1927-es évfolyamában
[On the Liquidation Negotiations in Vienna
in the 1927 Issues of Újság (News)], Magyar
Könyvszemle [Hungarian Book Review], 1998,
3. 300–302.
KÁROLYI Árpád, Magyarország társjoga az
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hitbizományi vagyonához, történeti és számsze-
rű hivatalos adatok világánál [Hungary’s Right
as Joint-Partner to the Properties of the Court
Treasury and the Entailed Properties of the Ruling
Family in Light of Official Historical and Statistical
Data], Budapest, 1922.
KELECSÉNYI Gábor, A velencei kulturális
egyezmény és az Országos Széchényi Könyvtár
1932 [The Venice Cultural Charter and the
National Széchényi Library, 1932], OSZK
Híradó [Széchényi Library Courier], 1969, 3–4.
57–61.
Magyar Törvénytár, 1921. évi törvénycikkek
[Hungarian Corpus Juris, Laws from 1921],
Budapest, 1922.
RESS Imre, A bécsi közös levéltárak szétválasz-
tásának kérdése 1918–1919-ben [The Question of
the Division of the Common Archives in Vienna in
1918–1919], Levéltári Közlemények [Archival
Publications], 1987, 1–2. 175–193.
RESS Imre, Nemzeti levéltári vagyon – közös
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– Common Intellectual Patrimony], Levéltári
Szemle [Archival Review], 1988, 1. 3–10.
SIKLÓSSY László, Műkincseink vándorútja Bécs-
be [The Journey of Our Art Treasures to Vienna],
Budapest, 1919. 2004.
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Pécs, 2000, 581–595.
SZÁVAI Ferenc, A kettős monarchia öröksége
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201
 Anikó Kocsy
KÁROLY LAMOTTE
Károly Lamotte is perhaps one of the lesser known fig-
ures of Hungarian history and Hungarian political life.
Recently published encyclopedias tend to devote only a
few lines to his career as a lawyer, politician, and banker.
The entries make no mention of his interest in art col-
lecting and his love of books, newspapers, and periodicals,
passions of which only a few of his contemporaries knew.
The periodical and newspaper collection of the National
Library, however, owes a debt of thanks to Lamotte, as a
significant share of its holdings is from the collection of
the one-time deputy mayor of Budapest.
Károly Lamotte was born on 14 June 1888 in Budapest.
Collectors and Collections
He was the scion of a family that had settled in Hungary
during the French Revolution. His father, József Lamotte,
was a clerk at a paint factory who earned a modest but
respectable living for his son and wife, Etelka Axmann.
When Károly was only fourteen years old, his father died,
and he was compelled to support both himself and his
mother. During the years he spent as a student at the
Lutheran comprehensive school in Budapest, he also ac-
cepted work as a teacher. He later pursued legal studies at
the Faculty of Law and Political Science at the Budapest
Hungarian Royal University, during which time he also
had many students. He completed his doctorate in polit-
ical science in 1909 and the obtained a position working
for the municipal administration. His job was not terribly
exciting. He had to compare copies of documents with the
originals. He later confessed, however, that he learned a
great deal from this work, because he had to read every
document attentively from start to finish.1 Later, he was
given a position in the public charity division, and in 1911
he was made part of the council for the sixth district of
Budapest. In 1918, mayor István Bárczy chose him as his
personal secretary. As Lamotte himself admitted, “I did
not know Bárczy, to this day I do not know why they put
me at his side.”2 At 26 years of age, he became a council
notary. In 1923, he was made town clerk and in 1924 he
Károly Lamotte (1888–1968), Deputy Mayor of Budapest was given a position as head of the mayor’s office, next to
government commissioner Ferenc Ripka. In 1926, he was
made an alderman and head of the presidential depart-
ment. In the same year, the general assembly chose him
to serve as alderman and town clerk. Only 38 years old at
the time, he was the youngest alderman. In 1927, mayor
Károly Szendy made him the head of the department of
finance. In 1928, he took part in the establishment of
202 the Communal Savings Bank, and he became a member
of the board of directors of the bank. On 9 January 1935,
the Budapest general assembly chose this open-minded,
broadly educated man as deputy mayor. His inauguration
speech offered ample testimony to his integrity and com-
mitment to public service.
“My work until now has consisted almost exclusive-
ly of guidance in questions of economics and finance.
However strange it may sound, it was precisely within
the framework of this activity that I learned to recognize
the particularly great importance of ethical considera-
tions. Economic life can be founded first and foremost on
ethical considerations, in addition to economic factors,
whether domestic or international. Honesty, the sanctity
of a pledge, the fulfillment of obligations one has accept-
ed within the bounds of possibility, these factors are the
KÁROLY LAMOTTE
ethical bases on which one can build economic life. […]
There is just one thing that we must never forget: that
we have great national goals. We must struggle to realize
our national ideals in the field of finance policy as well,
both domestically and internationally.
[…] My ideal goal would be that every branch of pro-
duction, every public body, interest, and individual find
its own opportunity to prevail.
I would like it if there were no gaps between village
and city. But I would also like it if, within the borders
of the city, there were no gaps between the individu-
al social and economic classes. The goal of a planned
economy cannot be the suppression of private interests
and individuals, but rather the provision of support ac-
cording to just division. This is the only thing that can
take humanity forward, because it does not shut down
the tremendous forces that lie hidden in individual initi-
atives and individual accomplishment, but rather strives
to bring these forces together in a shared effort.”3
Lamotte was well-known as a highly qualified expert. He
had demonstrated his ability to lead on many occasions,
as well as his integrity, technical knowledge, and ability
and willingness to organize. He was thoroughly familiar
with the issues faced by the officials of the capital, and he
strove to oversee and influence these issues with the best of
intentions. In the course of the years he spent in Budapest,
he addressed the question of the salary scales and wages
of city employees, had a resort center built, organized the
Charitable Foundation of Budapest City Employees, and
set relief work into motion in the cultural sphere. He took
active part in the reform of transportation in Budapest and 203
 Collectors and Collections
Color sketches of contemporary fashionable attire from the 1938 edition of Eilpost für Moden. Neue Zeitschrift für Kunst, Litera-
tur, Theater und Moden, which was published in Leipzig
The first page of the only issue (1848) of Charivari, the first
humor magazine in Hungary, edited by politician and writer
Gusztáv Lauka (1818–1902)
reorganized the Statistics Office. First and foremost, he
dealt with the questions of finance faced by the Hungarian
capital and wrote articles that were published in Váro-
si Szemle [City Review]. His most important works were
Egyesületi jogszabályok [Laws Concerning Societies], which
he wrote with the assistance of Miklós Zobor (Budapest,
1922), and Budapest pénzügyei [Budapest Finances] (1928).
He spoke English, French, and German. In 1937, he
204 was successful in negotiations that were held in Berlin
A color drawing of Keokuk (1767–1848), an Indian chief, from the second volume of Család Könyve [Family Book]
KÁROLY LAMOTTE
and Lausanne on the settling of Budapest’s debts, debts
which the city had been servicing since 1931. He received
several distinctions in recognition of his merits and ser-
vices performed, including the Middle Cross of the Order
of the Crown of Italy. He was a member of the Budapest
Council of Public Works and director of the National
Economic Club. When he retired in 1938, he became
the general manager of the Pest Hungarian Commerce
Bank, an office he held until 1944.
Lamotte, who at one point had been reasonably well-
known but who, after World War II, was increasingly
forgotten, remained active in the last two decades of his
life. Having withdrawn from politics, he gave in entirely
to his passion for art treasures and books until his death
in Budapest on 27 March 1968. He focused in particular
on books that had been published around or before 1800
and periodicals in Hungarian or German that had been
published in Hungary between the 1780s and 1867. His
impressive collection was divided up into three different
groups based on subject matter:
1. the history of Budapest – books, brochures, regis-
tries, letters, speeches, manuscripts;
2. the history of art – monographs, albums, and en-
gravings from Hungary and abroad;
3. periodicals (newspapers, almanacs) that were pub-
lished before 1848.
The part of his library for which there was not adequate
space in his home in Budapest he kept in his vacation
home in Leányfalu. Then, in a letter dated 11 February Magyarhoni Természetbarát [Nature Lover of Hungary] (1857–1858), which was published in Nyitra, with a drawing of a wood
1958, he offered to sell it to the Széchényi Library. grouse and the medicinal baths of Trencsénteplic (today Trenčianske Teplice in Slovakia) 205
 Collectors and Collections
The opening page of Ungarisches Magazin (1782), with a foldout illustration. The periodical , which was edited by historian János
Gottlieb Windlisch (1725-1793), was published in Bratislava between 1781 and 1783.
Gábor Mátray (at the time still Gábor Rothkrepf), who later
served as the “book custodian” of the National Library, edit-
ed the literary and fashion periodical Honművészt [Homeland
Artist], which was published between 1833 and 1941. A
color image of contemporary fashionable garments from the
last volume
206
Béla Dezsényi, the head of the collection of periodicals
and an excellent scholar and librarian, was filled with en-
thusiasm by the mere list of works in Lamotte’s collection,
which included some 100 titles and 1,090 volumes. He sent
specialists (Éva Lakatos and Menyhért Takács) to Leányfalu
to assess the value and state of the collection and to compare
it with the holdings of the library. The precious works in the
building in Leányfalu were not entirely unfamiliar to the
staff of the library, since Sándor Dörnyei and Mrs. György
Ürögdi had already examined the collection in connection
with a police case (they had served as appointed experts).
This had taken place in the early 1950s, when the central
police station of the Pest district had searched the house of
the former deputy mayor of Budapest and had seized, as proof
of Lamotte’s “sin,” what was allegedly an erotic notebook
(in fact it was an album of works by Franz von Bayros) from
the one-time politician’s remarkably rich art history col-
lection. Naturally, the experts had found nothing meriting
punishment. On the contrary, they had been astonished
by the beautiful books and other documents (which were
ample testimony to the collector’s remarkable expertise and
cultivation), as well as the attentive care with which the
items were stored. As they recounted, the books were kept in
waterproof wooden chests in a dry spot in the cellar. The more
valuable books were kept in the chests, individually wrapped
to ensure that they would not cause damage to one another.
Lamotte’s proposal came precisely at a time when the
leaders of the library were deciding whether or not, whenev-
KÁROLY LAMOTTE
Garasos Tár [Skimpy Depot], which was intended “to spread knowledge of public use,” was published by natural scientist Péter
Vajda (1808–1846) in 1834 in Leipzig
er possible, the library should keep two copies of every item In his life, his work, and his passion for art and books,
bearing on Hungary’s culture or history, one for use and one Károly Lamotte exemplified the knowledgeable, refined,
for the archives. Béla Dezsényi wanted to keep the atten- open-minded, and well-intentioned politician. To this
tively bound eighteenth-century and nineteenth-century day, the books and documents that were purchased from
periodicals (periodicals like Auróra, Honművész [Homeland him are among most prized of the many precious treasures
Artist], Ungarisches Magazin, and others) together because in the holdings of the Széchényi Library.
of their value and beauty, so he created a separate range
of shelf marks for them (H 36.000). Later, however, most
of them were placed in the storage facilities of the library
that were used for items of museum-piece value, precisely in
order to ensure that they would be properly cared for and
preserved. Lamotte was so attentive about the works that
he had his own book binder, who made a separate box for
the missing issues of the periodicals which fit on the book
shelves, between the bound editions.
Notes
Magyar Selfmademanek. 99 életrajz [Hungarian
1
Self-Made Men. 99 Biographies], Pesti Futár,
21. 25 December 1928, 71.
2
Ibid.
3
Budapest székesfőváros törvényhatósági
bizottságának 1935. évi febr. hó 13-án tartott
rendkívüli közgyűlése [Extraordinary Meeting of
the Budapest Municipal Council on 13 February Kossuth [Kossuth], a weekly launched in Budapest in 1879
1935], Fővárosi Közlöny [Budapest Gazette], by György Brankovics (1843–1930), who sought to provide a
26 February 1935, 373. history of the 1848–1849 War of Independence 207
 Ágnes Hangodi
PÁL GULYÁS’S LEGACY IN THE
NATIONAL SZÉCHÉNYI LIBRARY
Literary historian, bibliographer and librarian1 Pál Gulyás
was born on 5 January 1881 to a tradesman’s family. He
completed his studies in Budapest, obtaining a master’s
degree in arts at Pázmány Péter University in 1902 and
a degree in teaching French and Hungarian Language in
1903. Beginning in 1898, Gulyás worked as a junior clerk,
then as of 1905 he served as an assistant guard at the Hun-
garian National Museum. In 1908, he became a first-class
assistant guard at the National Széchenyi Library, and
between June and October 1934 he worked as the muse-
Collectors and Collections
um’s library director. For a while, he worked as a scrivener
at Múzeumok és Könyvtárak Országos Tanácsa [National
Council of Museums and Libraries],2 then, between 1915
and 1923, as a rapporteur at the National Inspectorate
of Museums and Libraries. Beginning in 1923, he was
the head librarian of the Hungarian National Collection
University. In 1914, he was appointed private tutor of
bibliography at Pázmány Péter University, where he gave
lectures beginning in 1922 as a so-called honorary public
special tutor. Gulyás was the editor of Magyar Könyvszemle
[Hungarian Book Review] between 1911 and 1924, and of
Magyar Könyvészet [Hungarian Bibliography], a supplement
of Corvina, between 1931 and 1934. He was made a full
member of the Szent István Akadémia [St. Stephen Acad-
emy] in 1916 and was a member of the Board for Literary
Studies of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences between
1916 and 1932. He became a corresponding member of
the Academy in 1932 and was a full member between
1946 and 1949. His full membership was posthumously
restored in 1989. In 1957, he received a CSc in literary
studies. After retirement, he worked at the national library
until his death.
Those who pay homage to his oeuvre primarily empha-
size his gifts as a polyhistor and the encyclopedic nature
of his work: “It is probably not a far-fetched idea, but
rather a sound claim that Pál Gulyás reconciled the two
tendencies in his personality: his encyclopedic, versatile
interest in enlightenment and specialization so essential
Pál Gulyás (1881–1963) in the discipline; being absorbed in detail and continuing
the parallel and complementary work of the bibliographer
and the researcher, the two most crucial and fundamen-
tal aspects of his oeuvre.”3 Gulyás’ first significant work
was his prize-winning doctoral dissertation about József
208 Péczeli, followed by studies on and concerning French
literature: about Jean Antoine de Baif, published in Egye-
temes Philológai Közlemények [Papers in Universal Philology]
PÁL GULYÁS’S LEGACY IN THE NATIONAL SZÉCHÉNYI LIBRARY
in 1904; Comte de Maistre, in Katholikus Szemle [Catholic
Review] in 1905; and Balzac, in the journal Turul in 1911.
His interest in the history of French Literature never fad-
ed: he selected and translated Brunetière’s critical essays,
published by Franklin Társulat in 1927 in the Culture and
Science Series.4
In the field of cultural history and the history of books
and libraries, he was most interested in Hungarian themes
and issues; alongside his monographs, the majority of his
studies and essays in Magyar Könyvszemle discuss this top-
ic. He published a paper on bookbinding techniques in
1904, on the prints from the printing workshop of the
Manuzio family of Venice that were deposited in the li-
brary of the Hungarian National Museum in 1908; the
Vitéz codex, which was found in Hannover in 1910; the
Elzevir respublica, stumbled on in the library of the Hun-
garian National Museum, and a family of bookbinders
from the north of Hungary in 1912. His Mátyás király
könyvtára [The Library of King Matthias] was published
in the Olcsó Könyvtár [Cheap Reads] series by Franklin
Társulat in 1916. His most substantial work, A könyv sorsa
Magyarországon a legrégibb időktől napjainkig [The Fate of
Books in Hungary from the Earliest Times to the Present] was
published in 1923–1924 by Nemzeti Könyvtár, followed by
A könyvek és könyvtárak hajdan és most [Books Then and
Now] in 1924 at the publishing house Magyar Jövő and
a monograph, A könyvnyomtatás Magyarországon a 15. és
16. században [Book Printing in Hungary in the Fifteenth
and Sixteenth Centuries], in 1931. He wrote chapters of
Bibliotheca Corvina – Mátyás király budai könyvtára [King
Matthias’s Library in Buda] (published by Szent István
Akadémia in 1927), discussing the fate of the library after
the battle of Mohács. In 1941 he compiled and, due to the
lack of support, privately published his Bibliotheca Joan-
nis Sambuci – Sámboky János könyvtára [János Sámboky’s
Library], on the basis of the original catalogue manuscript
deposited in the San Marco library in Venice.5
The list of his bibliographic works is also long: he pub-
lished the bibliography Magyar szépirodalom idegen nyelven
a Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum könyvtárában [Hungarian Lit-
erature in Foreign Languages in the Library of the Hungarian
National Museum] in 1915, an alphabetical directory of 209
 the Library of the Hungarian Royal Ministry of the Inte-
rior, and Ady Endre élete és munkái [The Life and Works
of Ady Endre] in 1925, as well as a directory entitled
Az irodalom kitagadottjai [The Disinherited of Literature]
in 1933. He completed A bibliográfia kézikönyve [A Hand-
book of Bibliography] in 1942 and Magyar írói álnévlexikon
[Hungarian Encyclopedia of Pseudonyms] in 1956. His
biggest bibliographic endeavor was a contribution to
József Szinnyei’s 14-volume A magyar írók élete és munkái
[The Life and Works of Hungarian Writers], which he was
commissioned to write by the Hungarian Academy of Sci-
ences in 1915. He managed to publish volumes I through V,
including entries A–D between 1939 and 1944,6 but he
continued collecting materials until the end of his life.7
As part of his theoretical and practical work in the
field of bibliography, he published studies in Magyar
Könyvszemle: he introduced the readership to an English
public library of science and a public library in Northern
Germany in 1908, as well as scholarly and public libraries
Collectors and Collections
in Paris and London in 1909. In 1910, he wrote his article
“Az új fővárosi könyvtár tervezetéről” [“On the Plans of the
New Capital Library”], which marked the beginning of his
debate with Ervin Szabó; then, in 1912 he published a draft
of A magyar tudományos könyvészet [Hungarian Bibliogra-
phy of Science], as well as reports on his study visits to Italy
and the low countries. His study A Kommunista könyvtár-
politika [A Communist Libraries Policy] was published in
1920–1922. Commissioned by the National Council of
Museums and Libraries, in 1909 he wrote the handbook
A népkönyvtárak szervezése, fenntartása, és kezelése [The
Organization, Maintenance and Operation of Public Li-
braries]; in 1910 he compiled an explanatory catalogue of
works, Népkönyvtári címjegyzék, [A Catalogue for Public
Libraries] recommended for public and minor libraries;
and in 1917 he published his selected studies under the
title Könyvtári problémák [Problems in the Library] in a special
issue of Múzeumi és Könyvtári Értesítő [Bulletin of Museum
and Library].8
He also published in scholarly journals abroad (in
French and German), mainly studies on the issues and
themes mentioned above and in relation to Hungary, for
instance Les drames scolaries français d’un jesuite hongrois,
Les bibliothèques popularies de la Hongrie, Entwicklungsges-
chichte der Buchbinderei in Ungarn, Der Wiener Buchdrucker
Rafael Hoffhalter und sein Sohn in Ungarn etc.
To facilitate his research, his tasks as a lecturer, and his
job as a theoretical and practical bibliographer, Gulyás
compiled a library consisting of several hundred volumes.
“Entering his home, furnished with great care and with
the sense of an artist, one was especially pleased to see
his valuable library. He took joy in showing us his ex-
tra-bound books. His library was predominantly made
210 up of classic and contemporary French authors, several
volumes and monographs on the arts, and a rich theoreti-
cal literature on bibliography.”9 In the mid-1950s, Gulyás
wrote his will,10 in which he named his housekeeper (who
had been with him for 26 years) as his general heir, but
he disposed of his books and manuscripts separately. Ac-
cording to sections II and IV of his will, probated at the
end of January 1954, “As part of my bequest, I give my
entire library to the Széchényi Library in Budapest, with
the request that 2 /two/ copies of my book entitled Sám-
boky János könyvtára [János Sámboky’s Library] be given
to the Saint Mark Library in Venice, the manuscript of
which I published in this book, and one copy be given to
every major library in Europe, North and South America
to keep as a reminder of the great Hungarian scholar and
collector of books … I give my finished manuscripts on
the lives and works of Hungarian writers, as well as the
collected materials for the rest (approx. 30) of the vol-
umes, including several completed biographies, to the
Hungarian Academy of Sciences.”11
A few days after Gulyás’ death on 30 May 1963, the
deputy director of the National Széchenyi Library, Géza
Sebestyén, sent a letter to the competent administration
department of the district municipality: “As an heir, the
National Széchényi Library has the right, and, as an in-
stitution entrusted with attending to the protected goods,
it also has the responsibility to protect and ensure the
integrity of Gulyás’ collection, which is of great cultural
importance. However, the library can only meet this re-
sponsibility in full provided that the municipality ensures
the total safety of the flat and the protected properties
in it until these properties have been transported from
their present location.”12 Sebestyén calls attention to
the fact that, in accordance with Section 9. of Act XIII.
1949 and decision No. 77.088/1961. of the Minister of
Cultural Affairs, the books and manuscripts of the pri-
vate library in Gulyás’ flat are to be viewed as items of
a private collection of significant scientific importance
and of particular national interest,13 thus the municipality
has to ensure that the flat is properly locked and can only
be entered in the presence of a trustee of the municipal-
ity, and that the new tenant to be designated only take
possession of the flat after the protected properties have
been transported.”14
Furthermore, the National Széchényi Library put for-
ward the need to conduct a precise assessment of the
bequest as soon as possible, so in the early days of June,
during the official inventory of the bequest, it sent its
associates to the flat. Sándor Frigyes Varga, deputy head
of department, was responsible for the task of writing a
report of his experience: “I report that, in accordance
with the task assigned to me, on the 4th of the current
month, on Tuesday at 12 am I was present in the late Dr.
Pál Gulyás’ flat … along with Dr. Pál Bélley, 15 head of
department, and I took inventory of the bequest.”16 In the
course of the assessment, Varga estimated the number of
books bequeathed to the national library at 2,500 and its
value at 100,000 Hungarian forints. In his report, Varga
indicated that under the terms of the will, the majority of
the manuscripts, the bibliographic data, and the notes that
the National Academy of Science is entitled to could not
be found in the flat, but rather were in Gulyás’ workplace,
the National Széchényi Library; therefore, he suggested
that “the books, manuscripts and notes located in his
former workplace be inspected, and the bequest that has
been left to the Library be isolated from the manuscripts
to be transported to the Academy.”17 The first overview
is also an evaluative display of the collection of volumes
inherited: “The collection has a coherent image as bib-
liographic and philological material, containing several
valuable standard works; it encompasses selected master-
pieces of classic French, German, Spanish and English
literature, and it includes a number of illustrated works,
monographs on art history, and publications that are of
importance to any bibliophile. Our library is impressed
by the collection of Pál Gulyás’ own works, as well as by
the fundamental bibliographic sources and serials. The
condition and maintenance of the collection is exem-
plary; most books have been bound with great care and
in an aesthetically pleasing way.”18 While going through
the collection, Varga did not find any inventory records
or catalogues, so he suggested that a detailed catalogue
be made of the collection upon its arrival at the National
Széchényi Library.
The probate hearings took place on 3 July 1963 in the
presence of a state notary. The national library was rep-
resented by Dr. Elek Orosházy, lawyer and legal adviser;
his duty was to obtain the authorization of temporary
possession.19 The minutes of understanding20 accepted
the testator’s will, dated 1954, as valid and declared that
“the Hungarian Academy of Sciences and the National
Széchényi Library are entrusted with tending to the books
and manuscripts of the bequest until their final hando-
ver, on condition that they shall remain unalienable and
unencumbered till then.”21
The grant of probate dated October 1963 fully con-
firmed the provisions stated in the will and at the probate
hearings.22 On 18 November, it was set forth in writing on
the cover of the document that the National Széchényi
Library had accepted title of the library collection and
the accessories to which it was entitled before the entry
into force of the grant of probate. The will, the minutes
of understanding, and the grant of probate all adverted to
Gulyás’ request to send two copies of his Sámboky János
könyvtára to the library in Venice that had the original
manuscript containing the catalogue of the books, and
one copy to every famous collection in Europe and the
Americas. The second handwritten record (by György
Pajkossy) on the cover of the grant of probate reveals
that the fulfillment of the request was already underway:
“I am seeing to the delivery of Gulyás’ book Sámboki
János könyvtára as stated in the will and shall subsequently
present the list of the libraries concerned.”23 In January
1964, a cover letter written in English and stating the
fact of the donation was completed, and more than thir-
ty libraries were named to receive the consignment. In
addition to Venice, the original location where the cat-
alogue-manuscript was kept, national libraries, libraries
PÁL GULYÁS’S LEGACY IN THE NATIONAL SZÉCHÉNYI LIBRARY
of science, libraries of vocational and higher education
institutions in Florence, Rome, Paris, Strasbourg, Lon-
don, Oxford, Leiden, Brussels, Madrid, Berlin, Halle an
der Saale, Munich, Göttingen, Copenhagen, Stockholm,
Helsinki, Basel, Vienna, Krakow, Prague, Pozsony (today
Bratislava in Slovakia), Moscow, St. Petersburg, Zagreb,
Kolozsvár (today Cluj-Napoca in Romania), Washington,
New York, Cambridge, Rio de Janeiro, and Jerusalem also
received a copy of Gulyás’ book.24
After the collection had been transported to the Na-
tional Széchényi Library, in accordance with Sándor Fri-
gyes Varga’s proposal, a detailed catalogue of the bequest
was completed. The 75-page-long list was typed and the
items were numbered, presumably in the order in which
they had been packaged and transported. If the items of
the collection were ever grouped thematically or accord-
ing to subject, this is poorly reflected25 in the catalogue
preserved at the Accession Department of the National
Széchényi Library. A total of 2,219 items included 3,374
volumes and notebooks. The library took inventory of
2,017 individual items belonging to 1, 271 entries. The
beginning date for entering items in the inventory, 25
October 1963, appears handwritten in the upper left cor-
ner of the first page. As the collection was processed, the
items that had been entered were given accession numbers
(also handwritten), and the items not entered were in-
dicated with an explanatory note.26 On the final page of
the catalogue the works that Gyula had included in the
bequest were listed with separate columns for titles, total
entries, entries listed in the inventory, and the number
of individual items entered. Out of the 763 copies of the
48 works listed, the National Széchényi Library kept 140
items (1 to 6 copies of each work), while the remaining
copies, as indicated by the handwritten note in the upper
left corner of the page, “were not incorporated into the
holdings but were transported to the cellar in Puskin
Street.”27
During the process of talking inventory, several vol-
umes were found which the staff did not appropriate for
the main holdings of the library. Therefore, 70 copies of a
total 65 volumes were given to the library of the Center for
Library Science and Methodology: leaflets and brochures, 211

Collectors and Collections
Ex libris in Pál Gulyás’ books
rules of operation, and inventories of European libraries
from the early twentieth century, catalogues of foreign
and Hungarian book fairs of the period, as well as annals
and publications of the German Gutenberg Gesellschaft
and Magyar Bibliophil Társaság [Hungarian Bibliophile
Association].
Upon careful examination, the collection appeared to
lend itself to the following categories:
• Classical antiquity;
• English literature and literary history;
• French literature and literary history;
• German literature and literary history;
• Italian literature;
• Spanish literature;
212 • Scandinavian (Swedish and Norwegian) literature;
• Russian literature;
• Polish literature;
• Hungarian literature and literary history;
• Hungarian linguistics;
• Hungarian history and other sciences of history;
• the history of books, libraries and the press;
• inventories, directories, almanacs, annals,
bulletins, bibliographies, book lists, library cata-
logues;
• encyclopedias;
• foreign language course-books, grammar books,
and dictionaries;
• theology and publications of the Bible;
• philosophy and aesthetics;
• pedagogy, psychology and sociology;
• geography, travel writing;
PÁL GULYÁS’S LEGACY IN THE NATIONAL SZÉCHÉNYI LIBRARY
French literary historian Ferdinand Brunetière’s (1849–1906) studies, selected and translated Pál Gulyás (Budapest, 1927)
• a rt history, applied arts;
• music;
• publications of the Hungarian Academy of Scienc-
es and the Saint Stephen Academy;
• cookbooks.
These thematic groups imply that Pál Gulyás followed
long-standing traditions of collecting books: similarly to
his forebears, such as the poet Miklós Zrínyi, Calvinist
churchwarden and patron Gedeon Ráday, and József Te-
leki, 28 who established the academic collection, Gulyás
set up his library in conformity with his field of interest
and research and his knowledge of languages. When he
was compiling his collection, the most vital aspects were
usefulness and usability, facilitating and supporting every-
day work, and gaining the widest possible range of general
knowledge; therefore, his collection can be best described
with a term frequently used in theoretical literature on the
history of library: an intellectual working library.29 Gulyás
stuck an ex libris into most of his books: a little picture of
5.5x4 cm in an ornamented frame depicting the naked
figure of Clio, the muse of history, with long wavy hair,
standing on a flowery meadow, and burying her face in
the book she is reading. The original engraving was done
by an artist, who drew on the work of Richárd Geiger
and represente himself with the monogram E. M.
A Collection of Old Hungarian Prose Fiction, compiled by
Apparently, since Gulyás was a polyhistor, the col- Dezső Kerecsényi (1898–1945), with the editor’s dedication
lection displays a certain encyclopedic character. On (Budapest, 1942) 213

Collectors and Collections
Hungarian literary history in the first half of the twentieth
century was discussed by Frigyes Brisits (1890–1969),
Cistercian priest and teacher, former head of Szent Imre
High School in Buda (Budapest, 1939).
Brisits dedicated a copy to Pál Gulyás.
one hand, his library included a long list of books by
classical writers of antiquity: Sophocles, Aeschylus,
Plutarch, Homer, Demosthenes, Xenophon, Horace,
Ovid, Vergil, Cicero, Julius Caesar, Seneca, as well as
historians Herodotus and Titus Livius (Livy), predom-
inantly in German, in series by German book publish-
ing companies, and to a lesser extent, translated into
Hungarian in the second half of the nineteenth cen-
tury. On the other hand, Gulyás collected general and
subject encyclopedias; his collection featured Herder’s
three-volume Konversations Lexikon, published in 1902,
a Who is who in English, published in Zurich at the begin-
ning of the 1930s, and a German encyclopedia of music.
As for Hungarian handbooks, Gulyás purchased every
volume of the encyclopedia series published by Pallas
and Révai, bought two consecutive issues of Világlexikon
[World Encyclopedia], as well as Magyar Politikai Lexikon
214 [Hungarian Encyclopedia of Political Science], Irodalmi
Lexikon [Encyclopedia of Literature], edited by Marcell
Benedek; Franklin’s Kézi Lexikon [Handy Encycopedia];
Erdélyi Lexikon [Transylvanian Encyclopedia], published
in Oradea, Zenei Lexikon [Encyclopedia of Music], edited
by Bence Szabolcsi; and Magyar Képzőművészek Lexikon
[Encyclopedia of Hungarian Artists]. Naturally, his collec-
tion also included every volume of Szinnyei’s A magyar
írók élete és munkái.
The bequest includes books written in a multitude of
languages: Gulyás purchased the major part of European
classical literature and literary history in the original lan-
guage (French, German, English, Italian, and Spanish).30
Scandinavian and Eastern European literature he acquired
in German translation. The philosophical works in his
library were likewise in the original, while almost all of
his literary works of Classical Antiquity and theoretical
literature on geography, art history, pedagogy, psychology,
and sociology were in German. Gulyás had a good com-
The numbered copy of Dezső Kosztolányi’s (1885–1936) collection of poetry, with the author’s signature (Békéscsaba, 1920)
mand of French, German and Italian, and he continually
worked to improve his language skills. Here and there,
one may find in the catalogue of Gulyás’ bequest several
course-books, grammar books, and study aids for conver-
sation in French, German, Italian, English, Spanish, and
even Greek, Latin, Dutch, and Finnish. Most of his dic-
tionaries are French thesauruses or bilingual dictionaries
published abroad, but Gulyás also collected contemporary
dictionaries published in Hungary: the 1912 edition of
Calepinus’s Latin-Hungarian Dictionary (1585), Holub
and Köpesdy’s Latin-Hungarian and Hungarian-Latin
2-volume concise dictionary, Mór Ballagi’s German-Hun-
garian concise dictionary, and a Hungarian-German and
German-Hungarian pocket dictionary, published jointly
in Vienna and Budapest. He could probably use his lan-
guage skills during his professional trips abroad, as the
travel books, and the travel guides for cities and countries
in his collection (categorized as books on geography) tes-
tify. The catalogue suggests that he ordered a whole series
on famous European cities from a publishing house in
Leipzig, cities like Prague, Nuremberg, Munich, Verona,
Rome, Bologna, Florence, Palermo, and Paris. The series
was published in the early 1900s.
While collecting foreign literature, Gulyás not only
tried to purchase books in their original language but
also strove for exhaustiveness: his collection encompasses
PÁL GULYÁS’S LEGACY IN THE NATIONAL SZÉCHÉNYI LIBRARY
classical to contemporary literature of the countries. He
placed particular emphasis on obtaining works of literary
history and criticism, thus the catalogue features sever-
al comprehensive works on literary periods and genres,
monographs on the oeuvres of writers and poets, and com-
parative analyses. European literature and literary history
are represented predominantly by French works. In addi-
tion to anthologies on drama, lyre and prose, Gulyás also
collected almost the entire oeuvres of Villon, Corneille,
La Fontaine, Molière, Boileau, Racine, Fénelon, Prévost
abbé, Mme de Stäel, Chateaubriand, Stendhal, Balzac,
V. Hugo, G. Sand, the two Dumas, Baudelaire, Flaubert,
Zola, A. France, Maupassant, Rimbaud, and T. Bernard,
either as a series or as a single volume, and for the sake of
studying them, he also got the theoretical literature ana-
lyzing these works. As for French literary criticism, he not
only collected works, he also “undertook an enormous task
when in 1927 (at the peak of his career as a bibliographer)
he translated Ferdinand Brunetière’s selected critical es-
says for the popular series by Franklin Társaság, Kultúra és
Tudomány. Gulyás’ translation of the five most enduring
essays of the classical critic of French literature displays
unrivaled linguistic erudition; his best one is the essay
on impressionist criticism, “Essais sur la littérature.” 31
The major part of English literature is also present in
Gulyás’ library in the original language: works by Swift, 215
 Jane Austen, Scott, Byron, Thackeray, Dickens, the
Brontë sisters, Hardy, Oscar Wilde, as well as Jerome
K. Jerome’s and Conan Doyle’s entertaining stories. It
is rather peculiar, however, that Shakespeare’s works
can only be found in the collection in German. English
literary history features in a much smaller proportion in
Gulyás’ bequest than its French counterpart; apart from
some comprehensive works, there are few English books,
and they all deal with about Oscar Wilde.
Apart from a number of poetry anthologies, litera-
ture in German is only represented in the collection by
Goethe’s works, but there one finds several books of lit-
erary criticism, especially multi-volume, comprehensive
works of literary history. A series of tales, Die Märchen
der Weltliteratur, published in Jena at the beginning of the
twentieth century, figures several times in the catalogue, with
volumes grouped as folktales of different cultures (English,
French, Spanish, Portuguese, Turkish, Tibetan, Russian,
Indian, Finnish, Aztec, Native American, Latvian, Japanese,
Collectors and Collections
Chinese, German, Islandic, Irish, etc.).
The collection contained significantly less Italian and
Spanish literature, but always in the original language:
the works of Dante, Boccaccio’s Decameron, Tasso’s Jeru-
salem Delivered, Goldoni’s plays, Cervantes’s Don Quixote,
as well as Calderon’s and Ibáñez’s novels. These works,
A signed copy of Károly Máté’s (1896–1987) book (Budapest,
216 1930), one among the many works on the history of the Book.
however, are not accompanied by any theoretical litera-
ture. With regards to Scandinavian, Russian, and Polish
literature, Gulyás purchased the works of the most prom-
inent representatives (Lagerlof, Ibsen, Nansen; Pushkin,
Gogol, Turgenev, Dostoevsky, Tolstoy, Gorki, Andreev,
Sienkiewicz) in German translation.
The most complete group in Gulyás’ bequest, besides
French works, is that of Hungarian literature and literary
history. The list starts with the works of Péter Borne-
misza, Miklós Zrínyi, István Gyöngyösi, and Kelemen
Mikes; goes on with György Bessenyei, Benedek Virág,
József Kármán, Sándor, and Károly Kisfaludy, Mihály
Csokonai Vitéz, Dániel Berzsenyi, Ferenc Kölcsey, József
Katona, Mihály Vörösmarty, József Eötvös, Zsigmond
Kemény, János Arany, Sándor Petőfi, Imre Madách,
Mór Jókai, József Kiss, Kálmán Mikszáth; and finishes
off with the writings of Jenő Komjáthy, Viktor Rákosi,
Zoltán Ambrus, Géza Gárdonyi, Ferenc Herczeg, István
Tömörkény, Tamás Kóbor, Viktor Cholnoky, Artúr Elek,
Endre Ady, Ferenc Molnár, Renée Erdős, Ferenc Móra,
Zsigmond Móricz, Lajos Bíró, Margit Kaffka, Mihály
Babits, Ernő Szép, Dezső Kosztolányi, Frigyes Karinthy,
and Lajos Kassák. The editions in Gulyás’ library are ei-
ther from thematic series (Olcsó Könyvtár [Cheap Reads],
Tevan Könyvtár [Tevan Library], Nyugat Könyvtár [The
West Library] etc.) or other series, but there is also a
great number of single volume works. The majority of
publications on Hungarian literary history are compre-
hensive works, written or compiled by Zsolt Alszeghy,
Zsolt Beöthy, Jenő Pintér, Frigyes Brisits, among oth-
ers; yet, Gulyás’ library also included Pál Gyulai’s study
on József Katona’s Bánk bán, the biography of Kölcsey
(by Frigyes Riedl), Petőfi (by Sándor Fischer), Arany
(by Géza Voinovich), Jókai (by László Szabó), and Ady
(by Gyula Földessy), as well as Antal Szerb’s studies
on Vörösmarty, Vilmos Fraknói’s analytical essay about
Zrínyi’s years of study, and Ferenc Szinnyei’s Kármán
József és az Uránia névtelenjei [József Kármán and the
nameless of Urania].
As is true in the case of literature, Gulyás’ library also
had a rich collection of theoretical works on linguistic
history and linguistics . The collection includes volumes
of A magyar nyelvtudomány kézikönyve [A Handbook of
Hungarian Linguistics] published in a booklet series,
an etymological dictionary of Hungarian, and various
editions of the rules of Hungarian orthography, as well
as works by János Melich (e.g. A magyar szótárirodalom
[Hungarian Dictionaries], Szláv jövevényszavaink eredetéről
[On the Origin of Our Slavonic Loan-Words], Kereszt-
neveinkről [On Our Christian Names], A magyar tárgyas
igeragozás [Hungarian Conjugation of Transitive Verbs],
Néhány jogtörténeti kifejezésről [On Some Terms in Legal
History], Révai Miklós nyelvtudománya [Miklós Révai’s
Linguistics]), Zoltán Gombocz (e.g. Honfoglalás előtti
török jövevényszavaink [Our Turkish Loan-Words from the
Period prior to the Settlement of the Magyars in Hungary),
Horger Antal (Udvarhely vármegye székely nyelvjárásának
hangtani sajátságai [Phonetic Particularities of the Székely
Dialect of Udvarhely County]), Simonyi Zsigmond (e.g.
A magyar nyelv [The Hungarian Language], Az új helyes-
írás szövege és magyarázata [The Text and Explanation of
the New Rules of Hungarian Orthography]), and Aladár
Zlinszky (e.g. A kifejezés stílusa [The Style of Expression]).
Apart from a few exceptions, the theoretical liter-
ature on history and historiography in the collection
is all in Hungarian and relating to Hungary. Besides
the 10-volume A magyar nemzet története [The History
of the Hungarian Nation], edited by Sándor Szilágyi;
Magyar Országgyűlési Almanach [The Almanac of the
Hungarian Parliament], between 1927 and 1932; István
Széchényi’s Hitel [Credit], Gusztáv Gratz’s Európai kül-
politika [European Foreign Policy], Ignác Acsády’s Ma-
gyarország három részre oszlásának története [The His-
tory of How Hungary was Torn into Three Parts], László
Siklóssy’s Az országgyűlési beszéd útja [The Journey of
the Parliamentary Speech], Imre Barcza’s work about
recent literature on the elective franchise in Hungary,
and József Göőz’s writing on the history of Budapest,
Gulyás also read about the relation between Werbőczy
and the constitutional law, the Roman defense system
of Pannonia, the myth of Prince Csaba and the Székely–
Hun tradition, the historical link between Hungary
and Poland, the formation of the Hungarian army, the
legal nature of the relationship between the Lord Lieu-
tenant and the Deputy Lieutenant, the debate about
the chronicler Anonymus, excavations at Szirák, for-
mer Hungarian war correspondents, Roman antiquities,
and the role of the Russian army in the Russo-Japanese
War. The other sciences of history are represented in
Gulyás’ library by Imre Szentpétery’s Magyar oklevéltan
és Chronologia [Hungarian Diplomatics and Chronology],
Antal Áldásy’s Címertan [Heraldry], Albert Gárdonyi’
A történelmi segédtudományok története [The History of
Auxiliary Sciences of History], Emma Bartoniek’s Magyar
történeti forráskiadványok [Hungarian Historical Source
Publications], and Bálint Hóman’s A forráskutatás és a
forráskritika története [The History of The Study of Sources
and Source Criticism].
Theoretical literature on theology and religion is pre-
dominantly present in the bequest in Hungarian. Gulyás
read Gáspár Heltai’s Háló [The Net], Tamás Kempis’s
Krisztus követése [Following Christ], Ottokár Prohászka’s
Világosság a sötétségben [Light in the Dark], and studied
the history of Catholicism, Protestantism and Pietism in
Hungary, as well as works discussing Islam and the Quran,
Sándor Sík’s book on the scout movement, the story of
the Theresianum in Vác, and the issue of circumcision.
He kept in his library unabridged editions of the Bible
(Pest, 1867) and the New Testament (Rome, 1951) in
Hungarian, the three-volume Szentek élete [The Life of
Saints], edited by Máté Vogel, prayer books, and a col-
lection of sermons.
The majority of works in the category of philosophy
entered the collection in a foreign language, and the
volumes cover almost the entire history of philosophy.
Besides comprehensive works and handbooks, the works
of Plato, Machiavelli, Montaigne, Descartes, Blaise Pas-
PÁL GULYÁS’S LEGACY IN THE NATIONAL SZÉCHÉNYI LIBRARY
cal, Voltaire, Montesquieu, Rousseau, Diderot, Kant and
Schopenhauer, as well as works about them and their
trends enriched Gulyás’ library.
Pál Gulyás was well-known for his love of music; his
exceptionally rich collection of records included some
rarities as well: “he often invited his colleagues to his
flat for afternoon tea … On such occasions, Uncle Pali,
an extremely nice, in fact, convivial host entertained
us mainly by playing one of his approximately 3,000
records, so we often listened to an entire opera, by Verdi
in particular.”32 There is a special point in the 1954 will
that covers the inheritance of Gulyás’ records and gram-
ophone;33 it is not mere chance that theoretical literature
on music forms a distinct group in the collection. In
addition to the two encyclopedias of music mentioned
above, Gulyás also added handbooks on music and the
aesthetics of music, librettos of Wagner operas, works
about the history of the Rome Opera House and the
Hungarian National Philharmonic Orchestra, music
criticism by Ödön Geszler and Jenő Péterfy, as well as
monographs on the life of Johann Brahms and Franz
Liszt.
Other artistic fields were probably just as important
for Gulyás as music. Apart from the art encyclopedia
mentioned above, and comprehensive works on art his-
tory and applied arts in Hungarian and other foreign
languages,34 theoretical literature on painting was repre-
sented in his collection by works on artistic trends such
as Roman art and the Italian Renaissance, Oriental arts,
Impressionism, Expressionism, Cubism, and Futurism; he
also purchased monographs on individual artists from
series published in Leipzig (e.g. Rembrandt, van Dyck,
and Munkácsy) and London (e.g. Fra Angelico, Botti-
celli, Giotto, Gainsborough, and Burne-Jones). One may
also find theoretical literature on graphics (e.g. A grafika
magyar mesterei [Hungarian Masters of Graphics]), sculp-
ture (e.g. Elemér Czakó’s Kolozsvári Márton és György
XIV. századi szobrászok [Márton and György Kolozsvár,
Fourteenth-Century Sculptors]), and architecture (e.g.
Jenő Lechner’s A Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum épülete [The
Building of the Hungarian National Museum]). Gulyás
kept contemporary exhibition catalogues of the period; 217

Collectors and Collections
One of the bibliophile publications of Tevan Press in Békéscsa-
ba: Sándor Kisfaludy’s (1772–1844) sagas (Békéscsaba, 1920)
the most intriguing ones are the catalogue of a 1933
exhibition, the material of which was made up of the
artworks returned from Vienna to Hungary following the
Venice agreement in 1932, and the catalogue of the 1948
exhibition dedicated to the memory of Edith Hoffmann
in the Museum of Fine Arts in Budapest.
Gulyás’ special interests are indicated by a few Hun-
garian and German cookbooks in the collection: István
Czifray’s 1888 compilation, Magyar nemzeti szakácskönyv
[Hungarian National Cookbook], Aladár Soós’s A diae-
tás konyha technikája [Techniques of Dietary Cooking],
Andor Domafalvy’s Szakácsművészeti szakkönyve [The
Specialist Book of Cookery], Elisabeth Fromm’s Kochbuch
für Diabetiker, published in Dresden, and Pester Kochbuch.
He was also interested in techniques of shorthand (perhaps
because he wanted to be able to prepare his own works
as simply and quickly as possible), so he purchased Soma
Forrai’s and János Bódogh’s books, published in Budapest
and Szeged respectively, which served as a correspondence
course on shorthand.
As a member of the Saint Stephen Academy and
the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, he received and
218 preserved in his collection the statutes and regulations of
… and Mihály Csokonai Vitéz’s (1773–1805) Lilla-songs
(Békéscsaba, 1920)
the two institutions, as well as their almanacs, annuals,
and memorial volumes; member recommendations and
commemorations publications of members that passed
away. It is quite likely that Gulyás could make use of
the materials of this thematic group even while editing
the volumes of Magyar írók élete és munkái.
In addition tobooks, Gulyás’ bequest also contained
a substantial number of periodicals35, which, according
to the records, were taken over by the Periodicals Re-
pository.
Foreign periodicals are represented in the collection
by volumes of Zeitschrift für franz. Sprache und Literatur
17 (1901–1917) and Jugend 2 (1899–1900). From among
Hungarian periodicals, Gulyás retained volumes and is-
sues of library journals: Magyar Könyvszemle (1876–1946),
Könyvtári Szemle [Library Reviews] (1913.), Magyar Biblio-
phil Szemle [Hungarian Bibliophile Reviews] (1924–1925), as
well as 12 volumes of Múzeumi és Könyvtári Értesítő and
booklets of Magyar Könyvészet, a supplement of Corvina,
which he edited himself. His collection also featured 28
volumes of Egyetemes Philologiai Közlemények from the
year 1904, Magyar Iparművészet [Applied Arts in Hungary]
(1905 –1910, Magyar Nyelv [The Hungarian Language]
(1907–1949), 40 volumes of Irodalomtörténet36 [Literary
History] and Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények [Papers in
Literary History], Magyar Tudomány [Hungarian Science]
(1956–1963), as well as sporadic issues of Akadémiai
Értesítő [Bulletin of Hungarian Academy of Sciences], Eth-
nographia [Ethnography], Szerda [Wednesday], a Katholikus
Szemle, and Magyarosan [The Hungarian Way].
Pál Gulyás’ work as a book historian, librarian, and
bibliographer is definitely felt in his collection: a ma-
jor part of his library is made up, on one hand, of the
theoretical literature of the history of writing, books,
libraries and the press, both in Hungarian and in foreign
languages; and the group of inventories, directories for
names and addresses, schematisms, almanacs, annuals,
reports, bibliographies, book lists, and library catalogues,
on the other. With regards to the publication dates,
both groups contain works from the second half of the
nineteenth century and the first half on the twentieth
century, that is, the theoretical literature Gulyás pur-
chased and retained may be perceived as contemporary
and recent from his point of view.
In the case of the first group, one can trace, point
by point, which Hungarian works Gulyás might have
studied when writing his own papers about the history
of writing, codices and books: in the course of compiling
monographs in the 1920s and early 1930s, and writ-
ing studies on these subjects to be published in Magyar
Könyvszemle, he probably made good use of the following
books: Írástörténet az írásbeliség felújulása korából [The
History of Writing from the Age of the Development
of Writing] by István Hajnal, A könyv története [The
History of Books] by József Fitz, A könyvkiadás mestersége
[The Craft of Book Publishing] by Viktor Ranschburg,
A könyv története [The History of Books] and Régi könyvek
mesterei [The Masters of Ancient Books] by Károly Stein-
hofer, A betű [The Letter] and A könyv [The Book] by
Aladár Róvó, A könyv morfológiája [The Morphology of
Books] by Károly Máté, A két legrégibb magyar nyelvű ny-
omtatvány [The Two Most Ancient Prints in Hungarian]
by János Melich, A könyvről és a könyvszeretetről [About
Books and the Love of Books] by József Szalay, Magyar
könyvtermelés és világ könyvtermelés [Book Production
in Hungary and Around the World] by Károly Erdősi,
A könyvtermelés statisztikája [The Statistics of Book Pro-
duction] by Dezső Elekes, A komáromi nyomdászat és a
komáromi sajtó története [The History of Printing and
the Press in Komárom] by József Baranyai, A debreceni
városi nyomda története [The History of the Municipal
Printing House in Debrecen] by Ferenc Csűrös, A Királyi
Magyar Egyetemi Nyomda története [The History of the
Royal Hungarian University Press ], edited by Czakó,
Iványi, and Gárdonyi; Adalékok az állami könyvcenzúra
történetéhez Magyarországon Mária Terézia haláláig [On
the History of State Censorship in Hungary Until the
Death of Maria Theresa] by Egyed Schermann, and
A könyvnyomtatás és a könyvdíszítés iparművészete [The
Applied Arts of Book Printing and Decoration] by Elemér
Czakó. Gulyás continued collecting theoretical liter-
ature in this special field later on, either purchasing
books or receiving free copies as gifts from contempo-
rary authors36, such as Emma Bartoniek’s Codices Latini
Medii Aevi, Ilona Hubay’s Missalia Hungarica–Régi mag-
yar misekönyvek [Old Hungarian Missals], Ilona Berk-
ovits’s A Képes Krónika és Szent István királyt ábrázoló
PÁL GULYÁS’S LEGACY IN THE NATIONAL SZÉCHÉNYI LIBRARY
miniatúrái [The Illustrated Chronicle and Its Miniatures of
King Saint Stephen], A magyar miniatúrafestészet kezdetei
[The Beginnings of Miniature Painting in Hungary]37, and
Az esztergomi Ulászlógraduále [The Ulászló-Gradual in
Esztergom]; József Hunyady’s A Vitéz és Corvin-kódexek
és ősnyomtatványok [The Vitéz- Codex, the Corvin-Co-
dex, and Their Incunables]38, Albert Gárdonyi’s Régi pesti
könyvkereskedők [Former Booksellers in Pest], Béla Iványi’s
Könyvek, könyvtárak, könyvnyomdák Magyarországon
[Books, Libraries, and Printing Houses in Hungary], József
Fitz’s Hess András, a budai ősnyomdász [András Hess,
the First Typographer of Buda], János Révai Mór’s Írók,
könyvek, kiadók [Writers, Books, Publishers], Izidor Kner’s
Félévszázad mezsgyéjén [On the Boundary of Half a Cen-
tury], Imre Kner’s A tipográfiai stílus elemei [The Stylistic
Elements of Typography], Sarolta Nyakas’s Az első pécsi
nyomda története [The History of the First Printing House in
Pécs], Hiador Sztripszky’s Kőszegi könyvnyomtató a XVII.
Századból [A Printing House in Kőszeg from the Seventeenth
Century], Lajos Zoltai’s Debrecen város könyvnyomdájá-
nak XVIII. századbeli működése, termékei [The Operation
and Products of the Municipal Printing House in Debrecen
in the eighteenth Century], István Ecsedi’s A rézmetszés
művészete a debreceni református kollégiumban [The Art
of Copperplate Engraving in the Calvinist College of Debre-
cen], and Mária Vida’s Az első pécsi nyomda kiadványainak
időrendes jegyzéke [The Chronological Catalogue of Pub-
lications by the First Printing House in Pécs].
Gulyás’ library also contains a rich collection of the-
oretical literature on the history of library, featuring,
among other works, Vilmos Fraknói’s Gróf Széché­nyi Fe­
renc [Count Ferenc Széchényi], two books by Edith Hoff­
mann, Régi magyar bibliofilek [Old Hungarian Biblio-
philes], and A Nemzeti Múzeum Széchényi Könyvtárának
illuminált kéziratai [Illuminated Manuscripts in the Széché­
nyi Library of the National Museum]; Dr. Todoreszku Gyula
és neje Horváth Aranka régi magyar könyvtára [The Old
Hungarian Library of Dr. Gyula Todoreszku and his wife,
Aranka Horváth] by Viktor Akantisz, Margit Szarvasi’s
Magánkönyvtáraink a XVIII. Században [Our Private Li-
braries in the eighteenth Century], Sándor Kozocsa’s Német
és osztrák könyvtárak [German and Austrian Libraries], 219
 Lajos Dézsi’s Gróf Apponyi Sándor pályája [The Career of
Count Sándor Apponyi], Gyula Végh’s Rariora et curiosa
gróf Apponyi Sándor gyűjteményéből [Rariora et curiosa in
Count Sándor Apponyi’s Collection], István Harsányi’s
A sárospataki Rákóczi-könyvtár katalógusa [The Catalogue
of the Rákóczi Library in Sárospatak], Rezsőné Nagy’s
A szombathelyi Herzen-könyvtár francia könyvei és kéziratai
[French Books and Manuscripts of the Herzen Library in
Szombathely], József Pongrácz’s A pápai református főiskola
könyvtára [The Library of the Calvinist College in Pápa], Pál
Erdélyi’s Az erdélyi könyvtárakról [On Libraries in Transyl-
vania], Béla Zolnai’ II. Rákóczi Ferenc könyvtára [Francis II
Rákóczi’s Library], Lajos György’s Az erdélyi könyvtárügy
és a Kolozsvári Egyetemi Könyvtár [Librarianship in Tran-
sylvania and the University Library of Cluj], and Zsigmond
Varga’s A debreceni református főiskola nagykönyvtára
írásban és képben [The Main Library of the Calvinist
College of Debrecen in Words and Pictures].
Works on the history of press are also quite numerous
Collectors and Collections
in Gulyás’ collection; examples include A magyar időszaki
sajtó a román uralom alatt 1919-1940 [Temporary Press
in in Hungary under the Romanian Regime, 1910-1940]
by István Monoki, A győri sajtó története [The History
of Press in Győr] by Pál Pitroff, A Pester Zeitung és a
Pester Sonntagsblatt [The Pester Zeitung and the Pester
Sonntagsblatt] by Piroska Szemző, Az Erdélyi Múzeum
története [The History of the Transylvania Museum] by
Lajos György:, Nemzeti Újság [National Newspaper] and
A magyar hírlapirodalom első százada [The First Century
of Hungarian Newspaper Literature] by Béla Dezsényi,
Az erdélyi magyar vidéki hírlapirodalom története a ki-
egyezésig [The History of Hungarian Provincial Newspaper
Literature in Transylvania until the Austro-Hungarian
Compromise of 1867] by Kristóf György, and Jókai mint
hírlapíró [Jókai, the Journalist] by József Ferenczy.
Gulyás published studies on bookbinding in Magyar
Könyvszemle several times.39 Accordingly, he systemati-
cally purchased theoretical literature on bookbinding as
well40, for instance László Kosztka’s A könyvkötés [Book-
binding], Álmos Jaschik’s A könyvkötőmesterség [The Craft
of Bookbinding], József Hunyady’s A magyar könyvkötés
művészete a mohácsi vészig [The Art of Bookbinding in
Hungary until the Battle of Mohács], Károly Romhányi’s
A magyar könyvkötés művészete a XVIII–XIX. Században
[The Art of Bookbinding in Hungary in the Eighteenth and
Nineteenth Centuries], and Gábor Tolnai’s Két erdélyi
könyvkötő a XVIII. század elején [Two Bookbinders from
Transylvania at the Beginning of the eighteenth cen-
tury].
Although, according to the annuals of the Hungar-
ian Bibliophile Society, Gulyás was not a member, he
managed to get hold of several publications that came
220 out under the auspices of the society. His collection thus
includes a copy of József Fitz’s book about András Hess,
Edith Hoffmann’s Régi magyar bibliophilek and Gyula
Végh’s Rariora et curiosa, as mentioned above, as well as
the exhibition catalogues Budai könyvárusok jelvényei [The
Badges of Booksellers in Buda], compiled by Gyula Végh,
and Régi hazai nyomdák mintakönyvei [Sample Books of
Old Hungarian Printing Houses], compiled by Pál Szent-
kuty-Drescher. Representing theoretical literature on ty-
pography in Hungarian, the following books can also be
found in the collection: A magyar könyvgyűjtő kézikönyve
[A Handbook of Hungarian Book Collectors], Ottó Kelényi
B.’s Erhard Schön magyar vonatkozású metszetei [Erhard
Schön’s Engravings Related to Hungary] and Aladár Róvó’s
A könyvművészet [Typography], as well as the facsimile
publication of Miklós M. Tótfalusi Kis’s Mentség [Excuse],
published by Gyomai Kner Printing House in 1940, and
a series for amateur bibliophiles , published by Tevan
Andor in Békéscsaba.
Gulyás taught bibliography as a private tutor at uni-
versity, and he added the following works to his library
to provide a theoretical background: Géza Káplány’s
A könyvtárosi élethivatás a könyvtáros képzés tükrében [The
Library Profession in Light of Librarian Training], Tájékoz-
tató a kötelespéldány-szolgáltatásról [Information on the
Legal Deposit Service] by Harsányi and Varga, Káro-
ly Kudora’s Könyvtártan [Bibliography], Zoltán Ferenczi’
A könyvtártan alapvonalai [The Basics of Bibliography]
and A könyvtárak mint a nemzeti művelődés eszközei [The
Library as a Tool of National Education], and József Fitz’s
A könyvtár gyűjtőköre [The Collection Scope of the Library].
In the field of library policy, Pál Gulyás acted as a
politician with a resolute position concerning two major
issues: the debate over the introduction of the public
library and/or people’s library model into Hungarian li-
brarianship,41 and librarianship in the Hungarian Soviet
Republic.42 Theoretical literature providing background
for and publications preceding his studies written about
these two issues43 were also to be found in his library.
The catalogue of his bequest features a number of works
related to the first issue: a comprehensive volume in
German about people’s libraries (called Volksbücherei)
by Emil Jaschke, an offprint of Zoltán Ferenczi’s lecture
given at the 1907 conference in Pécs on free teaching,
Ervin Szabó’s famous Emlékirat [Memoires], as well as the
Community Public Library Program, approved by the
capital city, and the record of this acceptance; the so-
called Sample Catalogue, designed for municipal open
libraries and published in 1913-ban, the Útmutató [The
Guide],44 compiled for the users of the Metropolitan
Public Library in Budapest. As for the second issue,
a related book in Gulyás’ collection is a monograph
by Béla Kőhalmi on librarianship in the period of the
Hungarian Soviet Republic.
Gulyás’ collection included volumes of the catalogue
record Magyar Minerva [Hungarian Minerva], and he
either purchased or got free copies of annuals of various
printing houses and libraries as gifts,45 reports (Beszámoló
a magyar mérnök- és építész-egylet könyvtárának 1924.
évi állapotáról [A report on the Condition of the Library of
the Association of Hungarian Engineers and Architects in
1924], Magyar Nyomdászok Évkönyve 1907 [The Annu-
al of Hungarian Printers], Fővárosi Pedagógiai Könyvtár
Évkönyve 1928–1930 (Annual of the Capital Library of
Pedagogy], A Fővárosi Könyvtár Évkönyve 1931–1947
[Annual of the Capital Library]) and catalogues (Mari-
anne Czeke’s Shakespeare könyvtár [Shakespeare Library],
as well as “A Százados úti Fiókkönyvtár könyvjegyzéke”
[The Catalogue of the Branch Library on Százados street],
“Az FMKE Nyitra Városi Közkönyvtárának jegyzéke”
[The Catalogue of the FMKE Public Library in Nyitra],
“A Magyar királyi közp. statisztikai hivatal nyilvános
könyvtárának könyvjegyzéke” [The Catalogue of the
Public library of the Hungarian Royal Central Statistical
Office], “A Nemzetgazdasági statisztikai szeminárium
könyvtárának katalógusa” [The Catalogue of the Li-
brary of the National Economy Statistical Seminar],
“A budapesti Erzsébet Népakadémia könyvtárának új
betűsoros könyvjegyzéke” [The Alphabetical Directory
of the Library of Erzsébet People’s Academy in Buda-
pest], “A Temesvár-Józsefvárosi Polgári Olvasóegylet
könyvjegyzéke” [The Book Catalogue of the Civic Book
Club of Temesvár-Józsefváros], “Az Orsz. Magyar Ipar-
művészeti Múzeum és iskola könyvtárának címjegyzéke”
[The Directory of the Library of the Hungarian National
Museum and School of Applied Arts], and “A Kassai
Népkönyvtár könyvjegyzéke” [The Book Catalogue of
the People’s Library in Kassa (today Košice in Slova-
kia)]). Gulyás most probably used these catalogues when
compiling his people’s library inventory. There are also
traces in the bequest implying that Gulyás often found
the volumes he received worthy of demonstration and
reviewing, and reviewed them in Magyar Könyvszemle.
Examples of this include the catalogue of the library
of the Chamber of Trade and Industry in Budapest,
edited by Ervin Szabó; A betűszedés elméleti és gyakor-
lati kézikönyve [A Theoretical and Practical Handbook of
Typesetting], the bibliography Szent Erzsébet irodalma [Saint
Elizabeth’s Literature], compiled by a Imre Barcza; Imre
Szalay’s Tájékoztató múzeumok és könyvtárak építésére és
berendezésére [A Guide on Building and Decorating Mu-
seums and Libraries], and Sándor Eckhardt’s Az aradi
közművelődési palota francia könyvei [The French Books of
the Palace of General Education in Arad (today Oradea
in Romania)]46.
Continuing József Szinnyei’s Magyar írók élete és
munkái47 was the most central topic and task of Gulyás’
life; 48 the complex and thorough process of data collec-
tion is reflected in his book collection as well. One can
be confident that the inventories kept in his library (e.g.
Gyula Deák’s Polgári iskolai író-tanárok élete és munkái [The
Lives and Works of Civic School Teacher-Writers]; Somogyi
Helikon, edited by Ágost Hortobágyi; the database of
the Hungarian Medical Chamber, and Magyar protestáns
egyháztörténeti adattár [Hungarian Protestant Ecclesias-
tical Inventory]), name directories (e.g. the directory
of the Cistercian Order’s Congregation in Zirc, Sándor
Makoldy’s A magyar gyorsírás halottainak névkönyve [The
PÁL GULYÁS’S LEGACY IN THE NATIONAL SZÉCHÉNYI LIBRARY
Onomasticon of the Deceased Representatives of the Short-
hand Art in Hungary], and A Magyar Kegyes-Tanítórend
Névtára [The Directory of Hungarian Piarists), other
directories (e.g. the order of officers of the Hungarian
Royal Railways, the directory of railway employee and
sailors, the annual and directory of Hungarian physicians,
the directory of Budapest in 1914, and the directory of
public education employees in Budapest), schematisms
(e.g. Schematismus Congregationis de Zirc, Schematis-
mus venerabilis cleri almae, Schematismus venerabilis
cleri dioecesis albaregalensis), almanacs (e.g. Keresztény
Magyar Közéleti Almanach I–II. [Christian Hungarian
Almanac of Public Life I-II.], and A Pécsi Magyar Kir.
Erzsébet Tud.-Egyetem Almanachja az 1941–42. Tanévre
[The Almanac of the Hungarian Royal Elizabeth Univer-
sity of Sciences in Pécs for the School-Year 1941-42]),
annals (e.g. Az Esztergomi Szentbenedekrendi Katolikus Sz-
ent István Gimnázium 1939–40. Évkönyve [The Almanac
of the Order of Saint Benedict Catholic Saint Stephen
High School for the School-Year 1939-40], Az Orsz.
Magyar Sajtókamara Évkönyve 1942 [The Yearbook of
the Hungarian Chamber of Press 1942], and A Gyöngyösi
Irodalmi Társaság Évkönyve 1942 [The Yearbook of the
Literary Society in Gyöngyös 1942]), bulletins (e.g. the
36th annual bulletin of the “Főreáliskola” in Budapest’s
District VIII. and the bulletin of “Szabad Lyceum” from
1907–08), bibliographies (e.g. Sándor Kozocsa’s Hóman
Bálint irodalmi munkássága [The Literary Work of Bálint
Hóman] and Az 1934. év irodalomtörténeti munkássága [Lit-
erary Work in the Year 1934], József Fitz’s Herczeg Ferenc
irodalmi munkássága [The Literary Work of Ferenc Herczeg],
Könyv- és irodalmi gyűjtemény magyarországi gyógyszerészeti
munkákról 1578–1909 [A Collection of Books and Litera-
ture on Pharmaceutical Works in Hungary], Jenő Dóczy’s
A magyar gazdasági irodalom könyvészete [The Bibliography
of Hungarian Economic Literature], A Jeruzsálemi Szent
János Máltai Lovagrend Magyar Bibliográfiája [The Hun-
garian Bibliography of the Order Of Saint John Knights of
Malta], Magyar Történeti Bibliográfia 1825–1867 [Hungar-
ian Historical Bibliography 1825-1867], and Szombathely
bibliográfiája [The Bibliography of Szombathely]), book lists,
and library catalogues all served as essential sources in 221
 collecting materials. As a ‘by-product’ of data collec-
tion, Gulyás compiled an encyclopedia of pseudonyms;
the precursor of this work, Dávid Székely’s 1904 book,
Magyar írók álnevei a múltban és a jelenben [Pseudonyms
of Hungarian Writers in the Past and the Present] can also
be found in Gulyás’s collection.
As is clear, Gulyás “was not only an excellent, highly
educated librarian, a writer of witty and explicit essays
Notes
1
For biographical data see Révai Nagy Lexikona
[Révay Encycopedia], Budapest, Budapest,
Révai Testvérek Irodalmi Intézet Rt.,1913,
IX. Gréc–Herold, 79.; Magyar Életrajzi Lexikon
[Encyclopedia of Hungarian Biographies],
eded. KENYERES Ágnes, I., Á-K, Budapest,
Collectors and Collections
Akadémiai, 1967, 630.; Magyar Irodalmi Lex-
ikon [Encyclopedia of Hungarian Literature],
ed. VÁNYI Ferenc, Budapest, Kassák Kiadó,
1993, 314.; Új Magyar Irodalmi Lexikon [New
Encyclopedia of Hungarian Literature], eded.
PÉTER László, Budapest, Akadémiai, 1994. I.,
A-Gy, 708–709.; Új Magyar Életrajzi Lexikon
[New Encyclopedia of Hungarian Biographies],
eded. MARKÓ László, Budapest, Magyar
Könyvklub, 2001, II., D–Gy, 1133–1134.
2
There is no trace of this activity in his
bequest: the record of the Society from the year
1906. See item 1264. of Jegyzék [Record].
3
KÓKAY György, Gulyás Pál könyvtörténeti
és edesztői munkássága [Pál Gulyás’ Work as
Bibliographer and Editor], Könyv, Könyvtár,
Könyvtáros, 1994. március, 11.
4
See details of the connection between Gulyás’
works and the books in his bequest later.
5
For more details on these works see KOZOC-
SA Sándor, Gulyás Pál élete és munkássága [The
Life and Works of Pál Gulyás], In: A bibliográfia
kézikönyve [The Handbook of Bibliographies],
Budapest, Könyvért, 1984., XII–XVII.
6
“Even Pál Gulyás’ personality reminds me
(who, as a young librarian at the Széchényi
Library in the 1950, had the chance to know
him personally and witness his persistent work,
done under adverse conditions) of the faith and
efforts of great representatives of Hungarian
Enlightenment. … This faith, no matter how
bold it seemed then, had always been justified,
sooner or later, after the tragic periods in
our history. We should be happy that in Pál
Gulyás’ case this justification and historical
correction happened not centuries, but ‘only’
three decades after his death.” In KÓKAY,
1994, 15.
222
on the history of culture, but also a scholar who wished
to explore new areas and sometimes had to dig deep
among the sources to be able to enrich the history of
Hungarian Culture and Education with new findings.”49
These sources were provided by his private collection,
which he donated to the national library in order to
ensure that they would continue to be useful for gener-
ations to come.
7
For the destiny of the card collected see the
introduction of the will. From 1990 until re-
cently, the Institute for Literary Studies of the
Hungarian Academy of Sciences, the Library
of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Petőfi
Literary Museum of Literature, and Argumen-
tum published the data of Gulyás’ collection,
arranged in a volume edited by János Viczián.
Cf. VICZIÁN János, Adatbank – kamatok
nélkül? Gulyás Pál: Magyar írók élete és munkái
c. művének kézirata a MTA Könyvtárában
[Databank – without Interests? The Manuscript
of Pál Gulyás’ The Life and Works of Hungarian
Writers in The Library of the Hungarian Academy
of Sciences] , Magyar Könyvszemle, 1981,
4.337–345.
8
Proof of the significance of his completed
works is that part of his oeuvre has been
re-published in the past decades. See, for ex-
ample, A bibliográfia kézikönyve [A Handbook of
Bibliography], Budapest, Könyvért, 1984. XVII,
454; A Zsámboky-könyvtár katalógusa (1587)
Gulyás Pál olvasatában [The Catalogue of the
Zsámboky Library in Pál Gulyás’ Interpretation],
ed. Monok István, Szeged, Scriptum, 1992.
281.
9
KOZOCSA Sándor, A százéves Gulyás
Pál [The Hundred-Year-Old Pál Gulyás],
Irodalomtörténet, 1981, 4. 911.
10
The date that seems too early compared
to Gulyás’ death in 1963 was explained the
following way in the preamble of the will:
“Towards the end of my life, I feel the need
to make my will concerning my humble
inheritance, should my death come any time
soon…” See the archives of the National
Széchényi Library, 100/1964.
11
Ibid.
12
Archives of the National Széchényi Library,
821/1963.
13
The decision about protection was repealed
in January 1964, when the books arrived at the
National Széchényi Library. One paragraph of
the decision points out what it was, in addition
to being the significant intangible value of the
collection, that justified the former designation
for protection. In the early 1960s Gulyás lived
in humble financial circumstances, and this
way he could be exempted from paying rent
allowance: “At the same time I am notifying
the Head of the Museum Department of this
decision, so that the former flat of the aforesaid
person be deleted from the list of flats exempt
from paying rent.” Cf. Archives of the National
Széchényi Library, 53/1964.
14
Archives of the National Széchényi Library,
821/1963.
15
Evidently it was not by chance that the final
choice was Bélley. It was not only his position
as a head of department that was taken into
account, but also his deep friendship with
Gulyás: “I can still see it from the window
of the manuscript archives overlooking the
Múzeumkert, as his faithful companion, Pali
Bélley is leading him slowly, waddling, through
the garden to our restaurant in Múzeum Street.
When I saw them I knew that it was noon.”
See BUSA Margit, Emlékezzünk Gulyás Pálra
[Let Us Remember Pál Gulyás], OSZK Híradó,
1993. 5–6. 17.
16
Archives of the National Széchényi Library,
863/1963. 1.
17
Ibid. 2.
18
Ibid. 3.
19
Archives of the National Széchényi Library,
1034/1963.
20
Archives of the National Széchényi Library,
1130/1963. Since in accordance with the grant
of probate the heir was to be obliged to pay
a probate duty, the legal advisor put down a
handwritten note on the document, stating
that pursuant to the 9/1953. sz. M.T. order, the
library is entitled to being personally exempt
from paying the duty.
21
Ibid.
22
Archives of the National Széchényi Library,
2068/1963.
23
Ibid., cover
24
Archives of the National Széchényi Library,
100/1964.
25
For example, the majority of literature in
French is listed for pages under subsequent
numbers; yet, some literature in French also
appears on other pages sporadically, and in the
case of literature in other languages no such
regularity is demonstrated.
26
For example, “injured,” “exists under a dif-
ferent number in the inventory,” “unwanted,”
“double” etc.
27
Catalogue, 1.
28
Cf. A Bibliotheca Zriniana története és
állománya [The History and Stock of Bibliotheca
Zriniana], ed. KLANICZAY Tibor, Budapest,
Argumentum –Zrínyi, 1991, 50.; SEGESVÁRY
Viktor, A Ráday könyvtár 18. századi története
[The History of the Ráday Library in the eighteenth
Century], Budapest, Ráday Gyűjtemény, 1992,
229–232.; F. CSANAK Dóra, Két korszak
határán. Teleki József, a hagyományőrző és a
felvilágosult gondolkodó [On the Border of Two
Eras. József Teleki, Traditionalist and Enlight-
ened Thinker], Budapest, Akadémiai, 1983,
381–382., 401–402.
29
Apparently, it is not mere chance that with
the exception of the group of Geography (and
especially city guides and travel books), there
are hardly any books related to natural sciences
in Gulyás’ library.
30
Although in a much smaller number, there
are in fact Hungarian translations of one or
two classical books of European literature in
the collection, e.g. Homer’s Odyssey, Aristo-
phanes’s play The Frogs (according to tradition,
this is the first work in the history of culture
that ever mentions libraries), Sophocles’s An-
tigone, Vergil’s Aeneis, Dante’s Divine Comedy
(entitled Hell), Francois Salignac de Fenelon’s
(translated to Hungarian as Fenelóni Saligniák
Ferenc) Telemachus, John Milton’s (translated
to Hungarian as Milton János) Paradise Lost,
Henrik Ibsen’s (translated to Hungarian as
Ibsen Henrik) The Pretenders, Defoe’s Robinson
Crusoe, as well as novels by Mark Twain, Jules
Verne (translated to Hungarian as Verne
Gyula), and Conan Doyle.
31
KOZOCSA, 1981, 900.
32
KOZOCSA, 1981, 911.
33
“I leave all my gramophone records, along
with the cabinet in which they are stored
and the gramophone to play them on, also to
Katalin Kiszely.” See Archives of the National
Széchényi Library, 100/1964.
34
For instance, ALEXANDER Bernát,
Művészet [Art]; REINACH Salamon, A
művészet kis tükre; Az iparművészet könyve I–III.
[A Brief History of Art: The Book of Applied
Art); Karl WOERMANN, Geschichte der Kunst,
I–VI.
35
3374, that is, the number of items indicat-
ed above also includes the number of bound
volumes of periodicals.
In the case of the first few hundred volumes,
36
the catalogue of the bequest indicated it if the
book was a signed copy with the abbreviation
“Ded. pld.” See, for example, the description
of volumes 16., 27., 32., 33., 34., 51., 53., 79.,
105., 210. in the catalogue. The exact text of
the dedications are indeed to be found in the
volumes entering the museum collection.
37
Cf., for instance, with Gulyás’ study pub-
lished in Magyar Könyvszemle, A Karo­ling-
korszak előtti miniatúra [Miniatures Before the
Carolingian era], 1918, 1–2. 39–67.
38
Also in Magyar Könyvszemle: Újabb külföldi
tanulmányok Mátyás király könyvtáráról [Newer
Studies on King Matthias’s Library from Abroad]
1908, 3. 193–200.; Egy ismeretlen Vitéz-kódex a
hannoveri kir. Könyvtárban [An Unknown Vitéz
Codex in the Royal Library in Hannover], 1910,
1. 1–5.; A Korvina két maradványa Amerikában
[The Last Two Surpluses of Corvina in America],
1915, 1–2. 127.; Egy elveszettnek hitt valószínű
Korvin-kódexről [On a Likely Corvin Codex that
was Believed to be Lost], 1923, 3–4. 245–247.;
Mátyás király állítólagos miniátorai [The Alleged
Miniature Makers of King Matthias], 1942, 1.
11–17.
39
For example, A könyvkötés technikája [The
Technique of Bookbinding], I–II, 1904, 1.
71–103., 2. 190–219.; Egy felsőmagyarországi
könyvkötőcsalád följegyzéseiből [From the Records
of a Bookbinder Family in the North of Hun-
gary], 1912, 3. 257–261., 4. 330–342.; Pesti
könyvkötőcéh-szabályok 1746-ból [The Rules of
Book-Binder Guilds in Pest], 1913, 3. 247–251.
40
In this subject, the bequest contains some
works in English and German as well.
41
In more detail see KATSÁNYI Sándor,
Párhuzamos életrajzok. Gulyás Pál, Szabó
Ervin és a korszerű közkönyvtár gondolatának
kibontakozása [Parallel Biographies. Pál Gulyás,
Ervin Szabó, and the Development of the Idea of
the Modern Public Library], Könyvtári Figyelő,
1995, 2. 199–208.; TÓTH Gyula, Áttörések.
A public library megjelenése, első térhódítása
Magyarországon [Breakthroughs. The appearance
and First Spread of Piblic Libraries in Hungary],
Könyvtári Figyelő, 1999, 2. 223–235.
42
In more detail see VÉRTESY Miklós, Ketten,
kétféleképpen a Tanácsköztársaság könyvtárügyéről
[Two People, Two Opinions about Librarianship
in the Hungarian Soviet Republic], Könyvtáros,
1986, 5. 300–302.
43
A népkönyvtárak szervezése, fejlesztése és
PÁL GULYÁS’S LEGACY IN THE NATIONAL SZÉCHÉNYI LIBRARY
kezelése [The Organization, Maintenance and
Operation of Public Libraries], Budapest, 1909.;
Az új fővárosi közkönyvtár tervezete [Plans of the
New Capital Library], Magyar Könyvszemle,
1910, 3. 193–212.; Kommunista könyvtárpolitika
[Communist Libraries Policy], Magyar Könyvsze-
mle, 1920–1921, 1–4. 1–84.; 1922, 1–4. 13–58.
44
Gulyás also followed closely theoretical
literature on the Universal Decimal Classifica-
tion, introduced in the Capital Library. See, for
instance, items 715., 1545., 2134., 2135. of the
Catalogue.
45
From among the works published abroad, it
was the German Gutenberg Jahrbuch and vol-
umes of Insel Almanach that regularly entered
the collection.
46
Book Reviews. 1902. 3–4. 504–509., 1905.
4. 365–366.; 1907. 4. 368–369.; 1909. 3.
272–273.; 1918. 3–4. 208.
47
Gulyás also kept one copy of “Magyar írók
névtárának” terve [Plans of an “Inventory of
Hungarian Writers”], published by Szinnyei in
1877.
48
Cf. Viczián, 1981, 338–343.
49
KÓKAY, 1994, 11.
223
 Éva Kelemen

THE BEQUEST OF ERNŐ DOHNÁNYI

Pianist, composer, and conductor Ernő Dohnányi (1877–
1960) was one of the most versatile and gifted musicians
of the twentieth century. For several decades, crowds
filled the concert halls of Europe and America, eager to
see him perform. His work as a musician exerted a signif-
icant influence on musical life in Budapest in the 1920s
and 1930s and cultural life in Hungary in the interwar
period. As pianist Bálint Vázsonyi remarked, “his life was
interwoven with roughly nine decades of human history
over the course of which the rush of events exceeded the
outstanding successes as a concert pianist. He performed
for eager audiences in Vienna, Berlin, London, Boston.
In Vienna, his piano concerto opus 5 in E minor won the
prestigious Bösendorfer Prize.
In 1905, he accepted a request made by Joseph Joachim,
a violinist of Hungarian descent and the director of the
Royal College of Music in Berlin, and took a position as
artist and teacher at the internationally famous institu-
tion. The very favorable conditions of his position enabled
him to continue concertizing and composing, and the

THE BEQUEST OF ERNŐ DOHNÁNYI

pace of every period of history until then.”1 position also provided his family with financial security.
Collectors and Collections

Dohnányi was born in the city of Pozsony (today Ten years later, in late autumn 1915, Dohnányi re-
Bratislava in Slovakia). Frigyes Dohnányi, his father, was turned to Budapest. Initially, he taught piano at the Mu-
a physics teacher at the Catholic Comprehensive School, sic Academy, where he also served as director for a few
but he was also a first-rate musician. He was a superb months in 1919. However, his position was soon discon-
cellist, and he also composed music, painted, and drew tinued, and for years he did not return to the institution.
sketches.2 The family regularly played chamber music Over the course of the 1920s, he held many concerts
together, and Dohnányi, whose talents as a pianist were abroad, in which he performed both as a soloist and a
evident early in his childhood, joined the adults. Perhaps
this explains, at least in part, his remarkable adaptability
as a musician, which later won him recognition as one
of the greatest chamber musicians of his time.
After having completed his schooling, Dohnányi chose
to study at the Music Academy in Budapest instead of trav-
eling to Vienna. He studied piano with István Thomán,
himself a former pupil of Ferenc Liszt, and composition
with János Koessler. His decision to remain in Budapest
turned out to have considerable significance from the
perspective of the history of twentieth-century Hungarian
music. A few years later, another talented young musician
from the city of Pozsony also chose to remain in Budapest
to pursue his studies: Béla Bartók.
For Dohnányi, the three years he spent at the Mu-
sic Academy in Budapest were like a kind of triumphal
march. He rapidly won recognition as a pianist and a
composer. At barely 19 years of age, when violinist Jenő
Hubay was trying to persuade him to accompany him on
a concert tour in France, two of Dohnányi’s compositions,
Zrínyi nyitány (Zrínyi Overture) and his first symphony (in
F major), won the Royal Millennium Prize. After having
Ernő Dohnányi (1877–1960) heard his first opus, a piano quintet in C minor, Johannes
Brahms, an elderly man by then, remarked “I myself could
not have written it better.”
After having completed his studies at the Academy The program for Dohnányi’s debut in London in 1898:
224 with “outstanding success,” he began to enjoy similarly Beethoven’s piano concerto in G major (Op. 58) 225
 Dohnányi’s shorthand physics notebook from comprehensive school in 1894
Collectors and Collections
Excerpt from the tables of contents of the
concert programs put together by the composer
Letters to Dohnányi from Hans Richter (1843–1916), a world-famous conductor of the era
226 (10 January 1903, 23 September 1905)
The autograph version of Dohnányi’s piano quintet. The dedication to professor of medicine Vilmos Manninger (1876-1945) was
written in 1923, some 30 years after the composition of the work.
THE BEQUEST OF ERNŐ DOHNÁNYI
chamber musician.3 He remained an active figure in con- He caught a cold while making a recording in New York
cert life in Hungary too. As the programs from the 1920s and passed away a few days later at the age of 83.
reveal, there were years in which he conducted 120 times Dohnányi made arrangements concerning the dispos-
over the course of a season. As Bartók noted, at the time al of his possessions in Hungary in a letter to his sister,
his name with synonymous with musical life in Budapest. Dr. Máriá Dohnányi Ferenc Kovács, dated 12 November
At the beginning of the 1930s, Dohnányi was a major 1945: “If a proper government should come to power,
figure in musical life. He was the head of a master’s school, I would like to give my belongings to the [National] Mu-
the president and conductor of the Budapest Philhar-
monic Society, the chief musical director of Hungarian
Radio, and as of 1934 the director of the Music Acad-
emy. He had been given numerous distinctions, such
as the Corvin Chain, and he had been made a member
of the French Legion of Honor and the upper house of
Hungarian parliament. The first Franz Liszt International
Piano Competition (today one of the most famous piano
competitions in the world) debuted in 1933 under his
leadership, and it was won by his student, Annie Fischer.
The events of World War II compelled the aging mu-
sician to face difficult choices. His private life was in
disarray, and he felt that he would find no peace in Hun-
gary. In the autumn of 1944, he left the country, never
to return. Over the course of the last fifteen years of his
life he struggled with financial problems and faced ethical
dilemmas. His name was included on a list of war crim-
inals, and while the Hungarian authorities exonerated
him, he nonetheless could not escape absurd unofficial
accusations, which often made it impossible for him to
perform and earn a living.
In the hopes of securing a more reliable livelihood,
in 1948 he left Europe, traveling first to Argentina and
then accepting a position at Florida State University and
settling in Tallahassee. He taught at the university in
Florida until he died, giving concerts and sharing his
knowledge and gifts with wise cheerfulness, unbroken
will, and inexhaustible energy. He died while working. Teacher at the Music Academy in Berlin, 1905 227
 THE BEQUEST OF ERNŐ DOHNÁNYI
Ernő Dohnányi’s letter to his sister, Dr. Mária Dohnányi Ferenc Kovács Self-portrait, pencil drawing by Mária Dohnányi
(Athens OH, 1958) done in the first decade of the twentieth century
Collectors and Collections

The program of a gala concert held in commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Chickering piano factory

seum.”4 After his death, his widow Ilona Zachár affirmed
this: “autograph copies, letters, etc. should be given to
the Museum there, Ernő would have wanted that, NOT
to any private individuals or family members, but to the
Museum. This was his wish.”5 Thus, Dohnányi’s bequest
became part of the holdings of the Music Collection of
the National Széchényi Library, in accordance with a
declaration drawn up on 18 December 1962.
Dohnányi in fact had been in contact with the Széché­
nyi Library for a long time.6 He had donated the auto-
graph edition of his Op. 19 Suite for Orchestra to the
library at the beginning of the 1920s with the help of his

A gift box made in celebration of the 25th jubilee of Dohnányi’s career, with a poem by Andor Kozma and innumerable ornate sheets
228 Suite for Orchestra, Op. 19. Autograph score bearing several thousand signatures of Dohnányi’s admirers 229
 friend, music historian and museum secretary Kálmán
Isoz. Isoz was asked to establish an independent Music
Division, of which he was made the head in 1924. During
the ten years that he spent as the head of the Division,
he made significant and carefully chosen additions to
the collection. One of his most important goals was to
obtain original, handwritten copies of scores by Hungar-
ian composers. When he retired in 1934, he was named
secretary of the Music Academy at Dohnányi’s request.7
When Dohnányi resigned from his position in 1943, Isoz
also resigned. It is reasonable, given their relationship,
to assume that Isoz influenced Dohnányi’s decision to
leave his bequest to the library.
Other autograph copies of scores were incorporated
the work of compiling an inventory and also planned to
write a biography of Dohnányi. Regrettably, however, he
only completed the inventory,9 which was a unique under-
taking in its own way. More recent catalogues were only
published after some 40 years had passed. Podhradszky
labored diligently in his study of the materials of the be-
quest. Finally, in the spring of 1964, according to the final
registry some 4,100 documents, including photographs,
letters, press releases, and all of Podhradszky’s notes, were
incorporated into the holdings of the Music Collection.10
Over the course of the years, the collection has grown
as a result of very deliberate and focused efforts. Additions
include valuable first editions, sound recordings, recently
found letters having a bearing on Dohnányi or his life and
ERIKA NEMESKÉRI
TWO TWENTIETH-CENTURY
LITERARY BEQUESTS
The Manuscripts Archive of the National Széchényi Li-
brary contains more than 500 fonds, both literary and
historical. These fonds have become increasingly signif-
icant as scholars have become increasingly interested in
the study of primary sources.
The two most impressive literary bequests are the
His reputation as a prominent man of letters reassured
heirs that the materials they gave to the library would be
properly cared for. Many people sought his advice when
considering selling or donating a bequest, and he consist-
ently recommended the National Library.
The friendship between Babits and Keresztury began in

TWO TWENTIETH-CENTURY LITERARY BEQUESTS

into the collection before Dohnányi’s death. In 1958,
Dohnányi asked his sister to send him scores of several
of his earliest compositions so that he would be able to
study them. Mária Dohnányi was only able to do this by
having the works put on consignment, having microfilm
Collectors and Collections
career, and materials from the press. In 2000, documents
of Rudolf Frankovszky pertaining to Dohnányi were given
to the library by his foster son.11
Today the Dohnányi collection includes 55 autograph
works (several versions of some), almost 80 first editions
bequests that were left by Mihály Babits and Dezső Ke­
resztury. Babits was born in 1883 and died in 1941.
Ke­resztury was born in 1904 and died in 1996. Thus, the
documents found in their bequests span over a century
and cast light on important moments of history, includ-
1929. Keresztury was working as a librarian at the Hungar-
ian Institute and a university instructor in Berlin. In early
1929, Babits held an enthusiastically received presentation

copies made of them, and then, after having been given
the rolls of microfilm, donating the handwritten copies to
the library. Dohnányi himself suggested this as a possible
solution, commenting that while he didn’t know how much
it would cost in Budapest, “if not too expensive, then it
would be possible to have microfilm copies made of all of
the scores that they [the government] will not allow out
[of the country].” These copies could then be sent to him.8
Mária Dohnányi entrusted Imre Podhradszky with the
task of organizing and compiling a proper inventory of the
documents and overseeing the practical aspects of trans-
ferring them to the library collection. Podhradszky began
of Dohnányi’s compositions, several versions of different
editions, and almost 100 dedicated compositions from
Dohnányi’s library. It also contains some 3,500 newspaper
clippings (in Hungarian and other languages), almost 1,000
concert programs, the 18-volume concert calendar com-
piled by Dohnányi himself, several hundred photographs,
the private and official correspondence of Dohnányi and
his family members, contemporary documents (for instance
the family’s heraldic emblem of nobility), sound recordings,
and other items. In short, the collection is unparalleled
in its array of original documents pertaining to the life of
one of the greatest musicians of the twentieth century.
ing both junctures and ruptures. The two men were also
friends, and Keresztury was the trustee of Babits’ bequest
up until his death.
The Archive often grew because of personal ties and
friendships. Many of the bequests in the collection became
part of the holdings thanks to the connections between
members of the library staff who worked in the Manu-
scripts Archive and important figures of Hungary’s literary
and cultural life. Keresztury played a remarkable role in
this process. In addition to ensuring that the materials in
Babits’ bequest were properly preserved and kept together,
Mihály Babits (1883–1941) on the balcony of his apartment in
he also saw to it that numerous smaller and often only
Attila Street with his favorite dog, Buksi
fragmentary bequests be handed over to the Archive.

Notes
1
Vázsonyi Bálint, Dohnányi Ernő [Ernő
Dohnányi]. Budapest: Zeneműkiadó, 1971, 12.
2
Frigyes Dohnányi (1843–1909), a man of many
talents and interests, developed his own system
of shorthand (which he called “panstenograph-
ia,” i.e. a shorthand that allegedly could be used
for all languages). He obtained the right to teach
it. Working together with his colleagues, he also
established the first X-ray laboratory in Hungary,
in the school in Pozsony.
3
In 1919, Dohnányi became the conductor
and later the president and conductor of the
Budapest Philharmonic Society. He conducted
the premieres of several works by Hungarian
composers, including Bartók and Kodály.
The orchestra also went on several successful
concert tours in Europe under his baton. After
1945, by unspoken agreement the Society
did not look for a new conductor. Only after
230 Dohnányi’s death in 1960 did it fill the posi-
tion. Dohnányi was also chosen as the leading
conductor of the New York State Symphony
Orchestra in 1925-1926.
4
Dohnányi bequest. Family letters (135)
5
Dohnányi bequest. Ilona Zachár’s letters to
Mária Dohnányi.
6
In accordance with law 1808/VIII, which
established the Hungarian National Museum,
the library was part of the Museum. Only after
1949 did it become an independent institution,
bearing the name National Széchényi Library.
7
According to Elsa (also given as Elza) Gala-
frés, Dohnányi’s second wife, Dohnányi said
the following to Minister of Culture Bálint
Hóman: “[I will only accept the position as
director] if Dr. Kálmán Isoz will be my assistant
and secretary.” Elsa Galafrés: Lives, Loves,
Losses. Vancoucer: Versatile 1973, 346.
8
Hungarian Academy of Sciences Institute for
Musicology, Library. Dohnányi bequest. Fond 4.
9
Podhradszy Imre, The Works of Ernő
Dohnányi. Studia Musicologica VI. Budapest:
Akadémiai Kiadó 1964, 357-373
10
Following Podhradszky’s sudden death in the
summer of 1963, the remaining parts of the
bequest were held by his son until they were
turned over in their entirety.
11
Rudolf Frankovszky Rudolf (1894-1978?) was
a colonel in the Hungarian army. Dohnányi and
his family made his acquaintance in the spring
of 1945. With his help, they were able to leave
Vienna and travel to Neukirchen am Walde in
southern Austria. From this point on, Frankovsz-
ky remained by their side as a kind of secretary.
He helped them handle official issues, and when
necessary, he obtained kindling and smuggled
One of Babits’ letters to Keresztury in Berlin, 1931 Keresztury’s letter congratulating Babits on having received the
letters. In the early 1950s, he moved to Chicago.
San Remo Prize for his translation of Dante in 1940
231

Sophie Török (née Ilona Tanner, 1885–1955) in the living
room of their apartment in Reviczky Street
Collectors and Collections
on Hungarian literature in Berlin that was organized by
the Collegium Hungaricum. Keresztury helped organize
the private events for Babits and, in particular, for his wife,
Sophie Török, née Ilona Tanner. From then on, Babits and
Keresztury were in continual correspondence with each
other, and the tone of their letters became increasingly
amicable. Keresztury provided important support for Babits
in Babits’ last years, and Babits asked him to serve as a mem-
ber of the advisory board of the Baumgarten Foundation.1
After Babits’ death, Török was always able to count on
Keresztury and his wife for help.
After World War II, Keresztury briefly served as Min-
ister of Religion and Education and also as the director
of the Eötvös József Collegium. He then worked as the
main librarian of the Library of the Academy of Sciences
before he was given a position at the Széchényi Library as
“punishment” by the authorities. He became one of the
staff members of the Manuscripts Archive. It was at this
time that he realized that the manuscript editions of many
of Babits’ works were being bought and sold in the city.
He knew that Török, whose health had suffered, was not
capable of caring properly for her husband’s bequest, in
spite of the fact that she was constantly trying to organize
the materials in it. He wrote about his concerns: “So-
phie Török, in addition to creating an oeuvre as a writer,
considered it increasingly important to collect all of the
documents of Babit’s lifework. She had no training in this,
nor did she wish to pursue training. In her own tenacious,
extravagant, and somewhat heedless way, she collected
all of the important documents, including manuscripts,
bills, day-to-day notes, theater tickets, letters, personal
belongings, medicine bottles, playthings.”2
After Babits died, Török sold their spacious apartment
232 in Attila Street and moved into a smaller apartment. She
had Babits’ library moved to the library of the Baumgar-
ten Foundation, along with some pieces of furniture and
keepsakes. She kept the manuscripts and Babits’ letters
herself, and as it so happens this turns out to have been
fortuitous. The building in Sas Street in which the foun-
dation was housed was hit by a bomb, and the libraries in
the building, for instance the libraries of Dezső Kosztolányi
and Árpád Tóth, were destroyed. As the war approached,
Török became increasingly restless in her search for way
to ensure that the manuscripts and other precious items
be kept safe. In the end, three chests of manuscripts were
put in the basement of the Hungarian Academy of Sci-
ences for safekeeping, as confirmed by Géza Voinovich,
the Secretary General of the Academy.3
TWO TWENTIETH-CENTURY LITERARY BEQUESTS
Later, Babits’ manuscripts were returned from the Acad-
emy to Török, but her mental state hampered any and all
attempts to organize the materials properly. István Lakatos,
György Rába, and later István Gál, all prominent and
respected individuals, offered their assistance, but in vain.
Sophie Török collected all of Babits’ poetry written in the early The 1903 manuscript of Napszálltakor [Nightfall]
Keresztury wrote about this as well: “I learn with some years of the twentieth century in the three volumes of Angyalos in Angyalos könyv
surprise that Ildikó [the Babits couple’s adopted daughter] könyv [Angelic Book]. On the title page of the manuscript
sold Babits’ typewriter in secret, and manuscripts were volume she painted a depiction of the angel making music in the
painting by Italian Renaissance painter Carpaccio
also available for purchase for relatively little. But the real
(National Széchényi Library, Fond III/2356)
surprise came when I saw the circumstances under which
Ilonka kept the bequest. They had an old set of Biedermei-
er furniture upholstered with felt. Ilonka’s favorite Siamese
cats were sitting in the armchair. I pulled the manuscripts
of three important poems, dirtied with cat grime, out
from under them. The cats were sharpening their claws
on another valuable block.”4 Having seen this, Keresztury
decided to take immediate action. “Look Ilonka,” he said
to Török, “Mihály does not have a sepulchral monument.
I know the situation, we will get no help from Darvas,5
but I can get the ministry to purchase the bequest for
the National Széchényi Library.” She accepted his offer.
According to Keresztury, “the next day I took a taxi to the
apartment in Jagelló Street, she let me in. I packed the
The autograph copy of Babits’ poem Névjegyemre [To My Business Card]
manuscripts up into several suitcases and took them to the on the verso of folio 37 of Angyalos könyv [Angelic Book]
library.”6 Keresztury later managed to save the collection of
photographs and phonograph records, which were added
to the other materials.
This all took place in 1952. Babits’ oeuvre did not en-
joy the support of the regime, which had labeled him a
“retrograde” poet. Keresztury commented on this as well:
“Fortunately, the ministry regarded the issue of Babits’
bequest not as a political question, but rather as an affair
concerning items of museum-piece value, and so it paid a
respectable sum.”7
The transfer of the materials was recorded in a no-
tarial document, as were the objections raised by Török
and specifications concerning the obligations undertaken
by the library. According to this document, the Archive
The fair copy, covered with corrections, of Babits’ Danaidák [The Danaïdes]
would handle unpublished works, the so-called “conversa- on the recto of folio 102 of Angyalos könyv [Angelic Book]
233
 tion notebooks,” and biographical documents as a sealed
consignment. Only Török or, after her death, the curators
she had selected (Lóránt Basch, Gyula Illyés and Dezső
Keresztury), were entitled to open it. In her 1955 last will
and testament, Török also entrusted the three curators
with the management of the copyrights. The National
Széchényi Library contains numerous letters among the
“Babits files” concerning Basch’s rejections (sometimes
quite unfounded) of requests made by scholars or publishers.
Documents in Keresztury’s bequest indicate that often he
had to intervene in order to smooth over contentious issues.
The Babits bequest was incorporated into the holdings
of the Manuscripts Archive between 1952 and 1955 (Török
died in 1955), where they are kept in the open holdings
under the shelf mark Fond III.8
On the contents of the Babits fond
As Keresztury’s notes reveal, Török collected any and all
Collectors and Collections
documents having to do with Babits. Angyalos könyv [An-
gelic Book] is perhaps the most beautiful example of this.
It is a bound collection of the poems Babits wrote in the
early years of the twentieth century. An amateur painter
herself, Török even copied a detail from a painting by Ital-
ian Renaissance painter Carpaccio on the cover, an angel
playing a lute. Angyalos könyv contains roughly ten years’
worth of poems, including some autograph versions. The
years written next to the poems are not always correct, and
thus the work presents a number of problems with regards
to dating. Literary historian Ágnes Kelevéz outlines the
chronology of the poems in her book A keletkező szöveg
esztétikája [The Aesthetics of the Nascent Text].9
The registry of the materials in the Babits fond is one
of the first registries that is based on an attempt to or-
ganize Babits’ writings, the manuscripts of his works, his
correspondence, and various other items (for instance
photographs that were made of him) according to a con-
sistent hierarchy. Török was an enthusiastic photographer,
and her photographs (which were not always masterfully
successful) left a record of thousands of scenes of their
lives together and their interactions with members of their
circles of friends. She also had a fondness for making sound
recordings. In the 1980s, skilled sound engineers managed
to retrieve recordings she had made using X-ray recording
techniques and preserve them for posterity.
The somewhat befuddled fond registry of the 1950s,
which bore traces of the inconsistencies and imprecisions
of the new organizational system, was made useable by
a catalogue entitled Babits Mihály kéziratai és levelezése
[The Manuscripts and Correspondence of Mihály Babits],
which was compiled by the National Széchényi Library
and the Petőfi Literary Museum. The catalogue provides
234 separate descriptions of items from the bequest that often
had wound up quite far from one another or had been
grouped together in other inventories. (Naturally, the
catalogue includes entries for items that were in other
public collections in Hungary, as well as items that were in
some of the private collections.10) It constitutes an essential
component of the preparatory work currently underway
for the publication of a critical edition.
The manuscripts of his poems, novels, and short stories
survive in many versions. These different versions or frag-
mentary versions reflect both the process of composition
and the personality of the writer.
Furthermore, although excellent additions of his works
have been published and indeed are still being published,
the autograph texts always reveal something new. The
original works, i.e. the primary sources, are indispensable
from the perspective of scholarship. I would mention only
one detail, namely that the author’s state of mind and
changes in his state of mind can be clearly seen in the
handwritten documents. This is the kind of information
that even the finest published edition cannot convey.
Babits’ correspondence, of which only excerpts have
been published (a critical edition of his correspondence
was published that covers two periods, 1890–1906 and
1911–1912), not only sheds light on his personal and family
relationships and his ties to prominent figures in Hunga-
ry’s literary world, it also offers new perspectives on four
decades of cultural life in Hungary. Babits was one of the
principal contributors to the periodical Nyugat [West], and
he later became one of the editors. He was also the main
curator of the Baumgarten Foundation. Not surprisingly,
his correspondence sheds light on all of the problems and
conflicts that arose concerning both. Anyone interested
in the cultural life of the period, whether as a literary
historian, a historian, a sociologist, or a scholar in one of
the other fields of the humanities or social sciences, will
find new insights, new information, and new perspectives
in his correspondence
Babits’ long conversation notebooks, which he wrote
while suffering from an illness that left him unable to
speak, are moving and even disturbing. He used these
notebooks in order to communicate with guests and make
requests of his nurses and doctors. The notebooks are
available today in an edition edited by György Belia.11
In the preface, Babits himself says that he was unable to
make sense of every reference in the several hundred pages
of fragmentary conversations in the sixteen spiral-bound
notebooks. Belia assumed that a second edition would be
published, in which he would be able to offer additional
clarifications of passages from the texts with the help of
scholars of Babits’ life and work. The work on this project
was not completed, but the publication of the tremendous,
if fragmentary assemblage of texts offered answers to many
questions concerning the era.
The Babits fond represents an invaluable source from
the perspective of scholarship on literary life in Hungary
in the first four decades of the twentieth century. It is the
most frequently used collection in the Manuscripts Ar-
chive, and one might even say it is most jealously guarded
treasure. The handwritten works of our great writers are
like relics of irreplaceable value.
Fond III also contains Török’s bequest, i.e. the hand-
written copies of her literary writings, her private corre-
spondence, and her collections of materials. Perhaps the
most interesting items in this bequest are the comments
she made in calendars over the course of decades. Her
attentive notes concerning their day-to-day affairs provide
an inexhaustible source for biographers. They also provide
TWO TWENTIETH-CENTURY LITERARY BEQUESTS
information concerning important historical events, peo-
ple, and places. Her comments were indispensable when
it came to determining the dates of photographs in the
two bequests.12
In 1975, some 20 years after the library had acquired
the Babits bequest, Keresztury retired and his wife, Mária
Seiber, died. Keresztury decided to put the bequest, which
had grown into an enormous personal archive, in the
Manuscripts Archive. It is worth citing a passage from a
letter written on 11 November 1976 by the director-general
of the library:
“The National Széchényi Library provided me with a Zsigmond Móricz (1879–1942) thanks Keresztury in a letter
pleasant workplace, friendly atmosphere, and respected for his critique of Móricz’s novel Erdély [Transylvania] (1935)
position in very hard times. This is why the desire arose
in me to leave my manuscripts and correspondence to
the Manuscripts Archive of the Library. But I would also
like to help ensure that in our National Library, which is
undergoing a renewal (and which was once an important
site for scholarship in the library sciences, literary history,
and cultural history), the scholarly work done by librarians
outside of their responsibilities as members of the staff
enjoy increased recognition.
In the interests of furthering this goal, I wanted to
donate the collection to the library as a foundation.
When I took measures to do this, however, I was informed
that the laws in force do not allow for the creation of a
foundation.
I therefore agreed to allow the library to purchase
the collection at a price determined by experts, corre-
sponding to price levels in Hungary at the moment, and
approved of by the director-general. After the purchase,
I wish to have the 275,000 forint, the purchase price, set
aside like ‘foundation’ money for the National Széchényi
Library.”13
This manner of making a donation was utterly out of the
ordinary at the time, and the bureaucracy had a difficult
time digesting the fact that a private individual wished to
A typed copy of Keresztury’s poem Este [Evening ], with hand-
offer this kind of assistance to his former colleagues and
written revisions and additions. The poem was published in a
provide compensation for the scholarly work that they did volume entitled Így éltem [I Lived Thusly] in 1979
235
 Keresztury engaged in a wide array of different kinds
of activities. At the beginning of his career, he worked in
Berlin as an instructor, a copyeditor, and a librarian. He
always strove to acquaint readerships abroad with Hun-
garian literature.
He returned to Hungary because of the marked rise in
nationalism and xenophobia in Germany. He became an
instructor at and later the director of the Eötvös Collegi-
um. As one of the critics of the periodical entitled Pester
Lloyd, he helped authors who did not enjoy the favor of
the regime at the time publish their works. His letters
to Babits offer an overview of all this. The manuscripts
of his works as an author and literary translator have
survived, including both texts he wrote as a student and
Keresztury wrote essays and articles on the life and works
of Babits throughout his life. As the curator of Babits’
bequest, he often found himself locked in contentious
struggles with people who represented the regime’s atti-
tudes towards literature. The first large volume of works
by Babits to be published after the war was part of the
series entitled Magyar Klasszikusok [Hungarian classics],
published under his editorship. The preface, which was
written by Keresztury, was harshly criticized, and indeed
there were calls for it to be withdrawn. However, in the
end the volume was published with the original preface.
Nonetheless, the editorial board added a note to the in-
troduction, according to which Keresztury’s assessment
of Babits did not harmonize entirely with the regime’s
ture] and Magyar zenetörténet képeskönyve [Picture Book
of Hungarian Music History].
Fond 177 also contains parts of several family fonds,
which add significantly to our knowledge of the history of
the Keresztury family. For instance, the documents of his
wife’s, Mária Seiber’s brother, composer Mátyás Seiber, a
student of Zoltán Kodály who achieved fame in England,
also constitute an important source.
Fond III and Fond 177 cover a good century of Hungari-
an history and Hungarian literary history. The bequests of
the two writers, which include some ten thousand entries
(roughly 30,000 items), contain precious works and relics
of Hungarian cultural history. It would not be possible
to publish a critical edition of the works of Babits today

TWO TWENTIETH-CENTURY LITERARY BEQUESTS

the bitter farewell poems of his last years. His bequest
also includes an array of different versions, thus offering
insights into his work methods and his approaches to
revision and rewriting
Keresztury’s correspondence as the Minister of Educa-
Collectors and Collections
conception of literature.
The manuscripts of his very productive work as a liter-
ary historian are also found in the bequest. He published
the works and correspondence of János Batsányi, and he
continuously participated in and edited the publication of
based on manuscript sources had Keresztury not had such
deep respect for literature and the National Library. He
was motivated to give his own, personal archive to the
library because he wanted later generations of scholars to
be able to study and unveil the many historical and literary

The young Keresztury
(photograph by Klára Wachter)
that went beyond their professional obligations. But the
elderly and highly esteemed man’s reputation was enough
to brush aside any obstacle, and thus the Keresztury Com-
petition and Keresztury Prize were created.
Keresztury was not just a member of the staff of the
Széchényi Library in subordinate and later leading posi-
tions, he was also a benefactor. Indeed, he was among the
most committed and generous supporters of the institu-
tion, and he was responsible for some of the most prized
additions to its holdings.
tion, a position he only held briefly, constitutes an unusual
source that offers insights that cannot be found elsewhere.
The documents of the Ministry in the National Archives
were destroyed by fire in 1956. Today, a scholar looking for
the documents of the Ministry of Culture after World War
II will only find semi-official letters and notes in personal
collections, for instance fond 177.
editions of works by János Arany, one of the fruits of which
was the monograph entitled S mi vagyok én [And What am
I]. He also adapted Csák végnapjai [The Last Days of Csák]
and Mózes [Moses], two works by Imre Madách, for the stage.
In the 1950s, Keresztury organized famous historical
and literary historical exhibitions in the dome room of
the National Museum. The collection in the National
Library includes the plans for these exhibitions, as well
as the details concerning the various associated events. It
is worth noting that the exhibitions were the inspiration
behind the publication of two superb volumes, Magyar
irodalom képeskönyve [Picture Book of Hungarian Litera-
interconnections found in the documents.
Keresztury was also a librarian in the Manuscripts Ar-
chive, and a librarian is always a representative of tradition
who works in the service of future generations. The goal
of the librarian is to ensure that the materials that have
been entrusted to the institution be properly preserved
for posterity and to enrich the trove of knowledge in the
library with new acquisitions. For if the stewards of a col-
lection of works of museum-piece value neglect to make
additions, the collection ossifies and will no longer be part
of the circulation of ideas in scholarly life.

On the contents of the Keresztury fond

After the “main corpus” of the materials had been hand-
ed over, Keresztury made additions to his personal ar-
chive every year. He also organized and created records
of the materials, dealing with individual items over the
course of the year after which they were added to the
holdings. His methodical approach turned out to have
direct application even in his own life, since on several
occasions he himself needed information or a particular
letter for his memoirs or his work. Thus, it was a “living”
fond until his death. The registry of the fond might make
it a bit difficult to find a particular manuscript today,
but it clearly illustrates the process of acquisition and
the pace with which the holdings grew. It also offers
indications of the people with whom Keresztury was in
contact in the later years of his life and the questions
that preoccupied him at the time. It will be easier to
handle the current fond registry once it has been made
236 available and searchable electronically.
Notes
1
KERESZTURY Dezső, Babits. Levelek,
tanulmányok, emlékek [Babits: Letters, Essays,
Keepsakes], Budapest, 1988, 10–11.
2
KERESZTURY, Babits, op. cit., 248.
3
See Babits Mihály kéziratai és levelezése, I–IV
[The Manuscripts and Correspondence of
Mihály Babits, I–IV]., Eds. CSÉVE Anna,
KELEVÉZ Ágnes, MELCZER Tibor et al., with
a preface by NEMESKÉRI Erika, Budapest,
Argumentum–Petőfi Irodalmi Múzeum,
1993 (Klasszikus magyar írók kéziratainak és
levelezésének katalógusai [Catalogues of the
Handwritten Editions and Correspondence of
Classic Hungarian Authors], 3.)
4
KERESZTURY op. cit.
5
DARVAS József (1912–1973), a writer, Minis-
ter of Education in 1951–1953.
Dezső Keresztury in his office in the National Library
6
KERESZTURY op. cit.
7
KERESZTURY op. cit.
8
Babits documents from other sources are kept
in Fond 172 in the so-called “Babits Collec-
tion.” It is worth noting, in this context, that
the part of Basch’s bequest that ended up here
also contains numerous documents relevant
to Babits’ life and writings, as well as relevant
information.
9
KELEVÉZ Ágnes, A keletkező szöveg esz-
tétikája [The Aesthetics of the Nascent Text],
Budapest, 1998.
10
Babits Mihály kéziratai és levelezése, op. cit.
11
Babits Mihály beszélgetőfüzetei [The Conversa-
tion Notebooks], ed. with an introduction and
notes by BELIA György, Budapest, 1980.
12
Külön tér… külön idő... Babits fényképei [Sepa-
rate space… separate time… The Photographs of
Babits] (Ikonográfia), ed. W. SOMOGYI Ágnes,
with a preface by KERESZTURY Dezső,
Budapest, 1983.
13
The entire text of the letter can be found
in MONOSTORY Klára, Keresztury Dezső
fondja az Országos Széchényi Könyvtárban
[The Dezső Keresztury Fond in the National
Széchényi Library], Magyar Könyvszemle
[Hungarian Book Review], 1993, 75–86.; See
also MONOSTORY Klára, Amiről a kéziratok
beszélnek. Keresztury Dezső fondja az OSZK
Kézirattárában [What the Manuscripts are
Talking About: The Dezső Keresztury Fond in the
Manuscripts Archive of the National Széchényi
Library], Irodalomtörténet [Literary History],
l994, 395–411.
237
 K ATALIN FÜLEP
ITALIAN-HUNGARIAN BEQUESTS
IN THE NATIONAL SZÉCHÉNYI LIBRARY
Historical and literary sources provide ample evidence of
close cultural ties between Hungary and Italy from the
Árpád Era to the present day. These ties began with rela-
tions between the royal families in the Middle Ages and
later included contacts between the court of the Transyl-
vanian Principality, the clergy, and the Italian city-states,
but they also involved acquaintanceships and friendships
among members of the secular and Church intelligentsia
who attended universities, monks and priests, pilgrims,
wayfarers, merchants, tradesmen, physicians, musicians,
Collectors and Collections
architects, military engineers, historians, poets, and artists.
The material, archival, and written sources attest to the
diversity and extent of these many kinds of ties.
The origins of rigorous study of source materials con-
cerning ties between Hungary and Italy began with the
spread of Humanist ideas. The systematic search for and
study of Hungarian historical sources on relations with
Italy began in the second half of the nineteenth century
and continues to this day. The Hungarian Academy of
Sciences has played the most prominent role in this work.
The National Széchényi Library has also taken part in
Panorama of Buda, Montova, Palazzo Ducal. (National Széchényi Library, Manuscripts Archive. Fond 391/1028)
Sicilian poet Giuseppe Cassone
238 (1843–1910)
ITALIAN-HUNGARIAN BEQUESTS IN THE NATIONAL SZÉCHÉNYI LIBRARY
the research on and collection of source materials. The
Manuscripts Archive of the Széchényi Library contains
numerous Italian-language manuscripts or works of Italian
origin on Hungary which provide evidence of the range
of these ties, but some of which came only somewhat
haphazardly into the possession of the library, usually as
parts of the bequests of private individuals.
In the middle of the 1980s, when I had the good fortune
of being able to take four different trips as the recipient of
scholarship funds, the Manuscripts Archive had a chance
actively to pursue acquisitions to its holdings. In the course
of the first trip, I continued work that had been begun by
my colleagues on catalogue research in the Vatican Library
and also in several other libraries in Rome and other
places in Italy. In addition, I sought out members of the
Hungarian émigré community who had started collections
of archival materials (or their descendants) so that I could
learn more about the fates of the bequests. The point of
departure was the existing documents in the holdings
of the Manuscripts Archive, as well as the relevant sec-
ondary literature. The Osvát-Artúr Elek collection (Fond
Sándor Petőfi’s János vitéz [John the Valiant]
in Cassone’s translation (Budapest, 1920)
239

Collectors and Collections
Margit Hirsch (1879–1941), a Hungarian woman beloved of
Cassone. Their 1906–1910 correspondence, entitled Margh-
erita, gyönyörű magyar virágom [Margherita, My Beautiful
Hungarian Flower], was published by the Petőfi Literary
Museum in 2006
253), which contains two Italian translations of Petőfi,
was one of the important bases of the venture. Artúr
Elek (1876–1944) was a person of crucial importance. In
1808, he wrote a review that was printed in Újság [News]
of the translation by Giuseppe Cassone (1843–1910) of
Petőfi’s János vitéz [John the Valiant], which had been
edited and prepared for publication by Alajos Zambra
(1886–1947). Elek also corresponded frequently with and
knew personally Umberto Norsa (1866–1943), the other
Italian translator of Petőfi’s works.
Partly thanks to the trip I was able to take in 1985–
1986, the bequest of Cassone, who was born in the Sicil-
ian city of Noto, was brought to Hungary. In his youth,
Cassone, a poet and literary translator, had been left
paralyzed, deaf, and with poor eyesight from sunstroke.
He had incredible determination and will power, and was
a man of remarkable erudition as well, and he translated
works of literature from many languages, sensing the
music of other languages with his inner ear. He trans-
lated compositions by Petőfi, Pushkin, Heine, Shelley,
Lenau, and many others. In her last will and testament,
Margit Hirsch (1879–1941), with whom he exchanged
240 letters, left 543 poems that Cassone had written for her
Umberto Norsa (1866–1942),
an Italian translator of Hungarian literature
to the Royal Academy of Italy. However, the provisions
of the will were not executed immediately, no doubt in
part because of the upheavals of the war years, nor even
in the immediate aftermath of the war. The letters were
kept by the Petőfi Literary Museum. In the 1980s, at the
urgings of Corrado Coppa, one of Cassone’s nephews, the
Petőfi Literary Museum gave the original letters to the
Hungarian Academy in Rome, which then gave them to
the Accademia dei Lincei. The Accademia dei Lincei,
however, did not send them on to Cassone collection in
Noto, which was under the oversight of Coppa. Rather,
they remained in Rome, in part in order to ensure that
they would be easily available for research. I met Coppa in
1986, and he informed me that he would probably leave
the Cassone collection to the municipal library in Noto.
The collection included a 1908 bronze cast of Hirsch’s
hand. Hirsch and Cassone never met in person, but their
correspondence reveals that they shared a close spiritual
bond and friendship. The fond contains photocopies of
the original letters. The correspondence concerning the
transfer of the autograph letters is found in the archives
of the Ministry of Cultural Affairs, the Petőfi Literary
Museum, and the Hungarian Academy in Rome.
Coppa also had two copies of Cassone editions de luxe,
which had been intended to help foster sympathy for Hun-
gary and its fate at the time of the peace negotiations
following World War I. As far as we know, these are the
only two surviving copies of the edition. He mentioned
that he intended to leave one of them to the National
Széchényi Library in his last will and testament.
Cassone knew Alajos Zambra, Antal Radó, and Zoltán
ITALIAN-HUNGARIAN BEQUESTS IN THE NATIONAL SZÉCHÉNYI LIBRARY
Ferenczi (Ferenczi was a scholar of the Petőfi cult and the
various legends that had arisen concerning Petőfi’s disap-
pearance), as did Norsa, Petőfi’s other Italian translator.
Some of his manuscripts had already been incorporated
into the holdings of the National Széchényi Library as part
of the Babits bequest (Fond III/960), the Osvát-Artúr Elek
bequest (Fond 253/426), and the Artúr Elek bequest, which
was not organized and systematized as a fond (Fol. Hung.
2984). Norsa was an attorney, and he translated only as a
pastime. In addition to Petőfi, he also translated works by
János Arany and Imre Madách into Italian, as well as writ-
ings in English, Russian, and Sanskrit. He was an honorary
member of the Petfőfi Society, and his splendid library
contained many books in Hungarian. He and Elek shared
a friendship that stretched across many decades, and Elek
always sought him out when he traveled to Italy. In his Norsa’s Petőfi translations (Milan–Palermo–Naples, 1913)
correspondence with Norsa, Elek provided him with tips
and advice concerning translation and the meanings of handing over the letters written by Elek that were in his
various words and expressions. Lajos Fülep knew of Norsa father’s bequest in some form, but until we met in person
through Elek, and at times his name is mentioned in their it was not clear whether or not he would he would give us
correspondence. Before I traveled to Mantua to meet his the originals or copies of the letters, which would nicely
son, Ugo Norsa (also an attorney), I indicated the purpose complement the aforementioned manuscripts. During the
of my trip in a letter. He was not opposed to the idea of persecution of the Jews under Mussolini, it had only been
Imre Madách’s Az ember tragédiája [The Tragedy of Man], in translation by Umberto Norsa (Torino, 1942) 241
 Imre Kner to Lajos Fülep (Gyoma, 3 12 1938): “I can-
not live anywhere other than on Hungarian soil and in
Hungarian.”
Imre Kner to Lajos Fülep (Gyoma, 19 12 1938): “I was
always sincerely and truly Hungarian.”
Imre Kner to Lajos Fülep (Gyoma, 3 4 1942): “However
I look at myself, I always felt myself first and foremost to
be Hungarian, and I feel myself Hungarian today as well.”

ITALIAN-HUNGARIAN BEQUESTS IN THE NATIONAL SZÉCHÉNYI LIBRARY

Milán Füst to Lajos Fülep (Budapest, 11 5 1942): “I love
the Hungarian language… I consider what this language
is capable of to be the most beautiful music in the world.”
Mrs. Imré Kner to Lajos Fülep (Gyoma, 22 4 1944):
“Yesterday I received the first card from my son, who is
in Debrecen… Under normal circumstances, I would be
very proud to be able to give such a stalwart, honorable,
healthy soldier to our homeland, which we love so dearly.
But like this? Wearing a yellow armband and star, to dig
and carry rocks… Mihály departed bravely, proudly, saying
that even under these circumstances he is going to show
Collectors and Collections

that this land is everything to him, and he is going to

Literary historian Imre Várady (1892–1974), one of the heads
of the Hungarian department at the University of Bologna
possible to save some of the manuscripts and books. He
mentioned that Elek had always sought his company when
he had been in Mantua and had always stayed in their
residence. He then cautiously asked me if I knew what
religious faith he belonged to. They were Orthodox Jews,
and they had never kept that a secret from Elek. Indeed,
it was quite apparent from their customs. Elek, however,
was very reserved with his behavior in this regard. I told
him that in fact Elek had been born to a Jewish family,
but had been baptized as a Catholic in his childhood.
“How did he identify himself?” he asked me. “As a Hun-
garian,” I said. “But he was Jewish!” “Yes, a Hungarian of
Jewish origin.” “How is that possible? One is either Jewish
or French, Italian, Hungarian…” he said. I said nothing
in reply to this. I did not know at the time why he was
asking this question. I thought of Radnóti, Milán Füst (a
man who had always been enamored of the Hungarian
language), the Kner family. I cite here a few passages from
the correspondence between Fülep, Elek, Füst, and Kner,
which has since been published in part by the Manuscripts
Archive of the National Széchényi Library and in part by
other institutions:
Artúr Elek to Lajos Fülep (Budapest, 29 10 1938): “I
love my homeland and the people who founded it and live
in it. I love it more than any other land and them more
242 than any other people.”
dig into its soil with the same devotion as if he were not
branded… He is going to take care of the soil, that it be
caused no pain.”
Norsa also fell silent and pondered my reply. He wanted
to understand the situation unambiguously, and this is
why he had wanted to clarify Elek’s viewpoint. He was
motivated by his concerns for the fate of the bequest, and
he was troubled by the question of who should be posses-
sion of the original copies of the letters—where would
they be the most accessible to scholars. He was old, and
his descendants were preoccupied with other affairs. He
wanted to be just and show respect for the close friend-
ship between his father and Elek. In the end, he asked for
advice from his friends, and they agreed that since Elek
had regarded himself as a Hungarian, the letters should be
kept in Hungary, so, in a great show of respect, he gave the
original copies of the letters to the Hungarian National
Library. Even at his advanced age, he was still guided by
the precepts of his profession. He weighed the question
of who had more rightful claim to the items involved and
reached a decision that he regarded as just.
Ugo Norsa kept his promise. The bequest was sent
to Hungary and made available to scholars after having
been properly organized, catalogued, etc. In the period
between 1907 and 1942, Elek had written 368 letters to
Norsa and Norsa had written 97 letters to Elek. Or at
least, Norsa’s son Ugo had managed to save this many
letters. The fond also contains writings by Babits, Albert
Berzeviczy, Ferenczi, József Fitz, Oscar Márffy, and Antal
Radó, which were included thanks to Ugo Norsa’s gener-
osity and respect for the importance of these documents
to Hungary. The bequest is a particularly valuable trea-
sure trove to scholars in part because it contains writings
László Tóth (1910–1982), literary historian and founder of László Tóth’s Emlékszőttes. Egy egyszerű ember emlékiratai
Hungarian language instruction in Italy [Handwoven Memory: The Memoirs of a Simple Man] (Mu-
nich, 1976). In 1993, Tóth was posthumously awarded the
Pro Cultura Hungarica prize for this work
both by the authors of the letters and the person to whom
the letters were written.
In 1985–1986, I contacted the descendants of László
Tóth and Imre Várady, and one year later I was able to
make arrangements to have their bequests brought back
to Hungary. Imre Várady (1892–1974) was a literary histo-
rian and for a time the head of the Hungarian department
at the University of Bologna. Friderika Várady-Schiavoni,
his youngest daughter, gave his manuscript bequest to the
National Library. He had left Hungary in 1944 and set-
tled in Italy. Between 1944 and 1977, he was an instructor
and private tutor at the University of Bologna, as well as
a member of the staff of the periodical Katholikus Szemle
[Catholic Review] in Rome. The original copies of some
of his manuscripts have been incorporated into the hold-
ings of the National Széchényi Library, while copies of
others manuscript items are also available in the library.
In 1988, new works were acquired. In addition to the
personal materials and numerous essays, the fond (368)
also contains his two-volume work on Hungarian liter-
ature. He also wrote on relations between Hungary and
Italy and Italy’s role in Hungarian narrative literature, as
well as László Mécs, László Németh, Zsigmond Báthory,
Madách’s Tragedy of Man, Petrarch, and Dante. The be- A portrait of László Tóth in his old age 243
 quest contains a collection compiled on the Hungarian
students at the Bologna University in the thirteenth,
fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries, the uni-
versity’s materials on the history of the theater (the typed
texts of plays that were made for the Enciclopedia dello
Spettacolo, as well as correspondence with the publisher,
program plans, photographs, and biographies of Olga
Eszenyi, Miklós Hajmássy, Kálmán Latabár, Antal Páger,
Piri Vaszary, and others), and some of the book reviews
(for instance of Sándor Márai’s Ítélet Canudosban [Judge-
ment in Canudos] and László Pálinkás’s Avviamento allo
studio della lingua e letteratura ungherese). The library also
received a commemorative album published in 1966 in
Modena dedicated to Imre Várady. His correspondence
includes letters that were written to him, for instance by
Zoltán Jékely, Béla Kardos Talbot, Lina Linari, Sándor
Kozocsa, Paolo Santarcangeli, Zoltán Szitnyay, Tibor
Tollas, and László Tóth.
László Tóth (1910–1982) was a linguist, literary trans-
Collectors and Collections
lator, and university professor. As a university student,
he spent time in Rome as the recipient of a scholarship
given by the Italian state when Várady was serving as the
secretary and historian Gyula Miskolczy as the director of
the Hungarian Academy in Rome. He was later given a
scholarship by the Collegio Borromeo in Pavia. He served
Photograph of László Lukács (1910–1998), a historian of the
Jesuit Church, taken in 1988 (Manuscripts Archive of the
244 National Széchényi Library. Fond 366/278)
as secretary of the Hungarian Academy in Rome from
1935 to 1943 under Jenő Koltay-Kastner and then István
Genthon. Before the outbreak of World War II, he created
the Hungarian language department in Naples. While
he was in this position, the Andreas Pannonius Codex
(Cod. Lat. 443) was given to the Manuscripts Archive of
the National Széchényi Library. He offers an account of
this in his biographical novel Emlékszőttes [Handwoven
Memory]. He returned to Hungary in 1943, but then went
back to Italy and in 1946 began teaching again at the
universities in Rome and Naples, and also at the college
of eastern languages in Naples. In 1978, he was made full
professor at the “Orientale” University of Naples.
He wrote language books, volumes on language instruc-
tion in schools, a Hungarian-Italian phrasebook, works
on Hungarian literary history, and six-volume’s worth of
translations of works by Károly Berczeli, József Nyírő, Zsig-
mond Móricz, Dezső Szabó, Áron Tamási, Lajos Zilahy, and
Sándor Márai. The bequest contains the text of Tóth’s 110
language lessons, with his handwritten revisions, which
were broadcast by the Italian Radio (RAI), as well as a
recording of the broadcasts. It also contains, along with
the letters that shed light on his career, his literary trans-
lations, and his approach to language instruction, letters
that are interesting simply from the perspective of literary
history.
In 1987, I participated in negotiations in Italy concern-
ing the return of the rest of the manuscript bequests to
Hungary, including the László Pálinkás bequest, which
Pálinkás’ widow gave to the National Széchényi Library
one year later.
László Pálinkás (1910–1974) was a literary and art his-
torian and a private tutor at the Hungarian department
of the university in Florence. After having completed his
university studies in Budapest, for a time he served as a
scholarly assistant to the National Committee of Historic
Monuments. He worked as a Hungarian instructor in
Florence in 1942–1943, and he returned to Florence and
began teaching again in February of 1947. In 1948, he was
instructed by the authorities in Hungary to return to his
homeland, but he refused and instead became a citizen of
Florence. In 1947, he began serving as the editor of Annu-
ario dell’Istituto Ungherese di Storia dell’ Arte di Firenze, and
he also became the director of the Institute for Hungarian
Art History in Florence. His circle of friends included
the two aforementioned professors. Their bequests com-
plement each other, and along with the bequest of Florio
Banfi they are part of the history of cultural ties between
Hungary and Italy. The most important published works
of all three men are found in the main holdings of the
National Széchényi Library.
The assortment of manuscripts in the bequest is re-
markably varied, and in addition to the personal writings
An arrow on a panoramic view of Rome indicates the building
of the Institutum Historicum
of Pálinkás it includes documents pertaining to the ad-
ministration of the Florence Institute for Hungarian Art
History, such as collections of data concerning István
Türr, Ignác Helfy, László Mécs, D’Annunzio, and Ferenc
Liszt, as well as the materials of the Saint Ladislaus Com-
memorative Committee. He planned to write an overview
of nineteenth-century Hungarian sculpture, and in his
essays he wrote on artistic ties between Hungary and Italy,
the influence of Canova, Casagrande’s work in Hungary,
and the activities of Patriarch of Venice and Archbishop
of Eger János László Pyrker (who donated his art gallery
to the Hungarian National Museum) in support of the
arts. He wrote entries for the Dizionario biografíco della
letteratura contemporanea, which was published by the
Mondadori Publishing House in Milan (for instance, he
wrote the entries on the works and lives of János Arany,
Zoltán Ambrus, Sándor Bródy, Gergely Csiky, Géza Gárd-
onyi, Pál Gyulai, Margit Kaffka, János Kodolányi, Lajos
Nagy, László Németh, Ottokár Prohászka and others).
The Nuovo Enciclopedia Mondadori contained additional
entries by Pálinkás on authors who had been left out of
the first reference work, such as Babits, Berzsenyi, György
Bessenyei, József Eötvös, Renée Erdős, János Garay, Irén
Gulácsy, József Gvadányi, Heltai, Herczeg, Ignotus, Gyula
Juhász, Frigyes Karinthy, Kassák, József Katona, Sándor
Kisfaludy, Sándor Kőrösi Csoma, János Kriza, Gyula Krúdy,
and others (though there were overlaps between the two
works). His invaluable contributions did a great deal to
familiarize the world outside of Hungary with Hungarian
literature and culture.
The fond also contains documents concerning the
scholarly, literary, and artistic periodical entitled Corvina,
an Italian-language periodical which was published in Bu-
ITALIAN-HUNGARIAN BEQUESTS IN THE NATIONAL SZÉCHÉNYI LIBRARY
A picture of Jesuit Fathers Miklós Orbán, László Lukács, and
László Polgár, taken in 1958
dapest every month under his editorship between January
1939 and March 1944, as well as documents pertaining
to the similarly scholarly, Hungarian-language periodical
that he founded together with Aldo Bizzarri in 1942 (which
came out once every two months) and the presentations
he wrote between 1951 and 1965 for Radio Roma.
His extensive correspondence as a member of the émi­gré
community included letters with authors, poets, journal-
ists, politicians, historians, literary historians, and artists,
for instance Sándor Márai, Albert Wass, Kristóf Kállay,
Miklós Kállay, Gusztáv Rab, Antal Ullein-Reviczky, Mik­
lós Domahidy, Gábor Vaszary, Lajos Kutasi Kovács, Ágnes
Csiky, Erzsébet Kisjókai, Asztrik Gábriel, Márton Kere-
csendi Kiss, and Tibor Tollas. His correspondence with the
Uffizi on Miklós Barabás, Ede Teller, and Károly Markó is
also rich with interesting information.
As is the case with all bequests, his bequest also con-
tains manuscripts of writings by others, for instance
Miklós Domahidy’s drama entitled Orsolya [Ursula]. In
1956, Antal Németh (1903–1968), the director of the Na-
tional Theater, had plans to bring this work to the stage.
Németh’s bequest (fond 63) is also found in the Manu-
scripts Archive of the National Széchényi Library. Thus,
the two fonds complement each other.
The actions Pálinkás took in 1956, the year of the Hun-
garian uprising against Soviet occupation, can be followed
closely on the basis of materials found in his bequest and
in the Banfi fond.
The possibility that Hungary might acquire the bequest
of Jesuit historian László Lukács (1910–1998) also came
up during my first trip to Italy as a fellowship recipient.
In 1987, the collection was sent to the National Library.
Lukács had become a member of the Society of Jesus in 245

Collectors and Collections
Sándor Ritz (1916–1994). Éva Varsányi’s 1978 sketch of
Euphrasius (National Széchényi Library, Manuscripts
Archive. Fond 378/4)
A watercolor of the Chiesa from the late nineteenth century
246 (from Sándor Ritz’s book La profezia…)
Models of the Chiesa di Santo Stefano Rotondo by Sándor
Ritz (National Széchényi Library, Manuscripts Archive.
Fond 378/18)
1931. In 1947, he began to teach at the Jesuit school in
the city of Kalocsa. The political situation all over Cen-
tral Europe was foreboding at the time, however, and the
Jesuit leaders realized that it would soon be impossible
for the society to continue to remain active in Hungary.
István Borbély, the head of the provincial branch, there-
fore sent many of the younger monks and pupils abroad
in the service of the Church. Thus, in 1948–1956, Lukács
became the second archivist in the central Jesuit archives
in Rome, which is a genuine treasure trove of primary
sources on national history and the history of the order.
He used this amazing opportunity to study the history of
the Jesuit order and in particular the history of the order
in Hungary (using sources that were almost completely
inaccessible to secular scholars in Hungary), as well as
any information concerning pedagogy, schooling, and
cultural history in Hungary. He thus continued in the
footsteps of Dénes Szittyay and the team that was led by
András Gyenis.
Naturally, other Hungarian Jesuits living in countries
in Europe participated in this work, in addition to Lukács.
László Polgár, for instance, worked together with him di-
rectly for a time and then later worked independently of
him on a project in another important field, namely the
compilation of a bibliography of the order. One could also
ITALIAN-HUNGARIAN BEQUESTS IN THE NATIONAL SZÉCHÉNYI LIBRARY
Pictures of the Chiesa di Santo Stefano Rotondo (from Péter Sárközy’s book Roma est patria omnium fuitque; Budapest, 2001)
mention historian László Szilas, a professor at the Pon- ports in the Archivio Segreto Vaticano of papal legates
tifical Gregorian University in Rome, who has not only on the Báthory family, Gábor Bethlen, and Archbishop
studied the activities of Alfonso Carillo in Transylvania, Ferenc Forgách), book reviews, interviews that he held
the work of Possevino, the Jesuit missions in the areas un- (recordings made by the Vatican Radio and Kossuth
der Ottoman occupation, and the colleges and universities Radio in Hungary), his correspondence, his photographs,
of the German province, but has also found and studied the work (including essays) of other Hungarian Jesuits
other Jesuit sources relevant to Hungarian history (he who collected source materials (such as Lajos Nagyfalusy,
remains active today). József Fejér collected and published
materials and information concerning Jesuits who died
between 1641 and 1740. Miklós Őry became prominent
as an expert on the life and work of Péter Pázmány. László
Lukács and Ferenc Szabó also wrote several essays on the
life of Pázmány.
Lukács worked on the systematization and cataloging
of the parts of the registries that had a bearing on Hun-
gary almost up until his death. These registries, which
were held in the archives of the order in Rome, contained
copies of the letters of the Superior General of the So-
ciety of Jesus to the Austrian province of the order. Of
the 23 volumes from the period between 1573 and 1757,
he was able to complete work on the material up to 1720.
The volumes from 1620–1670 are in the Manuscripts
Collection of the National Széchényi Library, while the
materials from after 1670 are in the archive of the central
monastery of the Hungarian Jesuits. In 1988, Lukács was
given an honorary doctorate by the József Attila Uni-
versity in Szeged. In addition to documents pertaining
to his personal life, the bequest (Fond 366) contains the
materials from the work he did collecting sources, his lon-
ger published works and essays, microfilm that he made
of original sources, his card catalogue (which contains
materials from 1601–1773, mostly pertaining to the Jesuit
order or Hungary more generally, that he collected in Letter of congratulation sent by Richard von Weizsäcker, Presi-
libraries in Hungary and abroad, for instance the shelf dent of the German Republic, to Sándor Ritz (Bonn, 1987) (Na-
marks and short descriptions of the sources and the re- tional Széchényi Library, Manuscripts Archive. Fond 378/104) 247
 some of his correspondence ended up becoming part of
the library holdings, including the letters and words of
congratulation sent by Nóra Aradi, Lajos Bárdos, the
Dominican friar Yves Congar, Bruno Dechamps, Károly
Falvay, László Gerő, Maurice Gilbert, Archbishop József
Ijjas, Töhötöm Nagy, Henri de Lubac, Imre Mócsy, Car-
dinal Ugo Poletti, Bishop of Csanád József Udvardy, and
Richard von Weizsäcker, as well as universities, bishop-
(Fond 391) and bring it to Hungary, where it would be
added to the holdings of the National Library. In 1929,
teacher and literary historian Florio Banfi (1899–1967)
settled permanently in Italy, though he often traveled to
Hungary for temporary visits. He was married in Assisi.
His wife was Clara Biagetti, and the bequest contains
photographs of her and some of her correspondence.
Later, they moved to Rome. Banfi served as the secretary
of the House of Saint Stephen (Casa di Santo Stefano),
thus saving it from certain ruin. In 1970, he sent Sándor
Kovács the reconstruction of source materials entitled
A Krisztina-legenda forrásszövege [Source Text on the
Legend of Christina].
Banfi’s work covered an array of different fields of
inquiry. He published almost 200 essays and writings
in Hungarian and Italian. His articles were published

ITALIAN-HUNGARIAN BEQUESTS IN THE NATIONAL SZÉCHÉNYI LIBRARY

rics, archbishoprics, libraries, and monastic orders. He
even made a model of the church on the basis of earlier
descriptions and his own research. In all likelihood, it
remained in Rome, though it was his intention to send
it to Hungary.
Angelus Kovách, a Catholic priest active in the Hun-
garian community in Italy, edited the publication entitled
ÜZENET [MESSAGE] (Fond 353), a stencil publication
that is regarded as a manuscript. I brought the issues
from 1977 to 1986 to Hungary, and the library regular-
ly received additional issues. It contains information
Collectors and Collections
of the Collegium Hungaricum Pontificium, an instructor
at the university in Florence, and a member of the Italian
institute of military architecture (Istituto di Architettura
Militare). In 1947, he was a consultant for the Hungarian
Academy in Rome, and in 1948 he tended to secretarial
tasks. In 1949, he managed the economic affairs of the
Academy as someone who was privately employed. In
addition, he wrote articles and notices and undertook
research for a fee, thus earning an income with which he
supported himself and his ailing wife. On 30 September
1950, he was given the papers necessary to return to
in periodicals and dailies on history, literary history,
cultural history, and military history. Péter Sárközy, a
professor at the Sapienza University of Rome, had some
of Banfi’s work published—writings which had already
been published in diverse forums. The bequest, however,
includes essays, articles, and other, sometimes unfin-
ished writings in manuscript form. He was fascinated
by legends and codices, for instance the Italian Attila
chronicles, the Legend of the Miracle Stag, Calamus
Dalmata and the Attila Chronicles, Codex Cumanicus,
the Corvina Codex, the Érsekújvári Codex, the Budapest

concerning births, marriages, and deaths among the Hungary by the embassy of the Hungarian Republic in and Bratislava fragments of the Gesta Romanorum, the
Hungarian families in Italy, as well as news concerning Rome, but he did not leave Italy. He was given an exten- Lobkowitz Codex (which contains the legend of Saint
the church and sometimes even events in Hungary. sion and permitted to remain in the Palazzo Falconieri Francis), the Thuróczy Chronicle, and the Orosius Codex
In 1988, in part as the result of earlier negotiations until April 1956. His last residence in Rome was at Via of the National Széchényi Library (Cod. Lat. 6). He was
and correspondence, I was given permission by Arch- d. Cerquetti 57. Following his tragic death, Dr. István also interested in the lives of saints (Saint Catherine of
bishop Msgr. Lajos Kada to examine the Banfi bequest Mester (Stefano Mester) had his bequest sent to library Alexandria, Saint Francis of Assisi, Saint Gellért, Saint
A market in Asssi (National Széchényi Library. Anthony, Saint Barbara, Saint Bridget, Saint Cecilia,
Fond 391/1009) Saint Dominic, Elek, Saint Christina, Saint Peter the
Martyr, and Saint John of Capistrano) and, in particular,
Flórián Holovics, Antal Petruch, and Dénes Szittyay), the lives of saints of the Árpád House (Saint Imre, Saint
and material on the history of the Church in general László, Saint Erzsébet, Saint Margaret of Hungary, Saint
and the Society of Jesus. On several occasions, he add- Margaret of Scotland, and Saint Wilhelmina). His essay
ed writings of his own in manuscript and printed form, and collection of materials on Saint László and Saint
including letters, photographs, memorial certificates of Gellért are based on a number of sources, including a
Hungarian Jesuits, and many other documents. He was codex in the Biblioteca Universitaria di Padova (Cod.
one of those exceptional people whose lifework survived 1622). The bequest also contains Vita sancti Ladislai Re-
almost in its entirety. gis Hungariae, a copy of a primary source, as well as a
In 1987, I contacted Sándor Ritz (Gyömrő, 01 15 1916 significant array of materials and copies of sources on
– Rome, 06 27 1994). Ritz was a Jesuit who had been Saint Margaret of Hungary.
studying the history of the Santo Stefano Rotondo in The bequest also includes bibliographical notes on
Rome for some 30 years. In 1987, he had been given the Johannes Honter, and he made a list of the works by
Enrico De Nicola Prize in Rome in recognition of his Hungarian authors that had been published in Rome and
work as an amateur. In his works, which were published the prints in Hungarian books that had been published
in several languages both as books and in periodicals, in Krakow.
he presented the national church of the Hungarians (the The materials on cultural history contain notes on
church is known as Hungary’s national church because it Hungarians who were active in Italy and Italians who
is dedicated to Saint Stephen, the Christian first martyr, were active in Hungary, as well as references to the rela-
and Stephen I, the first Christian king of Hungary, who tions between Hungary and the various Italian cities and
adopted Christianity for his people), on which Banfi provinces (for instance Arezzo, Assisi, Bologna, Florence,
also wrote several articles, as the new Jerusalem of the
Apocalypse. The fond (378), which he had sent to the
National Széchényi Library in 1988, contains all of these
 From the Banfi bequest: An old photograph of the statue of
writings, as well as sketches of the church (the work of Saint Francis of Assisi in the Basilica di S. Francesco (National
248 Éva Varsányi, and also prints and photocopies). Only Széchényi Library, Manuscripts Archive. Fond 391/1003) 249

Collectors and Collections
A market in Asssi (National Széchényi Library.
Fond 391/1009)
and Umbria). He was also fascinated by Dante, Roman
folklore and the Roman lottery, Christmas traditions and
celebrations in Hungary, the roles of hunchbacks in histo-
ry, literature, and the arts, old Hungarian lovers and their
memories of Rome, Turkish flags that had been seized in
or after battles, the Ethiopian delegation and its activities
in Rome, Tamás Bakócz, Possevino Antonio, Archbishop
of Eger János László Pyrker, and the pilgrimages of Baron
László Sennyey to Rome (in 1687, 1693, and 1696). The
bequest contains a copy of the manuscript describing his
voyage in 1687, which is a travel diary entitled Notabilia
Romae (Biblioteca Nazionale di Roma, Fondo Gesuitico
Ms N° 1635. Cod. 3764), as well as the collection of sources
on the travels of Sennyey and fragments of essays, along
with the annotation apparatus.
He took notes on the Nogarola sisters, who were edu-
cated in the Humanist tradition. Count Sándor Apponyi’s
grandmother was a member of this family. Apponyi was
a major figure in the history of the National Széchényi
Library. He gave his old Hungarian library to the National
Library, dramatically enriching its holdings with a diverse
array of rare and precious books. It included her bequest,
which thus links Apponyi’s library with the Banfi bequest.
Florio Banfi (1899–1967)
The collections on the various orders (the Order of
St. Augustine, the Dominicans, the Franciscans, and the
250 Paulines) and popes are rich with information, as are
From the Banfi bequest: Pope Sylvester II gives the Holy
Crown to Saint Stephen. Photograph from the Secret Archive
of the Vatican of the painting by Annibale Durante (National
Széchényi Library, Manuscripts Archive. Fond 391/1038)
the notes on Hungarian-Italian and Italian-Hungarian
relations and the comments on language and linguistics.
The bequest also contains many items of importance
from the perspective of art history, such as photographs
(of artists, works of art, manuscript miniatures, people,
and landscapes) and glass plates (for instance, depic-
tions of Ippolito d’ Este and Scander-Bey, or the bust
of Saint Stephen in Zagrab, Johann Ender’s painting of
Count István Széchenyi, and the Scolari oratórium). He
also gathered information on Italian artists in Hungary,
Hungarian artists in Italy, and the mutual influence of
the two countries on each other’s fine arts, as well as the
historical monuments in the two countries.
His main work, however, was Ricordi ungheresi in Itália
(Rome, 1940–41, 1942), which was first published as part
of the yearbook of the Hungarian Academy in Rome
and later as part of the series entitled Studi e documenti
italo-ungheresi della R. Accademia d’Ungheria in Roma.
This work contains items of importance to Hungary’s
cultural history (the texts of memorial plaques, prints,
paintings, statues, etc.) from over 100 settlements in Italy.
The bequest also contains a tremendous amount of
material on the priories. In the Middle Ages, the Church
provided care for the ill and the poor. Beginning in the
fifteenth century, secular groups began to create religious
societies to tend to this task. In Hungary, for instance, the
Order of Saint Anthony was active, as was the Order of
The Palazzo Falconieri in Rome, home to the Hungarian Academy
the Holy Ghost. The Ospedale di Santo Spirito [Hospital
of the Holy Spirit] in Rome and its warden had the right
of supervision all over Europe, and some of the hospitals
were headed by priories. The material from the sixteenth,
seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries in the
fond involves Italy, England, France, Poland, Hungary,
Germany, Spain, and Portugal. It also contains codices
from various libraries and archives, visitation cards, and
registries.
The so-called “Avvisi” collection consists of materials
from several places, such as the holdings of the Biblioteca
Angelica, the Biblioteca Casanatense, and the Biblioteca
Nazionale. Beginning in the sixteenth century, printed
news reports on the most important events in Europe
were published as “Avisi” (Avisa, Zeitung, Copia, Relatio,
Lettera, etc.). In general, an “Aviso” was “fresher,” i.e. pub-
lished more rapidly, than a so-called “Relatio,” which was
more reliable and precise. Banfi wrote notes concerning
the events and reports of relevance to Hungary news of
which had been printed in the “Avisi.”
In connection with the Santo Stefano Rotondo, about
which numerous announcements were published, he stud-
ied the history of the Chiesa di Santo Stefano in Campo
Vaticano, which was founded by Saint Stephen of Hun-
gary. He also studied the Ospizio dei pellegrini ungheresi
[Hospice for Hungarian Pilgrims], which was created in the
mid-1020s, next to the Chiesa. The Santo Stefano Roton-
ITALIAN-HUNGARIAN BEQUESTS IN THE NATIONAL SZÉCHÉNYI LIBRARY
do on Caelian Hill was the Hungarian national church in
Rome. It is a round church dedicated to Saint Stephen, the
first martyr, and it is a remarkable architectural monument
and composition of the early Christian era.
The fond also contains materials with information on
the building of the Hungarian Academy in Rome, as well
as its staff and financial affairs, and the people who re-
ceived scholarships in 1948 (Sándor Weöres and his wife,
Zoltán Jékely, Imre Trencsényi-Waldapfel, János Horváth,
and others).
The dramatic events of 1956, when people in Hun-
gary rose up against Soviet occupation, were met with
great trepidation and hope among the members of the
Hungarian émigré community in Italy. The materials in
the Banfi fond concerning these events bear important
affinities with the materials in the Pálinkás, Tóth, and
Várady bequests, as well as other materials related to 1956
and the response of Hungarians living in emigration or
exile. Banfi kept two of the bulletins of the Osservatore
Romano [The Roman Observer]. One of them contains
the announcement that on 31 10 1956 Pope Pius XII held
a mass for Cardinal József Mindszenty. The other (2 11
1956) contains Laetamur admodum, the encyclical letter
that was written on 1 11 1956, as well as a translation
of part of the encyclical into Hungarian. The pope ad-
dressed the encyclical to the bishops of the world, but he
also addressed the great powers and referred to the events 251
 that were taking place in Hungary. He mentioned József
Mindszenty and Polish Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński. The
bequest also contains a document on the informants who
had been sent by the regime to mingle with members of
the émigré and exile community. Banfi also kept notes
on the adoption of Hungarian orphans and information
concerning people who offered accommodation and work
for refugees.
The presentations that Banfi held in Italy and Hun-
gary, the invitations for which he kept, constitute part
of his scholarly work. On 14 May 1921, the Hungarian
Literary History Society held a sitting in the smaller
chamber of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, where
Zsolt Alszeghy presented Flóris Holik’s [Banfi’s] treatise
on Pelbárt Temesvári. On 22 March 1922, he held a
presentation entitled “A Szt. László-monda eredete” [The
Origins of the Legend of Saint László] at the Academy at
a sitting of the Philological Society. On 15 April 1924, he
held a presentation at the Uránia Theater of Scholarship
Collectors and Collections
and Literature (Budapest, VIII, Rákóczi út 21) entitled
“A spanyol királyi udvar hatása az európai művelődésre”
[The Influence of the Spanish Royal Court on European
Culture]. He organized the series of projected presenta-
tions held in order to raise funds for the construction of
a cultural house for the Szeged Catholic Circle in 1931.
Banfi participated in this series, holding presentations
on four subjects: Assisi, the Birthplace of Saint Francis;
Mount Alverna, the Italian Calvary; Where the Fioretti
Flowers Opened; and Umbria Santa. With the support
of the Istituto per l’Europa Orientale e dell’ Istituto per
l’Oriente, he held a presentation entitled “Nel 250°anni-
versario della liberazione di Buda dai turchi” [The 250th
Anniversary of the Liberation of Buda from the Ottoman
Turks] at the 1935–1936 conference organized by the
Scuola di Lingue Slave ed Orientali viventi. He was later
invited to hold presentations at various conferences, the
invitations to which are in the bequest.
The fond contains a 1946 note about the importance
of protecting Hungary’s interests in Italy and the Hun-
garian institutes in Italy. The bequest has several volumes
Notes
1
This is a shortened version of an article that
was originally published in Hungarian, with
notes and appendices, in Gazdaságtörténet –
könyvtártörténet. Emlékkönyv Berlász Jenő 90.
Születésnapjára [Economic History – Library
History. Commemorative Volume on the 90th
Birthday of Jenő Berlász]. Ed. János Buza
(Budapest, 2001).
252
of reviews which he compiled in order to make them
easily accessible. The correspondence in this fond is
less voluminous than usual, but it contains important
letters, primarily about his research. Only a few of his
letters survive. Of the letters that were written to him,
the most extensive group is his correspondence with Le-
one Andrea Maggiorotti. Among the people who wrote
letters to him, one finds names such as university profes-
sor Franz Babinger, Arnolfo Bakotich-Cippico, editor of
Archivio Storico per la Dalmazia, Béla Bevilaqua-Borsodi,
Kornél Bőle, György Buday, Kornél Divald, József Fógel,
Vilmos Fraknói, László Gerevich, Jenő Gyalókay, editor
of Hadtörténelmi Köz­lemények [Publications on Military
History], József Holub, professor at the Royal Hungarian
University in the city of Pécs, Cyrill Horváth, Ernst
Klein, professor at the University of Innsbruck, Sán-
dor Kozocsa, the Hungarian Historical Society, Elemér
Mályusz, János Melich, Vidor Pataki, Lajos Szádeczky
Kardoss, Endre Veress, Ferenc Zsinka, and others. In his
correspondence from 1956, one finds names like László
Pálinkás, Kristóf Kállay, and Imre Várady, as well as
Italian and international organizations that provided
assistance for Hungarian refugees.
In 1988, I managed to bring the 19-volume facsimile
publication of the manuscripts of Saint John of Capist-
rano (1386–1456) back to Hungary. In Italy, it had been
published in a total of 250 copies. The Italian Franciscans
published it with financial support from the banks in
the province of Abruzzo. Padre Beniamino of the Order
of Friars Minor, the Father Superior of Scanno, gave his
personal volumes to the National Széchényi Library. The
work was never sold commercially, so the Széchényi Li-
brary would not even have been able to purchase a copy.
It is the only copy in Budapest, and it is available to schol-
ars for research.
The bequests that have been brought to Hungary com-
plement one another and enrich the fonds of the National
Széchényi Library. They also provide a treasure trove of
sources for scholars and students in Hungary.1