e.

Other Sects, Gender Issues, Hinduism and Sexuality

The Hijras
June 23, 2008 hrodrigues Leave a comment

I hope to send �through the thickets of our separateness� the very human voices of
individuals who seem, at first glance, very different from most people, exotic,
perhaps even bizarre, but who share in our common humanity (Nanda 1999:xxi).

The hijras are a religious community of men who dress and act like women and whose
culture centers on the worship of Bahuchara Mata, one of the many versions of the
Mother Goddess worshiped throughout India (Nanda 1999:ix). There are many myths,
legends, rituals, religious roles and themes in Hinduism which entertain the notion
of �sexually ambiguous or dual gender manifestations� (Nanda 1999:20).

A true hijra is born intersex, that is, an individual displaying both male and
female sexual characteristics and organs. While being intersex is rare, true hijras
are also considered individuals that have had an emasculation operation, referred
to as nirvana (cessation of rebirth) by hijras. During this operation, their
genitals are removed to �become vehicles of the Mother Goddess�s power� (Nanda
1999:25). The emasculation ritual is considered a rite of passage for hijras as
they are reborn from an impotent male into a hijra, an individual endowed with
sakti (power).

In India, the emasculation operation is illegal, but it is still performed secretly

in spite of potential urological consequences and operative mortality [Master and
Santucci (2003) report on a case of male genital self-mutilation in America related
to the desire to become a hijra]. A hijra, called a dai ma (midwife), performs the
operation. The dai ma has no medical training, but believes that Bahuchara Mata
gives them the power to perform the operation. Bahuchara Mata�s blessing is always
sought prior to the operation by way of a puja (devotional worship). In addition,
positive omens are sought after. For instance, the dai ma breaks a coconut; if it
breaks evenly in half, the operation can take place, and if it breaks unevenly, the
operation will be postponed (Nanda 1999:27).

The relationship between hijras, emasculation and Bahuchara Mata is told in the
following legend of the origin of Bahuchara Mata�s worship.

Bahuchara was a pretty, young maiden in a party of travelers passing through the
forest in Gujarat. The party was attacked by thieves, and, fearing that they would
outrage her modesty, Bahuchara drew her dagger and cut off her breast, offering it
to the outlaws in place of her virtue. This act, and her ensuing death, led to
Bahuchara�s deification and the practice of self-mutilation and sexual abstinence
by her devotees to secure her favour (Nanda 1999:25).

Hijras also refer to Indian epic literature in order to legitimize their existence
and to gain respect in Indian society. From the Ramayana, hijras often allude to
the following story.

In the time of the Ramayana, Rama fought with the demon Ravana and went to Sri
Lanka to bring his wife, Sita, back to India. Before this, his father commanded
Rama to leave Ayodhya [his native city] and go into the forest for 14 years. As he
went, the whole city followed him because they loved him so. As Rama came to the
banks of the river at the edge of the forest, he turned to the people and said,
�Ladies and gents, please wipe your tears and go away.� But those people who were
not men and not women did not know what to do. So they stayed there because Rama
did not ask them to go. They remained there 14 years and when Rama returned from
Lanka he found those people there, all meditating. And so they were blessed by Rama
(Nanda 1999:13).
Within the Mahabharata, hijras point to the following story involving Arjuna as the
story of their origin.

Yudhisthira, one of the Pandava brothers, is seduced by his enemies into a game of
dice in which the stake is that the defeated party should go with his brothers into
exile for 12 years and remain incognito for the 13th year. The Pandavas lose and go
into exile as required. When the 13th year comes around, Yudhisthira asks Arjuna
what disguise he will take up for the 13th year in order to remain undiscovered.
Arjuna answers that he will hide himself in the guise of a eunuch and serve the
ladies of the court. He describes how he will spend the year, wearing white conch
shell bangles, braiding his hair like a woman, dressing in female attire, engaging
in menial works in the inner apartments of the queens, and teaching the women of
the court singing and dancing (Nanda 1999:30) [See Lal (1999) for more accounts on
the mythic dimensions of hijra origin stories].

Just as Arjuna participated in births and weddings as a eunuch (castrated man),

hijras fulfill their traditional ritual roles by dancing and singing at auspicious
occasions and by �conferring blessings of fertility on newborn males and on
newlyweds� (Nanda 1999:5). In the process of conferring blessings in the name of
Bahuchara Mata, hijras are able to give what they do not have, that is, �the power
of creating new life, of having many sons, and of carrying on the continuity of
[the] family line� (Nanda 1999:3). The faith in the powers of the hijras rests on
the Hindu belief in sakti (Nanda 1999:5).

In addition to having the power to bless, hijras are also known to have the power
to curse. If hijras feel that they have not been compensated (badhai) fully for
their performance their audiences may face some extremely outrageous behaviour. The
effectiveness of extortion through public shaming by hijras is legendary (Nanda
1999:49) [See Hall (1997) for a discussion on hijras and their use of insults].

As in Indian society, a hierarchical system is also evident in hijra communities.

The relationships of gurus (teachers) and chelas (disciples) not only support
social and family needs, but economic needs as well. In order to become part of a
hijra community, one must be sponsored by a guru and a dand (fee) must be paid. For
the most part, hijras live together in a household that is run by a particular
guru. They are expected to contribute part or all of their earnings to the
household as well as assist with household chores. In return they get a roof over
their heads, food, protection from the police, and a place to carry on their
business, whether this is performing, begging, or prostitution (Nanda 1999:39).

In addition to hijra households, hijras are also organized into seven houses, which
are in essence symbolic descent groups. For each house within a region there is a
leader called a naik (chief). These leaders get together in a jamat (meeting of the
elders � modeled after the Muslim jamat) when there are new initiations as well as
important decisions to be made, such as, �sanctioning hijras who violate community
rules� (Nanda 1999:40). One of the most important norms in every hijra commune is
honesty with respect to property (Nanda 1999:40) [Bockrath (2003) further explores
the code and structure that hijras adhere to].

Considering hijras are unable to reproduce they engage in various patterns of

recruitment in order to sustain their lineage. For instance, parents themselves may
give a child to the hijras (especially one that is intersex), or upon growing up,
individuals themselves may join the hijras, or in rare cases hijras may claim an
intersex child as their right [Agrawal (1997) analyzes various recruitment
practices of hijras as discussed in colonial literature].

As mentioned above, in addition to performing at auspicious occasions, hijras also

earn a living by begging or prostitution [See Reddy (2003) for a discussion
regarding hijras rapidly gaining visibility in contemporary Indian politics].
Hijras who earn a living performing at births and weddings are the elite of their
community (Nanda 1992:10). Unfortunately the opportunities for these traditional
ritual roles are declining, especially in light of the family planning programs the
Indian government has been supporting, as such hijras have been required to find
other means to support themselves. Hijras commonly view themselves as samnyasins
(renouncers) since they have renounced all sexual desire and family life, and as
such a second traditional and public occupation of hijras is that of asking for
alms either from passersby on the streets or, more commonly, from shopkeepers
(Nanda 1999:50).

Prostitution has also become a means of supporting hijras even though it

contravenes the cultural ideal of the hijra as a samnyasin and it goes against the
wishes of the hijra Mother Goddess, who is herself celibate (Nanda 1999:53). Hijras
who are forced into prostitution as a way to earn a living are not only looked down
upon by Indian society in general, but by their own hijra community as well. As one
of the most marginalized groups in Indian society, �whether as performers or as
prostitutes, hijras have effectively adapted to the society that surrounds them�
(Nanda 1999:54), and in effect, they have created a place for themselves and will
continue to survive as they fight to legitimize their existence and to gain respect
[Bakshi (2004) further explores the possibilities and limits of the gendered
performances that hijras undertake, including ritualistic and religious aspects].

References and Further Recommended Reading

Agrawal, Anuja (1997) �Gendered Bodies: The Case of the �Third Gender� in India.�
Contributions to Indian Sociology 31, no. 2, 273-297.

Bakshi, Sandeep (2004) �A Comparative Analysis of Hijras and Drag Queens: The
Subversive Possibilities and Limits of Parading Effeminacy and Negotiating
Masculinity.� Journal of Homosexuality 46, no. 3, 211-223.

Boccia, Maria (1995) �Physical Sex and Psychological Gender: Neither Man nor Woman,
The Hijras of India.� Journal of Developing Societies 11, no. 2 (December): 276-
278.

Bockrath, Joseph T. (2003) �Bhartia Hijro Ka Dharma: The Code of India�s Hijra.�
Legal Studies Forum 27, 83-95.

Cohen, Lawrence (1995) �The Pleasures of Castration: The Postoperative Status of

Hijras, Jankhas and Academics.� In Abramson, Paul & Pinkerton, Steven (Eds.),
Sexual Nature, Sexual Culture. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Hall, Kira (1997) ��Go Suck Your Husband�s Sugarcane!� Hijras and the Use of Sexual
Insult.� Queerly Phrased: Language, Gender & Sexuality 430-460.

Hall, Kira & O�Donovan, Veronica (1996) �Shifting Gender Positions Among Hindi-
Speaking Hijras.� In Bergvall, Victoria L., Bing, Janet M. & Freed, Alice F.
(Eds.), Rethinking Language and Gender Research: Theory and Practice. London:
Longman.

Khemka, Anita (2006) �Munna Guru: Portrait of a Eunuch.� Inter-Asia Cultural

Studies 7, 2.

Lal, Vinay (1999) �Not This, Not That: The Hijras of India and the Cultural
Politics of Sexuality.� Social Text 61, 17, no. 4, 119-140.

Master, Viraj & Santucci, Richard (2003) �An American Hijra: A Report of a Case of
Genital Self-Mutilation to Become India�s �Third Sex�.� Urology 62, no. 3
(December): 1121.

Nanda, Serena (1984) �The Hijras of India: A Preliminary Report.� Medicine and Law
3, no. 1 (January): 59-75.

Nanda, Serena (1992) �Third Gender: Hijra Community in India.� Manushi: A Journal
About Women and Society 72 (September): 9-16.

Nanda, Serena (1999) Neither Man nor Woman: The Hijras of India. Toronto: Wadsworth
Publishing Company.

Ould, Patricia J. (2003) �Passing in India.� The Gay & Lesbian Review (May-June):
27-28.

Reddy, Gayatri (2003) ��Men� Who Would Be Kings: Celibacy, Emasculation, and the
Re-Production of Hijras in Contemporary Indian Politics.� Social Research 70, no.
1, 163-200.

Towle, Evan B. & Morgan, Lynn M. (2002) �Romancing the Transgender Native:
Rethinking the Use of the �Third Gender� Concept.� GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and
Gay Studies 8, no. 4, 469-497.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Bahuchara Mata

Intersex

Emasculation

Nirvana

Sakti

Puja

Ramayana

Mahabharata

Arjuna

Eunuch

Auspicious

Badhai

Gurus

Chelas

Jamat

Commune

Samnyasins

Alms
Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.pbase.com/maciekda/hijras

http://www.thewe.cc/contents/more/archive/aruvani.html

http://www.glbtq.com/social-sciences/hijras.html

http://www.librarygirl.org/portfolio/hijra/hijras.html

Article written by: Brooke Somers (April 2008) who is solely responsible for its
content.
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