Akko-Ptolemais: A Maritime

Metropolis in Hellenistic and Early

Roman Times, 332 BCE — 70 CE, as
Seen through the Literary Sources

NADAV KASHTAN
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The history and civilization of ancient Palestine is generally not

regarded as one dominated by maritime concerns. This idea was
already expressed by Josephus Flavius, who judged that the Jewish
people were oriented to agriculture and the land rather than to com-
merce and marine activities.1
Josephus' almost commonplace statement illustrates the special
relationship of the Jews with their country in antiquity, one of its
aspects being an underestimation of the sea, considered as an in-
sufficient source of living. Modem Israel still mirrors this historical
judgement and a similar mentality: the long seaboard plays a relatively
minor role in its life and the potential maritime economy has not yet
been exploited.
The disintegration of the eastern Mediterranean coastline on one
hand, and the vicissitudes of continuous wars on the other, adversely
affected archaeological excavations in many maritime sites of Pales-
tine. The Graeco-Roman strata presented a particular difficulty, due to
their position between the numerous early strata and the Byzantine,
Crusader, and Arab remains. These facts, among others, explain the
relatively small number of historical studies devoted to the coast and
the coastal cities of ancient Palestine. Literary sources from the Hellen-
istic and Roman periods show, however, that the limited interest was
quite unjustified.
The campaign of Alexander the Great in Palestine (332 BCE) began
a new era, one that saw the evolution or transformation of existing
coastal cities by a strong wave of colonization. Several cities, from then
on, became a melting-pot of Graeco-Roman, Jewish, and Christian
civilizations, a phenomenon necessarily related to their geographical
position. In the first period of Roman rule in Palestine, until the Jewish
revolt (67 BCE-70 CE), the maritime cities continued to play a
significant role as gateways, ports, and military bases. The end of the
Great War was a turning-point not only for the Jewish people but also
 38 MEDITERRANEAN CITIES: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

for Palestine and its littoral. Roman imperial rule also changed the
cultural setting of the northern part of the country, in particular that of
Galilee which, until then, maintained a Phoenician orientation.
In this article, Akko-Ptolemais (Acre)2 was chosen as the case study
of a maritime metropolis in northern Palestine. We investigate its
status from 333 BCE to 70 CE as depicted in several ancient sources.
We shall first look at some geographical characteristics and, more
precisely, those relevant to the relationship of Akko-Ptolemais to its
surrounding territory and smaller neighbours. The position of the city
and the natural resources determined its principal economic activities,
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in particular those with a maritime orientation. The combination of

geographical and economic factors ensured the leading role that Akko-
Ptolemais played in the coastal region during the period under review.
The political and military aspects of this role are discussed in the second
part of the paper.

GEOGRAPHICAL CHARACTERISTICS: NEIGHBOURING PORTS, THE

ENVIRONMENT, AND ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES
The natural harbour to the north of the Carmel bay made it an obvious
site for a port since antiquity. Early texts mention Akko in relation to its
environment and neighbouring cities along the coast. The area is
referred to in the Bible twice - in the Books of Joshua and Judges - as
part of the territory of Asher which mainly included coastal settle-
ments.3 Akko itself is mentioned as a city where the tribe of Asher
settled among the Canaanite population.
In the Book of Judith Akko again appears - under the name of Okina
— in a list of coastal cities, all fearing the forthcoming campaign of
Holophernes (circa 362 BCE).4 The other cities involved are Sidon,
Tyre, Jamnia, Azotus, and Ascalon, probably the principal coastal
cities of Phoenicia and Palestine during the Persian period. These first
examples remind us that in Biblical times the coastal area as a whole
played a major role in the history of the country, in the conquests of
Egypt as well as in later colonizations of the pre-Hellenistic age. Akko
is a representative case of that geopolitical role.
Graeco-Roman sources, describing Akko-Ptolemais from the
fourth century BCE, emphasize natural and geographic factors. A
passage in the Letter of Aristeas refers to maritime activities in Palestine
and seems to express a different approach from Josephus' above-
mentioned affirmation. Aristeas speaks of four ports which partici-
pated in commerce - Ascalon, Joppa, Gaza, and Ptolemais - and
defines them as 'harbours well situated to supply its [Palestine's]
needs'.5 This text presents the main ports of Palestine at the time, each
 FIGURE 1
NEIGHBOURING CITIES (A) AND MEDITERRANEAN SITES (B) RELATED TO
AKKO-PTOLEMAIS IN THE GRAECO-ROMAN SOURCES I
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» Antiochia

FF^
CYPRUS

M E D I T E R R A N E U M Damascus

Jerusalem
 40 MEDITERRANEAN CITIES: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

with hegemony over a section of the coast. As proof of their position,

these four ports also maintained the main mints of the country.
Ascalon, in the south, preserved its autonomy in spite of competition
from Gaza; Joppa, in the central district, was later replaced by
Caesarea; Ptolemais dominated the northern coast down to the Carmel
and Dora, and is actually presented in ancient sources as the chief city of
that area. The most complete description of the city is given by
Josephus,6 who mentions the physical features which ensured the
leading position held by Ptolemais as the main maritime city of Galilee.
According to this passage, three features, which can be seen as natural
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advantages, contributed to the position of Ptolemais as the metropolis

of the northern coast of Palestine:
(a) The Great Plain of Akko which connects it to the Valley of Jezreel.
As part of the agricultural hinterland, it was of great economic value
and military importance7 in the history of the city, as we shall see
below.
(b)The system of mountainous ranges enclosing the plain on three
sides, namely the hills of Galilee to the east, the Carmel to the south
and the Ladder of Tyre in the north. These form an obvious natural
barrier and set the geographical limits to Akko-Ptolemais' sphere of
influence.
(c) The river Belus (modem Na'aman), although of secondary
importance in comparison with the first features mentioned, was a
source of water supply for the city. It is also noted by other writers as
a landmark.8
The text of Josephus remains one of the best sources for the study of
the territory and boundaries of Hellenistic and Roman Ptolemais.9
When Strabo calls Ptolemais a megalê polis,10 his definition, more than
a simple indication of physical size, refers to the preponderant role of a
major city in a region he describes. The term, therefore, has a broader
meaning, easily accounted for by the geographical features underlined
by Josephus.
The dominant position of Ptolemais in relation to the surrounding
area is further demonstrated by the history of its nearest neighbours
at the time. These cities (discussed below), often deteriorated into
dependent villages or intermediary stations (mutationes), even though
their decline or abandonment was not always the result of the pre-
ponderance of Ptolemais. The large coastal cities - Tyre to the north,
Dora and Caesarea to the south - were situated further away and
should be considered rather as potential allies, or rivals with fewer
direct contacts and activities in common with Akko-Ptolemais.
We can illustrate the centrality of Ptolomais by looking briefly at the
 AKKO-PTOLEMAIS 41

fate of three townships in its vicinity: Ecdippon-Achziv, Chaboulon-

Kaboul, and Sycaminum-Shiqmona (Figure 1A).
Ecdippon-Achziv: A Northern Neighbour
Situated in one of the rare natural bays along the coast, eight to nine
miles north of Akko, Achziv was probably the nearest alternative port
to Akko-Ptolemais. The Israelites did not succeed in driving the
Canaanite population out of Achziv, which, like Akko, remained
under Phoenician political and cultural influence throughout the
Persian period. The archaeological evidence in fact indicates the
prosperity of the town until the Persian era, when wars and the
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rivalry of bigger towns contributed to its decline in importance.

When Pacoros, the Parthian general, arrived in Ecdippon in 40 BCE,
he found only a small village defined as 'a place (char(on) on the
board of the sea'.11 Whether inhabited or not at the time, Ecdippon
never did recover its past prosperity, and after the Roman conquest
became a mere mutatio, as reported in the Itinery of Bordeaux
(333 CE).12 This situation probably changed in Talmudic times (the
fourth century), for we are told that Achziv (Keziv in Hebrew) had
an active Jewish community, with a synagogue and other institutions.
Although situated on the border of Jewish Palestine, Achziv was
considered to be under pagan influence.13 Nevertheless, the relatively
short distance between Achziv and Ptolomais also had a positive
aspect. The cities could share local industrial and commercial interests
based on activities like fishing, agriculture, or the purple dye industry.
Communication along the coast was later facilitated by the construc-
tion of the Roman road in 56 CE (see n. 52 below), though the road
only emphasized Achziv's status as mutatio and its dependency on
Ptolemais in Roman times.

Chaboulon-Kaboul: An Eastern Neighbour

The township of Chaboulon may be taken as an example of one of the
inland settlements of Galilee with which Ptolemais had some associa-
tion. Chaboulon was topographically well situated to dominate the hills
stretching down towards the coastal plain. During the Roman-Jewish
war, it was a key stronghold which presumably controlled the route
from Diocaesarea.14
Josephus defines Chaboulon's position as being on the edge of
Galilee, or more precisely 'the border between Ptolemais and the
Jews'. He describes the beauty of the houses built there in the style of
Tyre, Sidon, and Berytus.15 This remark indicates the character of the
town, which, although isolated in the hills, enjoyed a high standard of
living. It attests that down to the first century CE, Phoenician
 42 MEDITERRANEAN CITIES: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

traditional influence in northern Palestine was not confined to the

littoral, but reached well into Galilee.
Evidently, Jewish rebellious activity at this strategic point had
motivated the Roman commander Cestius Gallus to launch a campaign
against the town from Ptolemais, his headquarters. This ended with the
total destruction of Chaboulon in 67 CE.16 Its extinction explains the
uncertainty of archaeologists as to the exact identification of the
ancient site. The modern village bearing the name Kaboul does not
seem to correspond with Chaboulon. It has recently been suggested
that the Biblical site should be located near Hirbet Beit Zeitun.17
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An additional indication of contacts between Ptolemais and villages

of the hinterland during the first century CE is a Latin inscription
mentioning two vici, Nea Come and Gudru, which participated in the
construction of the Roman road.18 This close collaboration between
small localities and the metropolis helped to strengthen the latter's
central authority.
Sycaminum and Tell Abu Hawam: Southern Neighbours
A third neighbouring city mentioned in the sources in relation to Akko-
Ptolemais is the port of Sycaminum, situated 12 miles away, at the
foot of the Carmel promontory, and identified at Tell-es-Semak.
Sycaminum, though not the nearest maritime settlement to the south,
maintained good ties with Ptolemais. These ties, it seems, were
stronger than those with a nearer port, situated at the mouth of the
River Qishon and identified at Tell Abu Hawam. Excavations in the
1930s showed that Tell Abu Hawam (probably ancient Calamon) was a
prosperous city engaged in long-distance maritime commerce. How-
ever, the recession of the sea gradually made it an inland site, nowadays
about one mile from the coast. Like Achziv, competition and destruc-
tion through war led to the further decline of the town before the
Hellenistic period.19 Nevertheless, the review of Hamilton's first
seasons, and rescue excavations undertaken in 1985-86,20 appear to
prove that Tell Abu Hawam was still an active town on the northern
coast of Palestine during the early Hellenistic period.
As for Sycaminum, the sources provide us with clear evidence of
possible relations with Ptolemais, though Sycaminopolis, together
with Boukolonpolis and Crocodilonpolis, is said to have been
abandoned in Strabo's times.21 According to Josephus, however,
Ptolemy Lathyrus, governor of Cyprus, arrived at Sycaminum in 104
BCE, commanding an army of 30,000 soldiers. He had been called
upon to relieve the inhabitants of Ptolemais, then under siege by
Alexander Jannaeus. Lathyrus decided, while crossing the sea, to
change his destination and land at this small port.22 Related to political
 AKKO-PTOLEMAIS 43
intrigues discussed below, this manoeuvre forced him to march along
the coast. We may deduce that Sycaminum would have been chosen for
disembarkation only if it had possessed an adequate landing-place and
port facilities for a considerable army and navy. Ptolemy's intervention
also hints at the existence of a coastal road which enabled the quick
transfer of troops northwards, but there is no direct information
about such a road in other contemporary sources. Although of minor
importance, the episode of 104 BCE presents Sycaminum as a potential
alternative port to Ptolemais, with a function similar to that of Achziv
in the north. The two ports had, as mentioned above, shared interests
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based on the agriculture and maritime activities of the region.

One essential geographical element complements the description of

the neighbouring townships examined: the Carmel range. The Carmel,
indicated in Josephus' portrayal of Ptolemais, was of primary economic
and cultural importance for the metropolis, and a necessary factor
for the comprehension of its domination of the northern littoral.
The mountain, celebrated for its rich natural vegetation in Biblical
times, had fertile soil and a climate especially suited to viticulture. Its
proximity to the shore encouraged the economic life of the small
maritime localities and influenced industrial, agricultural, and com-
mercial activities. The Carmel is known for having been chosen as the
centre of the Phoenician, Greek, Roman, and Jewish religions. The
cultural history of the mountain thus presents the extraordinary
mixture of civilizations so typical of the coastal area. The cultural
pluralism of the Hellenistic and Roman periods was a continuation of
the Biblical heritage, when the site was the scene of confrontation
between Judaism and paganism. The Hellenization of the country after
the advent of Alexander the Great is believed to have considerably
diminished the impact of previous cults and religions. Nevertheless,
Phoenician Baal cults survived in the region of Ptolemais and on the
Carmel, to be enriched by the new political-cultural order. One expres-
sion of such a mélange was Zeus Heliopolitanus, a local Hellenistic
divinity of the Carmel with Phoenician origins.23
The same tendencies may have been indicated by Tacitus, who states
concerning the Carmel: 'This is the name given to both the mountain
and the divinity. The god has no image or temples . . . Here is only an
altar and the worship of the god' ('Ita vocant montem deumque. Nee
simulacrum dei aut templum . . . ara tantum et reverentia . . Z).24 It is
not clear whether Tacitus is merely describing the destruction of the
site, as is generally understood. The passage may indicate a Phoenician
type of open-air temple,25 if not the fundamental principle of Judaism
prohibiting representation and images. It should, in any case, be
 44 MEDITERRANEAN CITIES: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

remembered that the Carmel remained under Tyrian domination and

was assigned to Ptolemais by Pompey in 63 BCE.26
The continuity in the symbiotic character of the Carmel since Persian
times is demonstrated in a later text, that of Iamblichus of the fourth
century CE. Telling about the journey of Pythagoras, undertaken
centuries earlier, Iamblichus notes: 'Pythagoras landed on the Phoeni-
cian coast under Mount Carmel, in whose temple he dwelt, separated
from all society.'27 Pythagoras, coming from Tyre, would have
travelled by the coastal route via Akko, a journey illustrating the close
contact between the coast, the metropolis, and the centre of worship
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on the mountain.

ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF A MARITIME METROPOLIS

Economic activities attested to by ancient sources should be seen in the
context of Akko-Ptolemais' favourable position, and emphasize its
character as a chief maritime city. The examples borrowed from the
economic sphere complete the above-mentioned geographical picture.
The numismatic history of Akko reflects its municipal status, com-
mercial and monetary development, and religious affinities. The Akko
mint struck coins from the middle of the fourth century BCE, starting
earlier than other comparable coastal cities. Ascalon, for example,
struck coins from 104 BCE and Dora, a closer potential rival, minted
only from 64 or 63 BCE. Four numismatic eras of the city correspond to
four phases of its history: the first, from the age of Alexander the Great
(332-281 BCE); the second, that of the Seleucid dynasty (from 198
BCE); thirdly, a specific era under Antiochus IV Epiphanes (from 147
BCE); and the fourth denned era - that of Julius Caesar (from 47
BCE). The changes in the status of the city after Hellenistic times are,
similarly, accompanied by four names frequently appearing on the
coins: Aké, Ptolemais, Antiochia, and Germanica. The last two names
apparently refer to the colonies founded by Antiochus Epiphanes and
by Claudius, on which there is further evidence (p. 49 below). The coins
illustrate the degree of autonomy achieved by the city, especially the
status of 'holy and inviolable' (hierà kai âsylos). This honour was not
granted to every city and, in the case of Ptolemais, coins indicate that
the status was gradually acquired.28 Considerable information can
be derived from these coins about the Greek Pantheon of Akko-
Ptolemais, with Zeus and Tyché as leading deities. This vast subject has
already been studied, and we should just mention one example of a coin
confirming the relation of the city to the sea and its surroundings. It
shows a Tyché, the river Belus, and the Carmel. The idea that this is a
deification of both the river and the mountain was rejected by Hill.29
 AKKO-PTOLEMAIS 45
Nevertheless, it clearly points to the significance of the city's geo-
graphical position.
The literary sources show several commercial and industrial aspects
illustrating Akko-Ptolemais' central position. The presence of
Athenians in Akko in the first half of the fourth century BCE, evoked
by Isaeus and Demosthenes,30 points to early Greek influence, perhaps
including the establishment of a colony. Although a real colony is
exceptional for the period, one may still speak of signs of commercial
relations with Cyprus, Rhodes and Delos confirmed by archaeological
data from coastal sites. We have little evidence concerning specific
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products which circulated in Akko's markets and along maritime and

inland routes. A rare and interesting indication of commercial contacts
during the first half of the third century BCE is found in one of
Herondas' dialogues. In the conversation, supposed to have been held
at Cos, the speaker mentioned com brought all the way from Aké.31
This hints at the international route connecting the city with the Ionian
islands and the coast of Asia Minor. From an official report of a
Ptolemaic agent written in 259 BCE, and found among the Zenon
Papyrii, we learn more about the corn supply to Egypt.32 Com certainly
occupied a central place in trade along the eastern Mediterranean
shores.
While agricultural products generally came from the hinterland, two
other natural resources related to the sea were typical of Akko and its
coastal area, and had evident economic consequences. The invention
and production of glass from fine sand, associated with the Phoenicians,
is attributed by Pliny to the natural characteristics of the shore between
Sidon and Ptolemais, and by Tacitus to the quality of the sand gathered
near the mouth of the river Belus.33 Murex, the source of the purple dye
industry, was found in different parts of the Mediterranean, but the
quality of the colour derived from the shellfish of northern Palestine
and Phoenicia was considered superior, and was famous in the Graeco-
Roman world.34
Legendary and miraculous traditions accompanying the invention
of glass, and accounts of the nature of the sea between Tyre and
Ptolemais, are recorded by Pliny and Strabo.35 These authors, as well
as other ancient writers, compare Ptolemais to Alexandria, often
considered to be the model for a maritime metropolis in antiquity.
The descriptions and stories found in the sources demonstrate
still further the combination of nature, environment, and economic
activities involved in the establishment of a major coastal city.
 46 MEDITERRANEAN CITIES: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

THE LEADING ROLE OF AKKO-PTOLEMAIS AS REFLECTED IN ITS

POLITICAL HISTORY
The military and political developments which determined the history
of Akko-Ptolemais through the ages are again evident on the eve of the
Hellenistic era. Akko was chosen as the assembly base for the Persian
army on its way to Egypt in 374 BCE. According to Diodorus, the
Persian commander Pharnabazus was leading an army of 22,000 men
and many warships.36 The operation required military camps, installa-
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tions, and a port providing sufficient facilities. It is not known whether

Akko offered resistance to Alexander the Great when he arrived there
42 years later. Our sources devote more attention to the long sieges of
Tyre and Gaza, and the lack of information might mean that the city
opened its gates to the conquerer.
Akko passed through one of its darkest moments in 312 B CE, when it
was razed by Ptolemy I Lagus, on his return from his Syrian campaign.
Jaffa, Samaria, and Gaza suffered the same fate. All four towns are
described by Diodorus as 'amongst the most considerable cities' (axio-
logôtatos tön kekratemenôn poleôri).31
Hardly any information can be found about Akko for nearly a
century, the most important fact being that in 280 it was renamed
Ptolemais and rebuilt by Ptolemy II Philadelphus. This event must
have marked the start of a period of renewed prosperity for the city,
which retained the name from then on. Ptolemais again became a
military target during the conquest of Coele Syria by Antiochus III in
219-217 BCE. Polybius informs us in detail about the strength of the
Seleucid army and navy.38 The decision of Antiochus to spend the
winter in Ptolemais attests to the city's status and facilities.
This series of events is just a prelude to the role played by Ptolemais
in Maccabean times, beginning from the middle of the second century
BCE. Through the Books of Maccabees and Josephus Flavius, we
can trace the increasing participation of Ptolemais in several major
incidents of the period. The Second Book of Maccabees, recounting
the intensified pagan-Jewish confrontation during the reign of King
Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175-164 BCE), states that the inhabitants of
Ptolemais demanded that his anti-Jewish decrees should be extended
to other Greek cities besides Jerusalem.39 Ptolemais, Tyre, and Sidon
were renowned, also at a later date, as centres traditionally hostile to
the Jews. The profound animosity between the Jewish population and
the Hellenistic maritime cities is of particular significance during the
Maccabean period. This rivalry between Galilee and the coast, which
continued throughout the Roman period down to 66-70 CE, was pre-
 AKKO-PTOLEMAIS 47

eminently the outcome of ethnic, religious and cultural differences.

The official policy of Judaization followed by the Maccabees evidently
helped to aggravate the situation. The vicinity of Jewish-Galilean
centres to the Phoenician-Palestinian coast was a basic factor in the
evolution of the conflict, in which territorial, economic, and social
interests only served to strengthen religious animosity, as indicated by
modem studies.40
The overwhelming victory of Simon Maccabaeus over Ptolemais in
163 BCE shows, above all, the military capability of his army. He
assured the safety of the Jews by driving the inhabitants back to their
own gates.41 When Demetrius I offered Ptolemais and the surrounding
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lands to the Temple in Jerusalem, this confirmed the exceptional

importance the city had acquired. Moreover, in 152 BCE Ptolemais
became the royal seat of Demetrius' rival, Alexander Balas, who
decided to celebrate his marriage to Cleopatra, daughter of Ptolemy V
Philometor, in that city. The 'great magnificence' of the ceremony
could have been an occasion for granting some favours to the city, but
we have no indication of this. Jonathan Maccabaeus was invited to
Ptolemais for negotiations, first with Alexander Balas and then with
King Demetrius II. In both cases, he brought precious gifts with him.42
Subsequently, Ptolemais was the scene of a treacherous plot, when the
Syrian usurper Tryphon again invited Jonathan, and slew him and his
companions with the complicity of local inhabitants (143 BCE).43 This
tragic event once more reflects the anti-Maccabean position of the
city's population.
An indication that Ptolemais was regarded as one of the main cities of
the coastal district in the second century BCE is given in an inscription
from the time of Antiochus VII Sidetes, dated 130-129 BCE. The text is
dedicated to 'the chief secretary of the forces, left also in charge of the
region'. This personality may have been the military commander or
even the 'governor of the coast' {epistrategds tes paralias), a position
known to have existed.44
The examples we have cited, as evidence for the situation of Ptole-
mais under Seleucid rule, are further corroborated by the fact that even
Alexander Jannaeus was unable to establish his control of the city (104
BCE), after having conquered a large part of the coastal area. To
counter Jannaeus, the city enlisted help from Ptolemy VII Lathyrus
and his mother Cleopatra Selene.45 In 74 BCE Ptolemais also offered
resistance to the Armenian king Tigranes who was trying to occupy it.
He was later forced to abandon his plans as a result of Pompey's arrival
in the east.
We may sum up the part played by Ptolemais during the last phase of
the Hellenistic rule as that of a city at the crossroads of rival peoples,
 48 MEDITERRANEAN CITIES: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

religions, and dynasties. In spite of its changing destiny, the city

preserved a degree of independence and autonomy, which was
repeatedly manifested in its economic and political life until - and
during - the Jewish revolt.
Ptolemais was one of the principal maritime and inland gateways to
the country during the 133 years between the conquest of Pompey and
the end of the Jewish war (63 BCE - 70CE). Both Josephus and
numismatic sources show that Ptolemais gained even greater auto-
nomy from Pompey, whose liberal policy was to improve the position of
several coastal cities in Palestine. Pompey's dominance saw a period
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of stability, growth, and prosperity for Ptolemais. The Carmel was

included in its territory, and the strengthened position of Ptolemais
under Roman rule was, in fact, the culmination of a continuous process
described above, as shown by a few major events.
In 48 or 47 BCE Julius Caesar visited Ptolemais, which was granted
new privileges including, as already indicated, the commemoration of a
new numismatic era.46 In 39 BCE Herod disembarked there after
returning from his journey to Rome.47 He did not choose the port of
Joppa for that purpose, although it was closer to Jerusalem. Landing in
Ptolemais, he was probably motivated by his proposed campaign
against the Galileans rather than by the hostility of the inhabitants of
Joppa, who opposed his rule.
After the battle of Actium, Herod met Octavian in Rhodes and con-
sequently (30 BCE) received him in Ptolemais with great ceremony,
thus winning the friendship of the future emperor.48 Following Herod's
death, the city gradually became a principal military camp for the
Roman army, during the beginning of disturbances in the province.
The governor of Syria, Varus dispatched his troops from Ptolemais to
neighbouring Galilee in 4 BCE.49
In the years 37-40 CE, Ptolemais was the scene of increasing tension
between Roman legions and the Jewish population trying to defend
its religious principles and autonomy. When Vitellius arrived at Ptole-
mais, during an expedition against Aretas and just before Tiberius'
death (37 CE), he was met by Jewish notables. Leaders from the
Ptolemais community may have participated in the delegation that
finally convinced him to march across the Great Plain with military
standards, instead of passing through Judaea with images, contrary to
Jewish tradition.50 A further, much more significant incident took place
in Ptolemais and its surroundings three years later (40 CE), under
Vitellius' successor Petronius. Ptolemais served as the permanent
camp and winter quarters of a large Roman army, for Petronius came
with two or three legions. The successful demonstration of the popula-
tion against the emperor's decrees had heavy consequences for the
 AKKO-PTOLEMAIS 49

approaching war.51 The event in Ptolemais became, in fact, a key stage

in the development of the conflict and resulted in the failure of Caligula
and his legate to impose imperial policy in the province.
In 56 CE, under Nero, a Roman road from Antiochia, 313 miles
long, was constructed. The renewed via maris gave the city added
dimensions as a military base controlling Galilee and linking other
centres along the coast The Roman colony founded under Claudius
was called Colonia Claudia Caesaris Ptolemais Germanica Felix
Stabilis, a symbol of its multiple identity.52
At the outbreak of the war, Ptolemais served as a station on the route
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of the armies of Vespasian and Titus who chose, like their predecessors,
to move along the coastal road.53 Josephus states that 2,000 Jews were
massacred there during the violence that erupted in 66 CE, a reminder
of earlier tensions and an introduction to the coming revolt. Like
Varus, another Roman general, Cestius Gallus, departed from Ptole-
mais in 67 CE against Chaboulon, the dependency mentioned above.
Thus, when looking at the whole period under review, Ptolemais
clearly functioned as royal and imperial headquarters, as well as a
strategic military base. The coastal road (later extended to Caesarea),
confirmed that in the first century CE Ptolemais had become a leading
city on the highway connecting Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt

Was Akko-Ptolemais the political metropolis of the northern coast of

Palestine in Hellenistic and early Roman times? We have limited the
discussion to a number of characteristics and events mentioned in
ancient sources, which, when put together, tend to answer this question
in the affirmative. As for the urban aspect, the literary sources give very
few indications of buildings, gates, and fortifications and only one
reference to the construction of a gymnasium by Herod.54 Nor is there
any record or evidence of public institutions, such as a theatre or
stadium, appropriate to a city of the size and the status of Akko-
Ptolemais. The urban development of the city is better attested to by
Byzantine sources,55 while remaining structures date mostly to the
Muslim and Crusader rule. These later periods of urbanization, never-
theless, hint at the way Ptolemais may have looked at the height of the
Graeco-Roman era.
Excavations directed since 1973 at Tell El Fukhar, the ancient site of
Akko, as well as in the Hellenistic area at its foot (Area E) and in the
port, have unfortunately added little to our knowledge about the urban
aspect of the city in the period discussed.56
The progress of maritime studies in Israel, and the work of under-
water archaeologists who have chosen Akko as one of their first sites,57
may elucidate marine aspects. These include port installations and
 50 MEDITERRANEAN CITIES: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

activities depending on navigation and on long-distance trade relations,

to which there are sporadic references. The sources show, however,
that the port of Ptolemais served as a principal point of embarkation
and disembarkation in Roman times. We have already mentioned the
journeys of Julius Caesar and Herod, who landed in the port when
arriving from Alexandria and Rome respectively. We may add two
other journeys of important personalities: Aggripa, who sailed from
Ptolemais to Italy after his disagreement with L. Pomponius Flaccus,
governor of Syria,58 and Paul, who on his third mission (58 CE), crossed
the Mediterranean, stopping before Ptolemais at Patara, Cyprus, and
Tyre.59
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Akko-Ptolemais, was, therefore, like a coastal metropolis, con-

nected by sea to several major ports of the eastern Mediterranean. Its
natural characteristics, geopolitical position, territory, and neighbour-
ing dependencies are further clarified when compared to other ports
and districts of Palestine itself, already alluded to by the Letter of
Aristeas. The closest comparable geographical unit of the coast, the
Sharon, had no main city with a continuous history similar to that
of Akko. It had, instead, a series of small ports and villages, a
consequence of the littoral's geographic structure.60 Dora, the closest
Hellenistic city of importance, had declined before Roman times.
Joppa, though still an active port during the Jewish revolt, certainly
lost in importance after the Maccabean period. The foundation of
Caesarea by Herod necessarily changed the destiny of surrounding
cities, probably including that of Ptolemais itself. Among the maritime
cities of Palestine, Ascalon bears the strongest historical similarity to
Akko-Ptolemais, judging by its key-position on the southern part of the
coast.
Why and how certain maritime cities such as Akko-Ptolemais
developed and maintained their prolonged importance is the main
question we have tried to answer with the help of the ancient sources.
In the case of Akko-Ptolemais, the interaction of geographical,
economic, political, and cultural characteristics, and, above all, the
balance and combination of maritime and non-maritime components,
contributed to the city's success in the Hellenistic and early Roman
periods.

NOTES

1. Contra Ap. 1.60. '. . . ours is not a maritime country (chōran paralion) . . . Our
cities are built inland, remote from the sea.' Strabo, beginning his description of
Syria, also cites writers who distinguish the peoples of the coast from those from
inland: '. . . they are partly farmers, as the Syrians and Coele Syrians, and partly
merchants, as the Phoenicians'. Strabo 16.2.2.
 AKKO-PTOLEMAIS 51
2. Preferably the double name should be used; alternatively, Akko or Aké is used for
pre-Hellenistic periods, and Ptolemais for post-280 BCE references.
3. Joshua 19.29-30; Judges 1.31. Akko is mentioned only in the second list, but is
identified with 'Ummah given by Joshua (Amma in the Septuagint). Achziv,
Aphek, Tyre, and Sidon are cited among the 22 cities and villages in the territory of
Asher.
4. Judith 2.28. See Y.M. Grinz, The Book of Judith (Jerusalem, 1957, Hebrew), pp.7-
17 (for the dating of Judith), and pp.93-4; cf. Diodorus 15.90.3.
5. M. Hadas, Aristeas to Philocrates, Jewish Apocryphal Literature, IV (New York,
1951), section 115. The chapter about Palestine (sections 112-17) is inaccurate and
probably imaginative, like other parts of the letter. It presents, however, an
appreciation of the real role of ports in the country between the third and the
beginning of the second century BCE. Cf. A. Pelletier, Lettre d'Aristée (Paris,
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1962), pp. 159-63.

6. Bell. Jud. 2.188-91.
7. Y. Aharoni, The Land of the Bible (London, 1966), p.2. Cf. J. Simon, Geographical
Topography of the Old Testament (Leiden, 1959), pp.188-9. Cf. nn.50, 51.
8. Tacitus Hist. 5.4.7; Pliny 65. For the reference in Pseudo-Scylax, see K. Galling,
'Die syrisch-palästinische Küste nach der Beschreibung bei Pseudo-Skylax', Zeit-
schrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins (hereafter ZDPV), 61 (1938), 66ff.
9. See M. Avi-Yona, 'Map of Roman Palestine', Quarterly of the Department of
Antiquities of Palestine, (hereafter QDAP), 5 (1936), 67; id., 'Palaestina', in RE,
Suppl. 13 (1973), col. 362; id., 'Historical Geography of Palestine' in The Jewish
People in the First Century (Assen, 1974), Vol. I, pp. 102ff. A rare reference to the
surroundings of Ptolemais in Hellenistic times appears in 1 Macc. 10.39.
10. Strabo 16.2.25.
11. Kaiachtheîsin eis ti tōn parathalassion chōrlon hó kaleîtai Ekdíppōn, Bell. Jud.
1.257. The translation 'place' (or endroit in Pelletier's French edition) for chōríon
could imply that it was not inhabited. This translation seems to correspond to the
meaning Josephus generally gave to chōríon. See K.H. Rengstorf, A Complete
Concordance to Flavius Josephus, Vol. IV (Leiden, 1983), pp. 384-5. For archaeo-
logical reports, see A.W. Prausnitz, 'Tel Achziv', Israel Exploration Journal
(hereafter IEJ), 15 (1965), 256-8; id. 'The Planning of the Middle Bronze Age
Town and its Defences', 1EJ, 25 (1975), 204, 211.
12. 'The Bordeaux Pilgrim, 333' in Ch. Wilson, Palestine Pilgrim's Text Society
(London, 1886), Vol. II, pp. 1ff.
13. Talmud J. Demai 1.1; Shevi'it 6.1. Several Talmudic passages consider the sea or
the coast of Achziv and Akko as the border itself. Cf. A. Neubauer, La Géographie
du Talmud (Hildesheim, 2nd edn., 1967), pp.231-3.
14. Avi-Yona, Map of Roman Palestine, p. 32.
15. Bell. Jud. 2.503-4; Vita 213-15, 241. For buildings in Talmudic times, see, for
example, Talmud Bab. Megilla, 25.b and Pesahim, 51.a.
16. For a detailed description of the campaign, see M. Gichon, 'Cestius Gallus'
Campaign in Judaea (66 AD)', Palestine Exploration Quarterly 13 (1981), 39-
62, with an interesting analogy between the position of Chaboulon and that of
Narbata, ibid., pp.46ff.
17. Z. Gal, 'Cabul, Jiphtah-El and the Boundary between Asher and Zebulun in the
Light of Archaeological Evidence', ZDPV, 101 (1985), 114-27.
18. M. Avi-Yona, 'Newly-Discovered Latin and Greek Inscriptions', QDAP, 12
(1946), 85-7. Kfar Akko, another locality known from the Babylonian Talmud (see
Ta'anit, 21.a; Sanhedrin, 71.a) was identified by Avi-Yona at the presumed
acropolis on Tell El Fukhar. Cf. Map of Roman Palestine, p.7.
19. R.W. Hamilton, 'Excavations at Tell Abu Hawam', QDAP, 3 (1934), 74-80; id.,
QDAP, 4 (1935), 1-69; B. Maisler, 'The Stratification of Tell Abu Hawam on the
Bay of Acre', Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research (hereafter
BASOR), 124 (1951), 21-5; E. Stern, 'Stratum II at Tell Abu Hawam', IEJ, 18
(1968), 213-19.
 52 MEDITERRANEAN CITIES: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

20. J. Balensi, 'Revising Tell Abu Hawam', BASOR, 257 (1985), 65-74; J. Balensi and
M.D. Herrera, 'Tell Abou Hawam, 1983-1984, rapport préliminaire', Revue
biblique (hereafter RB), 92/1 (1985), 82-128; id., 'Revisión de una excavación
antigua'. Rev. de Arqueología, 6/54 (1985), 32-45; id., 'More about the Greek
Geometric Pottery at Tell Abu Hawam', Levant, 18 (1986), 169-71.
21. Strabo 16.2.27. All three coastal sites have names related to geographical pheno-
mena.
22. Ant. Jud. 13.330-33.
23. M. Avi-Yona, 'Mount Carmel and the God of Baalbek', IEJ, 2 (1952), 118-24. Cf.
Scylax's appellation, 'The sacred Mountain of Zeus' (Hóros hierón Díos), in C.
Müller, Geographi Graeci Minores, I (Paris, 1885), p.79. See H. Seyrig, 'Divinités
de Ptolemais', Syria, 39 (1962), 193-207.
24. Tacitus Hist. II.78. (Loeb edn.). For Vespasian's eventual visit to the Carmel, cf.
W. Weber, Josephus und Vespasian (Berlin, 1921), pp. 125-36; K. Scott, 'The Role
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of Basilides in the Events of AD 69', Journal of Roman Studies (hereafter JRS), 24

(1934), 138-40.
25. G. Contenau, La civilisation phénicienne (Paris, 1926), pp. 128-9.
26. Bell. Jud. 3.35.
27. Toís hypò Kármēlon tò Phoiníkikon. Iamblichus, De Vita Pythgorica 33.14-15.
28. H. Seyrig, 'Le monnayage de Ptolemais en Phénicie', RN, NS, 4 (1962), 25-50; E.
Will, Histoire politique du monde hellénistique (Nancy, 1982), Vol. II, pp.435-6,
attributes the title ásylos to the weakness of royal power until 126-125 BCE. Among
the numerous numismatic studies see, in particular, E.T. Newell, The Dated
Alexander Coinage of Sidon and Aké (New York, 1916), pp.39-48; G.F. Hill,
BMC, Phoenicia (London, 1910), pp.77-8; L. Kadman, The Coins of Akko-
Ptolemais (Jerusalem, 1961); V. Kontorini, 'L'autonomie de Ptolemais-Akko de
Phénicie', RN, 21 (1979), 30-41. See also the references in E. Schürer, The History
of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ; 3rd rev. edn., G. Vermes and F.
Millar, 4 vols. (Edinburgh, 1973-87), Vol. II, pp. 121-5, especially nn.201ff.
29. BMC, 83, nn.4 and 5.
30. Isaeus Orat. 4.7; Demosthenes 52; Contra Calipp. 20. Cf. Cl. Préaux, Le monde
hellénistique, II (Paris, 1978), p. 566; V. Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilization and
the Jews (Philadelphia, 1959), pp.41, 92.
31. Herondas Pornoboskos 2.16-17. If the dialogue is correctly dated to the period
of Ptolemy Philadelphus, it implies that the older name Aké was in current,
anachronistic use.
32. Zenon Pap. Cairo. 59004, 12; 59008, 17; 59698, 11. Cf. F.M. Abel, 'La liste
géographique du papyrus 71 de Zénon', RB, 32 (1923), 414-15.
33. Pliny 16.65-6; Tacitus Hist. 5.7.2. Strabo (12.2.25) states: 'Between Aké and Tyre
is a sandy beach which produces the sand used in making glass'.
34. A few examples: Pollux 1.48, 97; Catullus 61.172; Pliny 9.138-9; 1 Macc. 4.23; For
further references see M. Besnier, s.v. 'Purpura' in Darenberg and Saglio, Vol. IV
(Graz, 1963), p.777. See also N. Karmon, 'The Purple Dye Industry in Antiquity in
the Eastern Mediterranean Basin' (M.A. thesis, University of Haifa, 1986, in
Hebrew).
35. Pliny 9.138-9; Strabo 16.2.27; Cf. in particular, the story related in Athenaeus
Deiphnosophistae 8.333.
36. Diodorus 15.41.3. Persian military activities in Akko are attested to by several
sources: cf. Pompeius Trogus Frag. Liber X; Cornelius Nepos Datames 14.5.185;
Polyaenus Strategemata 3.9.56.
37. Diodorus 19.93.7.
38. Polybius 5.61.3-6. He enumerates five different types of vessels (ibid., 62.2).
39. 2 Macc. 6.8 concerning the imposition of Dionysaic ceremonies.
40. U. Rappaport, 'Hellenistic Cities and the Judaization of Eretz Israel', in B. Bar
Kochba (ed.), The Seleucid Period in Eretz Israel (Tel-Aviv, 1980), pp. 263-75
(Hebrew); S. Applebaum, 'The Hellenistic Cities of Eretz Israel', in ibid., 277-88
(Hebrew). These are two complementary views about the reasons for the hostilities.
 AKKO-PTOLEMAIS 53
41. 1 Macc. 5.14-23.
42. Ibid., 10.60; 11.22-4.
43. Ibid., 12.45-8. Cf. Bell. Jud. 1.49.
44. Y.H. Landau, 'A Greek Inscription from Acre', IEJ,), 11 (1961), 118-26. See J.
Schwartz, 'Note complémentaire', IEJ, 12 (1962), 135-6; B. Lifshitz, 'Sur le culte
dynastique des Séleucides', RB, 70 (1963), p.75. On Kendebaios, who held this
function, see 1 Macc. 15.38. It is believed that Kendebaios was superior to Simon,
governor of the entire coast from 144 BCE. Cf. F.-M Abel, Les Livres de Maccabées
(Paris, 1949), p.274; 1 Macc. 2.59.
45. Ant. Jud. 13.330. He came from Sycaminum (see p.42-3 above).
46. J. Rouvier, 'Ptolemais-Acé, ses noms et ses ères', RB, 8 (1899), 393-408; see n.28.
47. Bell. Jud. 1.290.
48. Ibid., 1.386-94; Ant. Jud. 15.199. See M.E. Smallwood, The Jews under Roman
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Rule (Leiden, 1976), pp.56ff. and passim, for the coast in Roman politics in Judaea.
49. Bell. Jud. 2.68.
50. Ant. Jud. 18.120-23. Whether Josephus refers to the plain of Ptolemais is uncertain;
see L. Feldman's note, ibid., Loeb edn., p. 85.
51. Ibid., pp.261-88; Bell. Jud. 2.192-203. See the discussion of the event in E.M.
Smallwood, 'The Chronology of Gaius' Attempt to Desecrate the Temple',
Latomus, 16 (1957), 3-17. The Great Plain is mentioned in both incidents. Josephus
places the episode with Petronius directly after the general description of Ptolemais
mentioned above (see p.40 and n.6)
52. Pliny 5.75.
53. Bell. Jud. 3.29, 110, 115. Roads are elsewhere indicated by the movements of
troops; cf. ibid., 1.116; 2.201, 459. On the coastal road, see G. Goodchild, 'The
Coastal Road of Phoenicia and its Roman Milestones', Berytus, 9 (1949), 91-127;
R. Mouterde, 'La voie romaine d'Antioche à Ptolemais', MFOB, 2 (1907), 336-45;
I. Roll, 'Routes romaines en Israël', Actes due IX Congrès International d'Etudes
sur les Frontières Romaines (Bucharest, 1974), pp. 503-11; M. Avi-Yona, 'The
Development of the Roman Road System in Palestine', IEJ, 1 (1950), 54.
54. Bell. Jud. 1.422. Cf. Préaux, Le monde hellénistique, pp. 563-5. Two further
indications for buildings and monuments are: (1) the statue of Memnon near the
Belus, according to Bell. Jud. 2.189 (cf. Pelletier edn., pp.211-12); (2) the tribune
on which Lysias gave a speech to the people of Ptolemais, 2 Macc. 13.26. It is
interpreted by Abel as having formed a part of the Agora; cf. Les Livres des
Maccabées, p.456.
55. Y. Dan, 'Information about Acre in a Greek Work of the 7th C.', in Studies in the
History of the Jewish People and the Land of Israel, Vol. 2 (Haifa, 1972), pp.53-62
(Hebrew).
56. See M. Dothan, 'Excavation Reports', IEJ, 25 (1975), 163-6, and IEJ, 26 (1976),
207; id., 'Akko - Interim Excavation Report: First Season, 1973/74', BASOR, 224
(1976), 1-50; id. 'Ten Seasons of Excavations at Ancient Acco', Qadmoniot, 18
(1985), 2-24 (Hebrew). The acropolis is mentioned only once in the literary
sources: Harpocration Lexicon, s.v. Aké, 12.
57. M. Dothan and A. Raban, 'The Sea Gate of Ancient Akko', BA, 43 (1980), 35-9;
A. Raban, 'The Biblical Port of Akko on Israel's Coast', Archaeology, 36 (1983),
60-61; id. 'Recent Maritime Archaeological Research in Israel', UNA, 12 (1983),
229-51. See also CMS (Center for Maritime Studies, University of Haifa) News,
Reports Nos. 10-13, 1984-86 (including list of recent publications).
58. Ant. Jud. 18.155: 'Agrippa went to Ptolemais and lacking the means to live
anywhere else, he resolved to set sail for Italy'.
59. Acts 21.1-7.
60. D.W. Roller, 'The Northern Plain of the Sharon', BASOR, 247 (1982), 43-52.