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CONTENTS
1. Purpose of paper
Ronald G Young
February 2011
1. Purpose of paper
I have worked on EU projects for administrative restructuring in candidate and transition countries for
20 years – generally as a Team Leader - after a previous career as an innovative leader of a Regional
government. During those last 20 years, I have lived and worked in 8 countries for average periods of 2
years – and have, as a good mercenary, been contracted to 8 different companies – 3 Dutch, 2 Danish,
2 German and 1 Italian. Half of the time has been in Central Europe – the other half in Central Asia. I
am one of an army of thousands of such individual „experts” who have been attached for 18-24 months
to Cabinet Offices, Ministries and municipalities in efforts to improve their performance. Sadly, we are
never „mentioned in dispatches”.
My project experiences made me an early critic of the procurement system used by the EU – for
example the inflexibility and short duration of the projects; and the lack of interest shown by the EC in
the views of people on the ground. Some of us presented this critique to the 2006 Conference of
NISPAcee1 – which then set up a special working group to consider the issue further.
In 2007 the EC Court of Auditors looked at 32 projects in 12 countries and produced a critical
assessment of the EC’s Technical Cooperation work. In mid 2008 the EC produced a strategic response
A Backbone strategy – which is apparently now being implemented. This paper -
• sets out the critique
• considers the EC response
• explores the scope for improvement in such TA
• poses some methodological questions
• suggests a stronger role for individual consultants
An important section of the paper suggested that those of us who have got involved in these
programmes of advising governments in these countries confront a real moral and intellectual
challenge –
Action by the EU
The most offensive aspect of the EU system for me has been the lack of respect for learning –
• little attempt being made to capitalise on the richness and diversity of the EU project experience3
• little or no effort being made to use the vast network of individual consultants who work for the EU throughout the
world.
The EU is, of course, a vast system which has a lot on its collective mind. And is, like any other system, hardly inclined to
change a new system on the basis of a few dissonant voices from the field! The internet search I have done, however,
suggests that the time is overdue for a serious Parliamentary debate on the effectiveness of the EC development policy.
The following are some of the positions a proper debate could open up -
Action by companies
There are several things which contractors should do but which they will not in the absence of incentives or instructions.
a. screen experts – and keep them up-to-date on standards and systems
b. develop and observe a code of conduct
c. publish; this may seem a contradiction in terms – but a handful of companies do it.
Action by consultants
a. blacklist companies
b. activate and use networks´
3 One exception was when I was invited to join a European delegation E-learning group on decentralisation.
3. The 2007 Report from the EC Court of Auditors
By coincidence, a year after the NISPAcee paper, the EC Court of Auditors produced a fairly damning
report” on the effectiveness of technical assistance in the context of capacity
development”4. This involved the examination of 32 projects in 12 countries and in the more critical
environment which OECD work on capacity development seems to have created5 and was written
around 6 key questions – which gave the following summary answers
1. Does the Commission have a sound strategy for institutional capacity development, including the
use of technical assistance?
• Inadequate institutional analysis in Country Strategy Papers
• No guidance on technical assistance .
2. Are technical assistance activities within capacity development projects well designed?
• Project choice relevant but design often inadequate
• Local ownership essential but not systematically addressed by the Commission
4. Problems during procurement and project start-up reduce time available for implementation
• Experts often replaced after award of contract .
• Inappropriate selection criteria for technical assistance
• Limited choice between procurement procedures
• Inefficient use of technical assistance .
• Donor coordination varies between countries .
• Implementation arrangements not yet favorable to local ownership
5. Are technical assistance activities and performance adequately monitored and evaluated?
The Report gave 8 recommendations – 6 of which are relevant to this paper (the underlining is mine)–
Recommendation 4
The procedures governing the project preparation and start-up phase, including the procurement of
technical assistance, should be reviewed, in order to create more time for implementation, and more
flexibility should be allowed during the inception phase to adjust the project design and/or the Terms of
Reference for the technical assistance to changes in circumstances.
Recommendation 5
The evaluation criteria in technical assistance tenders should be reviewed, in order to better reflect the quality
and previous experience of the experts and the consultancy company.
Recommendation 6
More options should be considered regarding procurement possibilities to allow the best possible choice of
technical expertise, including expertise from public institutions and expertise available in the beneficiary
country or the region.
4http://eca.europa.eu/portal/pls/portal/docs/1/673583.PDF
5The OECD is making it more difficult to download its material so this paper from Morgan gives a good sense of the debate
http://preval.org/files/2209.pdf
Recommendation 7
In line with the Paris Declaration commitments, the Commission should increase its use of technical
assistance through coordinated programmes and apply, where possible, implementation arrangements which
encourage local ownership.
Recommendation 8
Technical assistance performance by companies and experts should be assessed systematically and
a management information system for recording, reporting and consulting this performance should be
developed.
The immediate EC responses to its critique and recommendations which were attached to the report
were defensive and incestuous – suggesting (typically for such responses) that the projects which had
been examined by the Court were part of a system which had recently been reformed.
The principles embody all the right words - flexibility, demand-led, result-orientation, harmonised,
country-owned, quality control of companies etc – but the more I looked at the paper, the more I
realised that it is basically saying that everyone just needed to try a bit harder – as is evident from the
axes shown in box 3. And the more I thought about the paper, the more I realised the superficiality of
my own 2006 analysis which had focussed on procedural aspects - rather than the issues embodied in
my later 5 questions.
Let’s face it - the Court of Auditors consists of accountants. The EC officials who drafted the response
are managers. Neither accountants nor public managers are specialists in administrative reform or
social science methodology and able to deal properly with the ends-means issue involved in such
social interventions as administrative reform. The language of the logframe has them imprisoned in
a system which believes in short causal links between activities and outcomes; if the outcomes don’t
happen, then it’s the project designers, managers or implementers to blame! It’s that simple! The
possibility of a more complex – if not chaotic – world does not occur to them. Later in this paper I
want to explore what the consequences of such a (more plausible) world view might be for Technical
Assistance.
For the moment let me just briefly note some points from the Backbone strategy.
6
details are reproduced in the Annex to this pape
Box 4; Alice in Wonderland
Azerbaijan was a seminal experience for me – when I realised that it had the inverse of the „normal”
political-civil service relationship. I was used to a system where Ministers temporararily occupy
positions of power – and civil servants were the more permanent system whose perceptions and
behaviour needed to be challenged. In countries like Azerbaijan it was (and is) the other way around –
the Ministers were the permanent feature (except for the Minister of Economic development in 2006
who was thrown into prison for being too ambitious!) and the civil servants who were there at their
whim. There was therefore no challenge. Too many western experts are taken in by the terms and
language they and others use – and assume they are dealing with systems similar to those at home.
CIS countries have been and generally remain centralised, closed and corrupt; lack the tradition of
inter-war institutions of democracy and capitalism; and the pull of EU Accession as an incentive to
reform. All of this raises fundamental questions about the appropriateness of the tools used in
Technical Assistance. This is such a major issue that it too needs a separate section (below) to deal
with.
The EC seems to suffer from an inherent schizophrenia about consultants in its work. On the one hand
it chose 2 decades ago to go for procuring private consultancies rather than building its own internal
system. But, whenever the choice presents itself (eg on Twinning; and BackBone strategy) it indulges
in the populist attack on consultants. It would be better if it did at least make a distinction between the
consultancy companies (who make the profit) and the individuals who work for them on a casual basis.
4.6 Implementation
I understand that the European Centre for development Policy Management is involved with
implementation and it would be inteersting to find out
• How have the 81 European Delegations in charge of programmes understood the issue?
7http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/what/governance/documents/handbook_2004.pdf
http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/multimedia/publications/publications/manuals-tools/t109_en.htm
http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/multimedia/publications/publications/manuals-tools/t106_en.htm
• How have they framed their responses? Formalistically (though action plans)? Or realistically
– through a limited number of actions?
• Do they actually have the capacity to implement all this – given that the work is being handled
by 2-3 people?
• How are the results being monitored?
• What use is actually being made of experienced people like me?
I certainly haven’t noticed any changes – the European Delegation in China actually compunded
felonies by imposing in December 2009 a unilateral requirement of an action plan from me within one
month of my arrival instead of the several months given in the ToR for the Inception report – and
stuck to this despite the lack of a counterpart appointment.
Other questions???????
centralised in -
• policy-making style; new policy directions are signalled in Presidential Decrees developed in secret –
with parliament and state bodies playing no real role in developing policies
• management style and systems in state bodies; where old Soviet one-man management still
prevails, with crisis-management modes evident and no managerial delegation
• the absence of conditions for the new local government system to flourish properly
closed in that -
• There is little acceptance of pluralist methods of thinking; for example about the need for
separation of power; and challenge to ideas and conventional wisdom
• Recruitment to civil service is done on the basis of (extended) family links
• Bright graduates now go either to the private or international sector (including TA)
• Elections are often fixed; It is difficult for independent-minded reformers to stand for election
• Censorship is widespread – whether formal or informal through media being owned and controlled by
government and administration figures
I referred recently to the typology of the 1996 book by Linz and Stepan8 which suggested the term
„Sultanistic” for one type of post-totalitarian regime which did not, sadly, catch on. A new article on
the Russian situation9 suggests the term „neo-feudalism” for the system there.
8 http://nomadron.blogspot.com/2011/02/problems-of-democratic-transition-and.html
9 http://www.the-american-interest.com/article.cfm?piece=939
on these freedoms generate the wealth of the biggest beneficiaries. There is a cascade of floors and ceilings to the
restrictions on freedom, so it is a feudalism with more levels than the old kind. But it works fundamentally the
same way: The weak pay tribute “up”, and the strong provide protection “down.”
The Putin phenomenon reflects the fact that Russian leaders of the 1990s preferred a mediocre officer with no
noteworthy achievements to become the new President instead of, for example, experienced if imperfect men like
Yevgeny Primakov and Yuri Luzhkov, both of whom were quite popular at that time. The rise of Putin, who
barely progressed to the rank of lieutenant colonel in Soviet times and who later became famous only for his
corrupt businesses in the St. Petersburg city hall, became typical of personnel choices in the 2000s. Inefficient
bureaucrats by the hundreds recruited even less able people to occupy crucial positions in their ministries and
committees, content in the knowledge that such mediocrities could not compete with or displace them. As a
result, Russian governance suffers today less from a “power oligarchy” than from a dictatorship of
incompetence.
On the one hand, Russia has built a system in which the execution of state powers has become a monopolistic
business. It is controlled mainly by friends and colleagues of the system’s creator, Vladimir Putin, and faithfully
operated by the most dutiful and least talented newcomers. All big national business is associated with the
federal authorities or controlled by them; local entrepreneurs still try to bargain with regional bureaucracy. All
of the new fortunes made in the 2000s belong to Putin’s friends and people who helped him build this “negative
vertical.” Therefore, in the coming years, competition inside the elite will diminish, the quality of governance
will deteriorate further, and what is left of effective management will collapse. Yet to change these trends would
nevertheless be a totally illogical step for the political class.
At the same time, a huge social group wants to join this system, not oppose it (in contrast to the final years of the
Soviet Union). In a way, this is like wanting to join a Ponzi scheme at the bottom in hopes that one may not stay
at the bottom, and that in any event one will be better off than those left outside the scheme altogether. As the de-
professionalization of government advances (along with the “commercialization” of state services) competition
among non-professionals will grow, since these have never been in short supply. Therefore, in the future a less
internally competitive ruling elite will be able to co-opt any number of adherents.
The Russian elite has essentially “piratized” and privatized one of the world’s richest countries. It is so grateful
for this privilege that it may insist on Mr. Putin’s return to the Kremlin in 2012 for 12 more dismal years. By
then the young liberal cohorts on whom so many Western analysts pinned their hopes for change will have
grown up. The mediocre among them will be part of the system. Most of the best of them, no doubt, will no
longer reside in Russia.
Russia seemed to be undergoing some serious reform efforts in the early 2000s10 - but it is now
revealed as donor-deep only. Granted, the EC is no longer working in Russia – but a similar analysis
could be conducted of most of the countries in the EC Neighbourhood Programme.
Transition Online have started, for example, a series giving some rare detail on the sources of finance
of political parties in central europe – here’s one useful paper on the close links between commerce
and Romanian political parties. I suspect the figures are considerable underestimates – the benefits of
political favour in Romania (and Bulgaria) are so great that I doubt whether a 40,000 euros
contribution is going to get you very much!
10
for example the Executive Summary “Institutional reform in Russian – moving from design to implementation in a multi-
level governance context” (World Bank June 2006) which seems to have disappeared from the website. „From Clientism to a
„client-centred orientation”; the challenge of public administration reform in Russia” by William Tomson (OECD 2007) is a
tougher analysis http://eprints.bbk.ac.uk/505/1/ECO-WKP(2006)64.pdf
made a mistake and this is actually monthly?) – although he also admits to owning 25,000 sq metres of land in
Bucharest and another 25,000 sq metres of land in Calarasi). Of course he is now a State Secretary - actually
earning 9,600 euros a month! He obviously hasn’t been using his Rolex, Breitweiler and other 2 watches (which
he values in total at 14,000 euros) and does not therefore realise that it is now mid-September 2010. Rip van
Winkle rather than Midas!
Just imagine yourself in such a situation - your boss has been sacked and is being publicly pilloried for having
failed to declare external earnings. The first question of a normal person would be "Is my own declaration form in
order?" But no, people like this young State Secretary enjoy such patronage (with no experience - he became a
State Secretary at the age of 26 after an extended education!) and protection and seem so contemptuous of these
forms that he doesn't even bother to update his form which understates his income by a factor of 40! 250 euros he
says when it is actually 9,600!
His out-of-date form does, however, declare some of the additional revenues he earned as a committee member of
various state funds11.
These assets, earnings and concealments reveal systemic immorality which, in Romania’s case, seems
to be shaped and sustained by the role of its political parties which grabbed significant amounts of
property in 1990 and which now determine the career path of young characters such as this State
Secretary (nationally and internationally) and take in return a significant part of his earnings. For
more on this issue see article by Tom Gallagher.
It could be useful for civil society and the media to take more interest in these forms.
Recently, the idea of “good enough governance” questioned the length of the good governance agenda.This
concept suggested that not all governance deficits need to be (or can be) tackled at once and that institution and
capacity building are products of time; governance achievements can also be reversed.
Good enough governance means that interventions thought to contribute to the ends of economic and political
development need to be questioned, prioritized, and made relevant to the conditions of individual countries.
They need to be assessed in light of historical evidence, sequence, and timing, and they should be selected
carefully in terms of their contributions to particular ends such as poverty reduction and democracy.
Good enough governance directs attention to considerations of the minimal conditions of governance necessary
to allow political and economic development to occur”
11 for a good picture of the impact which technical assistance in this field has had in Romania see Craciun’s 2006 paper from the
accessible critique
• Impact assessment – to try to move the transition systems away from a legalistic approach
and force policy-makers to carry out consultations and assess the financial and other effects of
draft legislation
• Functional Review – to try to remove those functions of state bodies which are no longer
necessary or are best handled by another sector or body14.
• Institutional twinning – to help build the capacity of those state bodies whose performance is
crucial to the implementation of the Acquis Communautaire15
• Development of local government and NGOs – to try to ensure that a redistribution of power
takes place
• Anti-corruption strategies – which incorporate elements of most of the above
• Performance measurement and management eg EFQM
The problem with many of these tools – particularly the 3rd, 4th and 5th - is that their rationalistic basis
brings them into immediate conflict with local realities which subverts therefore all too easily their
good intentions even if the project had
• beneficiaries with both clout and commitment and
• experts with the relevant skills
• the necessary flexibility.
Just as simple and obvious recruitment procedures – and asking questions about the necessity of
Ministry functions - strike at the heart of a Minister’s patronage power, so do these simple and obvious
procedures for making the business of government more manageable and transparent. It is part of the
toolkit of a politician not to reveal too much – and most politicians anyway are flying by the seats of
their pants!
Too many of the tools of those involved in administrative reform are anti-political (and therefore anti-
democratic) in their “rationalism”. What many technocrats attribute to politics or parties is simply
human behaviour! Human behaviour needs to be factored into change efforts! The contrast between
the two ways of thinking is nicely caught in the following diagram –
The paper then goes on to make the following very useful injunctions -
• Get the administrative basics right – before getting into the complexity of NPM-type measures
• Focus on establishing regularity
• Tackle systems - not agencies
• Develop the young; constrain the old18
• Be serious about local ownership
• Avoid having a project focus force governments into unrealistic expectations
• Address the governance system as a whole – eg parliament and admin justice
Administrative reform is an intervention in a social system – or rather set of interlocking systems. Like
an organism, it will quickly be rejected or absorbed unless it can relate to elements in these larger
systems. We are these days advised always to carry out “stakeholder analyses” – to track who will be
affected by the changes and how the indifferent or potentially hostile can be brought on side or
16
17 see also Santiso (2004)
18 although I have reservations about the “ageism” of this. Young people from the region educated in Western Europe have a
shocking arrogance (perhaps because they have no local role models – perhaps because of the nature of the social science they
have been taught) which means they are doomed to repeat the mistakes of the past. And their instant elevation to promoted
posts on their return from Western Europe creates problems since they have no work experience.
19 In 1970, Donald Schon coined the phrase “dynamic conservatism” in Beyond the Stable State to describe the strength of these
forces in an organisation.
neutralised20. This is sound advice – and such an exercise may sometimes suggest that certain aspects
of reform should be delayed. A paper21 on the Russian experience of civil service reform is one of the
few to try to offer an explanation of how the combination of specific internal and external factors has
constrained the reform process in that particular country eg variable political leadership and support;
variable administrative leadership and capacity; political and social instability; minimal civil society;
the preponderance of old apparatchniks; cultural factors; and ‘windows of opportunity’
The point about such windows is that they have to be prepared for – and recognised when they arrive!!
The public administration reforms of Poland and Hungary were, arguably, as effective they were
because of the extent of preparation by reformers25 during the 1980s – in isolation from the power
structure.
The international community has had it lucky so far – EU accession was a powerful incentive to central
European governments and societies to make changes in their ways of doing things. In non-accession
countries the picture for friendly and effective state bodies is less rosy. So what does one do? Limit
oneself in countries with a context hostile to reform to funding NGOs and giving the odd scholarship?
Keep one’s powder dry and put one’s hope in the future generation?
In places where the EU incentive does not realistically exist, competition of two sorts seems to offer
some footing for PAR
• to be investment-friendly regimes; and
• to have the image of making most progress within the particular Region (particularly to attract
TA and develop the EU’s Neighbourhood mechanism in eg Caucasus).
But such competition is rather a blunt incentive compared with that of accession. Attention needs to be
paid to the details of each local context.
20 see the useful discussion in Lovell’s paper on “Gaining Support” by which uses the dimensions of “agreement to change” and
“trust” to distinguish allies, adversaries, bedfellows, opponents and fence sitters
21 “Hard cases and improving governance; Putin and civil service reform” by Pat Grey (2004)
22 see the paper “The role of Clans in post-independence state-building in Central Asia” by Janna Khegai (2004 ECPR conference
million for the position of regional governor is published in the spring 2004 issue of NISPAcee News – at www.nispa.sk
24 The “strategies and sequencing” section of the very useful World Bank website on Administrative and Civil Service reform
contains a fuller discussion of this, developing a typology with the twin axes of capability and motivation. This can be found in –
www.worldbank.org/publicsector/civilservice
25 See unique account written in the book by insider Regulski of the almost 20 years of preparation and change which went into
the construction of the Polish local government system (available on the LGI Budapest website).
testing the feasibility of draft policy measures if the consultations required by impact
assessments are carried out seriously.
• Ministries of Finance; have an interest in policy coherence.
• NGOs; those which actually do represent specific social interests also have a high motivation
to solve problems
• Local Government Associations; municipalities have great potential for change. They
have legitimacy – although generally they are starved of resources. But if the councillors can
develop strong links with local people and establish good national links – eg with an effective
Association of municipalities – this can have a very positive effect.
• Audit Bodies; as government audit extends beyond the question of whether the spending of
state bodies has been legally sanctioned, it moves into the critical area of “value for money”.
This, however, takes considerable time…
• Younger generation – particularly in academia, policy shops and the media
The question is how they can become a catalytic force for change – particularly in cultures like the
Bulgarian and Romanian with such low levels of trust26. By now we should understand that it is
pointless to try to identify and work with „ individual champions of reform”who will always be
sucked into the system and disappoint. The trick is to establish coalitions…..
And what is the legitimate role in this of donors? To begin to answer such an enormous question
takes us into a wider literature than is normally read by consultants and other experts in the PAR
field – those of history, development and policy development.
26 I realise the whole paper could be written around this concept - see Fujiyama book, for example.
27 See the 99 contradictory proverbs underlying it which Hood and Jackson identified in their (out of print) 1999 book
28 it took some time for the underlying assumptions of the UK modernising government programme to be made explicit
(„command and control”) and subject to critique for example in Gerry Stoker article.
arguments (eg in training sessions) or leaders make a difference – and can inspire those in the
organisation to change (points 1and 2 in the table).
In the field of European Law, the threat of financial penalties is assumed to be the ultimate sanction –
but, in recent years, the European Commission has moved away from a reliance on such crude tools
and has been encouraging persuasion (social marketing) and alternative forms of conflict resolution.
And governments trying to improve the performance of state bodies have also made increasing use of
“league tables”. This involves audit bodies, for example, collecting and publishing comparative
information about the performance of individual schools and hospitals in an attempt to persuade
senior managers to address the problems of poor performance (1.3 in table). This can also act as a
market-type force - bringing the force of public opinion against the organisation (4.3 in table).
To be continued……………
29Source; this table appeared in an earlier form in the book Toward a Civil Service model for Azerbaijan in the 21st Century by R
Shabanov and R. Young (Tacis 2004, Baku)
30
“report cards” measuring citizen satisfaction with public services have become popular in many countries – both
developing and developed.
ANNEX; Excerpts from A Backbone Strategy
A set of principles will guide the future provision of EC-funded Technical Cooperation, and the design
of Project Implementation Arrangements.
These principles will apply to all TC operations (notwithstanding the management mode, including
decentralized and centralized management).
1. Focus on capacity development – TC is provided with the primary aim of supporting internal
country processes to promote capacity development at individual, organisational and countrywide
levels. Where relevant, TC can be called upon to play other roles9, such as offering advice,
providing support for the implementation and facilitation/preparation of EC cooperation.
2. Demand-led approach where TC is not provided by default – The provision of TC must
be based on the demand and requirements of the partner country. Costs and available options
should be transparent. Appropriate dialogue and support may be needed in order to enable clear
formulation of the demand for TC.
3. Adopting a results-orientation – TC design will ensure that TC inputs/activities are linked to
targeted outputs which in turn lead to sustainable development outcomes. Appropriate indicators
will be agreed on in advance to monitor the implementation of TC.
4. Country-owned and managed TC process – Country partner ownership is the key underlying
principle for the organisation of EC-funded TC. From the identification to the implementation
phase, partner countries will be actively involved in the design of PIAs and TC-supported
programmes, including the procurement of TC services and the management, review and
accounting of TC results.
5. Taking account of country and sector-specific requirements – TC support will build on
a thorough understanding of the political, socio-cultural, sectoral and institutional context.
Blueprint approaches should be avoided.
6. Working through harmonised and aligned action – TC support will be closely coordinated
with other donors and aligned to country strategies and programmes through the increased use
of pooling arrangements or other harmonised approaches, such as delegated cooperation.
7. Avoiding the use of parallel PIUs and promoting effective Project Implementation
Arrangements – The use of parallel PIUs will be avoided as far as possible in favour of effective
implementation arrangements that are fully integrated and accountable to national structures10.
8. Considering different and innovative options for the provision of Technical Cooperation –
The design of TC support will consider alternatives to the use of international long- and shortterm
consultants. These alternatives include the use of national and regional resources, twinning
arrangements and knowledge transfer beyond standard training approaches.
The implementation of the Strategy will be organised around five interlinked working axes that are
presented below and set out in the Work Plan that complements this Strategy.
Axes 4 and 5 include horizontal activities that frame the implementation process.
The implementation of this Strategy includes:
• ‘short-term priority actions’ that have to be carried out before December 2008 and actions with
a mid to long-term time horizon. Implementation will, therefore, take a phased approach and the
Work Plan will be updated following progress with implementation;
• actions that are system-wide and need to be addressed at HQ level, and actions that need to be
addressed at country level;
• among the five axis there are various actions that are being taken in response to the
recommendations made by the European Court of Auditors’ Report on TA11.
The delegations are key players in the implementation of this Strategy. In consultation with partner
country stakeholders and other donors, delegations will develop a mapping of major TC operations
and a concise Actions Plan that will include appropriate targets for the implementation of the Strategy
at country level. The Action Plan will allow for the identification of ‘quick-wins’ that can trigger and
accompany the change process12. Through these exercises (mapping and action plans), countries
and/or programmes where major problems exist will be identified, where remedial measures and
special support may be required.
The approach adopted in this Strategy goes beyond a ‘product based’ reform focusing on the
promulgation of new rules and on the development of a set of products (such as Guidelines and
trening courses) which stakeholders are expected to use.
Rather, this reform envisages a process that requires action to be taken at many levels by different
stakeholders, including effective communication and monitoring/learning mechanisms that reach out
beyond the EC to partner country stakeholders and other donors.
The Work Plan sets out an ambitious agenda for change. It requires a special effort on the part of
all involved during the first six months, to ensure that tools are created and systems introduced. The
emphasis will then be on ‘working in a different way’, which does not imply additional workload. On the
contrary, gains in the efficiency and effectiveness of TC delivery are expected.
Nevertheless, there are risks related to country partners’ capacity to ensure active involvement
throughout the cycle of TC-supported programmes There are also risks related to internal EC
workloads, particularly where delegations are already overloaded.
To manage these risks, a clear prioritisation of actions through Action Plans at country level is
envisaged.
The development of these Action Plans will take account of the opportunities offered by the annual
programming process. These plans will also allow for the flexible implementation of the Strategy,
ensuring the feasibility of the reform process tailored to the country situation. This implementation
will be supported by HQ and regularly reviewed by means of a peer mechanism through the online
platform, and at High Level Steering committee level. Actions in the area of communication and
knowledge management will provide EC staff with broad incentives to implement the Strategy and
ensure visibility.
Each geo-directorate identify the countries/operations where centralized management still applies
for TC and, in coordination with other relevant EC services, set up mechanisms to promote the
use of decentralized management, in particular for long term TC/TA services.
• In the medium term, promote use of national systems (including procurement procedures). This
implies a more systematic assessment of Partner Government capacities and procedures and
promoting the use of assessments carried out by other donors. In case of co-financing, the
provision of TC through pool funds managed by Partner Government will be fostered.
The implementation of actions under Axis 3 will be done through various means:
• promote better understanding of existing possibilities by issuing guidance to ensure staff is fully
aware of the current legal framework;
• specific instructions might also be required in case of new developments;
• integrate the changes promoted by the present strategy in the PRAG and subsequently in training
modules;
• regularly feed the online platform on TC with updated information on procedures (including
Frequently Asked Questions – FAQs).
A Coordination Team, formed by Directorate E staff and including key resource people from other
concerned units, will be closely involved in the implementation system, preparing reviews and
ensuring overall coordination.
• A High Level Steering Committee, chaired by the EuropeAid Director General, will ensure regular
review of progress and that decisions are taken with regard to possible additional initiatives or
adjustments to the Work Plan.
• The first review is scheduled for November 2008 focusing on the set of ‘short term priority
actions’ to be finalised before the end of 2008 and evaluating the overall implementation system.
Two reviews are planned for 2009 (April and November 2009).
• An external evaluation of Technical Cooperation will be launched at the end of 2009.
• An informal consultative panel will be set up to promote dialogue on innovative TC practices,
which will be open to selected partner country representatives, member states and other donors,
think tanks on aid effectiveness and individual experts on TC and capacity development issues.
http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/how/index_en.htm