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Understanding the role and practice of English in the workplace is a key concern in English
for special purposes (ESP). An increasingly globalized workforce andthe over whelming use of
English as a de facto working language have createdsignifi cant demand for workplace – specific
courses.
a. Workplace Discourse Research
While ESP typically focusses on skills development and language learning, workplace discourse
research is interested in identifying how language is used to achieve both task and people -
oriented goals.
b. The Importance of Talk at Work
“ Talk, ” whether spoken or written, is central to this research (and naturally to ESP). Sarangi
and Roberts argue that “ workplaces are held together by communicative practices ” (1999: 1);
talk is how we “ do ” our work. An obvious focus for analysts is the tasks we achieve through
language. Transactional/task – oriented interaction refers to the core, on - topic talk we expect in
the workplace.
c. Teaching Discourse Analysis: The Importance
of Context
Embracing this perspective, there are increasing calls to encourage learners to develop analytic
skills rather than teaching particular formulae or strategies. This also addresses various practical
concerns, for example, how to meet the needs of learners from assorted backgrounds, on diverse
career trajectories, and with different workplace goals. A focus on discourse analytic rather than
English language skills encourages a move away from the decontextualized nature of some ESP
materials and toward a focus which allows learners to assess and evaluate the English they meet
in their own workplace interactions. A useful model for such an approach is provided by
Liddicoat et al. (2003) . The exploratory process outlined in their model aims at facilitating the
development of intercultural competence (Byram 1997 )
d. An Interdisciplinary Project: Workplace Communication
for Skilled Migrants
By way of a study to illustrate a combined ESP – workplace discourse approach, I briefl y
describe an interdisciplinary project currently underway at Victoria University of Wellington in
New Zealand. With the goal of facilitating the development of sociopragmatic competence,
researchers from the Language in the Workplace project (described above) have joined with
colleagues specializing in English language teaching to devise a course aimed at empowering
skilled migrants who wish to enter New Zealand workplaces. The course consists of
practicalexperience in workplaces, complemented by structured refl ection in the classroom.
To demonstrate the analytic perspective, I include two brief extracts which indicate the
potential for insights offered by the approach. In example 1 , Andrei, a workplace intern from
Russia, is talking about his past work history with New Zealand colleague, Camille. Establishing
his credentials as an experienced and competent professional seems like an obvious and
acceptable topic of conversation. As the extract indicates, however, the method that Andrei uses
does not have the consequences he necessarily expects.
Example 1:
1. Andrei: yes I er [clears throat] I was involved in the same
2. similar to the similar work back in Europe
3. Camille: oh right
4. Andrei: er but for international er financial institutions like
5. international monetary fund //and the world\
6. Camille: /oh ↑ wow\\
7. Andrei: bank and the European bank for construction and development
8. Camille: oh ↓
9. Andrei: and for our ( ) of ch - chairman and deputy chairman
10. Camille: oh wow
At a linguistic level, the problematic nature of this extract is not necessarily obvious. Despite
some minor non - native features in his talk (e.g. I was involved . . . to the similar work ) Andrei
has no difficulty making himself understood.While the fi rst occurrence sounds genuine, the
others are progressively restrained: there is falling intonation in the second occurrence (as
indicated in the transcript) and relatively fl at intonation in the third. Systematic analysis of other
interactions in this workplace makes it clear that it is important to behave in a way which does
not seem boastful, in line with the widely recognized “ tall poppy syndrome ” prevalent in New
Zealand society (i.e. a low tolerance of explicit demonstrations of power and status).In a second
example, Henry, a Chinese workplace intern, receives directions from his New Zealand
colleague, Simon. Simon, Henry ’ s workplace mentor, is describing the process for setting up
new fi les in the company computer system.
Example 2
1. Simon: set up a new folder and go add new folder
2. Henry: mm
3. Simon: because that automatically defaults to what
4. the parent the parent folder
5. under here is the network folder ...
6. Justine: mm
7. Simon: so if I went
8. and go you know fi le new folder
9. Henry: folder
10. Simon: and I ’ ve got to you know [types] put it in ...
11. Justine: that ’ s right yeah
12. Henry: mm mm mm
There is very little content in Henry ’ s contributions which largely comprise of listenership
devices in the form of minimal feedback (i.e. mm ). However, Henry clearly understands what is
going on, and is learning from his mentor ’ s instructions. He uses appropriate signals to indicate
that he is following, and that Simon English in the Workplace should continue his explanation.
In this interaction there is clear evidence of the success that some of the students achieve in
developing their sociopragmatic competence within the workplace environment.
A Need for Dialogue
Belcher (2004) argued that the perceived shortcomings of ESP were the focus on a narrow range
of contexts and/or tasks in isolation from real life contexts. This speaks to the very heart of what
workplace discourse research can offer.
In the 1990s, Maggie Jo St John ’ s review of ESP clearly identifi ed its greatest strength in the
range of effective textbooks, the product of a strong pedagogic tradition which also informed the
professionalism of the teachers. Within thin “ materials - led movement ” (St John 1996 : 15), the
role of the intuition of the materials writer is paramount; this, St John admits, was a cause of
concern. In research - led Business English, fi ndings from direct observation and analysis of
(business) practices and languages are made available to the textbook author. Thus, for example,
discourse - analytic research using ethnographic tools could shed light on the “ generic features
of different events such as meetings, [. . . . ]
11. Legal English
Introduction
The growth in English for specifi c purposes (ESP) practice and research has waxed and waned
with the growth and decline of global industries and their related professions. Legal English is no
exception. Because English is currently acknowledged to be the lingua franca of international
commercial and legal transactions, globalization has ensured an ongoing interest in this area of
ESP practice. As ESP practitioners “ a commitment to revealing the workings of other
communicative worlds to our students by grounding pedagogical decisions in our understanding
of target texts and practices ” (Hyland 2002 : 393) requires us to undertake and refl ect upon
relevant research. This focus underpins the following examination of Legal English research.
That English is the language of the common law has often been perceived as the root of many of
the law - specifi c diffi culties for Legal English learners (see Northcott 2006 ). These learners
include both students preparing for post - graduate law study and practicing lawyers from
continental Europe and other countries whose legal systems are based on civilian law. Legal
language is system - bound which means that many legal terms denoting concepts derive their
meanings from aparticular legal system and can only be understood by reference to the specifi c
legal system. Examples from English law include equity and trust . All legal systems contain
terms with no comparable counterparts in another legal system but the problem is particularly
acute when it involves a common law country.
From the perspective of the ESP teacher, the diffi culties in understanding legal language present
challenges. Some practitioners have taken the view that obtainLegaling a legal qualifi cation is
the best solution. Others take the view that this is a retrograde step, obscuring the language
issues. Certainly, Legal English teaching experience that attempts to involve legal specialists is
enlightening in this regard. No lawyer will give an answer to a question outside her often very
narrow area of specialization, although ESP teachers often feel that they must be able to answer
every question a learner asks. Neither professional legal qualifi cations, nor the more recent
language and law qualifi cations, available in departments of forensic linguistics in Finland and
the United Kingdom, suffi ce. ESP methods involving a learner - centered approach, which uses
the knowledge of the learners and works in partnership with them to develop their competence in
using the language of the law in the target contexts of use can provide a better solution.
However, the need for authenticity and face validity, particularly in relation to the production of
Legal English materials, requires some understanding of the law. With the best of pedagogic
intentions, approaching text comprehension, for example, by adopting a purely discourse
analytical approach can result in the production of materials which are linguist - friendly but over
complex and demotivating for many learners. As with other branches of ESP, misrepresentations
of subject content result in language teaching material being viewed with suspicion and can lead
to loss of learner confi dence. The dilemma is particularly acute for Legal English practitioners
faced with the dual responsibility of making a diffi cult area more accessible whilst adhering to
sound pedagogical principles as much of the research demonstrates.