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‘The Bolsheviks’ Dilemma: Class, Culture, and Polities in the Early Soviet Years Sheila Fitzpatrick Slavie Review, Vol. 47, No. 4 (Winter, 1988), 599-613. Stable URL: bhtp:flinks,jstor-org/sici?sici~0037-6779%28198824%294 743 A4ZICS99ZIATBDCCAGIE2 0.CO%IBL-T Slavic Review is currently published by The American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies. ‘Your use of the ISTOR archive indicates your acceptance of ISTOR’s Terms and Conditions of Use, available at htp:sseww jstor org/aboutiterms.html. ISTOR’s Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you hhave obtained prior permission, you may aot download an entie issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and ‘you may use content in the ISTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use Please contact the publisher eegarding aay futher use ofthis work, Publisher contact information ray he abained at fp jstoronglounalaaes ht. Each copy of any part ofa JSTOR transenission must contain the same copyright tice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transtnission, ISTOR isan independent not-for-profit organization dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive ot scholarly journals. For more information regarding ISTOR, please contact jstor-info @uich edu, hup:thwwwjstor orgy Sat Mar 27 09:50:09 2004 ——_______________ DISCUSSION SHEILA FITZPATRICK ‘The Bolsheviks’ Dilemma: Class, Culture, and Politics in the Early Soviet Years ‘The Bolsheviks’ dilemma involved proletarian identity. In their own eyes, before and during 4917, their party was the vanguard of the proletariat. During the decades of struggle with warism, this self-image had always been questiovable: The party was led by intellectuals who believed in the working, class, being Marxists, but bad no real reason to believe that the working class believed in them. But ia 1917 fora few erucial months the imape corresponded with reality. To the astonishment and joy of the Bol- shevik old guard, the Bolshevik party became the standard-bearer for a workers” aud soldiers’ cevolation. In October the Bolsheviks seized power in Petrograd and established a “ictator- ship of the proletariat.” But i¢ turned out thatthe working class was volatile and even fickle in its loyalties, Within six months of taking power, the new Bolshevik rulers were experiencing problems with che working class chat were similar in kind if notin degree (0 those of previous governments, The Bolsheviks’ commitment tthe pro- letariat, it appeared, was not an absolute guarantee of reciprocal proletarian commit- tment (© the Bolsheviks. As rulers in a time of national crisis, the Bolsheviks were bound to take actions that would disappoint or alienate. their working-class constitu- cency. They must either find new ways of justifying their status as vanguard ofthe pro- letariat or else devise a new definition of ther right to rule. Theie dilemma as a revolu- tionary ruling party was a dilemma of identity: to be or not to bea proletarian—and, if (a be proletarian, how. ‘The Bolsheviks were Marxists, and class analysis was their basic tool for under= standing Russian society and polities. They believed Russia had entered the capitalist phase jn the last prewar decades, meaning that the major protagonists in the political struggle of 1917 were the capitalist bourgenisie and the industrial proletariat. The ma- turty ofthe Russian proletariat —that is, its character as an urban class, divorced from the land and separated from the peasantry by a distinctive proletarian consciousness— was an article of faith forthe Bolsheviks. Without a mature proletariat, there could be no successful proletarian revolution. ‘The irony of the situation in the Bolsheviks’ fist years of povwer was that Marxist

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