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Jessica Ringrose
To cite this article: Jessica Ringrose (2007) Successful girls? Complicating post‐feminist,
neoliberal discourses of educational achievement and gender equality, Gender and Education,
19:4, 471-489, DOI: 10.1080/09540250701442666
Download by: [Universidad Nacional Colombia], [Helena Sutachan] Date: 21 August 2017, At: 19:24
Gender and Education
Vol. 19, No. 4, July 2007, pp. 471–489
This paper examines how an ongoing educational panic over failing boys has contributed to a new
celebratory discourse about successful girls. Rather than conceive of this shift as an anti-feminist
feminist backlash, the paper examines how the successful girl discourse is postfeminist, and how
liberal feminist theory has contributed to narrowly conceived, divisive educational debates and poli-
cies where boys’ disadvantage/success are pitted against girls’ disadvantage/success. The paper illus-
trates that gender-only and gender binary conceptions of educational achievement are easily
recuperated into individualizing neo-liberal discourses of educational equality, and consistently
conceal how issues of achievement in school are related to issues of class, race, ethnicity, religion,
citizenship and location. Some recent media examples that illustrate the intensification of the
successful girl discourse are examined. It is argued that the gender and achievement debate fuels a
seductive postfeminist discourse of girl power, possibility and choice with massive reach, where
girls’ educational performance is used as evidence that individual success is attainable and educa-
tional policies are working in contexts of globalization, marketization and economic insecurity. The
new contradictory work of ‘doing’ successful femininity, which requires balancing traditional femi-
nine and masculine qualities, is also considered.
Introduction
In the wake of feminist-driven policy gains to promote girls’ educational attainment
during the 1970s and 1980s, in the mid 1990s an educational discourse of ‘failing
boys’ gained ascendancy in public debates and educational policy in the UK (Epstein
et al., 1998). Broadly speaking the ‘failing boys’ discourse draws on specific measures
of girls’ superior educational achievements as compared to boys, to support claims
that girls have reached unparalleled levels of success and feminist interventions into
*Institute of Education, University of London, 20 Bedford Way, London, WC1H AOL, UK.
Email: J.Ringrose@ioe.ac.uk
schooling have been met, and may have gone ‘too far’, so that girls’ achievements are
continuously positioned as won at the expense of boys (Arnot et al., 1999; Francis,
2005, p. 9). The discourse of boys’ failure positions the truth claims being made
about girls’ educational victories and later work place success as a ‘feminist triumph’
that is somehow productive of a culture wide ‘crisis of masculinity’ (Walkerdine et al.,
2001, pp. 175, 112). This ‘moral panic’ over boys’ underachievement has continued
to dominate educational debates for the last decade in the UK and internationally (Ali
et al., 2004; Francis & Skelton, 2005).
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In this paper I explore how the truth claims about contemporary educational equal-
ity and girls performance that gained ascendancy the mid to late 1990s and led to
panic over failing boys, have solidified and intensified in the new millennium into a
new seductive narrative about girls’ educational and workplace success, where girls
have become a ‘metaphor’ for social mobility and social change (Harris, 2004;
McRobbie, 2004). I will suggest the ongoing educational debates on gender and
achievement contribute to a much wider neoliberal, meritocratic cultural shift, where
girls educational success comes to signify equality, progress, girl power and girls’
having ‘come a long way, baby’.
This paper is also concerned, however, to problematize the notion that these shifts
can be characterized as simply as ‘anti-feminist’ or a feminist backlash, as suggested
by many feminist commentators on the failing boys debate (Mac an Ghail, 1996;
Kenway, 1997; Weiner et al., 1997; Epstein et al., 1998; Jackson, 1998; Arnot et al.,
1999; Heath, 1999; Harris, 2004; Davison et al., 2004; Aapola et al., 2005). I will
explore how situating the debate as anti-feminist is inadequate and look at the notion
of ‘post-feminism’ as more useful in explaining the complex relationship between femi-
nist discourses and neoliberal economic policies and discourses, which are dramatically
reshaping the realms of education, work and family. The paper suggests the current
educational policy terrain is distinctly ‘post-feminist’, arguing that specific forms of
liberal feminism are recuperated to sustain a neoliberal climate of educational reform.
Angela McRobbie suggests post-feminist discourses:
… actively draw on and invoke feminism as that which can be taken into account in order
to suggest that equality is achieved, in order to install a whole repertoire of meanings which
emphasize that it is no longer needed, a spent force. (McRobbie, 2004, p. 4)
Through analysis of media coverage, I suggest that this is exactly the dynamic that
characterizes policy and public debates over education and achievement. In this
debate gender equity is celebrated and feminist concerns for girls recuperated, and
thereby rendered outmoded and obsolete. We find also, as I illustrate, chronic anxi-
eties over the supposed ‘feminization’ of education, where girls success comes to
denote a new ‘school girl fiction’, where girls’ achievement at school becomes synon-
ymous with an overarching ‘feminist victory’ that is at boys’ expense (Walkerdine,
1990; Foster, 2000).
In considering the nuances of ‘the cultural space of post-feminism’, McRobbie
(2004, pp. 5–6) also suggests, however, that feminism must be ‘taken into account’.
That is, ‘feminism must face up to the consequences of its own claims to representation
Successful girls? 473
and power’—the ways that feminism has been ‘engaged with’, ‘incorporated’ and is
consumed, reworked and reintroduced into popular culture and public debate, often
in dramatically unexpected ways needs to be traced (McRobbie, 2004, pp. 5–6). We
need to engage with the complexity of the post-feminist gender order as a:
… field of transformation in which feminist values come to be engaged with, and to some extent
incorporated across, civil society… [and yet] the active, sustained, and repetitive repudiation
or repression of feminism also marks its (still fearful) presence or even longevity (as after-
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As I have suggested elsewhere and will argue in this paper, post-feminism is usefully
understood ‘as part backlash, part cultural diffusion, part repressed anxiety over
shifting gender orders’, that ‘calls upon feminists to recognize feminisms (in the
possessive and plural) own implications in the social phenomenon feminists seek to
analyze and critique’ (Ringrose, 2006, p. 2).
Taking up McRobbie’s complicated challenge, in this paper I consider how specific
forms of feminism, like liberal feminism (which is based on a dualistic, binary gender
theory) have contributed to a vicious rhetorical cycle of ‘girls’ victimization vs. boys’
victimization’ in educational debates (Jackson, 1998). Conceptualizing gender as an
abstract, stand-alone ‘variable’ organized around a male/female binary is not an
invention of educational research and policy but rather a legacy of liberal feminist
influences in the public sphere (Eisenstein, 1996). Liberal feminist conceptualiza-
tions of gender have led directly to narrow measures of performance by gender
difference, now used by the Government to ‘prove’ high pupil achievement for girls,
school effectiveness and gender equality more generally (Hey et al., 1998; Jackson,
1998; Murphy & Elwood, 1998; Francis, 2005). One problematic effect of a gender-
only liberal feminist analysis has been the idea that gender presents us with an ‘obvi-
ous variable’ for measuring (in)equalities in educational research and elsewhere
(Hammersly, 2001). The gender equations rip gender out of a sociocultural context
and rely on an abstract and dislocated ideal of equality. What is consistently
concealed is how issues of equality for boys and girls in school are much wider than
gendered achievement, and how achievement is related to issues of class, race, ethnic-
ity, religion, citizenship and space/location of schools, as well as to gender (Gillborn
& Mirza, 2000; Walkerdine et al., 2001; Lucey, 2001; Reay, 2001).
It is therefore the taking up, or complex diffusion of liberal feminist categories of
analysis in the public sphere and not simply an anti-feminist backlash (although reactive
anxieties over feminism abound, as I will show) that is productive of the mythology
of girls’ educational success. The most ironic, disturbing effect of the current post-
feminist, neoliberal gender equity discourses in educational policy is the steady
stream of resources focused on boys supposed underachievement and needs at every
level of the educational agenda, which has now resulted in a massive neglect of girls
in terms of resource allocation and policy and research concerns (Osler et al., 2002;
Crudas & Haddock, 2005).
What I want to also suggest, therefore, is that we are now witnessing a shift away
from a crisis of masculinity and a problematization of the turbulent conditions of late
474 J. Ringrose
contradictory ways, as a site of both problem and possibility in this neoliberal context
of adaptation to market forces. The discursive constitution of the successful girl also
entails both feminine and masculine qualities are to somehow be juggled, creating
massive contradictions for girls. My conclusion points to the need for new research
examining the complex, contradictory effects of the successful girls discourse, and the
need to remain vigilant as to how some feminist discourse can feed into neoliberal
formulas and fantasies of girls as ‘metaphors’ for educational success and equality
(McRobbie, 2004).
Figures in 1995, for instance, illustrated that seven-year-old girls had gained a head
start in mathematics and science (81% of girls reached the expected level of maths
compared with 77% of boys, and 86% of girls and 83% of boys reached the expected
level in science) (Arnot et al., 1999). By 1996, public debate would be shaped by the
new facts of ‘gender equality’:
● Girls out perform boys at ages 7-, 11- and 14-years-old in National Curriculum
assessments in English; achievements in maths and sciences are broadly similar.
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… the current moral panic around boy’s ‘underachievement’ has produced a key opportu-
nity for challenging gender inequalities in schools but it is one which is fraught with
danger. As with all such moments, a reactionary recuperation of feminist insights and
concerns is also possible. The task of the moment is to ensure that this does not happen.
(Epstein, 1998, p. 14)
‘panic… that boys in school are being shortchanged’ (Davison et al., 2004, p. 50;
Francis, 2006). Vitriolic and reactive panics over boys and girls achievement have
continued in the form of an outrage over the ‘feminisation of education’, and claims
that supposedly new ‘softer’ modes of testing and curricular interventions in the wake
of feminist intervention are having devastating effects on boys. In 2002 a Daily Mail
article summed up this anxiety in a story about how the ‘system has become unfair
and discriminatory against boys’ due to ‘a wholesale feminization of the education
system’, where:
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Girls began to be privileged over boys at school… Teachers gave priority to girls in class-
room discussions, playground space and sporting fixtures. The ‘masculine content and
orientation’ of textbooks, topics and tests was obliterated in favour of female references;
teachers were forbidden to use ‘sexist’ language; and male teachers’ bonding with boys
through jokes or shared allusions to football had to be reprogrammed out of the system…
[which was] disastrous for boys. For rather than men being masters of the universe as femi-
nists contend, their sense of what they are is fragile. Unless their particular male charac-
teristics are acknowledged and supported, they start sliding downhill and some go off the
rails altogether. (Phillips, 2002)
the minefield of the gender and achievement terrain. By specifying which feminist
logics are implicated, in which ways, in the post-feminist gender wars, we can, to my
mind, carry forward the important work of a decade of critique of the failing boys
discourse (i.e. Mac an Ghail, 1994; Kenway, 1997; Weiner et al., 1997; Epstein et al.,
1998; Aapolla et al., 2005; Francis & Skeleton, 2005, p. 4), with renewed, and very
specifically defined feminist agendas.
The term ‘post-feminism’ is contested, with some associating the term with post-
modernist, post-foundationalist moves to destabilize and deconstruct gender
(Brooks, 1997; Gamble, 2001) and others associating the term with an anti-feminist
‘backlash’ (Whelehan, 1995). I see post-feminism as complex representational
terrain, temporal, political, theoretical (etc) where both backlash and destabilization
result. I also find the idea of post-feminism a useful conceptual tool that helps in tracing
the complex effects of and implications of various forms of feminism (like liberal and
neoliberal feminism) over time in popular culture and beyond. The concept of post-
feminism is particularly useful in locating how the success of a particularly liberal
feminist discourse needs to ‘be taken into account’, to use McRobbie’s phrase, as
central to the production and solidification of the gender dichotomous logic in
contemporary neoliberal educational policy and public debate. In order to make these
arguments, I will begin by looking at how gender as a category is taken up taken up
in contemporary educational debates, the media and popular culture.
individual attainment, flexibility and adaptation in education and work as the means
of succeeding in contexts of social, economic and political transformation and insta-
bility (Morely & Rassool, 1999; Francis, 2006; Walkerdine & Ringrose, 2006). In
British schools, the drive to ‘improve standards’ has meant an increased emphasis on
exam results. According to Benjamin (2003) a current obsession with testing has
international reach, producing a ‘techno-rationalist’ culture of ‘curricular fundamen-
talism’ which demands schools and teachers valorize specific, quantifiable versions of
‘achievement’ and ‘performance’. Educational policy discourses which focus on
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Another recent Observer headline proclaims: ‘Exam results reveal gender gulf in
schools’ (Hill, 2005). Drawing on data from the Department for Education and
Skills, the article states surveys of A level results from 1500 both state and indepen-
dent schools showed ‘girls are up to 115 percent more likely to achieve an A or B
grade than boys’ (Hill, 2005, p. 1). The article declares ‘the shocking extent of under-
achievement by boys in some of Britain’s leading schools has been revealed in a report
which for the first time shows the huge differences in the performance of girls and boys
across the country’ (Hill, 2005, emphasis added). It is extraordinary that although
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issues of boys’ underachievement have dominated the policy arena and public debates
on education for over a decade now, the article represents the findings as ground-
breaking in order to underline the grave extent of the problem facing boys.
One teacher called upon to discuss the results, Professor Tony, principal at the City
College in Birmingham, blamed ‘the local culture’ for boys’ underachievement,
saying:
We have three buildings dedicated to women-only-education in Birmingham and boys
have now become the problem instead… We are trying to re-engage boys through voca-
tional and activity based courses but we are fighting against a heady local cocktail of male
unemployment and an extreme drug culture. (Quoted in Hill, 2005, p. 2)
Here we find a distinctly post-feminist representational context where feminism is
found culpable in the production of a culture of male unemployment and drug addic-
tion.
As Becky Francis has recently argued a ‘poor boys’ dimension of the failing boys
discourse maintains a powerful hegemony (2006). Girls’ success is continuously
framed through an oppositional dynamic of boys’ failure, and the enormous complex-
ity of educational issues involved in struggling for ‘equality’ greatly muddied.
But how or which sort of feminism contributes to the gender dichotomous repre-
sentational terms of the debate over educational achievement?
Liberal feminist equality discourses that focus on gender as a stand alone, undiffer-
entiated, monolithic variable set the terms for reactionary debate. Measuring for
equity through gender-only frameworks (manifest as liberal feminist discourses)
embeds knowledge into a binary, oppositional framing that actually incites reversal,
with very difficult effects for a feminist politic or movement by impeding a more
complex ‘politics of difference’ (Brah, 2000). The very aims of educational parity via
gender sought by ‘educational feminists’ have created an abstract equity schematic
that works to simplify and individualize the social, to decontextualize gender from all
class, cultural, racial and economic dimensions through which gender manifests as an
axis of experience and identity. In popular debate the prominence of the gender wars
means factors such as social class, ethnicity, race and culture are conveniently
obscured despite many suggesting these provide much stronger indicators of perfor-
mance in school (Gillborn & Mirza, 2000; Lucey, 2001; Reay, 2001). The treatment
of gender as an undifferentiated, essentialized and monolithic category of analysis
distorts the issues involved with educational equality and school achievement. We are
repeatedly returned to a ‘melancholic’ heterosexual narrative—an endlessly repeating
and cyclical, rigid gender binary (Butler, 1990). This defensive ‘sex-war mentality’
oscillates backwards and forwards in dangerous and simplistic ways (Jackson, 1998).
The reasons why liberal feminism has been taken up in the public sphere are
complex, but relate to the way a liberal ethos for a de-raced and de-classed ‘women’
who is to secure individual rights and choose to become ‘somebody’ reconciles
completely with a neoliberal programme of individualization, autonomous self-hood
and self-responsibilization for either success or failure in globalizing contexts
of marketization, insecurity and risk. Other feminisms are less amenable to this
Successful girls? 481
assumption that girls are ‘not a problem’ in spaces of school in particular has resulted
in a massive neglect of girls experiences, and a failure to allocate resources to girls’
needs in school (Osler & Vincent, 2003; Crudas & Haddock, 2005). There has been
a general failure to conceive of gender as a relational category, and a refusal among
policy-makers to differentiate gender analysis and categories of girl/woman and boy/
man so that resources could be allocated to economically and/or racially marginalized
girls and who fall outside this convenient rhetoric of girls success and boys’ failure
(Aapolla et al., 2005; Archer, 2005; Francis & Skeleton, 2005; Francis, 2006). Femi-
nist research increasingly illustrates the ‘other side of the [so called] gender gap’ in
achievement is that most girls are still experiencing male dominated classrooms
cultures, leaving girls to simply ‘make the best’ of things (Warrington & Younger,
2000; Francis, 2005).
What is also amply evident, and what I want to explore further, is how the burgeon-
ing discourse of successful girls is not bounded within an educational ‘field’ or
‘domain’ (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992). The educational failing boys’ discourse of
male disadvantage, which is based almost entirely on gender-differentiated test
results, inculcates what Foster (2001) calls in the Australian context, a ‘presumptive
equality’—the widespread belief that women have achieved equality with men in
society. These sets of presumptions orienting educational debates bolster the quint-
essential post-feminism argument ‘that girls and women are doing fine, feminism is
unnecessary… the movement is over… girls have attained all the power they could
every want’ and may actually ‘have too much power in the world’ (Taft, 2004, p. 72,
emphasis added). The successful girls discourse has a widening scope and powerful
reach, spreading in complex ways through the realm of globalized popular culture
inspiring, on the one hand, dread and anxiety over the ‘feminization’ of culture, and
confirming and co-constructing, on the other, the girl as metaphor for neoliberal
discourse of personal performance, choice and freedom, and its auxiliary and mutu-
ally reinforcing discourse or ‘rationale’ of individual responsibility for self-failure in
the ‘global education race’ (Rose, 1989; Mahoney, 1998; Beck & Beck-Gernsheim,
2001; Harris, 2004).
the new ‘global winners’ (Harris, 2004; Taft, 2004). These discourses of feminine
success are contradictory, however—both wildly celebratory and deeply anxiety
ridden.
Discourses of girls’ successes in school have implicated wider debates over the
gendered effects of globalization for international economies (Walkerdine et al., 2001;
Harris, 2004). The portrayal of girls’ success as an international phenomenon is
evident in a host of recent news reports, based on a survey from the OECD, which
proclaims a new ‘Global gender gap in education’ (BBC News, 2003, emphasis
added).3 These claims are based on findings that ‘girls out-performed boys in reading
at the age of 15 in all 43 countries included in the respected study’ and women have
‘overtaken men at every level of education’ (BBC News, 2003). As another story based
on the survey laments: ‘In the space of a generation, boys have gone from expecting
to be the best at school, to an assumption that they will be the worst… around the
world girls are winning the academic race’ (BBC News, 2003).4 This claim of global
equality made despite the fact that the UN’s key Millennium Development Goals for
gender and education—that all girls would be able to receive at least primary educa-
tion were missed by a huge margin in 2005 (Aikman & Unterhalter, 2005).
Success at school is directly connected to success at work in the representation of
these issues: ‘They (girls) are better at school, much more likely to go to university
and are expecting to take the better-paid jobs’. Yet another story ‘Girls top of the class
worldwide’ claims ‘the 1990s have seen a remarkable change in women’s expectations
and achievements’ noting ‘in the UK, ‘63% of girls expect to have white collar, high
skilled jobs by the time they are 30, compared to only 51% of boys’ (BBC News,
2003).5 And another recent Guardian report declares ‘across the UK, there has been
a revolution in educational achievement over the last 30 years, of which girls had been
the primary drivers and beneficiaries’ (Smithers, 2004, emphasis added). But do
these ‘great expectations’ signal the ‘revolution’ being claimed, or do they indicate
more about the representational dimensions of the issues of gender and achievement
where girls are positioned as unambiguous winners, objects of both fear and desire in
a brave new post-feminist world? Are the high achievements of some girls increasingly
garnered to fuel a story of widespread success that legitimates a current social/
economic/political context of risk and insecurity?
As warned by McRobbie, as a post-feminist discourse, this educational narrative of
girls’ success makes a leap from educational attainment to career success, where girls’
are ‘championed as a metaphor for social change’ generating a host of new ‘reper-
toires of meaning’ (2004, p. 6). We see how the specifically educational-based
Successful girls? 483
The resounding success by girls that has been spoken of in recent years is primarily about
middle class girls and it has set in train a debate about a crisis of masculinity in post-indus-
trial or deindustrialized societies. The effect of this on boys and men has been dramatic.
It was formerly relatively easy for boys to obtain employment that did not require high
levels of literacy, a particular accent or stylish attractiveness… However, fewer of those
kinds of jobs exist in affluent countries and so boys are now being pushed to remake them-
selves as literate, adaptable and presentable: it is this that has produced a crisis for ‘work-
ing-class masculinity and it is this that sets girls’ educational achievement as a particular
problem in the present… It is as though the success of girls has somehow been responsible
for the dramatic and distressing changes that have happened over the last twenty or so
years.
tional of ways into a story of feminism having gone ‘too far’ (Francis, 2005).
The shift in the onus in debate from the object of the failing boy to the successful
girl, also, however, marks a shift away from a problem oriented discourse, that there
is a problem with the effects of globalizing economic changes for masculinity onto a
success based discourse of femininity. In a context of neoliberalism and ‘choice biog-
raphies’ the qualities ascribed to femininity have a central place in a discourse of success
(Aapolo et al., 2005; Walkerdine & Ringrose, 2006). The desegregation of gender in
schooling, higher education and many jobs, places the distinction between ‘men’s and
women’s ‘roles’ and ‘domains’ into question, radically disrupting the social construc-
tion of gender. The qualities of reinvention, adaptation, flexibility, malleability to
outside market forces that are in demand are ones that are traditionally feminine. The
gender shifts we are witnessing require that both men and women increasingly perform
what Lisa Adkin’s (1995) calls an ‘aesthetics of femininity’ and adaptation. Femininity
is marshalled in new ways to sustain an educational arena obsessed with academic
achievement that is itself merely part of a broader neoliberal ethos of individualization,
competition and marketization (Walkerdine & Ringrose, 2006). Dianne Reay suggests,
however, in contrast to this argument and the reactive ‘feminization of education’
thesis, that in education with its ‘growing emphasis on measured outputs, competition
and entrepreneurship, it is primarily the assertiveness and authority of masculinity
rather than the aesthetics of femininity that is required and rewarded’ (2001, p. 165).
The task, then, is to somehow juggle both feminine and masculine attributes, for girls
to inhabit and take up sights of masculine and feminine desire (Walkerdine, 2005).
This is the new highly complex and contradictory work of ‘doing’ girl, and of perform-
ing complex dimensions of specifically ‘bourgeois’ success in increasingly neoliberal-
ized sites of schooling and work (Walkerdine & Ringrose, 2006).
The feminine, therefore, takes on new meaning as site of crisis, anxiety and desire
in contemporary educational discourses and in wider socio-economic and political
contexts (Harris, 2004; Aapola et al., 2005). We find a story that implies it is possible
to win and be successful in the shifting global economy, and girls and feminine
subjects, because of their flexibility, adaptability and hard work in spheres of educa-
tion and work are the prototypes for this success. This radically decontextualized,
success based discourse represents a solidification of neoliberal preoccupation with
individualizing logics that inculcate youth to continually re-adapt and reinvent them-
selves to the shifting conditions of globalization. This is the ‘free market feminism’
described by McRobbie (2004), where girls have become the new poster boy for
neoliberal dreams of winning, and ‘just doing it’ against the odds.
Successful girls? 485
Conclusions
This paper has suggested we are witnessing a discursive proliferation around the motif
of the successful girl—a figure that signals massive public ‘gender anxieties’ and
‘gender desires’ in rapidly transforming institutional and economic contexts (Segal,
1999). Girls success at school signifies the surest inculcation of a brave new ‘post-
feminist’ world, where issues of gender inequality are positioned as no longer posing
a problem, and where success is held up as there for the taking for ‘a kind of young
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woman celebrated for her “desire, determination and confidence” to take charge of
her life, seize chances, and achieve her goals’ (Harris, 2004, p. 1). Girls’ new found
‘equality’ and power becomes a meritocratic formula, a signifier, a ‘metaphor’ for the
hard work needed to attain educational and career success.
We need to continue working out the complex effects of the post-feminist, neolib-
eral discourse of successful girls. There are massive contradictions now facing girls and
boys within an educational terrain where feminine qualities of adaptation and flexi-
bility, and masculine levels of assertiveness and performance are rewarded, but it is
girls who are viewed primarily to be adapting and succeeding (Walkerdine & Ringrose,
2006). While this paper has traced some of the discursive sites of contradiction, we
are seeing new empirical research exploring girls experiences in such schooling
climates, and the difficulty of navigating spaces of contradiction and ‘impossibility’ in
these new subject positions where girls are to be both ‘bright and beautiful’, ‘hetero-
feminine/desirable and successful learner’, ‘aggressor and nurturer’, among other
highly contradictory subject locations enlivened through the discourses of successful
girls (Archer, 2005; Niemi, 2005; Renold & Allen, 2005; Youdell, 2004; Walkerdine,
2005). This research challenges, for example, the notion that femininity is ever valo-
rized, illustrating how girls’ performance of hard work, cooperation, and flexibility is
still pathologized as feminine, in the minefield of gendered regulations and expecta-
tions that inform schooling (Walkerdine et al., 2001; Francis, 2005, Renold & Allen,
2005). The reactive ‘feminization of education’ thesis mobilized in the educational
debate is also exposed as ludicrously simplistic, in the wake of the painful costs of living
contradictory gender identities in today’s schools.
This new research reminds us again that measures of so called gender equity in
academic achievement do not necessarily translate into ideals of wider social equality
inside or outside of schools (Murphy & Elwood, 1998; Niemi, 2005). Rather there
are devastating effects when girls are positioned as ‘not a problem’ and resources
siphoned away from addressing girls’ learning and emotional needs at school (Osler
et al., 2002; Crudas & Haddock, 2005). We need a great deal further research to
continue mapping the effects and implications of the post-feminist, girl power,
‘gender order’ in education and beyond (Connell, 1987).
In this difficult representational context key issues remain over how feminists can
continue to complicate and disrupt these claims to gender equality: How are we to
reinvoke feminisms’ legitimacy in what I’ve been calling a post-feminist discursive
gender terrain that continuously ‘undoes feminism, on the basis that it is “always
already known”’? (McRobbie, 2004, p. 13). How can feminism influence debates
486 J. Ringrose
over education, without evoking a ‘gender seesaw’ once again (Collins et al., 2000)?
Which feminism(s) do we ‘do’?
Addressing such questions involves returning to the core tenets of feminist episte-
mologies to reconsider difficult philosophical questions about equality vs. difference,
to continue asking questions about whom the multiple subjects and objects of femi-
nist theory and political change are to be (Young, 1990). The gender shifts we are
witnessing are in part the ‘reactionary recuperation of feminist insights and concerns’,
but they also involve a more complex relationship between feminism, discourses of
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equality and the new neoliberal formulas for success, which are dramatically reshap-
ing the realms of education, work and family, I have been tracing (Epstein et al., 1998,
p. 14). Liberal feminisms’ gender-only analysis has culminated in measures of equity
through gendered test results, which violently obscures socio-economic difference.
This brand of feminism is also therefore culpable in and productive of a post-feminist,
neoliberal politics that holds up the ‘girl’ as proof that an individualizing ethos of
hierarchical competition, performance and standards in education is working. It is
only by staking out the type and scope of our feminist analysis very carefully that our
feminism will not be complicit with simplistic gender analyses, and will not as easily
be co-opted into the seductive discourse of successful girls.
Acknowledgements
The author would like to thank Debbie Epstein for her help in developing some of the
ideas in the paper, and Emma Renold and Merryn Smith for reading and comment-
ing on previous drafts.
Notes
1. Quoted from http://portal.unesco.org/education/en/file_download.php/b541cef13c2313
adc9dbda54eb9c7f6cGender+and+Education+in+the+UK.doc (accessed June 2005).
2. Quoted from: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/education/3148375.stm (accessed June 2005).
3. Quoted from: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/education/3037844.stm (accessed July 2005).
4. Quoted from: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/education/3114208.stm (accessed July 2005).
5. Quoted from: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/education/3110594.stm (accessed July 2005).
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