The PELP, white highly praising the flee and principled positions of the USSR eoncersing aur peoples struggle, ap: preciales the peaceful Soviet initiatives lesding 10 the agree ‘ment to eliminate medium-range and short-range mucteae weapons, as the first step towards protecting humanity feos the dangers ofa nuclear war. The succes af the imperilist-Zionist-Arab reactionary ag- fression in this eegion is not inevitable, In contrast to the of- ficiat policies’ decline, bright signs have emerged and proved the Arab nation's capabilities. Our Palestinian people's upris- ing in the occupied homeland the heroic struggle of the Lebanese National Resistance Front, and the Palestinian siliaty operations in the occupfed homeland, the latest being the Neroie hang-glider operation, all these facts point out the possibilities of succes in fofling ll hostile plans. ‘Os the 20 th anniversary, the PFLP promises to continue the struggle anit roral victory and the achiewment of the national goal ofthe Palestinian people of return, selfedetermination asd the establishment ofaa independent state on Palestine.» Interview with Comrade George Habash ‘On the occasion of the PELP’s 20th anniversary, Secretary General Comrade George Habash gave an exclusive interview to Al Hadaf and Democratic Palestine Twenty years after the PFLP's establishment, can you describe the circumstances in which it was formed. What were the expectations that motivated. the decision (o establish the Front? ‘The idea to establish the PFLP arase due to the results of the 1967 war, when the Zionist enemy succeeded in occupying the fest of Pakestine, in addition to the Siti and the Golan Heights. This made the Arab and Palestinian masses disllu: saned with the nationalist bourgeois regimes, headed at that time by Nasser's regime in Egypt, The masses were shocked by the defeat and the new Zionist expansion, and by the failure of the nationalist bourgeais project spearheaded by she Egyptian regime, The question was what t6 do to restore our masses" self-confidence and restore the credibility of our slogans. In order to liberate Palestine, sicuggte by all means was needed... at that time, the PLLO was not the same % it is now it was not a frontike framework led by the armed resistance orpanizations, it was only a few years okl, The masses had no ‘confidence in it. It did not represent the Palestinian pzople’s will, Nor was it a suitable Framework for mobilizine their ‘capabilites for the liberation struggle. It had beon established by the Arab regimes, whieh made it difficult to imagine that it could escape their conteol. This is not meatit to belt the ims portance of the PLO's having been established... But the re ‘quiterents of truth make us point out the many reservations fand questions that remained... Faced with this situation, we rade our decision to initiate new revolutionary action whereby the Palestinian people could practice their will by fighting 0 liberate heir homeland. In these circumstances, it was natural 1 think of establis ‘a national feont, represestiag the vanguard Palestinian forces to restore the prominence of the Palestinian role which had bbcen overlooked trom 1948 unti? 1967. The time had come for a new revolutionary response, with a diffecent class nature capable of facin challenges. We save the Algerian people's revolution as an inspiration, as well asthe experience ff the Yenten masses in the South, who achieved independence in 1967 A POPULAR FRONT We engaged in contacts with all Palestinian forces and organizations that were preparing for armed strugsle to Hiberace Palestine through protracted people's war. The mosi “important organizations were Fatah, the Palestinian branch of ive Arab Nationalist Movement, the Heros of Rewrn, the Palestine Liberation Front, the Palestinian branch of the Baath Party and more than iwenty smaller factions. This vbundance ‘ol Factions reflected the Palestinian people's awakening ‘The name, Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, did not emerge at that time, for the negotiations which were held among Palestinian organizations in Damascus aimed at forming 2 fighting, nationalist, people's frant. We wanted to ude all Palestinian forces, also Fatah, but the dialogue did ‘not end in agreement to Form such a (eons. Fatah refused 10 pacticipate, s0 the only choice the was to work with the ‘organizations that agreed t0 forming a unified front. Thus. ane Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine was formed from the Palestinian branch of the Arab Nationalist Movement (che Youth of Revenge). the Heros of Return, the Palestine Libera ‘ion Front and a number of independent nationalists When we first thought of establishing the PELP after the Sune defeat, the expectations were that this front would in- clude all fighting Palestinian organizations, as had happened ia (the Algerian National Liberation Front) ant the Liberation Front that achfeved the independence of South Yemen, We never though! that we would be building a Marsist-Leninist party. The idea of transformation was not introduced at that time. When the PFLP's establishment was declared, It was cleae that it as a front inetudine th possible number of existing Palestinian fighting organizations And sshich aimed to continue working with Fatah in a unified Irom, This is what Rappened ia 1968, when we reached 3 cement that made the PLO a front-like framework fed by fe fighting organizations, without losing the PLO’s represen {alive capacity as-a member ofthe Arab League From the start, we didn't plan to form a party called the PrP,a bral natal pg front incl Sine we were cot able Forma, the 1 iberanion Ergar's “ he the Pafesit Ssitdrawal sia the wha a fF sone wudnt, serve 2 PEL into 4 working ne PLO. thy We the idea 9F teanstot Tramtow se Concer fine our aspirations sid Xp sie tat Hberating Palestine wok be Boxed om our understanding of Zionism ‘and alliance With igipeciaison Liberation process Wold be tough. perience bas proced the inypor ations, we did im shots prec pias the Nit and hiseoric, By nie 4aet to our masses, so tha they understand the eompsity ‘i this process and are prepared te fight st long-corm bate ws silfiberating the homeland Do you think that the initiative to form the PFLP was correct at thai time? Did you arrive at a correct balance berween the Palestinian and the Arab na onalist dimension in the Palestinian struggle. Or did the decision come too late’? Eihink at came lar. We Arab Nation ws the Palestinian branch of 1 Moveincnt had thous a practic sisainst tbe Zionist enemy sine ss evidenced by the 1964 of the martyr, Klafed AbU Aisha, whom the PEF P considers ity rst mane We deeply believed in the necessity of armed ttuggle as a votive whieh thats is no substitute in liberating Palestine. Ac the same time, we save the nced for coordinating with the Nasserite leadership, because we could not envision a com Prehensive confrontation of the enemy camp without a con- rection between Palestinian action and the Arab national eration movement hich was then headed by Naszer’s Egypt... We prepared to start the armed strugele, but at the same tie we understood that this was subicet (0 coordination with Nasser’s Egypt I remiember a miceting with Abdel Nasser in early 1964, when wwe as vanguard forces had started (0 realize the dilemma of Nasscrism despite the masses adherence to Nasser’s leadership. V had vo proposals at the meeting, after presenting 2 long analysis of Nasserism’s, The first suggestion dealt with che aemed strugale in South Yemen where the October revolution had staeted in 1963. AL that time, We did not envision its triumph without Nasser's support... I reviewed the early period (of the armed stcuggle and the nced for supporting it. The se. cond suggestion dealt with the Palestinian armed struggle, che necessity of inviting it [Nassot's response £0 the first suggestion was that he e\~ pressed readiness 0 give support; he suggested starting tradvally, after having seen if the conditions are suitable, Concerning the Palestinian issue, { still remeniber hig exact words. He said that athe issue of ulsraeb» is more complicated than many people think. As 1 have said on many occasions, | don’t have 3 plan to liberate Palestine, for the batlle against Israel is at the saime time the battle against US imperiakism.» The discussion between us was Honest, clear and cord Nasser stressed that armed struggle against the Zionist enemy reeds deep and loug thinking, and Finding suitable conditions. Itsv9s obvious that he was not enthusiastic or approving of my stuggestion 19 initiate armed struggle against the Zionist enemy. Bur fo us. this ise 9S Very important, so We arrived at a formula with Nasses allowing. for preparations for atmed steugate ‘To us. this icant to start training, reconnaissance, moving Over the past two decades, the Front has passed through several stages. Can you evaluate these? “The firs stage wos the formative one which | spake about when telling how she PFLP as formed as framework forthe Palestinian people's movement, not only asa political arty, aiid hove the cteumstances follwing the 1967 defeat gave birth toh idea “The second stage stated with the withdrawal ofthe Palestine Liberation Front, co establish what tas become the PELP. General Command As a resull of thce withdrawal, the PEL Gecame the Palestinian branch of ie Arab Navionalit Movement, bscause the remaining component (Heros of Return} was a secondary organization with origins inthe ANVL 36 well. Asa Fesult, a guattative transformation occured in hw the PFLP siewed itself. 1 as no longer 2 united from of abe elses and siratas ofthe revolution like the Vi ‘a Algerian models. instead, this chance recede Front Ueeame mainly an essential organization among the organizations of te Palestinian revolution, One can ask why sve maininined the same name... In its frst year. the at) and the succceded) in aecumulatinga big cecord of poliieal and military strugele, and it 2cquiced the people's trust ‘We napiced to maintain this record, but we tealzed that ee s edgya were one orzanizanan af the Fexoion and behaved i this Yh bagyes question se asked auesehey a that Ge as What is the politica, idcalogeal ane social nature: of our oreanization? We outlined the Tight of developments experienced by the Palestinian brinch of AANA, iucologicaly and classvie, We coniered our an organization of the Palestinian working «las, he, the oreanization that represented the ideology and posal thin ing of the working dass. Wn Shor, the exons sage seat seeping the name PFLP, despite the cealizaton shat we weve an organization of de working css. “The third stage tinestad inteniication of internal discus sion berwven the leading figs of the Patestinin branch of the ANB These diseussions facined 0 whether oF no the PFLP siven jis new situation after the PLP’s withdrawal, could be transformed into a working class organization, There were Wo Niewpoins. The first viewpoint was held By those who si fend the PFLP. They mainiined that the PLP could be Ueansformed inte lett, Marvst-Leninist party. rope ting «he Palestinian working clas. They eld that inthe teansCacoation process, although st might be lone, the PELP ‘would be able to acquire Marxist-Leninist theory “The sesond viewpoint mainained shat ths was impossible, that PFLP, as a petit bourgcois pariy. could not be transformed into a working class pany. ‘The wavivunn they thought cou! be reached by the PFLP way 40 have leis elements, but not to become a Marxist-Leninist party, This stage ended wih the yon. Wolding thi view sping fam the PELP in Febeusty 1969, t0 form the Demoe Fron: forthe Liberation of Patestine. DELP ‘Naturally, this was na che ony isse of contradiction that, caused the split. There were many poliical and organizational differences, but the main issue that led 10 the split was the issue ‘of transformation. {thought that we could have managed (0 solve the political and organizational differeness ed vhe viewpoints on the transormation process been reconciled The fourth stage: Avter the DFLP’s split, the PELP entered Ae foutth stage in is developmen - Ue age of transforming jmo Marsis-Leninist party, a party for the Palestinian svorking clas, WE are ail inthis stage which is near sucessful onelivion. Tale tage, wIVGH Tared-aTer FebrUary:1969, is Gives into several subsiages, which we can review Through our national congresses: The second congress, which was held in February 1999 issued «The Sirteyy For the Liberation of Palestine», whieh outlined the PF'LP's aspirations and Cutwre (organizational form Between February” 1969 and Match 1972, the PFLP's leadership worked to esystaline the Fronts lefist nature through ts poliial posions and slogans, whether concerning he position of the Jordanian rege, the Jordanian masses and nationalist farees, oF the PFLP's understanding of the concent of Palestinian national unity. In all hese positions, we ‘worked to crytallie out efit politialidemiy 38 9 Paes rian organization forthe working elas. In the third caneress, in Match 1972, we seviewed the organizational structure of the PFLP and outlined the big Shoricomings in this. We examined the factor of this shor coming and vatlines otganirational guidelines 1a overcome this, The congress adopted the internal roles Sad repulations of the PFLP, which are the rules for a communist nary. ‘Then ‘aried the long, hard process of advancing the organizational 6 Sitoation o¢ the Fron 10 the eel outing in he ise es fru regulations, parelarly Yo enact democratic cena “ish e bass forall working lass partes. This 6 oe of the moa dvicu stags through which te Beane bat passed, and mony questions wer rased about fs capi 0 sive in the transformation process. However. around 1979. ns tegamtoeelthacwe bad successfully passed histo Inthe fourth cones, pil 181, we were able 10 resis our satsction wih the progeiswe had achieved in ts transformation process, om both the politcal and organi tional level: We outlined the headlines for our fate aso conclude ihe transformation process by rengthening Ue theoretial knowledge of our leer ship and cadres These ae the sages wndergone by the Fron in its tans imation into 4 Marsit-Leniaist party. As you noted. they ete intewined. vis dificult to totally separate the one fem caer. (hase simply distinguished them in terms of our main Conscious stage ‘THE PELP AND THE SPLITS Who was responsible for the splits in the PFLP? What caused them and were they inevitable or not? To what extent has the Front overcome the possibility of splits in the future? st, et us distinguish between what happened in 1968, when the PLP withdrew, and what happened in (969, shen 3 FOU split to form the DELP. ln the fest case, it was ot split, bt the termination ofa partnership between several organia. ions, esaclly like then the PELP terminated its partnership ‘with the Salvation Feant in April 1987. As for the second case it was a real split. A group from our ranks split and formed anew organization, after it was impossible for thes 10 coexist with the mother organization, especialy since the ais- ferences focused on a central ise, thot of transtormation In 1972, the PFLP again faced a spit by a group which call «aise he Popular Revolusionary Frans Cac the Liberation of Patestine, but this was of lie importance in terms of this 1 0up's size oF poitcaltheoretieal ideas. The disappearance of ‘his organization from the Palestinian potitieal scene prov is wweakness, but in any ease, i was a split. ‘The PFLP has constanily reviewed this issue OF spits Im the ast, we laid all the blame on the group that split, We used 10 study the reasons behind the split, a8 eimed by the spite group. We blamed left opportunism or selfishness er fae Hionalism, et., as the causes for the split. However, withthe aiwance inthe yeansformation graces, ve have changed our ‘ay’ af analyzing tis issue and its couse, In he organizational feport of the uth national congress, We said that in addition {0 the factors for which the splicing group bears the main responsibility, the ineenal situation of the PTB steading bodies at shat time was aso par responsible Tor ue sits ee feive tha given the sate of ie Frans ade tgp ithe lime, yesespnscovkdnorhavebeen prevented Had thesituation bean differen, we might have succeeded it containing and iminiinizing thew. Today, after woo deendes, history has given tivan answer tothe outcome of this experience. Had he PELP lsappeated of shifted 10 the Fight oF cemsined in bowsgzois ‘dcolosy and practice, we could say thatthe viewpoiet of the Comrades of the DFLP was corret. However, sine the co trary has occurted, and the Front has evade grea! progees in the transformation, 10 9 Marnst-Leninist party, the PFLP's viewpoint was proven correct. 1 dont want (0 g0 into des in