Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
Author(s): M. O. B. Caspari
Source: The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 35 (1915), pp. 173-188
Published by: The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/624539 .
Accessed: 22/02/2015 22:27
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend
access to The Journal of Hellenic Studies.
http://www.jstor.org
THE federal union of the Ionian cities established on the coast of Asia
Minor and on the adjacent islands has not yet been the subject of any
comprehensive study. In the standard books on Greek federations it has
received no more than passing mention. Freeman 1 has made some instructive
comments on it, but has not followed its fortunes beyond the earlier years of
its existence; Swoboda has not found room for a description of it in his
recent and up-to-date manual." A discussion of some principal problems
concerning the League is offered in the following pages.
of the League.
I.-Origin
A precise date for the institution of the League cannot be furnished, but
the time of its formation can be defined within certain limits.
In the first place, it is clear that the League had no existence antecedent
to the Ionian migration. The alleged derivation of the Ionians from Achaea,
which might be used to prove that the Ionian League was an offshoot from a
prehistoric union of Ionian cities in Achaea, may be set aside as a fiction of
late growth,3 for the traditions of the several Ionian cities know nothing of
an Achaean origin for any of their inhabitants.4 Indeed it is idle to look for
any common home of the Ionian nation. If anything emerges clearly from
the foundation stories of the individual Ionian cities, it is the fact that they
drew their settlers from many different quai'ters. The colonists cannot have
brought with them any national consciousness, Ionian or other.5 But this is
History of Federal Government(ed. 1893), Boeotian god into Ionia can be readily explained
vol. i. pp. 145-9. by the presence of Boeotian settlers in a good
2 In Hermann's Lehrbuch der griechischen number of the Ionian towns (Wilamowitz-
Staatsalterti2mer(6th ed.), vol. i. Pt. IlI. Moellendorff, Sitzxungsber.Berl. Ak. 1906, pp.
3The belief that the Ionians had their 63-73).
original home in Achaea is first found in 4The importance of the traditions of the
Herodotus (i. 145). In the fourth century B.C. individual Ionian cities has been clearly brought
it was shared by the Ionians themselves (Timo- out by Wilamowitz-Moellendorff (loc. cit.).
theus 1. 247; Diodorus xv. 49). This tradition It is sometimes argued that the Ionians
does not seem to rest on any other foundation were a widely diffused people in prehistoric
than the similarity of name between Poseidon Greece, and that the colonists who migrated to
of Helice in Achaea and the Poseidon Heliconius Asia Minor from Attica, Argolis, Cynuria, and
of the Ionians. The real origin of the latter is Euboea belonged to this nationality. If this
certainly to be sought in Mt. Helicon in Boeotia, were the case, the preponderance of the Ionian
as was pointed out long ago by Aristarchus element among the settlers would have been
(Schol. in II. xx. 404). The importation of a sufficient to justify our speaking of a national
173
this sort are not likely to be in use among baoe' [,]E7& 7b( 7r0'AEhE/OV 'br Me[AzaKdv,
Historic analogy tends to e'' c vie/.](aTc aLrcra[s........... .....a6&[s
primitive peoples.
confirm the conjecture of Wilamowitz-Moellen- ,Cca rb 'IctVer IoLV]bV si;irp ai['rwv EIcpLre]
dorff, that the Ionians, like the Hellenes, navowvlors.
were originally a small tribe whose name was 12 iv. 1: Melite (i.e. Melia) propter civium
applied, faute de mieux, to larger aggregates adrogantiam ab his civitatibus (i.e. 12 other
when the need for collective names came to Ionian towns) bello indicto communi consilio
be felt. est sublata.
6 I.G. xii. 5, No. 444, epoch 27: &p' oi 13CI .I.G. 2254; Hicks, 152; Michel, 36;
Nq[A]ebs Ki[e al &A[A][v] Dittenberger, Or. Gracec. Inscr. 'No. 13; In-
MtArA][ov
•[
d[wa]o[ar 'Iwvl]av ..............,
. 7.. .] Kal] 'r schrzften v. Priene, No. 500.
1' Sitzungsber. Berl. Ak. 1906, p. 38 sqq. a period not much later than that of Iliad
L. 11 sqq. : of pv obv
OYpflp bk. xv.
1. ..7......
o'vwEoho'yovv Avysalwews InrehOdv'ros dirl 20 L. 146: TeOa.7r IhEXI7Twves
/JET&
'IdoVew
['rjv] 'Iw[viav 'rtas oT
8v]vcuR'Ews yEpOovraL. L. 152: $'"Idoves &Opdor elev.
horrobs E'yXhtreL'v riv Xcpav [Kal 2]apu[ovs '1 L1. 29-44 of the Hymn recount a variety
els 'rv v v]70ov
6 y of places in the Aegean basin where Apollo was
h&roxwpjla,,
. rb'v Al"yaaLv,
[ ........ . ]d. Av 'king.' It seems a fair inference .that the
KaraaXo'va haroaadvaL
r&s ab'hs 'robs [Ba vas b ro- Delian was attended by representa-
KT7EeLs, IIpq•r wrav•rydptrs
Tnp44I]ae. tives from these districts.
16 Busolt, Griechische Geschichte, ii.2 p. 463. n i. 143.
7 vii. 4. 9-10. 23
Similarly the name 'Eh~ds must
MEy•dh,
Is Op. cit. pp. 52-3. have been assumed by the Achaean cities of
1" Christ, Geschichte der griechischen Litera- South Italy before 'EAhds had become a generic
tur, i.f pp. 102-3. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff term for Greece.
(loc. cit. p. 71) fixes the date of the Hymn at
applied to the festival at Mycale at a time when the name 'Ionian' was still
confined to the Asiatic cities and had not yet been extended to other parts of
the Aegean coast. And we may reasonably assume that the term 'lIonian'
was current among the cities of Asia Minor before it spread to all the various
peoples who worshipped Apollo at Delos, for a national name of this kind is
more likely to be used in the less extensive sense before it acquires its wider
meaning,2"and Herodotus asserts that the Asiatic cities gloried in the name
' Ionian' at a time when others still shunned it.25 Our conclusion therefore is
that the HavecYwaat Mycale and the league which celebrated it were older
than the 7ravflynpe described by the Homeric Hymn. In other words, the
Ionian League was established early in the seventh century, or possibly at a
still more remote date.
To sum up: the Ionian League cannot have been instituted until some
considerable time after the Ionian migration, but was certainly in existence
by 650 B.c. A date between, say, 900 and 700 B.C.is thus indicated for the
origin of the League.
II.--Purpose of the Lecague.
According to Wilamnowitz-Moellendorff•" the Ionian cities first
banded themselves together for the purpose of coercing the town of Melia,
and they consolidated their alliance into a federation in order to combat
the aggressions of the Lydian kings. Neither of these views seems well
established. Although Vitruvius27 represents no less than twelve other
Ionian towns as making war upon Melia, it is unlikely that a league of these
should have been expressly called into being for so petty an object; such a
procedure would be like cracking a nut with a Nasmyth hammer. And as to
the Lydians, all records of federal action against these are conspicuous by
their absence. It is well-known that the Mermnad kings were unusually
humane conquerors, and they were not averse to making special conventions
with individual Ionian towns.28 Hence it is not a matter for surprise that
the Ionians as a nation did not unite effectively against Lydia. Their league,
far from gaining strength under stress of the Lydian peril, would seem rather
to have been in abeyance in this crisis.
One important point, however, must be freely conceded to Wilamowitz-
Moellendorff. The purpose of the League was political, and not sacred, like
that of the pan-Ionian synod at Delos. Had the primary object of the
League been religious, its meetings would surely have been held in some
sanctuary of wide repute, such as the temple of Apollo at Branchidae, or that
of Artemis at Ephesus, or at the seat of the oracle at Clarus. But the
reverse is the case. The cult of Poseidon at Mycale was of quite subordinate
importance and would hardly have been heard of but for its connexion with
the League. To all intents and purposes the League created the cult; the
cult certainly did not create the League.
24 Witness '"EhhAAves,' ' Itali,' 'Franks,' 26 Loc. cit. pp. 46, 78.
" i. 143. 2 iv. 1. 28 E.g. Miletus.
SBritons.'
What, then, was the political end which the League was designed to
compass ? A clue to this problem is furnished by Wilamowitz-Moellendorff,
who shows good reason for believing that the territories of several Ionian
towns had once belonged to the Aeolians,"9 and throws out the suggestion
that the sense of common nationality was aroused among the Ionian cities
by contrast with the neighbouring Aeolians.30 It is but one step further to
suppose that the Ionian League was formed for the purpose of maintaining
and extending Ionian territory at the expense of the Aeolians. These latter
had undoubtedly formed a coalition against the Ionians on the occasion of
the war for the possession of Smyrna,3' and if the Ionians defeated this
coalition, they too must have been banded together in a league. But since
the wars which the Ionians waged against the Aeolians were ex hypothesi
previous to the foundation of several Ionian towns, they must have occurred
at an early date, for the tale of Ionian communities had been completed by
650 B.C.32 Hence it may be inferred that the rivalry between Ionians and
Aeolians dates as far back as the Ionian League, and that it was the cause of
the League.
If any special reason were needed for explaining the continuance of the
League, we had better look, not to the Lydians, but to the Cimnmerians.
Unlike the Lydians, the Cimmerians had no great sympathy with the
Greeks and showed no mercy to their antagonists, but destroyed cities 33 and
temples 34 alike. The flutter which they and their allies caused among
the Ionians is attested by the poems of Archilochus and Callinus, and by the
well-known sarcophagi from Clazomenae. The Cimmerian invasion therefore
would seem a suitable occasion for the consolidation of the Ionian League.35
But there is no imperative need for supposing that anything more than the
hostility of the Aeolians was the cause of the League being formed and
maintained. Indeed the supineness of the League in the days of the Lydian
invasion suggests that it had not been called into activity since the Aeolian
wars.
29 The conversion of Smyrna from an Aeolian 32 This follows from the passage of Vitruvius
into an Ionian town is well attested (Herodotus and the inscriptions quoted on pp. 2 and 3
i. 150). For the case of Phocaea, Clazomnenae, above.
Chios and Erythrae, see Sitzungsber. Berl. Ak. s Magnesia-on-Maeander.
1906, p. 62. *
The Artemisium at Ephesus.
30 Similarly the philo-Dorian and anti-Ionian s'
The &v~payaOlafor which the Ionian League
bias of Herodotus seems to have been induced honoured Hector of Chios (Pausanias vii. 4. 10)
in him by the rivalry between the Dorians of may have been displayed in the Cimmerian
his native city of Halicarnassus and the neigh- wars.
bouring Ionians, especially the Milesians. 3" Herodotus i. 145.
'1 Herodotus i. 150. "7 Vitruvius iv. 1.
H.S.-VOL. XXXV. N
suggestion that the Ionians were being asked to convert their federation into
a unitary state.
On the other hand Freeman hardly goes far enough in speaking
of a council for 'common consultation and defence.' This description
could quite well be applied to the Ionian League in its unreformed and
ineffective condition; it in no way explains what practical difference the
reformed constitution was intended to produce.
How and Leigh's explanation is an advance upon Freeman's in that
it attributes to the reformed League the controlling power in foreign
policy. This suggestion brings out the proper force of the comparison
between the federating cities and 3ipot. In Greek states a itjoc commonly
had its local self-government and local executive, and its members might
or might not possess the franchise of the 7rjX1Sto which it was attributed,
but in no case could a &ijov enter into relations with foreign powers.
However else the relations of wrd-v and 80pov might vary, the wrgjLX
always exercised exclusive control of foreign policy.54
We may, therefore, agree with How and Leigh that the distinctive
feature of the reformed League was to be that the cities were to lose
all powers of waging wars and making treaties independently, that
reference of questions of foreign policy to the League Council was to be
henceforth not permissive but compulsory.
This conclusion raises the question whether the League was to be
provided with an executive of its own. To make its control over the
foreign and military policy of the cities effective, the League could not
properly have dispensed with a separate executive. The analogy of
rok6Xtand 8sov also points to the same inference. Though the 8,wov
commonly had its own officials, the 7roXt9never lacked a separate magistracy
and indeed was inconceivable without it. Moreover the executive of
the 7r6Xv would invariably override that of a Sitoc in case of conflict.
But the only certain thing is that the League was intended to exercise
an effective control over foreign and military policy; the means proposed
for making that control effective cannot be determined.
Whatever the precise details of the above scheme may have been,
there can be no doubt as to its soundness. The lack of a controlling
organ which might compel the cities to fall into line at times of common
peril was the very cause of the League's comparative ineffectiveness.
A further good point in the scheme was that the seat of the federal
government was to be transferred from Mycale to Teos. The central
situation of Teos made it obviously suitable as meeting place for a
parliament, and its small size was a guarantee that it would not gain a
controlling influence in the federal Council, as Athens did in the Council
of the Delian League. We may share Herodotus' regret that no attempt
was made to save Ionia by reconstituting its League on the above lines.
4 No further conclusion can be drawn from 42). Here 8ipoi simply means the inhabitants
the use of the word ai•/oL in a federal inscription of a city.
of the 3rd century B.c. (l ichel, No. 486, 11. 24,
refer to the Ionian League.65 As the composition was not later than 395 B.C.66
the inference is that the League was revived about 400 B.c. Its restoration
may have been due to Agesilaus, whose policy was to conciliate the Asiatic
Greeks and to foster Hellenic solidarity among them. But it may equally
well have been the result of independent action by the Ionian cities, who
had recovered their freedom in 401 B.c. at the hands of Cyrus, only to be
threatened with fresh subjection to Persia after Cyrus' death,7 and received
no effective support from Sparta till the arrival of Dercyllidas in 399 B.C.
It is not impossible that the appeal addressed to Sparta for help against
Persia,s was made by the League on behalf of the threatened cities.
The number of cities participating in the revived League was only
nine.69 The three outstanding cities cannot be determined with certainty;
but it may be conjectured that they were Miletus, which had never
escaped Persian domination since 404 B.C.,70and the island states of Samos
and Chios, which were not directly threatened by Persia.
The duration of the League of nine cities cannot have been long.
The surrender of the mainland towns to Persia by the King's peace of
386 B.C must have involved its disruption, for these towns were now kept
in strict subjection. If the Persians went so far as to maintain garrisons in
the Ionian cities,7' they would hardly be likely to tolerate a political league
among them. Another proof of the League's speedy dissolution is to be
found in an inscription 72 recording the decision of a dispute between
Priene and Myus by a court formed under the presidency of Struthas, the
Persian satrap whose campaign in 392 B.C. has been noticed above. The
reference of this case to a Persian governor shows that the League no longer
was in existence, else a suit of this kind would almost certainly have been
submitted to its judgement.
may have decided to reconstitute the League of the Ionian cities, so that
his patronage of the League might give him a better legal standing as
overlord of its territory.
But whether or not the League started as an independent formation,
the Diadochi certainly lost no time in bringing it under their control.
Experience had shown in the case of the Lamian League, and was still
to show in the case of the Aetolian and Achaean Leagues, that independent
bodies of this kind could be very troublesome even to a great territorial
sovereign. King Antigonus did not scruple to interfere with a high
hand in the affairs of individual Ionian cities, as is proved by the
compulsory orvout~ctrureof Lebedus and Teos.s' Lysimachus, besides
forcibly transplanting the people of Ephesus,s5 placed garrisons in the
cities,s and the Pergamene kings imposed taxation.87 It is hardly
likely, therefore, that these rulers left the League entirely to its own
devices. King Eumenes put it under monetary obligations to himself,s8
and Antiochus II even gave it a new constitution.89
A clear proof of the dependence of the League on the great territorial
kings is afforded by the kind of business which it transacted. Its functions
have now become purely sacral and formal. So far as we know, they do
not extend beyond the passing of votes of thanks,90 the erection of com-
plimentary statues,91 and the celebration of anniversary games in honour
of living or dead monarchs.92 The hearing of arbitral suits on behalf of
the constituent cities, which probably had been its most useful employment
in earlier days, seems to have been discontinued altogether, for cases
outstanding between the Ionian cities are now commonly referred to
some extraneous power such as king Lysimachus,93 the republic of Rhodes,94
the Roman Senate,95 or a Roman magistrate.96
Owing to the rapid changes in the distribution of power among
Alexander's successors, the cities of the League were not always united under
one suzerain. The whole of Ionia appears to have fallen into the hands of
Antigonus Monophthalmus, and to have passed subsequently into the
dominion of Lysimachus. The greater part of the mainland cities next was
88 Michel, 485, 11. 2-4: 'Ir'rdr'rparos 'Irro- 90 Michel, 485 and 486.
84yov c(Aos v 70o BaasEAiow[s Avar-] 91 Michel, 485, 11. 13-14: a?ora[i 6; ab]'roi
M,-,afo,,
FtdXoX ,cal o7rpa-rinybs dw1 i-n rdFAe[wv] r&v ical eiiodva Xcogacvd4y' 77rwrovd navoalviws].
'Idawov Karao 'rae s. Dittenb. Or. Graec. Inscr. 763, 1. 26: TlaOal
s7 Cardinali, Regno di Pergamo, pp. 88-95. 84 eZicva xpuuf'i Ivid cln &j jSobbwas drcb r
ss Dittenberger, Or. Gra c. Inscr. 761, 11. 'Iwvias.
51-5: b'wrs 6; Kal eis rb holorbv Y v ravY- S'AAer Strabo xiv. 1. 31 and Michel
L "ri70s 11. 24-5: ,spera:
yupes T&'v 7ijpaV yovnTes 486, rh 7o'Awl [ Iv SL&y crvvreAdAcwerv
fla,'wviwa• dn'ciuFov
I)LLLV Thv
8r7t4aver8'rpav .rA,1v
4op'rhv
7'r, 'AhAeavpeiwv. Anniversary of
s1POrwdSous 3Apr; *rds Lvvy-rexl're,
t].
Ov]oia, see
Eumenes: 'roVn. 88.
icrdK~S Avar[7ier
89 Josephus, Ant. Jud. 12. ? 125 (ed. Naber): " Tod, International Arbitration, No. LXI.
7'y KLVlOu'rWV dr' abrdobs ('robs 'IovSalovs),
"
)'livW, Ibid. No. LXII.
Kal 6Eop~Lvwv 'roi 'Aypirrra 7ris rohArLtelas *
',va Ibid. Nos. LXIII.-LXIV.
,' ab'ross 'AvrloXos 6 Z~heAri ov "6 Ibid. No. LXXIII.
•8C•,e
transferred to the Seleucids, and finally was made over to the kings of
Pergamum. But the islands and some portions of the mainland, after a
brief occupation by Demetrius Poliorcetes, eventually fell into the hands of
the Ptolemies.7 It is very doubtful whether under these circumstances the
Ionian League maintained its integrity for long: probably the number of its
constituent cities fluctuated considerably. The number of federating towns
was also affected by such events as the S of Lebedus and Teos in
orvvo•crO-.o
306-2 B.c., and the destruction of Colophon and Lebedus in 287 B.c.
Nevertheless the total of thirteen cities, which had been attained under king
Lysimnachusby the addition of New Smyrna to the twelve members of the
sixth and fifth centuries, survived all the vicissitudes of the League and
remained a consecrated number down to the latest period of its existence.s
Concerning the constitution of the League in the third and second
centuries B.C.we are comparatively well informed. The federal business was
transacted by a /ovX4 of delegates appointed, we know not on what system,
by the constituent cities." There is no trace of a federal dKc/Xrloaa,and in
view of the formal character of the League it is unlikely that such a body
existed. The most important fiunction of the /ovX~ consisted in its com-
munications with the monarchs who acted as protectors of the League,100and
with the monarchs' residents in the various cities.?10 In addition, it ad-
ministered the federal festival at Mycale.102 Pursuant to this business, it had
powers to receive and send envoys,103to strike coins,104and to impose certain
tasks on the constituent cities, such as the publication of federal decrees,10?
the execution of buildings and statues,'06 and the bestowal of immunities
upon friends of the League.'o7 The most remarkable of these prerogatives
are the last three, which imply a considerable power of interference in the
finances of the federating cities. Nevertheless the part played by the
federal /ovX5 was not by any means overbearing. We have already seen
that it lacked military and judicial powers.10s Its financial position likewise
was not enviable. The profits derived from its mints and from tolls which
9$ See Beloch, Griechische Geschichte, iii. Pt. 2, Or. Grac. Inscr. 763, 1. 31.
pp. 271-9, and the maps at the end of the 10o Catalogue of Greek Coins in British
volume. n:
Museum lonia, p. 16. Head, Historia
98 Head, Historia Numorum 2, p. 566. Numorumr2,p. 566.
Michel, 485, 1. 1: aostv IJz'wV 7iwL KOLVWL 10? Michel, 485, 11. 21-5: &vevrEy]rELYv
"rcV
-rpe[woata]]8Ea r6ad wv. EKdoToVs *rPV /OUXEZrjTJ -r& dy[vwray]va 3Id;ot
99 Michel, 486, 1. 8: [E•e'OatL1tl EiC ~TWY ELs 7rS 18lar 7rdAEL, b~rwss brd[pXfl di] 'ron
L vaS Ja r&
ouv4E&plwy 6io rO&<p' EKcITdo7s to'A/E[Ws wplT- pgotdors ypaf-l [y vco]-
IeLs]. lva b7rb 'IchowY.
10ooMichel, 486 (in honour of Antiochus 1" Michel, 485, 11. 20-25:
Arrera
6h rd-
Soter). Xess a6o a;, aY'ravEs d[wsLEX;]eoorasL 67ws
101 Michel, 485 (in honour of an officer of ai ; i 'Irooerpacro[& o-ra]oC8i Kalr
elK•
king Lysimachus). "rdxos.
1o2 This may be inferred from the words of o'07Michel,
485, 11. 11-12: ab'rrbn
Er•a, h&reX.
Dittenb. Or. Graec.Inscr. 763, quoted in n. 88: [ wras]r0ae'tL ,a(-s 'r&v 'IdCvwV.Inscrs.
dv
'wdVrw
in Brit. Mlus. 426, 1. 8: &reX)s 8' Wo7at 4[dv-
if king Eumenes offered to the League to pay
part of the expenses of the festival, it follows rw]v, K&dawe[p KaC i o1] (t r ~t
Trrl( wVaCYEYpr'ral•.
that the League had charge of the festival. ibid. No. 427, 1. 3.
10 Michel, 486, 1. 8 (see n. 99); Dittenb. 10osSee above, p. 185.
may have been levied at the Panionium would perhaps suffice to defray the
outlay upon that festival and the official inscriptions set up on its site.
Extraordinary expenditure, e.g., for the making of statues, had to be passed on
to one or other of the constituent cities, and the burden of publicly entertaining
distinguished guests appears to have devolved permanently upon Priene, in
whose territory the Panionium was situated and the /3ovX~ held its sessions.xo
In return, Priene had the right of appointing the priest who officiated at the
federal festival.10
The 3ovXi's powers were also rendered nugatory in a large degree by
the wide discretion which the federating cities kept in their own hands.
Not only did they undertake in turn such formal duties as the celebration of
the 'AXeidv8peta,'11 but they frequently kept up independent communication
with foreign powers and referred their disputes for arbitration to any one but
their Federal Council.'2
Of the constitution granted to the League by Antiochus II nothing is
known.
1' Inschriften von Priene, Nos. 4, 11. 35, 6; Hiller as subsequent to 84 m.c. But the
8, 1. 39; 1J8, 1. 5; 34, 1. 4; 103, 1. 11; fb8, chronological indications in the inscription
11. 6, 322; 109, 11. 8, 9; 110, 11. 3, 4; 113, are hardly sufficient to establish this point.
11. 6, 7, 109; 174, 11. 7, 8. Ant. Jud. 12.
110 Strabo
xiv. 1. 20.
115 Josephus, ? 125 (referring
to Agrippa's sojourn in Asia Minor 23-21 and
',- v
11' Michel, 486, 11. 24-6: jr0XYV [ 17-13 B.c.); Strabo viii. 1, 2; xiv. 1. 31.
Av avv7eXe.earcev 7-v Ov]oiaY 7c-yv'Ahegr- . of Tyana, iv. 5.
116 Life of Apollonius
peiwav [7rapauacceyv 'robls 8io]uv. "1 British Museum Catalogue of Coins: lonia,
d',ras
112 See the cases quoted in nn. 93-96. p. 16.
11'3 Inschr. v. Priene, Nos. 108-110, which 1s Philostratus, Vitae Sophistarum, ii. 25.
belong to the period 129-88 n.c. 119 Head, pp. 566, 571.
"14 Inschr. v. Priene, No. 113, is dated by
League was still considered a privilege, from which the Ionians sought to
exclude aliens.120 But the practical importance of the League was now less
than ever. The last remnants of its political functions passed over to the
larger IcothV 7v4 'Ao-Ia founded by Augustus, and its character became
entirely sacral, as is shown by the prominence which accrued to an official
known as the 'AoaapXb Itcal 'ApXLEpeeb 'r-cv cy' 7r~Xeov. In its religious
functions moreover it was overshadowed by the more splendid ceremonies of
the icotvbv whose chief official, as we have seen, the Ionian
7T Aoiav,
League imitated in its 'AoreapXy icat 'ApX1epepc. Furthermore the federal
festival was much exposed to the competition of municipal deities and
ceremonies which freely usurped the name IHavtawta.'21 In fact, it is
tolerably clear that in its later days the Ionian League was devoid of any
meaning, and that its festivals subserved the purpose of mere amusement
untinged by pan-Ionian patriotism.
M. O. B. CASPARI.
120 Josephus, Ant. JLd. 12. ? 125 (see n. 89 p. 586. A still more impudent claim was made
above). When the Ionians petitioned Agrippa by the city of Colophon, which not only dubbed
to 'exclude the Jews from the constitution' the Clarian Apollo navLdnr'os nIBLos (I.G. iii.
they were no doubt thinking of various im- 175), but issued coins with figures of the
munities enjoyed by the members of the thirteen federating cities engaged in sacrifice
League. before the temple of Apollo Clarius and the
121 'nrarLdura' on coins of Ephesus: Head, legend TO KOINON TO2NILINfN (B. M. Cata-
p. 577; do. on coins of Smyrna: Head, p. 591. logue, P1. VIII. 16).
' lavLncdLa fliBLa' on coins of Miletus: Head,