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Introduction
concern perceived in literature. Rather it is an issue that has been dealt with in different ways
by novelists, dramatists and poets. India has shown an upward movement in its economical
and socio-political development; many new laws and regulations have been also implemented
to bring a balance in the society that is highly stratified on the grounds of caste, class and
gender. However, unfortunately, the social situation related with gender and caste
marginalization has failed to show any positive change. Rather, camouflaged under
When the concerns of human life are so intricately linked with society, it is the
dramatic art which comes as one of the best choices as a vehicle to spread consciousness
about the social issues. Drama and theatre reflect the ideals of the society, its determination to
survive, its ethos, emotions, fellow-feelings, even contradictions and conflicting ideologies.
In his talk on theatre and his work at Confluence Asia International Literary Festival
at Guwahati, Dattani observed, “Theatre being a mirror to society has a great deal of truth, no
matter whatever theatre one creates...” (Dattani). Probably of all the art forms that reflect
society in its different hues, theatre has an everlasting social and mass appeal. It embodies
social realities. An intersection between society and literature is evident in a dramatic text
and again between society and stage in its performative form, i.e. drama. This intersection
between text and stage on one hand and society on the other is a unique feature of drama that
1
Drama captures and enacts on the stage the various facets of a changing society. As a
cultural art form it has an immense social significance in reflecting, regulating and inviting a
change in the moral conditions of the society. Therefore, drama besides providing
entertainment also functions as an apt tool for creating social awareness and mobilise the
masses against the evils of the society. On its diverse role, Martin Esslin observes that drama,
as a co-operative and collaborative performing act exercises a powerful and lasting moral
impact by “reflecting the attitude of the more advanced groups among the population,
exposing them to public outrage and discussion and thus gradually penetrating the conscience
of society” (172-3).
Sri Aurobindo, one of the most renowned Indian dramatists, makes an observation
that since the internal situations of characters is as important as the external paraphernalia a
fine balance must be maintained between the two. In his treatise, The Future Poetry, he
Drama must have interpretative vision; the vision must contain an explicit or
implicit idea of life, the vision and idea seem to arise out of the inner life of
action, the true movement and result in all great drama is really psychological
(91-94).
Set within the context of contemporary Indian drama, the research study explores the
society through the selected plays of Vijay Tendulkar, Raju Das and Mahesh Dattani. The
study encompasses three dramatists who belong to different geographical locales in the
Indian subcontinent, writing in either regional languages as Tendulkar and Raju Das or
exclusively in English like Mahesh Dattani. While the plays of Tendulkar were originally
written in Marathi and later translated into English, Raju Das’s plays have not been translated
2
in English. Mahash Dattani, however, uses English as his medium for his dramatic work.
Since Dattani aims to reach multi-lingual community of India and abroad through his drama,
he takes the help of a common language that can address his global audience without any
problem. He even defends the use of English, “You’ve got to be true to your expressions.
English is for me a sort of given. It’s my language as it is to a lot of Indians here and abroad”.
In spite of the regional and linguistic differences, one common element that shadows all their
differences is their concern with gender and caste marginalization prevalent in modern
society.
The study explores the dynamics of caste and gender oppression and marginalization
in the works of the selected playwrights. Caste and gender discrimination and marginalization
have become a common sight in modern families and developed cities. Tendulkar’s Silence
the Court is in Session, Kamala, The Vultures, Kanyadaan and Ghashiram Kotwal depict the
violent marginalization of female gender that push them to a perpetual silence. Raju Das’s
main concern is with caste and women and the intersection between caste and gender that
render women doubly marginalised in a caste based society. Dattani devotes his career in
dramatic writing to capture gender discrimination and marginalisation that is practiced very
subtly in modern, educated families that forces the discriminated lot to ultimate silence.
II
Indian culture is an amalgamation of many civilizations that had taken place in its
land and hence, the land has witnessed many theatrical traditions. These theatrical traditions
were either a part of ritualistic activities performed during religious ceremonies or were a part
of their lifestyle. The existence of theatrical tradition can be traced back to as early as Indus
Valley Civilization that was the first to develop a city. Although, it left no suggestion of
drama as an art form, the archeological excavations that took place in the ancient cities of
3
Mohenjodaro and Harappa reveal that dance as a cultural art form existed. The small copper
and stone figurines of dancers that were excavated also leave with a possibility that the
civilization that had dancers might have also had music and song as a part of the ritual
Immediately after Indus Valley Civilization came to an abrupt end around 1500 B.C,
India witnessed several successive conquests from the West, the culture and civilization of
which became the dominant one and highly influenced the Indian culture. The first of all the
invaders were the Aryans, whose religion and philosophy of life were evident in a collection
of sacred hyms that later became a part of Rig Vedic compositions. These hymns left ample
Suniti Kumar Chatterji too is of the opinion that the presence of dialogues in Rig
Veda can be regarded as the first possible trait of developing drama as an art form. He
observes:
In India, from the earliest times in her history, at least more than 2000years ago,
the art of drama seems to have been well established... In Rig Veda, e. g. we find
address each other in verses which are looked upon in orthodox Vedic tradition as
According to Paul Kurtz, around the eighth century B.C., the dialogues that had its
presence as sacred hymns in the Rig Veda developed into a dramatic theatre. Drawing a close
similiarity with the cult of Dionysus that gave rise to Greek theatre, Kurtz believes that Indian
theatre also has its roots in the; performances of the Vedic religion that took place in the
temple premises in the fourth century B.C. In addition to this, Paul Kurtz also belives that the
Jataka stories that illuminated on Indian life between 600 B.C. and 300 B.C. were also replete
4
with evidences of the presence of theatre (66). Other notable historians like D. D. Kosambi,
Debiprasad Chattopadhaya and Adya Rangacharya too trace the origin of drama in the rituals
prevalent amongst Indo-Aryan tribes and confirm its existence in the crudest form in the Rig-
Vedic times.
The famous scholar of Sanskrit and Indologist, A. B. Keith strongly supports the fact
that Indian theatre has a divine origin. Regarding its divine origin, A. B. Keith opines,
“Indian tradition, preserved in The Natyasastra, the oldest of the texts on the theory of the
drama, claims for the drama divine origin, and a close connexion with the sacred Vedas
themselves” (12). Even according to E. P. Horrwitz, drama had a divine origin that was
passed on to the earth to cater to the five sense organs of the mortals on the earth at the
...when mankind turned aside from the Divine Will, and everybody followed his
own direction. Strife and bloodshed came into existence, but God was merciful,
and separated the sexes, creating male and female, that love once more might
bind the self-willed race. No sooner did the heart feel drawn to outward things
than men lost his power of introspection. The five organs of sense were evolved
in order that gods and mortals might quench their thirst for worldly pleasures.
Indra, delegated by the other gods, approached the throne of the Godhead, and
said: “O Brahma, we wish to feast our eyes and ears on a dramatic spectacle;
theatrical art had given Indian dramatics a definite shape and meaning. Bharatmuni, in his
Natyashastra, described drama as: “Natako Panchamo Veda”, meaning ‘drama is the fifth
Veda’. The main objective of composing the fifth Veda was to instruct the life of ethics and
5
to provide some entertainment to the Gods and the humans created the art of Drama. Thus,
Bharatmuni composed a new one taking several valuable elements from the existing Vedas:
The recitative (pathya) he took from the Rigveda, the song from the Saman,
Histrionic Representation (abhinaya) from the Yajur, and Sentiments (rasa) from
the Atharvaveda, [and] thus was created the Natyaveda connected with the Vedas
principal and subsidiary (vedopaveda), by the holy Brahman who knows [them]
all. (Bharatmuni 4)
Later, on the request of Brahma that Bharatmuni, the father of Indian theatrical art, penned
down a theoretical treatise on Indian performing arts, including theatre, dance, acting and
music, which came to be known as Natya Shastra of Bharata for the mortals on the earth.
festivals and public ceremonies in the Mauryan Dynasty founded by Chandragupta Maurya
(reigned from 321 B.C. to 297 B.C.). The Buddhist missionaries who travelled to Ceylon,
Syria, Greece, Tibet, China and Japan to spread Buddhism employed various forms of of arts
including drama to teach Buddhist philosophy. The Gupta Dynasty (A.D 320 - A.D. 535) that
is considered to be the Golden Age in the history of India and later embraced Buddhism took
Natya Shastra of Bharata is one text that can be compared to Aristotle’s Poetics.
Bharata’s Natya Shastra is the first attempt to develop the techniques in a systematic manner.
Drama, as Bharata Muni says, is the imitation of men and their doings (loka-vritti). In his
detailed theory of drama Bharat Muni observes that all modes of expression used by an
individual such as speech, gestures, movements and intonations must be employed in drama.
Thus, drama as a composite art had already been established by Bharata Muni in the Pre-
Vedic age. As a composite art, it is understood that the function of drama is to provide
instruction, entertainment, enlightenment, happiness, peace and moral upliftment. This can be
6
compared to Martin Esslin’s analysis of drama. Though Esslin belongs to the twentieth
century, his observation is similar to that of Bharata regarding the function of drama, thus
proving that drama all over the world and at all times, basically, seems to have the same
purpose:
The ‘scene’, the ‘play’, the whole gamut of staged events that fall under the
description of ‘drama’ can, indeed, not only help us to pass the time agreeably but
provide us with strong emotional experiences, ‘strike us to our soul’ and produce
powerful effects upon our lives, our thinking, our behaviour. (22)
According to Historian Will Durant, drama in India is as old as the Vedas. He traces
the origin of drama in the Upanishads. Though he accepted its presence in the sacrificial rites
and festival ceremonies, he argued that the final spur to drama came with Alexander’s
conquest of India and the consequent influence of Greece culture on India (Varadpande 36).
He further traces the history of dramatic literature in India with the plays of Bhasa of fourth-
fifth century B.C. and the performance of its single acts by the Chakyar actors of Kerala in
eminent Sanskrit playwrights whose contributions to Sanskrit theatre are worth mentioning.
Bhasa (Fifth Century BC) is considered to be the earliest Sanskrit playwright. His plays were
mainly based on the Ramayana, the Mahabharata and the Puranas. Kalidasa (Third to Fourth
Century AD) is the greatest playwright in the ancient Sanskrit theatre whose plays
influence on its successors. Unlike the plays of Bhasa that were steeped in the epics, Kalidasa
found the source of his plays in the daily life around him. Bhavabhuti, the great Indian
dramatist and poet of the Eighth Century and Harsha, the great emperor, too made a
7
remarkable contribution to the development of Sanskrit drama in India. Bhavabhuti’s
Mahavirachitra (“Exploits of the Great Hero”) depicting various episodes from Ramayana,
Malatimadhava (“Malati and Madhava”), a complex love story full of intrigues and sacrifices
and Uttararamacharita( “The Later Deeds of Rama”) are some of his well kmown plays.
However, post fifth centry B.C. Sanskrit theatre gradually started fading out.
into various forms through the traditional and classical folk. The dramas of later India that
consisted of music and comedy were known as Sangeets (Gargi 37). These Sangeets were the
combination of comedy and music. Besides Sangeets other common types of theatre that
depended heavily on the folk traditions were Puppetry, Jatra and Kobigaan in Bengal and
With the rebirth of Loknatya (People's Theatre) or folk theatre or traditional theatre in
the Tenth Century B.C. various folk arts like Jatra and Nautanki in Bengal, Bhand Jashin in
Andhra Pradesh, Ramleela and Rasleela in Rajasthan, Rass and Jhoomer in Punjab and
Kutiyattam, Mohiniattam and Kathakali dance dramas in Kerala also started making their
presence felt (Doctor and Chaze 145). These folk arts, unlike the Sanskrit theatre, flourished
in the countryside. However, because of the absence of sufficient scholarship on this art form,
it failed to grow as drama and make its place in the dramatic tradition as the Sanskrit theatre
did.
Another form of folk theatre that came into existence between 17th and 15th century
B.C. was the one that was heavily inspired by the Bhakti religious movement. Since the
theatrical form of folk art best suited to spread the ideologies and objectives of the religious
movement, it was adopted in different parts of the country in its ritualistic observations.
8
Ankianat in Assam, Bhagavatamela in Tamil Nadu, Krishnattam in Kerala, Kuchipudi in
Andhra Pradesh, Dashavatar in Maharashtra and Rasleela and Ramleela in Uttar Pradesh are
some of the typical examples of this. As the Vaishnava Bhakti movement started waning out,
dramatic tradition started being shaped by Shaiva influence as is visible in the dramatic form
of Jatra in Bengal that was expressed through stories as in Chandimangal, Haraparvati, etc.
However, soon the interest of the masses shifted from religious themes to socio-political
historical themes and another new form of theatre emerged under different names like
and other dramatic modes such as Tamasha, Bhavai, Mach, Nautanki in Maharashtra. It was
in the popularity of indigenous folk forms that the dramatic tradition in India was kept alive
until it came into contact with the Western influence with British colonisation in India.
The cultural life in Bengal, before it was influenced by the European theatre, was
steeped into various folk forms of entertainment like jatra, tarja and kabi-gaan. Some
common stylistic elements of the indigenous folk forms like Vaishnava Padavali (poems on
Lord Krishna and Radha), Gauriya Vaishnavism (the cult of Krishna worship in Bengal),
Mangal Kavya (long poems on local gods), Panchali (devotional songs sung to celebrate the
glory of a deity), Krittibas Ojha’s Ramayana, Kasiram Das’s Mahabharata, Kabigan (poetic
recitals) and Jatra can be traced in the Bengali plays composed in Pre Independence period
(Sen 105). The presence of these features in Bengali drama was not an inevitable part of
drama to retain the cultural ethos but rather they had gained such popularity amongst the
lower strata of the society that in order to have their viewership, the presence of these
on Bengali Stage, who is of the opinion that “Old Jatra has no connection with the Bengali
drama” (Bandyopadhyay 19), Sukumar Sen observes that the usage of songs in Bengali
drama clearly hints at the influence of jatra on Bengali drama (Sen 142).
9
However, as the Bengali drama gradually moved towards loud and obscene
representation in its content, tone and enactment, it lost the patronage of the urban, educated
people; so much so that it was altogether neglected and people avoided being a part of its
audience. This in turn created a cultural vacuum in Calcutta which was then influenced and
captured by the European style of theatre during the second half of 18th century. It marked the
Though according to Gargi the development of theatre in India was slow (54), Erin
Bee attributes its stable growth and development to British rule in India. According to him:
Modern theatre in India developed as part of the colonial enterprise in three port
cities established and built up by the British East India Company - Calcutta,
Bombay and Madras. In the nineteenth century the British introduced Modern
presented as the apex of British Civilization. The spread of English drama was
part of colonizing Indian culture; it was designed not only to shape artistic
Drama, Theory, and Urban Performances in India since 1947, clearly pinpoints the European
influence in the development of “modem urban theatre” in India. The dramatic tradition
which infused the European organisational structures, textual features, and performance
conventions from Europe, in contents were typically Indian in flavour. Gradually as the
Western influence on Indian Drama kept on increasing, it gave rise to a new dramatic theory
10
that was adopted by many regional dramatic associations and led to a large scale translation
The European influence introduced the proscenium stage with a remarkable spatial
difference between the performers and the audience. While the performance took on a
heightened stage, the audience was seated on a lower level, either at the same level or in a
gradual elevated structure of seating. The difference that the proscenium stage maintained
between the performers and the audience was both in height and distance. Following this
trend a number of theatres cropped up in the city of Calcutta. ‘The Theatre’, a playhouse that
followed the the form of proscenium, was the first of its kind to be built in Calcutta in 1753.
However, after the attack of Nawab Sirajuddin on the city in 1756, it was closed down. After,
a long gap of more than one and a half decades in 1775, ‘The New Playhouse’, also known as
‘The Calcutta Theatre’, came up under the patronage of Warren Hastings. It was followed by
other proscenium playhouses like that of Chowringhee Theatre (1813–39) and the Sans Souci
This new trend of Proscenium theatre brought in a new link between the theatre and
its audience. The urban, elite and educated audiences stayed connected with the theatre either
in the form of owner, actor or audience and in due course of time the affluent class of Bengali
society took over all the three roles. The proscenium theatre that introduced the system of
tickets, kept away many of its audiences who could not pay for the tickets. However, with
the highest price at the auction, theatre was opened for all, irrespective of the class to which
its audience belonged to. The Bengalis soon managed to have full control on the Proscenium
11
theatre on 1st August, 1848 with the performance of Baishnab Charan Auddy in the role of
Othello.
Though the first half of 19th century in Bangla Theatre was marked by performance of
translated English and French plays on proscenium theatre by of all native actors, soon the
Bengali intellectuals felt the urge to compose plays in their own native language on concerns
that were particular of their motherland. This was also the time when many of the Sanskrit
plays were translated into English and were performed on the stage. This in turn introduced
another trend of theatre that came to be known as Babu Theatre or Baganbari theatre
(Chattopadhya 202). As the urban elite and educated class of people took the initiative to
write plays on their interest areas, theatre gradually moved away from the public to more
private spaces of the wealthy affluent classes. The plays that were composed and performed
were restricted to narrow objectives of attaining some favours of the English officials or
showing off their wealth through the production of a play during some festivity.
The most famous of the Babu Theatre was the Hindu Theatre owned by Prasanna
Kumar Tagore. Its purely Indian content and concerns brought a freash lease of life in the
domain of Private theatre (Chowdhury 62). Its first production was English translation of
Bhababhuti’s UttarRamacharita on December 14, 1831. This trend of theatre was enriched
by many more production houses that followed it like that of Nabin Basu’s Theatre at
Beadon Street, Ramjoy Basak’s Theatre at Natun Bazar, Gadadhar Seth’s Theatre at Bara
Private Theatrical Society’ by Radhakanta Deb (Sarkar 516). Though the private theatre
gained quite a popularity because of the new experiments that it tried with stage techniques,
12
stage props, lights and sound and music, soon started fading out because of the introduction
of socio-cultural themes that made the Babus feel uncomfortable because it brought out the
Unlike the Babus who were typical representatives of the Babu culture, Nobel
Laureate Rabindranath Tagore showed his committed humanistic vision, patriotic impulse
through his dramas. Tagore’s dramatic work ranges from philosophical to mystical, political
to social and even satirical plays. Tagore’s concerns with social issues of caste discrimination
find expression in Chandalika (1926) and Natir Pooja (1927). As his deep understanding of
the social system of the period enabled him to poignantly address the social concerns, so did
his deep insight into human lives allowed him to represent Indian womanhood in the most
honest way possible. His Muktadhara (1922) which is considered to be a strong political play
highlights his intense patriotic feelings. Regarding Tagore’s richness of dramatic art, R. K.
Ramaswami observes, “...More than anything else, he has shown the way both in the respect
of ideas as well as of methods by which the soul of Indians could be realized and revealed in
whose contribution, if not had an overwhelming influence, was steeped in social concerns.
Social evils and practises had a symbolic presentation in his hands. His plays were not much
influenced by the western philosophy and techniques rather clearly showed his commitment
towards what later came to be known as Progressive Writers’ Movement. The abject poverty
of the peasants and the downtrodden are best captured in his The Window and Parrots and
However, by the second half of the 19th Century Bangla theatre gained a new
momentum in the hands of Madhusudan Datta and Dinabandhu Mitra. It moved away from
the private to the public, focusing more on the social issues and gradually, as the British
13
apprehended, “social plays (that) gradually slipped into making political statements through
of original plays in Bengali and attacked his contemporaries who showed intense affiliation
with the foreign language. His plays Ekei Ki Bale Sabhyata published in 1860 and Budo
Shaliker Ghade Ron are sharp satires on the trend of blindly following and adopting the
It was with Dinabandhu Mitra’s Neel Darpan that Bangla theatre entered into the real
realm of Public theatre. It not only portrayed the oppressed conditions of the native indigo
planters in the hands of the British colonisers, but also raised the sleeping conscience of the
otherwise dormant subjects of the e\nglish. The play suited the socio-political condition of the
time so well that a number of young theatre lovers showed their interest to voice their angst
aginst the colonisers. A number of social plays mirroring the stark social truths were
composed and performed. Significant amongst them were Mir Masarraf Hossain’s Jamida-
darpan (The Mirror of the Landowner, 1873), Cha-Kar-Darpan (The Tea-Planter’s Mirror,
1875) by Daksinaranjan Cattopadhyay and Jel-darpan (The Mirror of the Prison, 1876).
These plays attempted to mirror the oppressive condition of the natives in the hands of the
landowners at the fields to huniliationg condition at the jails. Thus, Jamida-darpan was a
peasant rebellion against the land-owning babus, Cha-Kar-Darpan dealt with the poor
working conditions at the British tea-estates in North Bengal and Jel-darpan portrayed the
condition inside the jails (Chattopadhya 205). This marked the onset of National Theatre
(1869-1872) by a group of young enthsiasts and it served as the perfect medium to spread the
national spirit (Chowdhury 96). Defending the widow Remarriage movement, Mitra wrote
Bidhaba Bibaha Natak that was highly appreciated by its audience that consisted of young
revolutionaries. Other burning social issues which found dramatic expression and hit the
14
Kolkata literary scenario of that time were child marriage, polygamy, alcohol addiction and
As the commitment towards social reformation and protest against the oppressive
British government intensified through the medium of theatre, especially through such plays
like Sati Ki kalankini, Bharat Mata, Puru Vikram, Bharat Yavan, Banger Sukhabashan, Beer
Nari, the British discerned the threat that theatre posed on them. In order to counter the
growing dissatisfaction of the natives against them, they tried to curb the growth and
development of drama, the tool of the masses for rebel and consequently promulgated an
ordinances were followed by Dramatic Performance Act that intended to put a ban on plays
The British not only influenced the theatre of Bengal and its cultural history but also
had a strong impact on the socio-religious movements. While the social reform movements
gained momentum through strong plays in the urban spaces, the social justice movement also
started making its voice heard in the undivided Bengal and later on in the divided provinces
of Bengal. Social justice movement that was gaining prominence amongst the Namahshudra
communities in the undivided Bengal in the districts of Khulna, Faridpur, Jessore and
Barishal under the able leadership of Harichand Thakur and later by his son, Gururchand
Thakur, aimed at spreading education to the chandals, the untouchables, for bringing in a
social change. The namahshudra community of East Bengal that chiefly consisted of the
Hindu lower castes, ati shudras and Muslim peasants embraced Harichand Thakur’s Haribol
philosophy to escape from the indignities associated with caste discrimination. However,
what started as religious movement, Matua Movement spearheaded by Harichand Thakur and
later by his son, Guruchand Thakur, became a movement seeking social justice.
15
In 1947, when Bengal was divided into East and West Bengal and East Bengal came
in the custody of Pakistan, the Namahsudra community of East Bengal because of their
religious minority was forced to move to the newly constructed West Bengal where they
became the new victims of the state apathy. The trauma of Partition and the consequent
physical displacement and “spatial dispersal of the lower orders” (Banerjee 138) or scattering
of the Namahshudras in Bengal and in other adjoining states destabilised their organised
social movement to such an extent that their identities were challenged and new strategies for
It was through the revival of Matua literature that the newly displaced Dalit from East
Bengal tried to protest against their oppression and inhuman condition in the new state.
Matua Literature, commonly known as Matua Sahitya had its origin in the 19th century
Vaishnava movement started by Sri Chaitanya. Harichand Thakur was an ardent follower of
Vaishanava philosophy. He strongly emphasised on chanting “Work on your hands, His name
on your lips” (‘Haate kaam, mukhe naam’) that in turn was internalised by its followers.
However, they were criticised by the uppercastes for their obsession with chanting and
compared them with the drunkards or ‘motos’. Harichand Thakur, took up this satirical word
for naming his faith and since then it is known as Matua. According to Sekhar
Bandyopadhyay, the Matuas were ‘a protestant Vaishnava religious sect’ that rejected the
identity (Bandopadhya 2563-8). The matua songs commonly voiced their defiance of familiar
Gods that were otherwise worshipped by the society and aimed at union with the Absolute
Being. One such song that was addressed to Harichand Thakur was “What do we care for
Thakur who firmly believed that self respect can be earned only through education. Thus, the
16
Matuas expressed themselves orally through Kathakata (storytelling in common public
places), Jatra (folk theatre) and kobi gaan (rhymed couplet). These compositions were a
beautiful blend of history and popular philosophy expressed in lucid language for the
compositions were lost, the ones that were traced back were compiled after his death by
Nityananda Halder, Narayan Gosai, Manindra Ray, Upendra Nath Biswas, Tarak Chandra
One of the chief features of the cultural aspect of the Matua Movement was Harijatra
(jatra or folk theatre composed as per the philosophy of Harichand). Harijatra not only
depicted the life style and philosophy of life of the villagers but also propounded the
philosophy of Harichand Thakur. Guruchand Thakhur, much against the wish of Harichand
Thakur who never wanted his words and philosophy to be spread in published form,
commissioned the famous palakar or song writer, Ram Jiban Bala to compose Harijatra for
social upliftment of the Namahshudras of his and neighbouring villages. These Harijatras
were of three types and were usually composed to either depict the life, philosophy and
spirituality of Harichand or the life story of Guruchand and his efforts in spreading the light
of education. The third type concentrated on the Matua believers, the influence and impact of
Matua philosophy on these followers. Many of the episodes of harijatra were also presented
in the form of palagaan. Most of the palagaans were in the lines of eulogising the
contribution of Hari philosophy on its disciples’ lives. Currently Matua Sahitya besides the
Harijatra or Harilita on the life and work of Harichand-Guruchand and on Matua religion
has also shown immense interest in composing palagaan and matua natak or Matua Drama.
Ramjiban Bala’s Harijatra (1920), Upen Biswas’s Goshtha Leela (1936), Dhanpati Pal’s
17
Haripaler Hari Darshan (1952) and Jagadish Mahato’s Harijatra (1943) are worth
mentioning. Amongst the palasong composers the contributions of Surya Kanto Thakur’s
Harichand Agamoni Pala, Nanigopal Bala’s Shri Hari Agamoni, Usharani Samajpati’s Shri
In the sphere of Matua Natak, contributions made by Shubhas Chandra Tarafdar and
Santosh Barui through their dramas Harichander Posha Moina and Oi Ashe Mohamanab
respectively are worth mentioning. Besides these Monohar Barai’s Sri Shri Guruchander
Abirbhab, Kumud Biswas’s Kamana Sagar e Putra Bisorjon, Raju Das’s Bigyan o Juktibadi
Mohamanab Guruchand Thakur are some of the famous Harijatra. Amongst the palakirtan or
jatras that were composed on the lives of Hari followers and disciples are the famous Ram
Jiban Bala’s Hiramon (1921), Dasharath (1921), Haripal (1925), Teen kori Molla (1925),
and Anurag (1940). Based on the life of Oshwini Goshai, Bijay Sarkar’s Bishwanather
Punarjanmo and Khitish Chandra Haldar’s Bishwa Premik Shri Shri Gopal Sadhu Thakur
Post 1980s there are a number of social dramas that are based on Matua religious
movement. The most recognised of these are Raju Das’s Komol Hirer Angti, Hiphen noi
Coma Chai and Bachar Moton Bachte Chai. These dramas have been performed several
times on demand by Shantikunj Natya Sanstha. Besides these, Gopal Biswas’s monologue
Dharitri, Debendra Lal Biswas’s Abhishar, Amol Kumar Mondal’s Sprishya Bonam
Asprishya, Samudra Biswas’s Satya Sangbad and Shanti Ranjan Biswas’s Sati Simantani
(19190) are performed not only to make the rural, illiterate people aware of their oppressive
social conditions but also to draw their attention at their economic deprivation.
Other folk theatres and plays that contributed towards raising awareness against social
exploitation of the poor masses were the ‘Vesteri’ and ‘Bolan Song’ of Jalpaiguri and other
18
neighbouring districts in North Bengal. While the staging of Vesteri aimed at making people
aware of the exploitative measures of the landed gentry, Bolan Songs depicted the wretched
condition of women who were the victims of dowry system. The folk forms of Malda district
dealt with the socio-economic and political oppression of the refugees who settled in these
Thus, the history of Bangla Theatre clearly establishes the fact that though the English
influenced its socio-cultural performative history, there had been a blissful co existence of
two major forms of cultural activities representing the aristocratic and non aristocratic lower
strata of the society. These rural folk forms in the course of several socio-cultural and
historical events took different twists and turns to address the issues that disturbed the socio-
cultural and political mosaic of the society but ultimately unlike its urban counterpart, theatre,
Like that in Bengal, elite educated people in Maharashtra, Gujarat, Karnataka and
Kerala under the influence of these Western models established several theatre companies in
effects, it followed the 19th century European Opera of the undistinguished variety” (Mathur
25). In the state of Maharashtra, theatre developed and flourished in Poona and Mumbai. It
marked the beginning of Company theatre that dominated the literary scenario from
nineteenth century till 1930s and dealt mainly with themes drawn from history, the Puranas
Though the present day Bhave Company marked the beginning of development of
Marathi theatre, the history of the origin of Marathi theatre can be traced back to Tamasha,
Gondhal, Lalit, Bharud, Povada and Kalsutri Bahulya. The folk plays like ‘Dashavatar’, that
is based on the mythological stories of Lord Vishnu and has its performance during the post-
harvest seasons and ‘Tamasha’ that aimed at providing entertainment to the Peshwa armies
19
and the masses gave way to parallel theatre. It was the theatrical performance of Bhave’s
1851), the Brahman ruler of the post-Peshwa princely state of Sangali, in south Maharashtra,
actually marked a new beginning for the Marathi theatre. The khel (entertainment show) that
was performed at the royal court gradually shifted from the traditional folk performance to a
more refined performance that was devoid of the ‘crude forms of entertainment’ of the
indigenous folk performing traditions like Tamasha (Solomon 119). These folk forms were
known as parallel theatre and it gradually gave way to professional theatre. The new tradition
that managed to have a judicious blend of tradition and sophistication and exemplified the
‘social function of legitimating social differences’ (Bourdieu 7) was best exemplified in the
performance of Sita Swayamvar by Bhave’s troupe in the court of Sanagli. It was highly
97). However, with the demise of Bhave’s royal patronage in 1851 and his migration to the
colonial city of Bombay, Marathi theatre culture came in contact with the colonial culture of
the city. It was the proscenium performance that gained momentum over the content of khel.
With the dawn of print culture in theatre the oral tradition of folk performance was
totally replaced by bookish playwrights focusing on written words. More emphasis was
placed on rehearsal of the script than free flow of emotion as was evident in the oral tradition.
The print culture in theatre played an important role in giving the playwrights a significant
role. The script in their hands acquired an exclusionary caste, class and gender character.
With the rise in the number of written dramatic texts for performance like Vinayak Janardan
Kirtane’s Thorle Madhavrao Peshwa (1857) and written criticism of performances also
became popular. The articles on theatrical performances emphasised on the folk forms as
‘crude’, ‘less refined’ and slovenly form, compared to the ‘bettercrafted’ and apparently
‘more modern’ Sangeet Natak plays (Naregal 8). A gradual cultural shift from oral khel to a
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more erudite natak became visible which in turn brought in a shift in the production form.
Highly influenced by the Brahmanical attributes of refinement and taste, natak enjoyed the
patronage of the learned people in academic and public spaces compared to its weak and
The choice of subject matter also stressed on the exclusionary nature of theatre. It
revolved around depicting urban, middle class Brahmans and their community. A transition
from old themes that centered around reforms for women and nationalist political events to
human and ethical values that were more the concerns of upper caste, urban Brahmins than
other lower castes and classes. Hence, theatre in the hands of Brahmins became a medium
that articulated their interests and needs and nicely buried down the real problems and social
issues like caste-based exploitation, class-struggles, issues of rightful access to resources like
land, caste and class based identity crisis, reservation and communalism etc did not surface
adequately in the theatre. Besides these, the influence of upper caste on Marathi theatre was
also subtly indicated through their choice of costume, colour, movement, objects and other
bodily atrifacts.
The Brahmanical nature of Marathi theatre was not a just culmination of the dominant
presence of Brahmins in the circle of playwrights, actors, company owners, audience but also
because of the location where it originated and later on flourished. Both the cities of Pune
(Poona) and Mumbai (Bombay) were historically the places where the Brahmin leadership
is Pune’s “traditional Brahmanical culture with its own value system nurtured in the
memories and practices cherished within the wadas [traditional homes], and invested with
pre-Independence nationalist sentiments and aspirations’’ (qtd. in Alekar 3), that had been a
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The cultural influence of caste on Marathi theatre also indicated it as a symbol of
hegemonic authority and power and its concern with ‘purity’ based on and maintained by the
principle of ‘exclusion’. The caste specific quality of Marathi became evident in its ritualistic
observations abefore the performance as well as in the choice of women actors. The theatre
companies preferred women of ‘kulin’ caste, whose dignified social position would
invariably confirm her purity and that in order helped the theatre companies to retain its
purity of caste that essentially informed the Marathi theatre form. The typical Brahmanical
nature of Marathi theatre can also be interpreted as the culmination of the collective
conscious efforts of the Brahmins to revive its lost glorious days of the pre colonial era.
Hence, its development as a cultural product of the Brahmins was the product of the judicious
efforts of the cultured elite then to preserve its caste hegemony along with an attempt of
With the origin of Sangit Natak by Annasaheb Kirloskar in 1880, of Marathi Theatre
stepped into a new trend of depicting the social issues with renewed vigour. Annasaheb
Kirloskar who was regarded as the father of Marathi Sangit Natak (musical drama) was
known for his plays like- Sangeet Saubhadra and Ramrajyavirog. Govind Ballal Deval
Vikramorvashiya (1889), and Muruchhakatik (1890) are the remarkable plays of Govind
Ballal Deval. His play Sharada (1899) which deals with the problem of poor parents
regarding the marriage of their young daughters to an old man is regarded as the first social
play in Marathi theatre and it set the trend of depicting contemporary social condition of
Maharashtra, K.K. Chaudhari in “Marathi Theatre” remarks, “It was during this uneasy
period that Sharada sprouted from Deval’s pen and appeared on the musical stage. . .
22
Thousands of child wives of the day were physically and mentally tortured and afflicted by
the right of men to have sexual intercourse with immature wives” (389).
Annasaheb Kirloskar’s early sangeet natak, Ramrajya Viyoga (ca 1884), based on the
mythological story of Ramayana, depicted a low caste character, Shambuk, who strongly
criticizes Brahmans for not sharing their knowledge with the shudras (low castes). Theatre
under Sangeet Natak took a more bold approach towards depiction of social and national
issues of the colonial rule. Krishnaji Prabhakar Khadilkar propagated the need of
independence through his political play Kanchangadchi Mohana (1897). This trend was
further carried forward by B.V.Warekar. His plays like Turungaachya Daaraat (1923),
Sattechey Gulam (1927) targated towards creating social and economic awareness in people.
His other play Bhoomikanyaa Seeta (1950) dealt with themes like manwoman relationship
and women empowerment. K.N.Kale, Anant Kanekar, G.Y.Chitnis and S.V.Vartak together
(School for the Blind) in 1933 that was regarded as the first modern Marathi play.
Another new turn that Marathi theatre witnessed Post Independence was the gradual
break down of the trend like Sangeet Natak and introduction of conflict in theatre. New
young playwrights like Vasan Kanetkaro, Jaywant Dalvi, S.N. Pendse, Ratnakar Matkari,
Govind Purushottam Deshpande, Satish Alekar, Vijay Tendulkar, Mahesh Elkunchwar tried
to represent the socio-culture and political reality of post-independence India. Satish Alekar
and , Vijay Tendulkar strongly criticised Brahmanical ideologies and depicted Brahmans as
exploiters of religious values for reaping benefits for itself. Satish Alekar’s plays Mahapur
(1975), and Mahanirvan (1974), etc. made a parody of values and conventional way of life of
Brahmans particular to the city of Pune. Further, Vijay Tendulkar’s play Gidhade (1970)
severely critiqued the middle class Brahmin ideologies. Similarly, another play by Tendulkar,
Ghashiram Kotwal (1972) was a critique on the debauched Brahmans in the holy city of
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Poona. Another interesting point that marks the presence of non Brahmanical feature of the
revolt. Ranachoudhuri and C.C Mehta were the well known Gujarati dramatists who made
several experiments in the form. The Parsi community started their own dramatic company
called Proscenium theatre in Bombay, “... in which romantic lyricism was debased into
meaningless verse recitation, tried to copy the spectacular form of the early 19th century
western theatre, without approaching the broad human plane of the contemporary western
drama” (Mathur 25). Since, its main objective was to reach the masses and bring a positive
change in the society it addressed social issues and carried moral values for its audiences.
Down south, The Madras Dramatic Society gave space and opportunity to more amateurish
European Theatrical practises. The renowned dramatist of this school was V.V. Srinivasa
Iyengar.
The Company drama gave way to Social drama, that was further divided into Early
Social Drama from 1930s to 1960s and the Later Social drama since 1960s. The playwrights
of the Early Social Drama like Sri Aurobindo, Rabindranath Tagore, T. P. Kailasam,
essentially on the values of life. They advocated individual change from within to make
possible social change. In contrast to this tradition of drama the later Social Drama had a
more aggressive approach and relentlessly fought against social problems. The
meaninglessness and futility of the social order and system was the main areas that they
With the changing social milieu that demanded a new sensitivity and approach to deal
with the complex problems that infested the society roughly from the 1960s, Indian English
24
Drama, as observed by Chakraborty, started acquiring a new identity of its own by “re-
investigating history, legend, myth, religion, folklore, in the context of contemporary socio-
political issues” (3). Girish Karnad, Vijay Tendulkar, Pratap Sharma, Asif Currimbhoy,
Mohan Rakesh, Nissim Ezekiel, Shiv K Kumar, Snehalatha Reddy, Gieve Patel, Gurcharan
Das, Cyrus Misty are some of the playwrights who belong to this period writing either in
regional languages or in English. These playwrights were basically non conformist in their
approach and through various theatriacal devices like folklores, mythological stories, stage
props and strong satirical dialogues constantly interrogated traditions, customs and values of
After the first two phases of Indian drama represented by Company theatre and Social
drama, the third that came into prominence was the politically conscious drama. This
particular type overlapped the Social drama for a couple of decades starting from 1940s.
These politically conscious dramas further branched out into politically conscious dramas in
non-proscenium format with party affiliation and politically conscious drama in non-
proscenium format without any party affiliation. Soon the Indian People’s Theatre
Association (IPTA) that according to Srampickal had emerged not “...from folk theatre forms
but from the tradition of Indian adaptations of Western proscenium theatre in urban centres
such as Calcutta” (46) developed as a political theatre movement with due support of the
Communist Party of India became a cultural wing of the party. It aimed at spreading the
Leftist ideologies and values. Dramatists who were greatly involved in giving a proper shape
and success to IPTA were Prithviraj Kapoor, Bijon Bhattacharya, Khwaja Ahmad Abbas,
Balraj Sahni, Jyotirindra Moitra, Niranjan Singh Maan, S.Tera Sing Chan and Khalili
Faryadi. On the other hand since 1970s dramatists like Habib Tanvir, Prabhir Guha, Purna
Chandra Rao, Shambu Mitra and Badal Sircar shaped another tradition of the politically
conscious drama in non-proscenium formats without any party affiliation. Taking up a totally
25
non conventional approach to theatrical mode of expressions, they introduced the alternative
In order to spread the protest against the fascism in India & political violence the
organizations. During this time a Bengali drama, Nabanna, based on the great Bengal
Famine, one of the most devastating social issues that took away hundreds of lives, was
written by Bijon Bhattacharya. This play initiated the democratization of theatre. It was
staged by the Indian People's Theatre Association (IPTA) under the direction of Sombhu
Mitra and later, in 1948, by Bohurupee under the direction of Kumar Roy.
Almost in the same line of ideologies of IPTA, another form of theatre that came into
existence in the 1940s and gradually gained momentum was Street Theatre. This particular
type of theatre was adopted by the communist parties and it became a part and parcel of the
Indian freedom movement. In a free India street theatre evolved as a weapon against social-
political-economic exploitation. Theatre activist Utpal Dutta sharply used street theatre for
political awareness. Since then theatre has remained as one of the most significant and apt
Like its older counterpart, Post Independence dramatic art and performance in India
started making its footprints visible. In post independence era, the institutions like Sangeet
Natak Akademi or The National Academy for Music, Dance and Drama in English, which
was set up by government on 31st May 1952 and National School of Drama, which was set
up in 1959 under the Ministry of Culture, Government of India made remarkable contribution
to Indian English Drama. Besides these institutions, with the emergence of Theatre of Roots,
dramatic scenario in India witnessed the growth and development of regional theatre. The
movement aimed to reach the roots of existing culture to create a modern Indian theatre,
which according to Erin B. Mee marked the beginning of decolonising theatre. Regarding the
26
growing popularity of street theatre, Mee observes, “the theatre of roots, street theatre, and
English language theatre are three among the many kinds of theatre flourishing in India
today, on the proscenium and non-proscenium stages in various locations of the country in
different languages, structures, and forms” (4-5). As the movement endeavoured towards
reaching the roots of Indian culture, it gradually moved away from western impact on
dramatic tradition and tried to delve on issues and concerns that formed the core of Indian
culture and tradition. Hence, they showed their preoccupation with the existing oppressive
structures of Indian society such as patriarchy, class, tradition, gender, violence etc.
The Theatre of Roots gave rise to an array of playwrights like Vijay Tendulkar and
Asif Currimbhoy of Marathi theatre, Chandrashekhar Kambar and Girish Karnad of Kannad
theatre, Mohan Rakesh and Dharamvir Bharati of Hindi theatre and Badal Sircar of Bengali
theatre who helped modern theatre achieves its overwhelming success. These dramatists
made bold innovations with themes and stagecraft that paved way for the new resurgence
ultimately leading towards the establishment of a national theatre. Their plays revolved
around social, political and psychological problems. Mohan Rakesh with historical
characters, Badal Sircar with his third theatre, Girish Karnad with myths, and Tendulkar with
his unconventional attitude towards human problems express their anguish at the prevailing
social condition and the role man has to play in such conditions.
Following this trend the dramatist who brought political, social, psychological and
existential problems live on stage is no other than Badal Sircar. He is the name that is
strongly associated with New Theatrical Movement in India brought drama to the common
people. Some of his famous plays are Evan Inderjit (1962) That Other History (1964) and
There Is No End (1971). His later plays Procession, Bhoma and Stale News are based on the
concept of Third Theatre. The play Procession is about the search for a ‘real home’ in new
society based on equality. It suggests a ‘real way’ to new way in which man does not have to
27
live exploiting man but should work according to his own needs. Bhoma is a dramatization of
the life of oppressed peasants in India. An analysis of these three plays suggests remarkable
changes in Sircar’s concept of a ‘real home’, a new society based on equality and free from
Mohan Rakesh, a name well known in Hindi theatre, perceived drama as a complex
art involving the uniform contribution of actors, scenic effects, light and music and effective
stage direction. He dealt with issues of modern day existentialist pangs, the ego clash
between husband, wife and disintegration of family ties and values. His plays like Ashadh Ka
Ek Din, and Leharon Ka Rajhans echo everyday modern life and it is this particular trait of
his drama that enables his audience to empathise with his characters.
In the hands of these dramatists theatre attained formal precision and the thematic
preoccupation of modernist anxiety. Observing on the outstandingly fresh and unique facade
that drama attained under the aegis of these playwrights can be best summed as, “. . . these
playwrights have made bold innovations and fruitful experiments in terms of both thematic
concerns and technical virtuosities. They are using legends, folklores, myths, history with
themselves from the clichéd themes of colonial rule and ventured into more real and sordid
life of human beings in the modern world. The attempts of these dramatists to mark the
beginning of a new era of Indian drama are best summed in the words of eminent dramatist
My generation was the first to come of age after India became independent of
British rule. It therefore had to face a situation in which tensions implicit until
then had come out in the open and demanded to be resolved without apologies or
self-justification: tensions between the cultural past of the country and its colonial
28
past, between the attractions of Western modes of thought and our own traditions,
and finally between the various visions of the future that opened up once the
common cause of political freedom was achieved. This is the historical context
Amongst the women dramatists who contributed extensively on social issues with the
objective to raise social consciousness are Dina Mehta, Polie Sengupta and Uma
Parameswaran to name a few. All these women playwrights while addressing social issues
brought the plight of women in the centre stage. Dina Mehta’s Padmashree prize winning
play, The Myth Maker (1959) and exposed the violence against women through drama and
she succeeded in her efforts. Her B.B.C. Radio Play Writing Contest winner, Brides Are Not
for Burning depicts violence against women and evils of dowry system respectively. The
issues of women in a male dominated society finds expression in Getting Away with Murder
(2000) that depicts exploitation of women and its impact on the psyche of a woman. Like
Dina Mehta, Polie Sengupta’s plays are strongly feminist in tone and her most famous play
The dramatic creations of Usha Ganguli and Mahasweta Devi are primarily based on
the wretched lives of the downtrodden and marginalised people. The apathetic treatment of
the poorest of the poor, of the victims of feudal system and the condition of the untouchables
find their best expression in Mahasweta Devi’s works like Mother of 1084, Aajer Urvashi O’
Johny, Byen and Water. A critic and teacher in Canada as well as founder of PALT-
Performing Art and Literature of India in Winnipeg, Uma Parameswaram (1938- ) writes on
diverse themes ranging from different form of Indian classical dances as in Sita’s Promise to
Sons Must Die that centres round Kashmir conflict in 1948. Rootless But Green are the
Boulevard Tree addresses the problems of immigrants in Canada. These modern dramas
introduced a new set of changes in the Indian English drama and added more dimensions to
29
it. Experiments of the post modern playwrights with interesting new themes, innovative stage
techniques and stage props brought a fresh lease of life to the existing tradition of drama.
Following the trend of Pre-Independence and post Independence Theatre of Roots, the
selected playwrights for this thesis- Vijay Tendulkar (1928-2008), Raju Das (1953 - ) and
Mahesh Dattani (1958 -)- have displayed an overwhelming commitment with social issues
like subjugation and marginalization of gender and caste. Drama in the hands of these
playwrights, like their previous generation of playwrights, is a vehicle used to arouse, alert
and create consciousness in its audience about the prevalent social issues. These playwrights
make a clarion call for the readers and audience to come out of the slumbering conscience of
complacent middle class and realize their duty, responsibility and role in providing equal
The selection of these three playwrights is not a random one. The rationale for
selecting such diverse plays from different generic, social, regional, chronological and
linguistic spectrums is to indicate the continuum of caste and gender marginalization across
regions and eras, and to highlight the universality of abuse and assault that the marginalized
men, women and other individuals encounter in their day to day life. Also mention must be
made that in this research the focus has been on the textual and thematic aspects of the
selected plays than on the theatrical elements. Hence, elements such as audience, production,
costume, lights and music though they are important in the medium of drama do not figure
Though Vijay Tendulkar, Raju Das and Mahesh Dattani address and examine not so
uncommon issues related with caste and gender exploitation and marginalization, yet no
comprehensive study of these three dramatists has yet been taken to analyse and understand
the intricacies of gender exploitation and its inextricable link with caste in a Brahmanical
patriarchal society. This study therefore, attempts to provide an insight into subjugation,
30
exploitation of women and other marginalized people in the set up of their families and in its
extension in the society. The nature and impact of caste and gender marginalization form the
central concern in the selected plays. Hence, the study endeavours to trace the roots of caste
and gender marginalization to socio cultural conditions of the Indian society. The study also
marginalization of caste and gender have been influenced by the socio cultural practices of
Of the trio, Vijay Dhondopant Tendulkar, is the name associated with Marathi
Theatre. He was born on 6th January 1928 is a very well known name associated with
Marathi Theatre. He had used theatre as a tool for depicting the reality of the society aiming
to bring a social change. In his interview with Muktha Rajadyaksha, he had stated, “Theatre
is possibly the medium I am most comfortable with. There is, I feel, more respect for a
writer’s word. And it is a medium that’s open to change from one performance to the next”
(2). His long association with Rangayan helped him develop his dramatic acumen. Rangayan,
a theatre group, that had shaped experimental Marathi theatre and gave it a new look, offered
Tendulkar’s stupendous dramatic output is the result of the experiences drawn from
his daily life and his artistic excellence that gave an artistic expression to his experience.
Vijay Tendulkar’s plays deal with; “Man’s fight for survival, the varied moralities by which
people live, the social position of women, the covert or overt violence in human beings . . .”
(Gokhale 31-32). Though often criticized for depicting blatantly the spiritual degeneration of
the socio-cultural milieu with which he was dealing but the beauty of his work lies in his
honest projections of squalor, poverty, crime, disorder and mental perversions of the time he
captured in his dramatic world. The plays Chimanicha Ghor Hote Menache (1960)
31
Kalojanchi Shalai (1968), Ek Holti Mugli (1967) reflect Tendulkar’s concern with authority
The six translated plays, The Vultures (1961), Silence! The Court is in Session (1967),
Sakharam Binder (1972), Ghashiram Kotwal (1972), Kamala (1981) and Kanyadaan (1983)
that are selected for study in this research are concerned with the plight of women in Indian
patriarchal society. In the plays Silence! The Court Is In Session (1968) and Ghasiram
Kotwal (1972), the theme of gender oppression dominates. Sakharam Binder (1972) is a
powerful dramatic statement. Kamala (1982) too emphasises on exploitation of women for
climbing up the social ladder of success. Kanyadaan (1982), written on the lines of
naturalistic tradition, focuses on the unbridgeable gap between upper and lower castes in a
In short the success of Tendulkar can be summarised in the eulogistic words of Shanta
Tendulkar created his plays to explore questions that troubled him, situations that
horrified him, and conventional ideas that did not convince him. He allowed them
[his characters] the freedom to be themselves They grew into believable flesh and
blood human beings who inhabit our world today as reference points (5).
Raju Das, the second of the trio taken for study, is a Dalit theatre writer and activist
who uses his pen to give literary expression to the most mortifying and torturous experiences
of the Dalits in a stratified Hindu society. His literary career has never been able to get its due
respect and make its place in the mainstream literature but that does not weaken his pen.
Rather the fire to rebel against the established exploitative system, to create awareness
amongst the oppressed of their subjugation and to liberate the oppressed lives from their
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The origin of Bangla Dalit literature can be traced back to mid 19th century Matua
Movement initiated by Sri Harichand Thakur and later on directed in a more organised form
by his son, Sri Guruchand Thakur. However, it was forced into a dormant stage by the
unfortunate Partition of Bengal in 1947 and state forces that came into power with the Left
Government. The rise of Dalit voice in West Bengal is a recent phenomena compared to its
counterparts in Maharashtra and Southern India. In fact the literary works of the Dalit writers
in West Bengal that actually attempt to voice their oppressive states and exploitation, agony
and betrayal, humiliation and trauma with which generations after generations they had been
existing are under a constant threat by the culturally elite mainstream Savarna literary critics.
Trying to silence the resistance writing of these revolutionary writers like, Manohar Mouli
Biswas, Manoranjan Byapari, Anil Gharai, Mahitosh Biswas, Kalyani Thakur Chanral, Jatin
Bala and Raju Das to name a few, the mainstream writers have deliberately forced them into
a kind of ‘cultural silence’ (qtd. in Sarangi 38). Yet, a number of Bengali Dalit writers have
challenged this cultural silence and have taken up their pens as swords to fight their
oppressive conditions to which they are pushed and it is quite evident in a sudden spurt of
Though constantly weighed down because of their lack of literary aesthetics, the
struggle of the protest writers to be accepted and assimilated in the main stream literature of
the civilized elite society is not too far. The enlightened Dalit writers and activists through
their fiery writings have successfully carved a niche for themselves by exposing their mission
to challenge decades of discrimination that they have suffered to restore their lost dignity and
In the sphere of Dalit literary and cultural movement, the role of drama, unlike other
forms of writing like autobiography, prose, short story or novel is a little different. Drama as
a form of protest literature has not yet received much prominence and is still regarded as “an
33
area of neglect" (Dangle 265). However, many Dalit dramatists, like Harshabardhan
Choudhury, Anil Gharai, Mahitosh Biswas, Kalyani Thakur, Jatin Bala and Raju Das in
Bengal, are of a different opinion. They feel that since drama has the benefit of audio visual
presentation, the greatest advantage of a theatre lies in its ability to create direct contact with
its audience. This gives theatre an edge over other forms of writing to create awareness
amongst the public, to open their eyes against injustice to which they are thrust, to stimulate
them and mobilise towards a revolution for change. In the hands of Raju Das, Prangobindo
Biswas and Harshabardhan Choudhury, Dalit drama has achieved the role of a catalyst to
The sole motive of Raju Das, the revolutionary Dalit dramatist, behind adopting the
medium of drama to address his revolutionary themes of his writing is to reach the masses
directly. The fiery themes of his plays intend to challenge the Brahminical ideology that
conditioned the lives of the lower castes and the untouchables to a life of total subjugation to
the hegemonic powers of the society. Raju Das ushered in a new phase of drama in which the
form and content is designed to address the injustices inflicted on the Dalit community.
Drawing inspiration from theatre stalwarts like Utpal Dutt and Badal Sircar, Raju Das
models his plays to create a hybrid type that is a culmination of Dutt and Sircar’s content and
technique. This fine blend of Dutt and Sircar’s types of dramas helped him to shape his
theatre type to cater to the need of the Dalits and a form that helps him send the message to
his audience. Acknowledging the influence of the major dramatists during his nascent stage
Raju Das says, “He is the Eklavya pupil and disciple of Utpal Dutt” (Das Preface: 3) that
aided him to understand the minute details in drama that are significant in driving home his
major concerns. Raju Das’s major characters like Bani, Alodebi, Reema, and even Alok, are
portrayed as the evolving dalit men and women. They embody the multiplicity of emotions of
34
ordinary dalit men and women for whom the act of living is sheer heroism. They have been
In his efforts to fight against Brahminism and its selfish ways of dealing with human
lives, Raju Das has adopted drama as his weapon to attack the Brahminical system. His angst
is as much against the Brahminical system as against all sorts of other oppressive systems and
institutions that have become part and parcel of the working of the society. His dramas not
only voice the pain and humiliation of the oppressed but also hint at a positive ray of light,
the hope of a more tolerable society that will be rooted in equality and liberty. Through his
dramas he criticises the system of gender construction in our society that defines it by a
certain set of roles to perform and any violation from it means punishment.
Raju Das sees his writing as not an armchair exercise, but one that will be responsible
for bringing a change in the society, towards a society that will be based on equality. In an
essay on “Drama and Dramatists in Dalit Movement”, he observes the significance of drama,
especially street theatre in initiating a change in the society. In this essay, he puts forward his
strong belief “to bring a change, be the change” (Das 14). In order to achieve this he strongly
believes that elite literary genres like poetry or novel would not serve the purpose of arousing
The need of the hour is good orators, poetry readers, singers, actors and actresses
who can go from one place to another sometimes narrating, sometimes reciting,
or maybe even acting out episodes of their lives, of their feelings and desires.
Probably there is no other alternative better than these that can stimulate the
responsibility to stand by those who have been suffering since ages under the
burden of caste discrimination and waiting for someone to direct them towards a
35
This marked the beginning of his career as a dramatist, both writing and performing.
His journey that started in 1988 with performing drama with Nabarun Sahitya group
continued through ups and downs and gave birth to Shantikunj bringing a gradual change in
him from a simple man highly disturbed by the burning social issues around him to a more
mature writer, an activist and rebel, working relentlessly for a better world based on equality.
The third dramatist taken for the study is Mahesh Dattani. One of the most committed
and successful playwright in Indian English literature, Dattani is a man with extraordinary
intelligence, sensitivity and creativity. His contribution to the world of drama brought back
the otherwise lost vigour and steadfastness in Indian drama written in English. Gifted with
the extraordinary talents of a scriptwriter, stage director, actor, dancer and teacher, he gives
his drama an extraordinary charm with its beautiful array of characters and stage settings that
Born on August 07, 1958, Mahesh Dattani brought a fresh lease of life in the history
blends conventional ones with closet themes that are otherwise untouched by other
playwrights. His association with Little Theatres since his college days and participation in
various workshops on acting and directing plays ignited the creative fire in him.
The uniqueness of Dattani’s plays lies in his selection of language and setting. Thus,
in 1984, when he founded Playpen, his own drama company and started staging Indian
dramas, he chose English as the medium of his dramas since that can cater to a bigger
audience than a drama in regional language. Mahesh Dattani’s choice of language also serves
his choice of setting and audience. Since his interest lies in conventional issues of social
significance, he was quite aware that his use of English as a medium for expression would
limit his plays to a very small English speaking crowd instead of reaching a wider, expansive,
grassroots audience in India. Ironically he had no problem in that because his main aim was
36
to address the urban middle class, the class that holds the possibility of bringing a change.
Defending himself for such a choice, he observes, “The more your basic needs are taken care
of, the more space you have to reflect on certain things. Whereas, if you don’t have the space
and are concerned twenty four hours about your basic needs, then you want to escape into
something else...” (Vardhan19). Making his aims and objectives very clear, Dattani
successfully managed to have a very supportive and faithful audience in India as well as
around the globe, who always felt at home with his themes and could easily connect with his
characters.
Besides focusing on age old discriminations that our society practices like
discrimination based on gender and religion and position of women in our society, Dattani
also touches upon areas which have always been considered as taboos, discussion of which
seemed embarrassing and therefore hushed up. The grey areas of sexual abuse,
homosexuality and transgender and hijras, their identity crisis and marginalization by the
society as the subalterns are the ones which Dattani tries dealing without a glitch in his plays.
In doing so he does not feel uncomfortable, rather he exercises his license as a writer to lash
at the society that defends and practise discrimination based on sexuality. In his preface to
I am certain that my plays are a true reflection of my time, place and socio
economic background. I am hugely excited and curious to know what the future
holds for me and my art in the new millennium in a country that has a myriad
Since Dattani’s focus is on contemporary Indian society grappling with problems of gender
issue, identity crisis and marginalization in modern Indian urban life, he came to be known as
37
Dattani’s dramatic output brings a lease of fresh air in the otherwise monotonous
world of drama. His themes are unique in the sense that they are both conventional as well as
novel but have the potential to stir a storm in the otherwise traditional society. John Mac Rae
honours him as “the Voice of India” and observes, “They are the plays of today, sometimes
as actual as to cause controversy, but at the same time they are the plays that embody some of
Another feature that gives Dattani a distinct place in the world of dramas is the setting
of the actions of his plays. Dattani chooses the locale of urban city life. He situates his themes
in the family space of conflicting family members, troubled and confused with their urban
issues that leave them disjointed and hassled. Dattani aims at making the invisible visible by
not only addressing their crisis but also by sensitizing his readers and audience towards it.
Thus a medium that suits his purpose and fits well to serve his objectives, he chose the
medium of drama. Dattani’s keen awareness of the stage and his sharp use of the stage-space
have always celebrated the plurality of theatrical communication. It is this sense of his stage
that made him a playwright of outstanding calibre and creativity. In this context of
maintaining an acute balance between the importance of the message and the performance
mode of the theatre, Dattani in an interview to Anita Nair, pointed out, “I see myself as a
craftsman and not as a writer. To me, being a playwright is about seeing myself as part of the
process of a production. I write plays for the sheer pleasure of communicating through this
dynamic medium” (30). Dattani’s dramatic creed is not guided by any definite principles of
stage craft. Theatre, for him is a platform on which he believes real situations can be
theatre. You can’t operate in isolation...I do not want a theatre movement to happen” (qtd. in
Chaudhuri 18).
38
However, a true understanding of the sincere efforts that the dramatists with women
consciousness in general and these three dramatists specifically have put to sensitise the
audiences and readers on the marginalised position of the victims of caste and gender and
better their condition will be incomplete without an adequate comprehension of the issues
related with gender and caste. Caste and gender are intricately linked and its numerous
evidences are found in historical, sociological and anthropological studies. The objective of
caste and the role of gender in achieving this form a very complex study that should be dealt
in detail to understand the marginalization of individuals on the basis of caste and gender.
III
India is a socially stratified nation. One of the most significant factors that give the
country an identity of a socially stratified nation is caste. Caste system is deeply rooted in
many aspects of social life. The socio cultural norms of different communities find a valid
expression through the notion of caste. Caste hierarchies prescribe different roles and assign
different duties to men and women. However, the common observation is that women bear
The origin of the caste system has often been attributed to the Aryan invasion of India
around 1500 BC and its consequent subjugation of the indigenous non-Aryan population.
Based on this hypothesis, Max Weber linked and even traced the beginning of caste
differences to racial differences that Aryan invasion introduced in the land of India
immediately after its invasion. However, this posed a huge problem which in the words of
Tapan Basu, “... not the least of these being the prevalence of the caste system among both
the 'fair-skinned', purportedly 'Aryan' progeny of North India and the 'dark skinned’,
purportedly 'non-Aryan' progeny of South India” (Basu xiii.). There are other critics who are
39
of the opinion that the beginning of the caste system can be traced to those days when some
food gathering tribes claimed dominance over other tribes to own the surplus available.
There are innumerable theories on the origin and nature of caste. Amongst them Western
thinkers like Senart, Nesfield and H. Risley are worth mentioning. According to Senart, caste
is “a close corporation, in theory at any rate rigorously hereditary: equipped with a certain
definition of caste is the ‘idea of pollution’ as a main characteristic of caste. Nesfield defines
caste as “a class of the community which disowns any connection with any other class and
neither intermarry nor eat nor drink with any but persons of their community” (qtd. in
Mohanty 133).
families or groups of families bearing a common name which usually denotes or is associated
with specific occupation, claiming common decent from a mythical ancestor, human or
divine, professing to follow the same professional callings and are regarded by those who are
133). Dr. Ketkar in his definition of caste emphasises on two characteristics of caste and
those who are born of members and includes all persons so born; (b) the members are
forbidden by an inexorable social law to marry outside the group” (qtd. in Mohanty 133).
kinship group in which every member is either an actual or potential kin of another, these
The various definitions of ‘caste’ reveal that caste is nothing but hierarchically arranged
endogamous social groups. Caste divides the society into groups. The grouping is principally
based on kinship relations. Another characteristic feature of caste is its traditional association
40
with an occupation. Each caste has its own occupation. The roots of this grading system can
be traced in the Dharmashashtras and the Vedas. In fact in Rig Veda the caste order is
(warriors) and the Vaishyas (traders and farmers). Together, these varnas,
jatis in society ... comprised the upper castes, who were characterised as dvija or
(twice-born) became the males among them went through an initiation ritual
(upanayana) at which they were ritualistically reborn ..... The above scheme did
not include the remaining varna, the Shudras (menials). (Basu viii)
Caste, as Romila Thapar perceives, has two aspects: theoretical and functional. The
theoretical aspect is represented by varnas; jatis represent the functional aspect of a caste.
Thapar further hints at the several implications embedded within this whole formulation of
caste. According to her, the first thing that is implied in caste is the system of endogamous
marriage, with the objective of keeping marriages confined within hereditary groups,
secondly, the hierarchical division of labour and thirdly, the idea of ritual purity and impurity
(Jaiswal 43). However, in the holy book of the Hindus, Bhagavad Gita, references to the four
According to Dumont, the system of caste is nothing but an idea and it reflects the
state of mind, "expressed by the emergence of groups of various orders generally called
'castes' (76). He further observes that the main thrust on which caste system exists is "the
opposition of the pure and the impure"(81) which further gives rise to hierarchies in the caste
order and manages to obtain a "linear order of castes from A to Z ... "(81).
The caste system at its inception was relatively flexible in nature and was
interchangeable with class system wherein it was a person could climb the social ladder with
41
possession of more education and qualification. In fact during the Mauryan period caste
system could not influence the political and cultural scenario of the time. During the reign of
Ashoka, his philosophy of universal brotherhood did not allow the caste system to spread its
vicious roots in the society. However, over a period of time caste assumed a more fixed
nature where the chance of moving up became restricted and endogamy set in to preserve its
nature. The emergence and growing popularity of Manusmriti endorsed discrimination based
on caste background; it entitled Brahmins to enjoy special privileges but imposed severe
restrictions, even punishments on the Shudras. The Brahmins detached themselves from
others who had no opportunity of education or were designated for menial jobs and became a
caste in itself. Consequently, in order to preserve their purity and keep away from pollution
set the trend of endogamy. According to Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, “Endogamy ... was a fashion in
Hindu society and as it had originated from the Brahmin caste, it was whole-heartedly
imitated by all the non-Brahmin sub divisions or classes, who in their turn became
It is this particular feature of caste system called endogamy that B. R. Ambedkar regards
as ‘a key to the mystery of caste system’ (qtd in Mohanty 136). In his formulation of caste as
a system of ‘graded inequality in which castes are arranged according to an ascending scale
of reverence and a descending scale of contempt’” (Chakravarti 7), endogamy played the key
(Chakravarti 7). Ambedkar’s sharp gendered understanding of caste stresses the pivotal role
of endogamy, both in the making of caste and its perpetuation (Rege 59-71). Hence,
according to Ambedkar, social practices like sati, enforcement of widowhood, and child
like inauspiciousness of widows and consequently their social exclusion as well as tonsuring
of young widows to strip them off of their sexual appeal were some of the common practices
42
observed for the survival of endogamy (Chakravarti 579-85). The practice of endogamy was
further strengthened and endorsed by recognising young widows who committed sati on the
Thus, it is the notion of endogamy and the need to maintain the religio-cultural
framework of ‘purity’ and ‘pollution’ that marked the beginning of the control on the
sexuality of women and their gradual disempowerment. In due course of time controlling the
sexuality of women remained no more a peculiarity of upper castes and it slowly but steadily
filtered into other middle and lower castes as a part of their conscious attempt to appropriate
brahmanical ideals of the upper castes, what according to Srinivas was ‘sanskritization’ of
middle and lower castes. Hence, controlling the sexuality of women, irrespective of her caste,
Eventually, women who once had a glorious past when they were fortunate enough to
receive a liberal dose of independence, exposed to the light of education and martial arts and
enjoyed a life equal to their brothers, fell into the dark pitch where their image was
women as bereft of honesty and good nature, of vile nature, seductive in approach started
authority on women and rigorous control of their sexuality. This naturally led her to lose her
independence and she became subjected to the control of men throughout her life.
A woman in Hindu society is depicted as both the Creator and Destroyer as is evident in
the image of Durga and Kali, two most dominant faces of female form. The Devi Sukta hymn
of Rig Veda, a scripture of Hinduism, declares the feminine energy as the essence of the
universe, the one who creates all matter and consciousness, the eternal and infinite, the
metaphysical and empirical reality (Brahman), the soul (supreme self) of everything
(McDaniel 90). Reflecting on the high position of women that Indian women in Pre-Vedic
43
Age used to enjoy, Gorwaney observes "ideally women were accepted as a living force in
society, the embodiment of 'Skakti' and a symbol of purity religiousness, spirituality and
sacrifice” (2).
Ironically, against the positive image of women reflected in the scriptures where the
feminine energy is depicted as the source of creation and essence of all being, there are
certain religious facets like laws and ideologies that control and confine them into roles of
obedient daughter and wife, dutiful mother and subservient wife. In essence, the more
constructive part of feminine self is reduced to over emphasise the patriarchal construct of the
of women’s position. In fact, the position of women had been greatly influenced, created and
recreated by the diverging forces of historical and cultural milieu. In this context the
position in early India is worth mentioning. Srinivas remarks, “While in certain contexts the
rewarding to look upon it as a congeries of micro regions, differences between which are
crucial (7). Even Romila Thapar refers to the same complicated journey taken in tracing the
position of women in the Indian subcontinent, “Within the Indian subcontinent, there have
been infinite variations on the status of women diverging according to cultural milieu, family
However, historical evidences establish the fact that women in Vedic age enjoyed a
significant religious and social position, almost equivalent to their male counterparts. The
birth of a girl was a matter of blessing for the family and she was well accepted by her natal
family. In fact Rig Veda emphasised Matrika-puja (worshipping of Goddesses who possessed
some inauspicious qualities and were emblematic of childhood fear, starvation and diseases)
44
and Kumaripuja (worshipping a young maiden girls to emphasise on the purity and divinity
of the women of the society) to be performed at the end of all Vedic rituals (Upadhyaya 43).
Women in Vedic Age also had sacred thread ceremony known as Upavita ceremony, post
which they were introduced to the studies of Vedas, recited Vedic mantras, performed Vedic
rites and rituals; undertook Vedic vows and were even allowed to perform Yagaayajna. The
presence of Vedic scholars like Gosha, Apala, Lopamudra, Indrani, Maitreyi and Gargi
confirm the liberty and empowered life that the women lived then.
During Vedic period Swayamvara marriages were in practice, where the women had the
right to choose their own partners. Post marriage, the Vedic women as Sahadharmini or Patni,
had the right to participate and carry out religious ceremonies with her husband. She enjoyed
the social responsibilities of a loving wife and mother. Also evident in this period is the
remarriage system of both men and women. The existence of words like Parapurva and
Didhisha prove women allowed to have second husband. The system of punarvivah or widow
remarriage was also in vogue. Women in Vedic period not only enjoyed equal religious and
However, during the post-Vedic Age women’s status gradually deteriorated. The social
and family status of a woman as daughter and wife underwent a sea change. She was denied
introduces an individual to the study of the Vedas) followed by early marriage failed to
provide her with the scope to realise her womanhood independently. Even her right to her
father’s property was completely denied. The position and status of women in post Vedic
Age is best summed up in Aitareya Brahmana 7. 13, "A wife as a comrade, a daughter is a
misery and a son a light in the highest heaven" (qtd. in Pinkham 55).
The Period of Smritis marked a steady decline in the position of women. Manu’s
dictation on the role and behavioural conduct of women affected their position the most.
45
Manu’s dictates on a woman’s free movement curbed her development and made her
dependent on father in her childhood, husband during her womanhood and to her son in her
old age. His tenets further fostered a negative feeling on the intellectual capacities of a
woman. Hence, they were denied access to education, upanayana and other privileges of
ritual offering and sacrifices that the women in Vedic period enjoyed. Rather, the focus was
on marriage. Women were married off at a very early age and widow remarriage was not
encouraged at all. She was also not even allowed to have an access to her father’s property.
The main objective of the age seemed to achieve complete submission and dependence of
women on men. As they were deprived of their rights to justice, freedom, education and
equality, their condition at home and in the society denigrated drastically. R. Chaudhary in
'Grihapinjarakokila' (Cuckoo of the cage of the house) and subject to the most derogatory
maxim; 'Putrartha Kriyate Bharya' (women has to be taken in marriage for procreation only)
(31).
yardsticks to measure the “spirit of a civilization, its excellencies and its limitations” (9). In
discrimination and marginalization seems a glaring issue. In fact in India religion, gender and
caste are inextricably linked. The coupled effect of religious sanction of a caste stratified
Hindu society into four distinct varnas and the maintenance of the purity of caste order that is
highly dependent on the purity of women, have reduced women to a position of perpetual
and lowering of the marriage age produced disastrous consequences on the position and
status of women. The status of women further deteriorated with the inter-marriage between
the Aryans and the uneducated Dravidian women. Uma Chakravarty in her seminal essay,
46
“Conceptualising Brahmanical Patriarchy” observes, “Caste hierarchy and gender hierarchy
are the organising principles of the Brahmanical social order” (579). Thus, it is clear that the
subordination of women by keeping them under strict vigil and control has its birth and
development in the desire to retain purity of caste; “the purity of women has a centrality in
Brahminical patriarchy...because the purity of caste is contingent upon it” (579). Hence, caste
and gender emerge as two crucial issues that dominate the socio-political discussions and
debates.
In his essay on caste and gender, titled On the Purity of Women in the Castes of Ceylon
and Malabar, Nur Yelman argues “a fundamental principle of Hindu social organisation is to
construct a closed structure to preserve land, women, and ritual quality within it.” (qtd. in
Chakravarti 579). He too is of the opinion that the three entities, caste, gender and religious
rituals are structurally linked and therefore to control either of these, control of female
sexuality becomes inevitable because uncontrolled female sexuality can lead to marriages
outside the caste, either in the form of pratiloma or anuloma, both of which can endanger
M. N. Srinivas too, through his study of the Indian society, draws a link between caste
castes. Relations between castes are governed among other things by the concepts
caste. (3)
The two types of marriages, anuloma and pratiloma, are conceived by caste patriarchy
as institutions that risk the caste identity and its purity. Anuloma is a marriage between an
upper caste man and a lower caste woman and though religiously should not take place this
47
type of marriage has at least received religious approval compared to pratiloma marriage. A
woman in an Indian society is considered the custodian of ‘purity’ and by engaging herself in
pratiloma type of marriage she risks the caste and class purity. Therefore, this type of
The Holy book of the Hindus, Bhagavad Gita also traces the collapse of social and moral
systems to faulty marriages. Verses 41-44 of the first chapter of Bhagavad Gita says,
“families are broken: / the rites are forgotten, /Vice rots the remnant/ Defiling the women, /
And from these corruptions/ Comes the mixing of castes” (Prabhavananda). Thus, whether it
is marriage outside the caste, or disintegration of moral values or weakening of family ethics,
it is a woman who is always held responsible. Though marriage does not happen without the
involvement of another individual but since the guardian and custodian of caste purity rests in
a woman she is always made the scapegoat for all the abnormalities, limitations and
deviations. However, this particular role of a woman that she is burdened with in order to
maintain the Brahmanical social order is not a sudden process. This role has been created,
developed and maintained with utmost care and precision over a period of time.
The declining position of honour and significance of women can be well sketched
through a detailed study of the changing role of women in different eras. In prehistoric times
women’s constructive and productive role besides their reproductive role that was exclusive
of them, earned them a position of social and economic significance and value. Though not
much detailed study of gender was possible in Harappan civilisation, “the existence of
numerous mother goddess icons and the bronze statue of the dancing girl could be interpreted
as the continued importance of women’s special relationship with reproduction, and may also
48
In contrast to Harrapan civilization, the Rig Vedic period does not show any explicit
evidence of the position of women during that time. The Rig Vedic times had been the
witness of several Aryan invasions. The indigenous people were defeated and subjugated by
the Aryan invaders and were taken as captives, either as dasis (female subjugates used as
servants) or dasas (male subjugates used as bonded labours), though the latter were killed
while their female counterparts were exploited to meet several conveniences of the ruling
clans. The prevalence of the concept of dasis and dasas during Rig Vedic time do hint at the
exploitation of the dasis for labour and sexuality under the control of the males of the
conquering and ruling class. A well defined stratification between the women of conqueror
class and captive dasis also convey the varying roles that they had. While an Aryan woman’s
significance was in the household work and performing rituals, the captive dasis’ labour was
During the Vedic period as agriculture started taking prominence, division of labour
became an important feature of the society to extract the labour of the subjugated dasis as
much as possible. In addition, in order to control women labour, they were engaged in some
peripheral work agricultural land like “water- regulation, transplanting, weeding, but not in
ploughing” (Desai and Krishnaraj, 303-4). The upward mobility of groups coupled with the
increasing significance of labour in agricultural fields, the productive women were barred
from agricultural work and were restricted to their reproductive roles only. This sudden shift
of role and restriction to one particular type that of reproductive, gave birth to discontent and
tension between men and women. Rig Vedic literature also provides references that suggest
that attempts were made to render women absolutely powerless and turn them into obedient
With the growing significance of agriculture, emerged the concept of class and caste and
led to stratification of society on the basis of caste and class. These changes in the form of
49
stratification of society and establishment of control over property further led to patrilineal
system and succession which required close observation and restriction on female sexuality.
Thus, physical mobility of woman was restricted. Husbands were endowed with the control
of their wives and reference of the same can be traced in chapter II of Apastambha Dharma
Sutra that enjoins a husband to ensure that no other man goes near his wife lest his seed get
The symbolic low position of women was evident in the way women were exploited,
especially the low caste women. Though the upper caste men had easy access to lower caste
women, the lower caste men were subjected to severe punishments if they dared to make any
advances towards an upper caste woman. In this graded system of punishment, not only the
position of women is implied but caste discrimination is also very clearly visible. (Das 143-
44)
The custom of ritual purity was a significant feature of patrilineal society. Observing the
important role of maintaining ‘purity of group’ with which women were assigned in
patrilineal society, Veena Noble Das in Indian Women: Work, Power and Status remarks:
system. If men of ritually low status were to get sexual access to women of higher
status, then not only the purity of women but that of the entire group would be
endangered. Since the main threat to the purity of the group came from female
sexuality, it becomes vital to guard it. Most groups solved this problem by the
In this context Uma Chakravarti also observes that with the emergence of patrilineal
social order a sharp distinction between motherhood and female sexuality was made with the
latter being channelized only into legitimate motherhood within a tightly controlled structure
50
Besides the ritual practices, the Hindu texts, both religious and cultural ones, attest to the
fact that women by nature are full of flaws and therefore, should be kept under strong
observation and control, resulting in women caged in a male dominated society. According to
one such text, women have been sinful right from the beginning when the creator first made
the five gross elements, the three worlds, and he gave shape to men and women (Leslie 248).
Manu in chapter IX, verse xvii-xviii of Manusmriti conceived the character of women as one
that consists of the habit of lying, sitting around and an indiscriminate love for ornaments,
anger, meanness, treachery and bad conduct. Hence, Manu allotted to women a love of their
bed, of their seat and of their ornament, impure desires, wrath, dishonesty, malice and bad
conduct (qtd. in Buhler 330). Satapatha Brahmana, too perceives the image of women as an
embodiment of negatives, “a woman, a Sudra, a dog, and a crow are the embodiments of
The basic picture of women that consisted of everything that is vile and evil was so
strong that it permeated into Buddhist culture and scriptures and even in Hindu epics like
of women is drawn in the similar line as she observes, “women do not care for a good family,
good deeds, or wisdom, and their hearts are never inconstant” (qtd. in Chakravarti 581).
Besides the general notion of women as one on whom no one can really trust, Sukhtankar
quotes verses from Mahabharata that asserts women are difficult to control, “The cunning
tricks of the demons are known to be common to women” (qtd. in Chakravarti 581).
The eminent Agashthya Muni in Ramayana edited by Sastrigal had given vent to a very
mean picture of women as he says, “it had been a woman’s nature ever since creation began
to cling to a man only when he prospers, and desert him in difficulty; their fickle natures are
modelled on the flashes of lightning” (Sastrigal). All these notions of women as put forth by
51
Stripumdharma that categorically defines the nature of women as “innately promiscuous,
fickle minded, lacking in love, and unfaithful to their husbands even when closely guarded”
(qtd. in Chakravarti 581). Therefore, it is an established fact that of all the blemishes that
characterise a woman, a woman’s fickle mindedness becomes the major issue that can be
involvement with Brahmanic murder) is another significant factor that gives rise to the
impure nature of women. Julia Leslie in her attempt to trace the innate impurity of women,
concludes that though women were not to be blamed for Vishwamitra’s death in the hands of
Of all the sages who regarded women as custodians of culture and purity and advocated
in many different ways of safeguarding a woman’s sexuality, it is Manu who remains the
most vocal and very logically defends his stand for controlling the sexuality of a woman. He
strongly believes that it is the mean, fickle nature of women that has the high probability of
Women do not care for beauty, nor is their attention fixed on age; thinking it is
enough that he is man, they give themselves to the handsome and to the ugly.
Through their passion for men, through their mutable temper, through their
power to command and control their women in these given lines , “Knowing their disposition,
which the lord of creatures laid on them at creation (i.e., their reproductive power, their
sexuality, their essential nature) every man should most strenuously exert himself to guard
52
Manu further argues to defend his opinion on women and observes that the sole reason
for maintaining and controlling the sexuality of women is to “preserve the purity of his
offspring” (qtd. in Buhler 329). Being aware of a woman’s fickle nature, Manu even advices
and warns a husband to carefully guard his wife. According to Manu the purity of an
offspring is of utmost importance to maintain the purity of caste. Thus, though he had
severely criticised women of their infidelity and fickle nature, yet he endows on them the
responsibility of rearing up and moulding the offspring in the best possible way:
The production of children, the nurture of those born and the daily life of men, of
these matters the wife is visible the cause. Offspring, the due performance of
religious rites, faithful service and heavenly bliss for the ancestors and for oneself
From the fact that women’s sexuality is closely linked with the purity of the offspring and its
succession, it is understood that the women whose sexuality is constantly regulated and
controlled belong to either the dominant ruling class, or to the priestly class. Thus it can be
concluded that the obsession of controlling the sexuality of women was more in the higher
castes. Women’s innate nature as opposed to her inherent nature further clarifies the need to
keep the sexuality of a woman under control. According to some myths a woman’s
the duty of a woman was of paternal heritage (Leslie 266). Therefore it became an obligatory
duty of paternal power of class based societies to control a woman’s essential nature.
purity of her family, clan and caste, ideological constructs are regarded as intelligent
mechanisms to regulate and keep the female sexuality under control. Stridharma operated at
different levels, starting from a woman’s girlhood through her wifehood and motherhood that
was regarded as the most significant phase of a woman and was applicable even in her
53
widowhood. The main objective of designing stridharma and expecting women to follow that
was obviously to regulate and control their sexuality, which as discussed before was always
Leela Dube, an eminent Indian sociologist, in her seminal essay, “On the Construction of
Gender: Hindu Girls in Patrilineal India”, observes that in the socialisation of a Hindu girl
there are certain “cultural ideas and values that shape the images and inform the visions” (11)
of Indian women that perpetuate their secondary position in the society. In a patriarchal
society men subjugate women and also control them in a systematic manner to assert their
superiority over women. Dube further enlists various mechanisms that the patriarchal society
takes the help of to express and enforce the relation of power relegate them to a secondary
position compared to men. According to Dube, family, kinship, religion and caste have an
intertwining effect on the socialisation of a girl. She observes, “The very process of
socialisation of Hindu girls through rituals and ceremonies, the use of language, and practices
within and in relation to the family” (Dube 11) instil in them a sense of carrying a less
(1993), shows how the ideological constructs of Brahmanical Patriarchy helps to keep
women sexuality under control. The Stridharma (Duty of women) that constitute an integral
part of Brahmanical discourse defines the expected role of a woman as a daughter, wife and
stage for the next stage, i.e., wifehood. As a daughter, a girl is expected to be obedient to her
parents and other kinsmen and maintain her chastity till she is married and becomes a part of
her marital or conjugal family. As a wife, she is expected to devote herself to the services of
her husband and his family sincerely and without any complaints. As a mother the
expectations from her are doubled. She is expected to sacrifice her life for her children and
54
family; her children’s happiness is hers. In all these roles as a daughter, wife and mother, a
According to Uma Chakravarti, as she puts in Gendering Caste , female sexuality started
to be controlled through different devices for extracting best expected results at different
levels. The objective of obtaining complete submissiveness of women was made possible
through the ideological construct of pativrata. Gradually, the pativrata became a symbolic
representation of an ideal woman of a patriarchal society and was eulogised for her chastity,
submissiveness and wifely devotion for her husband. The pativrata equated her husband with
God and therefore accepted him as her Lord at the household level. She showed no objection
to the fact that her sexuality was controlled by her Lord-like husband. The second mechanism
entrusted male kinsmen, especially the husband and father-in-law to exercise their
authoritative power on their wives to ensure their complete submission to their husband and
other kinsmen. Coercion and physical chastisement formed an integral part of this
mechanism. The third mechanism was the state control in which the king exercised his power
to regulate and control female sexuality. In case of any violation of sexual norms by women
sexuality is not exclusive of Indian scenario. Rather it is universal in nature. Even J. S. Mill
shared a similar opinion on the conditioning of women in a patriarchal society and remarked
that it clearly highlights identity construction of women. This can be best summed in his
words as, “All women are brought up from the very earliest in the belief that their ideal of
character is the very opposite to that of men, not self-will and government by self control, but
Shalini Shah, a well known sociologist, in her essay, “On Gender, Wives and Pativratas”
(2012), elaborated on the ideal of ‘pativrata’ that women internalised and ultimately locked
55
themselves in their role as a wife to a husband, serving him as her ‘Lord’. She also observes
that ideological constructs like ‘pativrata’ helped the patriarchal society to regulate the
of Stridharma that a woman as a daughter, wife and mother unconsciously becomes the
In the discourse of family, marriage and motherhood stand out as the only possible way
of exploring the significance of a woman’s existence in the patriarchal unit of a family. The
function of a woman in marriage lies in performing the rituals with her husband and her
success lies in giving birth to a male heir to carry the family lineage. Mrinalini Sinha
observes that though motherhood in the structure of family has a pivotal role to play, yet it is
Studies in Anthropology also prove that though in the Hindu marriage system,
procreation is of central significance, yet there are strong indications for women to express
their sexuality in ‘safe’ ways. (Selwyn 684-89) Motherhood, therefore, is a crucial institution
in the domination of women. Men control women as their wives, daughters and also as the
mother of their children. Even though the wife is central to the existence of the household,
her function is confined to her role as wife and mother; she is only “the means of attaining
purushartha: the goals of a man’s life, especially dharma and karma” (Roy 5). Given her
importance in the attainment of life’s goals and maintaining the purity of blood, the husbands
received coercive power from the state to ensure complete control on the impulsive nature of
women. Thus the purity of a caste that was of utmost significance to retain the purity of the
offspring as well as estate was deftly managed through coercive control of women sexuality.
A woman’s life that from her birth till death is defined and regulated by the male
hegemonic power has its inception in Manav Dharma Shashtra. Manu, the architect of
Manav Dharma Shashtra believes women are inherently corrupt, malicious, and prone to
56
violation of code of conducts that might rob them off their honour. Therefore, in chapter IX,
verse iii he opines that women should be under the control of men throughout her life, “Her
father protects her in childhood, her husband protects her in youth and her sons protect her in
old age; a woman is never fit for independence” (qtd. in Buhler 328).
and psychological processes that confine a woman within the domestic space, diligently
carrying out her duties and responsibilities as a daughter, sister, wife, daughter-in-law and
mother. Vedic myths and patriarchal ideologies construct the discourse of Indian femininity.
IV
Resistance to Marginalization
The coercive control of women’s sexuality to protect the purity of the patriarchal
lineage and state estate led to a frustrating experience of the female gender. However, not for
very long that this silent domination of female gender could take place. There were men as
well as women with heightened sense of female consciousness who came forward to express
their rebel against this condition. The anti caste and anti gender movement that started as a
result of this reaction took its form and shape in the revolutionary struggles in the province of
Maharashtra. The objective of this anti caste and gender movement was, no doubt, to
interrogate the cause and effect relation amongst caste, gender and patriarchy in a
Brahmanical society. The revolution that started with socio-cultural and political movements
had in its struggle eminent social and political reformers like Jyotiba Phule, Shahu Maharaj
and Babasaheb Ambedkar in Maharashtra. SavitriBai Phule, Pandita Ramabai and Tarabai
Shinde are a set of very courageous and liberal minded women, who at that time raised their
voice against the indiscrimination that was practise against female gender. Through their
social work and fiery writings that set the tone of women empowerment.
57
According to Gail Omvedt, as she puts in Violence against Women, the women’s
The most powerful pro-women themes and actions have come not so much from
the ranks of the nationalist movement or upper- caste moderate social reformers
as from those of the radical anti-caste leaders who often found themselves in
confrontation with the non-brahmins and the new dalit leaders - like Jotibha
Thus, the efforts of the early leaders like Jotirao Phule, Dr. Ambedkar, E. V. Ramaswami
helped to intellectualize the women's movement and mobilised the Indian women by
O' Han’on, a renowned scholar in dalit studies observes that the state of Maharashtra
that was a witness to an epoch making social as well as political transformation gave birth to
several social and political organisations like Brahmo Samaj, Arya Samaj, Prarathana Samaj
etc., under the rubric of Hinduism. The society was divided into Progressive and
Conservative groups; while the former organisation took up burning social issues of the time
like child marriage, age of consent for marriage, sati, widowhood and women’s education,
It was under the leadership of Jyotirao Phule, a social revolutionary and feminist by
nature, that the reform movements in the state of Maharashtra gained an unparallel
momentum. The Christian Missionaries that played a crucial role in addressing social
concerns and drew an elaborate distinction between Hinduism and Christianity accelerated
his concerns for the social problems that had the seeds in the anomalies of the Hindu religion
and caste stratified society. The influence of the Christian Missionaries further concretised
his belief that Brahminism and its scriptures are “mere ideological tools to govern the
Shudras and Ati- Shudras” (Patil 9, Keer 17). Realising the close link between religion and
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caste with the deplorable condition of women, the condition of the latter became his prime
focus. Phule mobilised his social concerns on the condition of women through his Sastar I
and II in which he criticised the different ways in which a woman’s existence and chastity
was challenged. In Sastar I, through fictitious characters of a Brahmin and Shudras, Phule
brings out the ambivalent but exploitative nature of Brahmins, especially the priestly class
that made use of their knowledge of religion to exploit women. In the second issue of Satsar,
Phule draws link between the misogynistic attitude of Brahmins to their inherent nature and
caste identity.
the social conditions of the time and as Phule defended Pandita Ramabai’s conversion to
Christianity in his Sastar I and II, he faced internal opposition from his own men. This gave
rise to Gulamgiri, another pioneering book on gender, caste and patriarchy, the objective of
which was to counter attack the response shown by his fellow men in his own organisation,
Satyasodhak Samaj.
Phule, the social revolutionary in his efforts to create a new social history, targeted the
religion of Hinduism and brought out the corruption inherent in it. He firmly believed that it
was the anomalies in the religion that were responsible for giving birth to social corruption
like deceit, chaos and degradation and the victims of these, invariably were, the lower caste
In order to bring a social change and better the degraded condition of women, the
Phule couple attacked the socio-religious practices especially shaving off a widow’s hair (Bal
and Parajale 63) and polygamy (Narke 448). The couple, therefore, organised structured
protest movements and founded spaces to give the widows shelter (Bal and Parajale 243-54)
as well to deliver babies (O'Hanlon 119). He also strongly advocated against infant marriage
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Phule as a social reformist had a deep insight into the intricacies of the Brahmanical
society as well as the objectives of the British rulers. To meet his objective as a social
reformer to better the conditions of the lower castes and women, he pointed out very
categorically that education is the only solution to solve almost all the issues of their lives. He
hailed primary education as the only solution to curb and consequently eliminate social evils.
He strove towards inclusive education to minimise the Brahmanic hold on education and
Countering the education system, Phule formulated an inclusive education system that
would include all children irrespective of their castes and have teachers who have just
knowledge of the society. In order to motivate children from lower and deprived castes Phule
also introduced free scholarship and separate schools for Mahars and Mangs. He also
believed that such an education would be successful provided a change in the curriculum was
possible that would incorporate more practical subjects like vocational education, ethics,
Yeshwantrao Ghatge, the eldest son of Appasaheb Ghatge who was later adopted by
Anandibai, widow of Maharaja Shivaji IV of Kolhapur, also known as Shahu Maharaj, was
another social reformer in the state of Maharashtra who brought significant change in the
society. A staunch follower of Phule, Shahu Maharaj, after assuming the responsibility of the
state as king in 1894, took forward the legacy of Satyasodhak movement of Jyotiba Phule and
worked towards removing social and gender discrimination of all other caste and classes by
especially the Mahars and the Mangs, with dignified posts in the state army. This served him
to minimise the gap between the touchables and untouchables and helped the Mahars and
Mangs feel little dignified and also helped them to gain self esteem. The most revolutionary
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action that Shahu Maharaj took as his reformist agenda besides inclusive education was his
meant 'leader of the silenced' and aimed at including the untouchables in the mainstream
In 1820, Shahu Maharaj reconstituted the Hindu Code Bill that consist of inheritance
of property by women, conjugal rights of husband and wife, adaptation laws, adaptation
process, rules and definition of joint families, and equal distribution of property. The law
amended by Shahu stated that every child, even the ones born out of different castes should
have access to property. Shahu Maharaj legalised inter caste marriage and supported 'Patel
Maharaj also established very explicitly the fact that family is the most oppressive
system that sanctioned and supported oppression and subjugation of women. He further
connected this issue with lack of education and awareness. In order to bring out women from
oppressive physical and mental subjugation, he stressed on the freedom of choice that a girl
A true follower of Phule and Shahu Maharaj, who played a vital role in the
emancipation of caste and gender was, B.R. Ambedkar (1891-1956). He was influenced by
multiple forces that consisted of reformist ideas of Jyotiba Phule, Savitribai Phule, Shahu
Maharaj, Sant Kabir, Buddhist philosophy and even western education that helped him
visualise his plans in a more democratic line addressing the question of liberty, equality and
fraternity. These ideologies from different schools of thought that he absorbed helped him
The immediate influence of Sant poets like Eknath, Choka Mela and Thukaram and
Bhakti Movement that he drew from his father turned Ambedkar’s interest into other parallel
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movements that were taking place at different places in the early 1920s under the leadership
of men of socio religious significance. Following his father’s footsteps as Ambedkar started
taking interest in Sant poets he realised that the line of philosophy on which the Sant poets
were working would help him materialise his dream of anti Brahmanical society. Thus, the
Bhakti movement, led by Ramanand and Raidas in the North, Chaitanya and Chandidasa in
the East, Eknath, Choka Mela, Thukaram and Narsinh Mehta in the West and Ramanuja,
Nimbaraka and Basava in the South, opposed caste distinctions, the basic premises on which
Brahminism was established and aimed at establishing equality of all before God. It is this
series of anti caste movements that inspired and helped B. R. Ambedkar concretise his
During the Bhakti movement and immediately after it there were several other
movements across the country headed by different leaders under different banner that
cropped up to restore the lost position and identity of the original inhabitants and therefore
had a common tag ‘Adi’. Gail Omvedt, a leading critic scholar and critic on Anti Caste
It was in the 1920s, however, that Dalits began to organize strongly and
independently throughout many regions of India. The most important of the early
in U.P; and the organizing of the pulayas and Cherumans in Kerala. (Patankar and
Omvedt 13)
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In Bengal it was the Namasudhra Movement that marked the first protest against the
social authority of the higher castes by the untouchable castes, also known as Chandals. The
tribal community living in the Eastern Bengal of the then undivided Bengal. Under the
Colonial rule as the high caste showed their allegiance towards the elite British and non
British, it automatically gave rise to backward class politics in Bengal. It was then that the
dormant Chandal Movement of 1872-73 gave rise to Namasudra movement under the
leadership of Shri Harichand Thakur of Faridpur and his son Shri Guruchand Thakur, in the
subsequent period. The movement believed in education and self-respect and vigorously
protested against the oppressive caste domination. When the caste stigmatization became
oppressive, the Namasudras embraced Islam or Christianity to avoid their original caste
identity. Regarding the origin and development of the Namasudhra movement in Bengal,
strategy. (Bandyopadhyay 3)
Punjab, worked towards the upliftment of the socially downtrodden. The movement however
was split into two groups, the other influenced by Arya Samaj (Manguo Ram 9).
is another significant movement that contributed to the construction of the Dalit identity in
the 1920s. The Adi-Hindu movement provided not only “an ideology of radical equality” and
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“a strategy for doing better in everyday life”, but also “a political culture for civil rights and
organized protest” (Khare 8). The Adi Hindu movement was anti Arya Samaj as it felt that
the latter, in spite of all its work for the socially downtrodden, aimed at enslaving
make all Hindus slaves of the Vedas and the Brahmins” (Goopt 13). The Adi-Hindu
movement provided not only “an ideology of radical equality” and “a strategy for doing
better in everyday life”, but also “a political culture for civil rights and organized protest”
(Khare 8).
Parallel to the Adi movements in Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and the Namasudra
movement in Bengal, the Adi movements in South India had their resonance in constructing
Madras Presidency and Adi-Hindu movement under the Nizam reign had paved the way for
Like Acchutanand in Uttar Pradesh and Mangoo Ram in Punjab, E.V.Rama Swamy
(1879-1973) popularly known as Periyar led the Self-Respect movement in Tamil Nadu. One
Brahmin dominance criticizing the idol worship. Aloysius comments on Periyar, “His focus
was not God and religion in general or in the philosophical sense but religion in particular–
the Brahminical religion – taken in its practical – social dimension of buttressing up social
iniquity and in humanity” (4). Aloysius further recounts the clarifications that Periyar made
on the objectives of the Self Respect Movement to distinguish it from other parallel
movements:
The Self Respect Movement was started with the objective of instilling a sense of
self-respect in the people of this country and to unify them. The self-respect
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movement really endeavours in transparency, to explain why and how the people
of our country had lost their self- pride, to assert that the obstacles in their way
Soon cultural revolt became Periyar’s primary agenda. In order to bring a cultural revolt and
materialise his objective of making society casteless and egalitarian, Periyar aimed at
educating the Dravidians and Adi-Dravidians. Regarding a casteless society that Periyar
Stressing egalitarian social relations across caste, community and gender lines,
marriage celebrating the equality of women and her right to choose life-partner
and other such practices designed to give a death blow to the Brahmanical order.
which he saw as the root cause of the degradation and subordination of Women
Eventually all these reform movements culminated in Ambedkarite Movement. Following the
early Dalit movements, Ambedkar, organized Dalits socially, politically and intellectually to
champion for the human rights of the Dalits and give them an access to their civil rights.
Ambedkar at a very initial stage of his reformist activities realised the potentials of a
caste that helped him to give a proper shape to his reformist vision. He also sensitised the
Mahar and Mang Dalit women about their degraded position in the society and channelized
the Mahar women solidarity for eradication of caste discrimination as well as to give women
a space, which they were often denied, in the male dominated society. He urged them to
come out of the stigmatized dress code, consisting of wristlets, Nose pins and heavy anklets,
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as well as occupations they were assigned to, to protest against caste ideologies. In order to
stop the untouchables sticking to the menial jobs that were assigned to them and that became
their caste identity, he demanded the abolition of Mahar Watan Act. He further challenged
the caste discriminations by entering into temples that led to two very significant Satyagraha
movements in 1927 and 1930 respectively. Apart from social activism, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar
also worked towards political activism to bring political rights for depressed classes. Hence,
he stipulated separate electorates as well as reserved seats for the depressed classes according
to their population.
Ambedkar emphasised the interrelation among three major stratifications that was
exclusive of Indian culture. His argument in Castes in India concluded that caste is an
intricate part of Indian culture and therefore to separate it is not an easy task (Ambedkar 5-
22). However, he believed that a unity of the same can create a homogenous identity of the
country. Ambedkar also observes that Caste that is so unique of Indian socio-cultural system
is maintained by strict prohibition of inter caste marriage. He believed that Indians were
exogamy.
Ambedkar attacked Manu for codifying the Brahmanical ideology for creating a more
organised and hierarchical social order. Another pioneering work by Ambedkar in the context
of gender is The Rise and Fall of the Hindu Women: who was responsible for it? He criticised
the Brahmin trend of treating women and Shudras as inferiors and ripping the former off their
Ambedkar’s attack against the Brahmanical codes found expression in his Hindu
Code Bill passed in 1950. It dealt on marriage, divorce and succession of parental properties,
he proposed the abolition of polygamy and also the right of divorce to Hindu women and a
share in the husband’s and father’s property. The bill that consisted of Hindu code, replaced
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the rule of Mritiksha and was composed in the lines of Dayabhaga rule, according to which
the heir has complete right over the personal property. It also has in it the scope for the heir to
either hand over it as a gift or by will if chooses to do so (Khairmodey 4-67). The Hindu
Code Bill had a very inclusive approach. It gave the daughters, widows and widows of pre-
deceased sons to inherit property. The bill advocated equality of both the genders and gave
autonomy to women. Hence, it introduced equal opportunity for property for both son and
daughter. It abolished the right of the reversioners to a widow’s property and treated dowry as
a trust property that can be returned to the woman when she reached the age of eighteen. It
also allowed a divorced woman to demand maintenance from those who inherit both
sacramental marriage as well as civil one. The bill also gave right to the dependents of the
deceased to claim maintenance from those who inherit the property under will (Khairmodey
4-67).
legal actions. The boldness, with which he challenged the Hindu Brahmanic order and
brought both the genders on equal footing, made him the hero of anti caste and gender
movement. His main agenda was to attack the Hindu Brahminical social order and it was best
effectively articulated the question of Brahmanical patriarchy. Stree Purusha Tulana (1882)
by Tarabai Shinde, The High-Caste Hindu Woman (1887) by Pandita Ramabai and letters
written to her husband by Anadibai Joshi (1865-1889) lay bare the evils of patriarchal
practices in their feminist discourse. Besides these writers, there were other women who
boldly emphasized women’s subjugation in their works. Simantini Updesh (A Tract for A
Married Woman) was anonymously written and published in 1882 attacked the practice of
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dowry and women’s love for jewellery. The tract worked towards taking out women from the
image of ‘other’ that they had developed for themselves. Shevantibai Nikambe’s Ratanbai: A
Sketch of a Bombay High Caste Hindu Young Wife (1895) exposed the patriarchal prejudices
against women’s education, with the main objective of stunting their self confidence and
social development.
It is Tarabai Shinde way back in an era when women had essentially no right to
express their mind boldly interrogated the binaries of gender that form the bedrock of a
patriarchal society and result into discriminatory practices beyond imagination. In her
seminal book, Stri Purush Tulana (A Comparison between Men and Women), that attacked
the patriarchal Hindu society she puts a rhetorical question to God with the objective of
tracing the root cause of gender binaries and consequent differential treatment of men and
women, “(But) wasn’t it you who created both men and women? Then why did you grant
happiness only to men and brand women with nothing but agony? Your will was done! But
poor women have had to suffer for it down the ages” (Tharu and Lalitha 223).
The concern that Tarabai raises is not one of Indian origin, but it is universal in
nature. It has been voiced by others like Mary Astel, “If all men are born free, how is it that
all women are born slaves?” (Astel) Some Reflections upon Marriage (1706 ed.) and in
Simon de Beauvoir in The Second Sex, “One is not born, but becomes a woman” (Beauvoir),
the society as a whole manipulates this very process of ‘becoming’. Marriage and
motherhood shape the lives of women and bring connotative significance to their existence.
In spite of such bold works and tracts written for reformation of the social systems
and the condition of women, total change had not been possible. The repression, subjugation
and exploitation of women persist to be grave social issues camouflaged under sham civilized
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The research aims to examine and assess the impact of these caste and gender reform
movements in the Indian subcontinent. A close study of the select plays attempts to evaluate
how these playwrights have reflected in their plays caste and gender marginalization still
prevalent in a Brahmanical society and trace its roots to the Indian social and cultural systems
and values. The research further engages to appraise how the playwrights have also attempted
69
Chapter Two
social awareness and change. Writing at a time when 19th century Social Reformation
Movement was making its impact felt in Hindu Brahmanical society, Tendulkar’s plays echo
the main concerns of the movement like social injustice and hypocrisy, immorality embedded
within the social political systems of the time, gender politics and consequent contradictory
nature of gender representation. The corpus of his dramatic creation consists of an array of
women from different socio-economic background represents the social status and condition
of women in a Brahmanical patriarchal society in general. The modern enslaved wife, Sarita,
in Kamala, the wronged woman, Ms. Leela Benare in Silence! The Court is in Session, the
abandoned and destitute women like Laxmi and Champa in Sakharam Binder, the desperate
Rama craving to prove her fertility and welcome motherhood in The Vultures, the helpless
victim of caste and gender intersectionality, Jyoti in Kanyadaan and the sacrificial heifer,
Gauri in Ghashiram Kotwal are not just some women characters that crowd his creative
world, rather they are the unheard voices of silenced women in a patriarchal society.
insensitive and ambitious men Tendulkar uses his plays as vehicles to bring out the
in gender issues, N.S. Dharan in his book, The Plays of Vijay Tendulkar, observes “…though
not a self-acknowledged feminist [Tendulkar] treats his women characters with understanding
and compassion, while pitting them against men who are selfish, hypocritical and brutally
ambitious” (Dharan 28). However, a committed writer as he is, he does not believe in mere
representation of social reality in his creative work. Rather, he believes that his contribution
to the literary world will be justified only if he can direct his creative abilities in sensitising
70
his readers on the exploitative nature of the patriarchal institutions that perpetuate caste and
gender subordination and marginalisation in the society. The following lines encapsulate his
As an individual- or rather as a social being- I feel deeply involved in the existing state
much as other are) and in my own way brood over it... As a writer I feel fascinated by the
violent exploited- exploiter relationship and obsessively deep into it instead of taking a
position against it. This takes me to point where I feel that this relationship is eternal, a fact of
life, however cruel and will never end. Nor that I relish this thought while it grips me but I
cannot shake it off. ... I have not written about hypothetical pain or created an imaginary
world of sorrow. I am from a middle class family and I have seen the brutal ways of life by
keeping my eyes open. My work has come from within me, as an outcome of my observation
of the world in which I live. If they want to entertain and make merry, time go ahead, but I
Hence, Tendulkar’s concerns with the social system that very subtly perpetuate gender
inequity and exploitation urge him to probe into those very social institutions, practises and
social setups that serve as the vehicle for practising and spreading the social evils. Gender,
marriage, family, motherhood, caste and class are the factors that perpetuate subjugation and
labour starts with the birth of a girl and gradually gains prominence as she enters womanhood
and marriage. Thus marriage and motherhood, though often glorified, actually entail within
them oppression and abuse that usually go unheard and unseen by the family and the society
This chapter analyses Tendulkar’s major plays like Silence! The Court is in Session
(1967), Ghashiram Kotwal (1972), Sakharam Binder (1972), Kamala (1981) and Kanyadaan
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(1983) and the patriarchal institutions of marriage, motherhood, family and caste form the
main corpus of thematic concerns. In Indian society, the institution of marriage is generally
believed to be one of the most sacred ceremonies in one’s life. It is a sacred institution that
brings together not only two individuals together but also two souls. According to Hindu
Dharmashashtras this institution is actually a union of two individuals for life with the
objective of pursuing dharma (duty), artha (possessions), kama (physical desires) and
moksha (ultimate spiritual release) together. However, in a caste stratified Hindu society the
institution of marriage becomes the site where gender binaries are fortified to perpetuate
This chapter investigates into the patriarchal institutions of marriage and family to
explore the subjugation and exploitation of women at different levels under different
circumstances in their lives. Thus, the first section of this chapter, titled The Sacred
Institution of Marriage and the Pativratas, focuses on marriage and wifehood in Kamala, The
Vultures, Kanyadaan, Ghashiram Kotwal and Sakharam Binder to examine how the
institution of marriage emerges as one of the strongest agencies to perpetuate subjugation and
exploitation of women. This section makes a sincere attempt to investigate how the
pativrata (devoted to husband) as “a rhetorical device to ensure the social control of women;
(Chakravarti, 74). Besides this, the study also explores how under the pressure to conform to
the ideals of a pativrata woman, these women sometimes voluntarily but most of the time
with sweet coercion, slip into a life of humiliation and unparallel mental torture and
Marriage as a sacrament and legalised institution authorises men with a commanding power
over women as their subordinates. The plays like Kamala, The Vultures, Kanyadaan depict
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how often the sacred institution of marriage fails to keep its sacred vows of love, care and
affection and leads to inexpressible emotional repression that creates a vacuum in a husband
wife relation. It also explores the various strategies that the patriarchy employs in the
institution of marriage to enslave women and exploit them as tools to realise their selfish
goals.
The ideology of stridharma rules the life of a woman from her girlhood to womanhood.
meet for her social acceptance as an ideal woman. The notion of pativrata thus becomes an
imperative milestone for a woman to claim her position of an ideal wife. However, this
initiates her into a life of confinement, repression and subjugation in the institution of
marriage.
The women protagonists in these plays like Sarita, Rama, Jyoti and even the abandoned
Laxmi as part of a patriarchal society firmly believe in the institution of marriage and try to
follow all the vows taken during their marriage. Their belief on their roles as wife to their
respective husbands helps them internalise the ideology of an ideal wife or pativrata. Thus,
in order to do justice to their roles as ideal wives, they voluntarily accept and follow the
ideologies of stridharma.
The second section of the chapter attempts to explore the notion of motherhood that is
inextricably linked with marriage. This section that is titled as The Trap of Motherhood
especially the dreams and hopes that are associated with it in a patriarchal society and how
motherhood that ultimately defines the femininity of women actually becomes a curse in a
woman’s life, especially when an unmarried woman attains motherhood. Motherhood that is
regarded as one of the many ways that defines the femininity of women has been depicted
in different shades of light. It becomes a curse in the life of Leela Benare in Silence! The
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Court is in Session as she tries to materialise motherhood without the wedlock. In The
Vultures, on the other hand, Rama undergoes a turbulent marriage because of her inability
to become a mother. In both these plays an attempt has been made to investigate how the
If Ms Benare and Rama are rebuked, condemned and marginalised because of carrying
the symbol of their illegitimate relations with Prof Damle and Rajaninath respectively,
Manik’s unwed motherhood is exploited by her property monger brothers to blackmail her
fiancé as well as her to seize her rightful share in their father’s property. The study identifies
the close association of a woman’s sexuality with the purity of blood and caste and hence
how it regulates the sexuality of women by keeping them at the mercy of men in a male
dominated society and denying her the right over her womb as well as her property in a
The third section of the chapter, “Intersection of Caste and Gender” deals with the
bartering of a daughter by her father to take revenge on intra caste discrimination in a Hindu
society. Kanydaan explores the plight of a Brahmin girl, Jyoti, in the hands of her Dalit
husband, Arun Athavale. Based on Uma Chakravarti’s observation in Genderig Caste that
caste and class play a significant role in determining the position of gender, this section
attempts to study and trace the predicament of the two women characters, Jyoti and Gauri to
caste and class consciousness in a Brahmanical society. Drawing a close link among the
three: caste, class and women the chapter attempts to trace how both the women in these
plays, Jyoti and Gauri become the sites where their fathers and husbands try to materialise
their dreams and objectives. In both these plays the women are the subject on whom the
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I
The history of Hindu marriage can be traced back a few millennia. H. N. Chatterjee, the
association for life and productive of full partnership, both in human and divine
rights and duties. To them marriage involves sacred and onerous duties. In order
to acquire competence for discharge of religious duties associated with it, there is
one man or several men with one woman or several women has to be recognised by customs
or statute. That relationship (which later came to be known as marriage) should not only
govern rights and duties of the parties but also those of their children” (qtd. in Subbamma
35). Since recognition of progeny happened through the identity of mother, it was matriarchy
that prevailed at the beginning of human history. However, with the transition of the society
from matriarchal to that of a patriarchal society, the father gained prominence and the
children inherited property through their father. This marked the beginning of women as
The institution of marriage arose out of political need during Vedic period. Later its
existence was justified to enable the master of the household discharge his debts towards the
manes (Subbamma 37). The samaskaras or rituals involved in marriage reiterate the
significance of both the husband and wife to carry out the duties of a married life. In fact a
man is considered incomplete without a woman. It is the sacred institution of marriage that
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makes a man complete. The mantras that are chanted during the rituals of a Hindu marriage
evoke the vows and promises of lifelong commitment and togetherness. Besides the mantras,
the ritual of seven steps that the couple takes around the fire during the marriage ceremony
emphasise on the concept of the wife as ardhangini (the other half) and friend:
Let us live together and take counsel of one another. (Padfield 109)
It promises a life of perpetual togetherness, sharing friendship, being the greatest confidante
of each other and holding each other’s hand in the most challenging situation to tide over all
adverse situations in life. The ritual of saptapad, or the seven steps taken around the fire,
keeping the Fire God as a witness signifies the lifelong commitment and togetherness of the
husband and wife irrespective of all the odds in their marital life.
for the welfare of human beings. Thus, its primary purpose is procreation and continuation of
life upon earth. Its secondary purpose is upholding of the social order and the Hindu dharma,
while its ultimate aim is spiritual union with the inmost self, which is possible when a couple
perform their obligatory duties and earn the grace of God through their good karma. Hence, a
structured marriage system became a “fundamental prerequisite for the Brahmanical social
mrriage and procreation as one of the main responsibilities that the married couple should
take up in the smallest social unit called family. The link between marriage and continuation
of family line with the maintenance of the social order by observing the principles of caste
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that Manu perceived as the bedrock of the Brahmanical society is best summarised by an
Marriage is at the heart of Hindu society. It is... the most important event in a
man’s life; it is in the forefront of Hindu ‘consciousness’; and it is the focal point
of the social system. Marriage is directly integrated with caste which is at the
basis of a Hindu’s primary status position in the society. A man’s caste is first of
all decided by the status of his parents, and subsequently maintained or modified
Hence, the institution of marriage that is closely linked with caste and control on the
women as greedy and wicked creatures whose innate nature can easily tempt men and
therefore, dangerous and posed a threat for the maintenance of the social order. In order to
control and tame women’s innate nature, strisvabhana, stridharma or duty of an ideal woman
was conceived. A girl from her childhood was brought up to be a kind, polite, self sacrificing,
caring and nurturing, showering love and keeping the family united so that as a woman she
remains submissive and subservient to her male partner. As a woman she was also expected
to be her husband’s good counsel, a fortress of patience and forgiveness and bear a heart that
A woman as a wife is called Jaya that signifies that “the husband is born again in wife”
(Subbamma 46). Hence, a woman was expected to possess certain characteristics that would
enable her to become an ideal woman and wife. Aastamba Grihya Sutra highlights the
significance of the bride’s “heredity, education, health and other good features” (Subbamma
46). Yama’s list of qualities that a prospective bride should have is learning, good looks, and
wealth and abundance kinsmen. Brihat Parasara Smriti specified eight characteristics of a
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desirable bride consisting of “good caste, learning, strength, youth, health, support, wealth
and other desirable” (Subbamma 46). These qualities and virtues were emphasised in a
woman’s life and constituted the patriarchal ideology of a good woman called the stridharma.
However, as Uma Chakravarti puts in her book, Gendering Caste: Through a Feminist
ensure social control on women; it was an ideological mechanism for controlling the
biological aspects of women” (74). According to her, stridharama was in fact more than just
‘taming women’s innate nature to that of an orderly world of culture’ (73), it turned out to be
a strategic measure of the patriarchal society to keep the women in a subjugated state, curbing
Initially the duties of a housewife evolved to meet the social necessity. Rig Veda in
chapter V emphasises on the duty of the housewife to tend the sacrificial fire and keep it
burning (qtd. in Subbamma 63). Further, in chapter X of Rig Veda, she was expected to
attend all the ceremonies and become the mother of ten heroes (Subbamma 63). Later on as
religion and dharma was incorporated along with her social duty, she was then described as
Griha Patni (Mistress of the house). Her main responsibility then centred on griha or house
and she assumed the power of management of the home and family. She was enjoined to look
after the welfare of the parents-in-law, brothers and sisters-in-law. She was expected to serve
her husband as her Lord and it was assumed that only by a faithful service to her husband that
The idea of a wife’s complete submission to her husband is voiced in Manu’s Manav
too. Manu’s Manav Dharmashashtra which is regarded as the law book of social behaviour
clearly lays down social behavioural codes for women to discipline her life from her
childhood till death. Since he believed women’s stribhavana or innate nature can invite
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problems he ordained a woman’s life to be dependent on the men in her life, “In childhood a
female must be subject to her father, in youth to her husband, when her lord is dead to her
sons; a woman must never be independent” (qtd. in Buhler 195). After conditioning a woman
for lifelong dependence, Manu in Chapter V of Manusmriti enjoins a wife to blindly follow
her husband as her lord, “Though destitute of virtue, or seeking pleasure (elsewhere), or
faithful wife” (qtd. in Buhler 196). Further, in the same chapter, Manu clarifies the type of
women who can be called pativratas, “She who controlling her thoughts, words and deeds,
never slights her lord, resides (after her death) with her husband (in heaven), and is called a
her husband, Sankha Smriti too has prescribed certain injunctions on the behaviour of women
as housewife. Hence, a special emphasis has been put on barring the housewife from meeting
other men who are not relatives of the family as well as female ascetics, fortune tellers and
other women who know tricks, magical and secret rites as these women can spoil the
character of the housewife and bring dishonour for both the family and herself. (Subbamma
68). The definition of Pativrata attends its clear picture in Chapter 47, verse 55 of
Padmapurana Sristikanada, “A wife is a pativrata who in doing work is a slave, like a mother
Hence, the wife as ardhangini and sahadharmini of her husband was enjoined to be a
pativrata and hold his hand tightly through all the crises that come in their way, even if the
man tries to let it loose. She should follow her husband as her Lord, without trying to
challenge or interrogate his authority on her life and matters of household. It is the
responsibility of the wife to keep the marriage sparkling besides accepting slavish
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submission. Evident in this one sided responsibility is the inequality of power practiced in the
institution of marriage.
Closely linked with marriage is the smaller patriarchal unit called ‘family’ that
accentuates a women’s oppression post marriage. In both these units a woman is expected to
withstand all the storms of ups and downs, love and hatred, misunderstandings and
Her condition, therefore, becomes that of a selfless provider and supporter, nothing less than
a slave. Though human slavery is illegal and banned in many parts of the world, it still exists
in the institution of marriage as a legalised form to meet the role of a woman as ‘ardhangini’
has never raised any eyebrows. It is around these sugar coated poisonous institutions of
marriage and motherhood within the family structure and caste in a bigger social set up that
Time has changed, man has seen the light of education but man’s tendency to exploit and
enslave women has not changed. In some form or the other women are still caged in the
whims and fancies of the patriarchal society. Tendulkar’s The Vultures (1961) Kamala (1981)
and Kanyadaan (1983) focus on the social institution of marriage and family that expect a
woman to be a devoted, committed, loving and self sacrificing for her husband and family
and in turn to be reduced to the level of a slave. A woman’s identity as a wife, daughter-in-
law and mother rest on such values as love, affection, selflessness, dutifulness and obedience
and the lack of these qualities define a woman as ‘unwomanly’ and affect her status in
patriarchal society. These plays portray how the ideals of stridharma transform a woman into
a pativrata post marriage and pave the way towards oppression and subjugation, inequality
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Tendulkar conceived the idea of his play, Kamala, after reading a newspaper report
about an incident in Delhi about the selling of a woman. However, instead of commenting on
this issue, Tendulkar uses it as a context to depict the oppression of female gender in a
patriarchal Indian society. Tendulkar gives a twist to the incident to highlight on the
disturbing social issue of exploitation of women in a patriarchal society. Kamala stresses how
the vows of inseparable togetherness, love and concern for each other, to be the lighting lamp
in each other’s life taken during marriage keeping the Fire God a witness fall apart in the rat
race for professional success and social recognition. In Kaanyadaan, however, the promise of
loving togetherness gets overshadowed and eventually crushed under evils of caste
discrimination and inequalities. Thus, in both the plays the sacredness attached with marriage
is lost and the women in the plays, viz., Sarita, Kamala and Jyoti become the subjects on
The play, Kamala, centres round Jaisingh Jadav, a modern busy and committed
journalist who wants to serve the society as an emancipator of women and his wife Sarita
who with her sincere devotedness helps her husband materialise his dream. Jaisingh is a self
made man, who has earned reputation and success as a journalist in few years time, so much
so that from a small house adjacent to a garage, Jaisingh Jadav has managed to buy a two
storied bungalow at Neeti Baug, a posh locality in the main city Delhi.
English newspaper. His commitment to and sincerity in work makes him an integral and
happening journalist of his newspaper house. However, most of his busy professional life is
supported by his wife Sarita. Sarita as an ideal wife carries out the assigned role of a personal
assistant to her husband, Jaisingh. As per his orders, she attends to each and every phone call
personally, pens down all the details of the callers, and even manages his diary, taking down
date and timing of important meetings and agenda. However, Sarita has no qualms against it.
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Rather she executes his orders in full submission to such an extent that it becomes an
obsession with her. Though her sense of commitment that verges on to a level of obsession
irritates people around her, for her it is her duty to serve her husband in the best possible way.
as a dedicated and obedient wife carries out her husband’s order without any compromise.
She is a doting wife for whom husband’s needs and wants are the first priority of her life. She
is not only her husband’s personal assistant of professional life but also is a caring wife at
domestic level. The loving and caring aspect of Sarita is visible in her daily chores. Hence,
even before her husband arrives from work, she keeps all his requirements ranging from bath
to food ready. She is well aware of the items that provide her husband comfort and happiness.
Therefore, she arranges for him warm water for bath, starched and pressed white pajama to
wear post bath, chilled bear for relaxing and chicken and cauliflower for dinner. Ironically,
her husband fails to notice and appreciate her loving and caring approach towards him.
However, her efficiency as a housewife in keeping her home in order as well as providing her
husband the much needed assistance in professional and personal needs curbs her
independence. Anne Oakley, a radical feminist, observes on the notion and role of housewife:
The creation of the housewife is a social construct and is not inevitably linked to
the female role. This housewife role ensures that women stay subordinate to men,
making it difficult for them to pursue careers and this role which is exclusively
allocated to women, has no status, is unpaid and alienating and yet it takes
In contrast to the characteristics that an ideal Hindu pativrata woman like Sarita
embodies is Jaisingh, the egoistic and selfish career oriented young man. Though for Sarita
her husband and his needs are the first priority, in Jaisingh’s life, however, Sarita holds no
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such significance. In fact she even fails to bag the confidence of her husband. It is
professional commitment that Jaisingh focuses on and he is totally oblivious of his duties and
responsibilities as Sarita’s husband. So much so that Jaisingh keeps Sarita in total darkness
about his official trips and schedule for other assignments. She gets information on simple
things like the arrival and scheduled tours of her husband from secondary sources like his
Jaisingh’s selfish and authoritative nature pulls down Sarita from the prestigious position
as his wife to that of an organizer, a quiet home maker and a personal secretary to himself,
without any authority to speak her mind or involve into anything in and around him. She has
been reduced to the role of a supplier of the basic things that her husband requires for a
decent and comfortable living at his personal and professional levels. Her only role in his life
is to serve as a tool for his personal gratification and professional success. Sarita’s condition
insufficient. She pervades poetry from cover to cover; she is all but absent from
history. She dominates lives of kings and conquerors in fiction; in fact she was
the slave of any boy whose parents forced a ring upon her finger... (and) in real
life she could hardly read, could scarcely spell, and was the property of her
husband. (45-6)
Marriage in Hinduism is a sacred bond that not only unites two hearts but also two souls.
The seven rounds that the couple take around the fire, keeping the Fire God a witness to their
oaths, signify the importance of being together as friend and partner, sharing all the joys and
happiness, ups and downs in their life. The mantras recited during the seven steps capture the
essence of marriage:
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May the first step lead to food that is both nourishing and pure
May the second step lead to strength (at the physical, emotional and spiritual
levels)
May the third step lead to prosperity May the fourth step lead to all round
happiness
May the fifth step lead to progeny (noble and virtuous children)
May the sixth step lead to long life May the seventh step lead to friendship
After the seven steps taken by the bride and the bride groom, the groom declares, “By
taking seven steps with me do thou become my friend, By taking seven steps together we
However, for the couple Sarita- Jaisingh, all the seven vows that they had taken during
their marriage, fail to hold its significance. Though Jaisingh has attained professional success
and manages to earn well to sustain his family, yet he ignores the woman whose contribution
in his life is worth mentioning. He does not even want to acknowledge Sarita’s presence in
his life as his wife. Jaisingh as a husband fails to understand Sarita and her requirements. He
has reduced her to a personal assistant, with no decision making powers of her own. Her
status in his life as a wife stands only in joining him in office parties. Through the character
deconstructs the whole concept of marriage and family. His presence in the play is like a
typical patriarch, who exploits marriage as a space for developing master-slave relation for
Unlike Sarita in Kamala, Jyoti’s relation with her husband, Arun Athavale in Kanyadaan
is not one that completely lacks love and concern. Rather, their relation is marked by Arun’s
ambiguous nature of love that oscillates between his affection for Jyoti but hatred for the
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upper caste to which she belongs. In the husband-wife relation between Jyoti and Arun all the
vows of marriage had been turned upside down from the very beginning. Jyoti’s marital life
is marked by inexplicable mental oppression and physical torture. She is the victim of her
husband, Arun Athawle’s angst against caste discrimination. Her dalit husband subverts the
religious sanctity attached with the institution of marriage and the vows of loving
togetherness that a marriage promises. Arun also destabilizes the socio religious significance
attached with marriage by making it a site where he vents out his anger and frustration for
age old to which he and his ancestors were subjected to by the upper caste Brahmins.
Though some critics are of the opinion that the character of Arun Athavale has been
drawn in the lines of a villain, the truth is that Tendulkar has moulded the character of Arun
as a victim of his socio-economic conditions in which he has grown up. His mixed emotions
of love and ruthless physical and verbal abuse that he hurls on Jyoti are the manifestations of
the natural tendencies of his caste identity that unconsciously pervade into his relation with
However, it is Jyoti who bears the brunt of Arun’s socio-economically deprived life. Her
life undergoes a complete change after her marriage. Both spatial and cultural differences hit
Jyoti’s life immediately after marriage. Post marriage she moves from her father’s Mumbai
based big house where she owned a room of her own to a small one roomed dingy place.
Unfortunately, instead of enjoying marital bliss at her husband’s home, very soon after her
marriage, Jyoti realises her Dalit husband’s hidden agenda of avenging the oppressive nature
of the upper caste Brahmins through his marriage with her, whom he perceives more as a
representative of the upper caste exploitative and hypocrite Brahmins rather than his wife.
Marriage proves to be a trap where all the anger, hatred and frustration of caste differences
start peeping out. Her married status brings a series of problems. She gets caught on one hand
in a space where the masculine, authoritative power tries to assert itself on the woman and on
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the other hand in a more complex web of conflicting demands. Hers was not that normal
demand of fitting into the roles of ‘ideal wife’ and ‘ideal mother’ but demands that were very
difficult to meet and switch from one to another. She tried to maintain a fine balance
between her identities as a dalit wife, always keeping herself available for sudden torrents of
love and beatings and a daughter of a Brahmin social reformer and leader, Nath Devlalikar.
Thus, her marriage initiates her into a journey full of new challenges that gauge her
endurance level as a wife of a Dalit man, a daughter of a Brahmin idealist and ultimately to
The love marriage between Arun and Jyoti that once showed Jyoti promises of loving
inexplicable mental and physical abuse. Her husband verbally abuses her and lives a parasitic
life on her earnings. Even during her pregnancy he does not spare torturing her physically. He
demarcates her body and her existence as the site where he can relentlessly avenge the upper
castes and their ugly ways of betraying the untouchables. He pukes out his seething anger and
Rama in the Vultures is also another woman whose life as a housewife runs parallel to
Sarita. Her character is drawn on the lines of an ideal housewife, busy attending to the needs
and demands of her husband, Ramakant Pitale, father-in-law, Hari Pitale and sister-in-law,
Manik. She is an indispensible being in Pitale household, busy arranging for warm water,
towel and other household stuff. Devoted as she is in her domestic chores, she hardly gets
time for herself. But whenever she steals time and energy to think about herself, it is her
loneliness that grips her tight. Her desolate condition in the Pitale family is best captured
A Living corpse,
a watchful Stone.
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Like a worm,
Yet a fortress of patience as described by Rajaninath, Rama embraces this loneliness without
any complains.
Rama’s goodness, her kind disposition towards each and every member of the family
remains overshadowed because of her one limitation, her inability to beget a child. In a
family of cruel vultures where each one tries to outdo the other one for the sake of money and
property, Rama is the only one who showers love and affection, care and concern for the
family members. She remains unmoved by the jittery behaviour of her unmarried sister-in-
law and tries to fulfil all their demands, ranging from warm water for bath to ironed dress and
good food. But she fails to get the respect and love from the Pitale family, excepting her
father-in-law, who values her goddess like presence in the family. Instead of respecting and
loving his wife for her dutiful nature, Ramakant manifests disgruntlement towards Rama for
her inability to give birth to an heir to the family. For Ramakant, though the wife is central to
the existence of the household her function is confined to her role as wife and mother; she is a
means to an end, “the means of attaining purushartha: the goals of a man’s life, especially
The irony of Rama’s life is that though her womb is fertile enough to give birth to a
child, Ramakant continuously blames her for their childless life. However, it is Ramakant
with whom the problem of infertility lays. He is a sterile man but he fails to introspect and
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accept that it is his limitation that is the main source of all their problems. Instead he leaves
no stones unturned to make Rama a mother. Ramakant’s inability to accept his problem and
accusing and even belittling Rama for the same, gradually creates a gap in their marital
drinking and wasting his time and life and Rama lurks in utter disappointment and frustration
unless and until she meets Rajaninath who really understands her hidden pain.
equality, love and friendship between the couples. However, in real sense it is inequality that
forms the bedrock of a marital relation. The marital relations discussed in Kamala, The
Vultures and Kanyadaan encapsulate the hollowness of the sacred institution of marriage. It
inequality and indifference that form the crux of the husband-wife relationship in Kamala,
The Vultures and Kanyadaan. Though both the man and woman take the marriage vows, it is
a woman in patriarchal society who is burdened to keep the vows of togetherness, love and
respect and preserve the sanctity of marriage against all odds. In the context of slavish
dependence on husband and blindly following him as her Lord, Manu in chapter V of Manav
faithful wife (qtd. in Buhler 196). Born and brought up in a patriarchal society Sarita, Jyoti
and Rama are strongly conditioned to follow the ideology of stridharma. Consequently, they
silently accept all the odds of their marital life instead of challenging the indifferences and
torturous treatments in the hands of their husbands. For them their marriage is a sacred bond
and to challenge it or dissolve it is inauspicious as well as a social crime. Hence, each of them
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An ideal pativrata as Manu puts it in chapter V of Manusmriti should be in possession of
the most exalting qualities like chastity, submissiveness and wifely devotion to her husband,
irrespective of his deeds and thoughts. Manu enjoins women to follow their husband even if
he goes astray. It is a woman’s duty to stay beside her husband and support him in all his
endeavours. An ideal woman suffers with her husband, it is expected that she should
accompany her husband in his grief. In Hindu mythology this notion of pativrata is embodied
in the ideal images of Sita, Savitri, Arundhati, Anasuya and Damayanti. Tendulkar’s women
characters like Sarita, Jyoti and Rama who are born and brought up in a Brahmanical society
Hence, in Kamala, as the unpleasant truth of her husband as a real hypocrite dawns onto
her, the wronged Sarita displays a strong determination to avenge her husband who exploited
her and enslaved her for his success. However, when the crisis befalls on her husband and he
is sacked from his job by his employers for his outrageous coverage of human trafficking,
which involved a few big shot politicians as well; Sarita as a dutiful and responsible wife,
decides to stay back with her husband to extend physical and mental support for him. She
consciously refrains herself from taking that ultimate step of challenging her husband’s
authority and exposing the real Jaisingh, the success monger, selfish man who enslaved
women at home and outside. Consequently, she postpones her decision of calling a press
conference to unmask the self proclaimed crusader against women exploitation, her husband,
Jaisingh Jadav. Though the newly awakened Sarita clarifies her position as an emancipator of
women, she prioritises her duty and role as a supportive wife, an ideal pativrata and observes,
“I’ll go on feeling it. But at present I am going to lock all that up in a corner of my mind and
forget about it” (Tendulkar 52) and continues with submission, “let me stay here. I’ll stay
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In Jyoti’s case too as the brutal, inhuman tortures and abuses continue growing out of
proportion she tried to revolt against those very ideals that, she realised, were actually
bubbles in the air instead of abandoning her husband and dissolving the marriage. She boldly
stands against her father, Nath Devlalikar, for instilling in them a false ideology of socialism.
She realises the bitter truth, “man and his inherent nature are never really two different
things” (Tendulkar 563). Consequently, she accepts Arun’s dual nature that consists of
violence, hatred, savagery, beastliness on one hand and on the other hand intense love for his
wife. Her acceptance of Arun in spite of all his limitations is surfaces out when Jyoti displays
the strong determination to stay back with him, “Arun is made of all these things bound
together and I have to accept him as he is, because I cannot reject him” (Tendulkar 563).
Jyoti is a fine blend of the Vedic image of a Sati Savitri and modern educated woman.
Yet she does not allow her education and modern perspective of life to rule over her Vedic
image. Instead she sacrifices her material comforts to which she was used to at her father’s
home. She even gives up all the cultural refinements that constituted her world and took up
the savage way of living with a savage man who in spite of having education is still soaked in
the raw, unpolished uncivilized lifestyle of Mahars, continuously hurling at her verbal and
physical abuses.
The sincerity and devotion of a married woman for her husband and marital family is
best exemplified through Jyoti’s decision to stay back at her abusive husband’s house and
endure forever the tortures of her marital life. Thus, when the disturbed father, Nath
Devlalikar, tries to help his daughter by advising her to walk out of the abusive marriage and
take shelter in his home, the confident Jyoti retorts, “When I come here I begin to hate my
world. I want to ignore that truth which I have come to perceive, though rather late in
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The pride that a married woman takes to be with her family is once again reflected when
Jyoti vehemently declines her father’s request to return to his home, if not for ever, at least
for delivering the baby. With confidence and pride she embraces her husband’s identity as
hers and strongly retorts, “I have my husband. I am not a widow. Even if I become one I
shan’t knock at your door. I am not Jyoti Jadunath Devlalikar now. I am Jyoti Arun Athavle,
a scanvenger” (Tendulkar 566). Though Jyoti is full of repulsion for Arun’s ways of living,
she silently suppresses her feelings for the man who oppressed her the most and accepts him
as her husband and his lifestyle as her own. Like a devoted wife, she embarks into a new
journey as a dalit wife, ready to make all the adjustments and sacrifices. However, it must be
mentioned that Tendulkar’s portrayal of Arun, according to some critics, is said to be biased
and therefore, Tendulkar has tried to create Jyoti a heroine of a type that exists in his other
plays, Kamala and The Vultures, without understanding the different socio cultural contexts
protection of a woman from anti social elements and provides her with socio economic
securities. The fear of social defilement as well as absence of security outside marriage does
not allow women to challenge the institution of marriage. The ideology and practice of
Stridharma ensure a better secured life. Therefore, women accept their domestic and
household duties as dharma of their married life and silently learn to endure mental and
physical oppression. Sarita in Kamala, Jyoti in Kanyadaan and Rama in The Vultures
exemplify this particular trend that women are forced to accept and practice. However, men
take advantage of their situation and perpetuate their confinement in domestic spaces as a
their husband that the pativratas like Sarita, Rama and Jyoti display, the men in Tendulkar’s
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play are free, independent and careless individuals who exploit the institution of marriage for
their convenience. Jaisingh and Ramakant are self centred men who exploit the sacred
institution of marriage and the goodness of their respective wives to meet their narrow selfish
ends. If Jaisingh exploits the institution of marriage for climbing up the stairs of professional
success, for Ramakant the institution of marriage is the necessary step for procreation and
furthering the family tree. The Dalit young man, Arun uses marriage to vent out his anger and
frustration and avenge the upper caste Brahmins for subjecting his ancestors to caste
discriminations and inexplicable humiliation, pain and suffering. None of these men displays
The four stages of an individual’s life in a Brahmanical Hindu society constitute the
ancient Hindu concept called Chaturashrama. The 9th chapter of the third part of Viṣṇu
Purāṇa provide a detailed description of each of the Ashrams is available. It identifies four
stages of a human life, with distinct differences based on natural human needs and drives, as
well as how these stages integrated with fulfilling, joyful four goals of life called
Purushartha –Dharma (piety, morality, duties), Artha (wealth, health, means of life),Kama
stage refers to a man’s married life and his commitments to the duties of maintain a
household, raising and rearing a family and leading a family centric and a religious social
life. However, the Grihastha phase of an individual that the Hindu religion lays down is
Tendulkar presents his men, Jaisingh, Ramakant and Arun in their Grihastha stages but
for Jaisingh and Arun this stage holds no significance. Both Jaisingh and Arun fail to meet
their responsibilities and duties as husbands towards their wives. If the former remains
soaked in his professional commitments and social work and basks in the glory of his
professional success the latter sulks in a state of perpetual abhorrence, disappointment and
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humiliation and hatches opportunities for taking revenge on upper castes for subjecting his
people to abject condition and negating their identities as human beings. However, Arun’s
indifference to his commitment to the marital vows can be realised as an outcome of his dalit
identity, an outcaste who is relentlessly trying to bring out the hypocrisy embedded in the
Brahmanical society. Therefore, the significance of grihastha phase of life have altogether
different implications in Jaisingh and Arun’s lives. Though for Jaisingh Jadav, the upper
caste educated man, it is mandatory to follow the grihastha phase of life, for Arun, a dalit
man, it holds no true significance. Hence, unlike an upper caste man, he is definitely not
expected to follow the Hindu stages of life at their respective face vales. Therefore, even
when Jaisingh is criticised for his failure to meet all the responsibilities of this phase of his
life, Arun enjoys the life of an irresponsible husband, so typical of his caste.
Jaisingh exploits the ideal qualities of wife in Sarita to attain his dream objectives of
professional success and social recognition that would allow him to assert his masculinity
both at home and outside. Thus, the hardships and challenges that he takes in his obsession
with sensational news that demands hectic and erratic work schedule are his strategies to win
popularity as a sincere, committed, risk taking and hardworking journalist that would easily
establish his superiority over his colleagues at work place and over Sarita at home. He turns
blind eyes to his wife’s emotional and physical needs and demands. Jai Singh is a male
chauvinist in a real sense. He is proud of the new assignment he has taken of proving the
existence of human trafficking as a social evil in remote places near Lohardanga and tries to
justify his good intention and commitment to the cause of the down trodden and the
marginalized gender. He takes immense pride in announcing the humanistic appeal of his
new assignment and proclaims himself a self assigned social activist who has initiated the
movement against exploitation of women and pledges to open the eyes of the innocent
victims of social exploitation and save them from such inhuman conditions.
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Jaisingh beautifully carves out an image of himself as a social activist and a rebel against
the social evils. He defends his mission as social commitment and further discusses its
There’s a commitment behind it, there’s a social purpose. So what if you don’t
recognize it? What I’m doing- what we are doing- there’s a great need today for
somebody to do just that. In the moral rot that’s set in- in this country, someone is
got to uphold moral principles, moral norms and moral values. Someone has got
to hold back the uncontrollable licence of those who have the machinery of power
in their hands. The weak and backward sections of the society are under attack.
We need someone to make a noise against it. The common man is living in a –
kind of unconscious haze today. He needs to be shocked into looking at the truth
now and then. We need to force that will raise his consciousness, prepare him to
Ironically Jaisingh is not the same person as he presents himself and desires to be
his own wife. He takes pride in his commitment for the society but fails to acknowledge
Sarita’s commitment for his comfort and silent support for his professional success. Rather he
uses Sarita as a tool for his professional success and personal comfort. The real Jaisingh who
subjects his wife to a deplorable condition is best portrayed through the words of his close
friend Jai:
Hi, Bhabhiji, I mean, English “hi” to him, and a Marathi “hai” to you. This
warrior against exploitation in the country is exploiting you. He’s made a drudge
out of a horse riding independent girl from a princely house. hai-hai! Shame on
you! Hero of anti exploitation campaigns makes slave of wife! (Tendulkar 17)
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However, Sarita has no qualms against the role of a personal secretary assigned to her by
her husband. She tries to find her happiness in that unless and until Kamala, the woman
whom Jaisingh bought for only two hundred and fifty rupees from Lohardanga flesh market
to prove human trafficking in practice, opens her eyes to her status in her husband’s home. It
is Kamala, by her sheer innocence and blind faithfulness to Jaisingh, whom she regards her
saviour, opens Sarita’s eyes to the bitter reality of which she too is a victim like many other
women.
Kamala through her series of questions on Sarita’s role in Jaisingh’s household, her face
value in his life, absence of children in the family and the new role that she desires to take up
in their household opens up Sarita’s eyes to the mere sophisticated slavish life to which she
had been subjected to by her husband. Thus when Kakasaheb condemns Jaisingh for buying
Kamala to prove the prevalence of trafficking of women and that Kamala is just a pawn in
Jaisingh’s game of chess, Sarita says, “Not just Kamala, Kakasaheb. Not just Kamala,
The confidential talk that Kamala has with Sarita introduces her to a series of ephiphanic
moments. For the first time Sarita realises that not only Jaisingh has failed to do his
responsibilities as the grihakarta (master of the house) but is also accountable for her
inability to assume the role of a mother. On the role of man and woman in marriage, Manu in
chapter IX, verse xcvi of Manusmriti declared, "To be mothers were women created and to be
father men, the Vedas ordain the dharma must be practiced by man together with his wife. He
only is a perfect man who consists of his wife, himself and his offspring” (qtd. in Buhler
344). However, Jaisingh’s lack of commitment for his family life has left them without a
child. As a success oriented man the absence of a child hardly affects him, but Sarita as a
woman, realises the significance of a child in her life to relive her life as a mother. She
realises the best possible way of putting her motherly instincts to use is by raising a child in
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the best possible way rather than wasting time taking phone calls and arranging meetings as
Jaisingh’s assistant.
Kamala’s insistence on her bearing a child for Jaisingh and Sarita opens her eyes to her
position as a ‘barren’ woman in the society. A woman’s life is considered complete only
when she gives birth to a child. The significance of marriage lies in procreation. A couple is
expected to meet one of the most significant obligations of marriage, i.e. procreation. A
woman’s position in her husband’s life, in the family as well as in the society is secured with
a woman bearing the progeny for her husband. Thus Sarita realises her position in Jaisingh’s
life without a child. Though she is certain that a child for their future is not Jaisingh’s priority
in life but she is scared, though does not allow it to surface, of the disadvantageous position
to which Jaisingh has subjected her through his negligence and irresponsibility towards her
Sarita realises the strategies that the men in a patriarchal society take to assert their
hegemonic power to subjugate and exploit women. Gradually the contradiction in Jaisingh’s
personality, to which Jain referred to but she turned deaf ears, becomes crystal clear in front
of her. She realises her husband as the greatest fraud, cheating on both his wife and the
society. She also recognises the real identity of her husband as one who projects himself as a
freedom for women, but at domestic level, is the exploiter of his wife.
It is the responsibility of a man to provide his wife with the three primary needs of artha
(money), dharma (religion) and kama (desire) which in turn earn a man a superior position in
his married life. However, a non Hindu, Mahar by caste as he is, Arun shows complete
disregard for the dharma, artha and kama that a Hindu man would be obliged to adhere to.
Rather, like an irresponsible man he makes his survival possible on the earnings of his wife
and manifests a love which is as unpolished as his background and is beyond Jyoti as well as
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her family’s comprehension. He verbally abuses her and physically tortures her even when
she is pregnant. A complex person as he is he tries to punish himself for inflicting pain on
her with these very hands...I make her suffer. I behave worse than an animal. She
will never forgive me, I know it. Jyoti you are not destined for me, this is the
truth, Jyoti. After all scavangers like us are condemned to rot in the shit. But Jyoti
Both Sarita and Jyoti turn out to be the victims of marriage as much as patriarchy. If Sarita
becomes the victim of patriarchal authority and insensitivity of her husband, Jyoti is
influenced by the principles and ideologies of her father, self proclaimed socialist reformer,
before marriage and post marriage subjected to Arun’s oppression rising from his sense of
Unlike Jaisingh and Arun, Ramakant does not neglect the grihastha stage of his life
altogether. He rightly perceives procreation and continuing the family tree as one of the many
duties of his grihastha life. However, in his zeal to realise the significance of the grihastha
phase of his life, he fails to realise that he could be a viable reason for their childless marital
life. Instead he emotionally torments Rama, accuses her of infertility and pushes her for
several medical checkups and visits to soothsayers and astrologers expecting some miracles
Sakharam in Sakharam Binder is yet another example who altogether flouts the
commitment, even without which life can have its share of happiness and pleasures. Hence,
perspective of life.
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According to Sakharam, marriage is not the union of two souls and commitment for
lifelong togetherness but it is a contract that allows him to enjoy women without any
commitment. His perspective of life that endorses a concept of a carefree life without
It’s good thing I’m not a husband. Things are fine the way they are. You get
everything you want and you’re not tied down. If you’ve had enough, if she’s
had enough you can always part. The game is over. Nothing to bother you after
that while it lasts, she has a roof over her head and you get home cooked food.
That’s a cheap way of fixing all your appetites. And on top of it, the woman stays
docile, she works well, she behaves herself. She knows that one wrong move and
society to meet its needs. Rather, he believes in live-in relation and honestly speaks his mind
as one who does not like to take responsibilities. Marriage, according to Sakharam, is not
Ironically, the irresponsible but intelligent pleasure seeking Sakharam who does not
believe in the institution of marriage does not leave a single opportunity to exploit the
benefits of this institution and the ideology of a pativrata woman that is inextricably linked
with marriage. In order to satiate his sexual demands, he frequently provides shelter to
neglected and deserted wives and utilizes them for his sexual pleasure. However, he remains
totally ignorant of the moral and emotional connotations of his unconventional, rather
unsocial, actions. The priority of his life is to fulfil his carnal desires and live a carefree life
outside the limits of conventions set by society. Sakharam justifies all the acts through his
unconventional arguments, modern thinking and comes up with void argument that is clear of
his intensions of enslaving women, “We are not saints. We’r men. I tell you, worship and
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prayer can’t satisfy the itch. If you want a thing, well, you’ve got to have it. What’s there to
hide? (Tendulkar 127) Though Sakharam beautifully justifies his perspective of life,
efficiently camouflages his carnal desire for women and establishes himself as a Good
Samaritan for the helpless and destitute women but the women who come in Sakharam’s life
become the victim of his carefree and opportunistic attitude towards life.
define his position as a superior boss to the women in his life. Thus his aim in providing
women shelter who are fallen out of marriage is not only for improving their condition but
also to emerge as a superior being besides satisfying his selfish requirements that cannot be
ethically, morally and legally possible in the institution of marriage. His contractual
relationship, therefore, are based on the convenience of both and is completely devoid of
emotional bonds. This symbiotic relation helps him develop master-slave relationship where
Sakharam is a crude womanizer who though adopts the role of a woman saviour is
actually just an egoistic epicure. He exploits the institution of marriage to establish his
superior powers over the women in his life. Thus he adopts an authoritative voice that can
earn him the desired role full of power and influence that he fails to achieve in the society as
a binder. Sakharam makes it clear to the women he saves about his expectations from them.
Though he does not believe in the institution of marriage, he wants the women in his life to
behave like his wife and hence imposes on them strong terms and conditions that they have to
Sakharam believes in the ideal image of a woman as wife. The conventional Hindu
image of a woman as wife expects her to be efficient with daily chores, take up the role of a
counsellor, beautiful like goddess Lakshmi, patient like Mother Earth and like heavenly
damsel, Rambah on bed. Like all the other women under his shelter, Sakharam urges Laxmi
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to labour throughout the day and night for him, satisfy his sexual appetite and respect him as
their master. Elaborating on the rules of his home, Sakharam draws out a well structured
behavioural expectations from Laxmi and clarifies his immediate requirement, “I like
everything in order here. Won’t put up with slipshod ways. If you are careless, I shall show
the door, ... I am the master here...a house must be a home, you understand? (Tendulkar 126)
He also insists on Purdah, the system of division of public and private space for women and
covering of the head and strictly instructs Laxmi, “If someone calls, you are not supposed to
look up and talk. If it is a stranger, you have to cover your head and answer him briefly”
(Tendulkar 126).
Implicit in Sakharam’s words is his dominant urge to establish his superiority over the
women whom he gives shelter and confine the woman within the four walls of the house. The
irony of Sakharam’s perspective of life is that though he adopts an unconventional life and
ignores the social norms, challenges the institution of marriage and subverts the role of an
ideal husband and deliberately does not commit himself as a responsible life partner; yet he
desires the women in his life to be traditional in approach and religiously follow the ideal
image of women as pativratas. This one sided expectation thus gives rise to master-slave
for his life. Marriage is actually a symbiotic relation in Sakharam’s opinion. It is the space
where he tries to offer help to destitute women to establish his masculine superiority.
Marrraige is the site where his carnal desires can be pampered. As a crude womanizer,
Sakharam cares a fig for the women in his life. He engages himself in violent sexual
exploitation of the women whom he gives shelter, not only to appease his sexual appetite but
also to establish his superiority over them. He sexually exploits his women to satisfy his
indomitable carnal desires. His vicious selfishness and insatiable hunger for sex come to the
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forefront when he asks Laxmi to be always prepared to sexually satisfy him, “Mine is no
ordinary appetite. And I won’t hear any complaints later” (Tendulkar135). He also strategizes
to traumatise his women by comparing his existing woman with his previous ones and forces
his women to produce the best possible performance on his bed and in his life. Instead of
realising Laxmi’s mental and physical condition that prevents her from sexually satisfying
him, he scares her to perform well on bed by giving example of his previous mistress, “Well,
she wasn’t much in bed. She just seemed to dry up. She just wasted away. No flesh, just
bones she was. But very devoted. She never raised her eyes, not once” (Tendulkar 134). His
women had no respite from his sexual demands and if ever any woman refused to obey him,
as Laxmi did out of detestation for his insensitive nature, Sakharam would physically assault
Laxmi at Sakharam’s household becomes a prey to his physical and sexual abuses. As
the master of his household, Sakharam does not care about anyone’s opinions, decisions or
suggestions. He is devoid of any kind words, closed to anyone’s wishes, wants and desires or
pleading. He is the dictator and as Laxmi puts it in Sakharam’s house, “I‘ve never heard a
kind word here. Always barking, orders, curses, oaths” (Tendulkar148). Sakharam’s violent
nature is complemented with his unusual sexual appetite. His indomitable sexual desires fail
to respect or consider the body of a woman as a human body. He desires his woman to serve
him on the bed relentlessly. However, as Laxmi turns out to be a sexually cold on the bed and
fails to arouse him at night, Sakharam demands her to come out of her silent, reticent
housewife image and warns her, “No, you can sleep later. Get up and laugh. Laugh or I‘ll
choke the life out of you. Laugh! Laugh” (Tendulkar 141). He goes to the extent of beating
Laxmi for her bad performance on the bed and demands, “Laugh this minute, or I‘ll twist
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The significance of marriage in Sakharam’s life and that of Laxmi is worth comparing.
Though marriage has no sacred implication in Sakharam’s life, for Laxmi it is the relation
that expects her to remain devoted to her husband. In spite of her realisation that Sakharam is
a womanizer, Laxmi tries to be the traditional wife as Sakharam desires her to be. She like
Sati Savitri remains calm and quiet, generous in her dealings and remain tender hearted and
submissive towards her violent lord. She devotes herself in the kitchen and on the bed for
Sakharam’s satisfaction. Not only does she perform all her duties like a responsible wife but
also never raises her voice against him, rather satisfies him like his mistress. Being thrown
away by her previous husband for not being able to bear a child, she clutches on to Sakharam
and bears all the pains and tortures as her fate. She consciously never ever raises her voice
against his torturous dealings only because of the fear that she might lose the shelter given by
In the case of both Laxmi and Champa, marriage instead of materialising the vows of
companionship, love and care, providing shelter and security, render them shelter less. While
Laxmi has been thrown out of her house by her husband; Champa had chosen to walk out of
their marriage. The exploitative nature of marriage is best understood through Laxmi and
champa’s lived experiences. Both of them are the victims of the patriarchal society but in two
different ways. If it is the problem of not having any child that makes Laxmi’s position as a
woman and wife vulnerable, Champa’s experience in her husband’s home forces her to leave
marriage. Champa was married off quite early in her life, as she recounts, ‘even before I’d
become a woman...when I didn’t even know what marriage meant (Tendulkar 167). At her
husband’s house, Champa had a torturous married life. She was subjected to physical as well
as mental abuse by her husband, whom she remembers as ‘son of a bitch’ (Tendulkar 158).
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The description of the physical agony that she suffered in the hands of her sadist husband
He tortured me at night. He branded me, and stuck needles into me and made me
do awful, filthy things. I ran away. He brought me back and stuffed chilly powder
into that god-awful place, where it hurts the most. That bloody pimp! What is left
of heart now? He tore lumps out of it, he did. He drank my blood. (Tendulkar
167)
However, Champa, a woman gifted with both brain and sensuous beauty, manages to
combat the abuses that she encounters in her marital life. Instead of becoming a victim of
men’s sexual exploitation, she uses her sexuality to dominate men in her life and challenges
his authority by refusing an access to her body and later abandons him.
If it is the fear of the society that forces Laxmi to look for a male partner for security and
to depend on him, in the case of Champa, it is the inner most desire of a woman to tear apart
the viciousness of men in the society that makes her seek shelter at Sakharam’s home. The
essence of a wife’s presence in the household, as evident in the chapter V of Rig Veda to
“tend the sacrificial fire and keep it burning” (Upadhya 137) becomes evident as Sakharam,
Champa’s new master, tries to domesticate her with the responsibilities of a dutiful wife. She
is asked to cook, since ‘that’s a woman’s job’ (Tendulkar 161) and keep the house clean. She
is further vested with a specific duty of converting the house to a home with her warmth and
sincerity, “but a house must be like a home, you understand?” (Tendulkar 155)
Champa, unlike Laxmi, fits perfect in the scathing, ugly picture of a woman drawn by
Manu. She is completely opposite to Laxmi. She hates domestic chores, indulges in drinking,
has a foul mouth and instead of being subject to Sakharam’s verbal, physical and sexual
abuses, she resists with a daunting determination. Her enticing character like Medusa helps
her to pull Sakharam towards herself and churns out the slave out of the inhuman torturous
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beast like Sakharam. In the power struggle between Sakharam and Champa, Champa
showcases an edge over the latter and challenges his authorial power over a woman’s body.
She challenges Sakharam’s authority in his own home and refuses to be available at
Sakharam’s beck and call. Champa, by virtue of her charismatic personality and
Sakharam is attracted by her uncanny charm. Champa’s sensuous appeal dominates over
Sakharam’s masculinity and turns him into her subordinate who fails to do justice to his
masculine duties and responsibilities both inside the house and outside.
However, unlike Laxmi, Champa uses her charismatic personality not to serve Sakharam
as Sati and Savitri. Rather, she uses her intelligence and sensuous physical appeal to punish
the men in the society who are ever ready to exploit women either as wife or mistress.
However, the irony of a woman’s life is that she is subjected to and expected to follow
patriarchal ideology of an ideal woman. Consequently, she falls prey to Laxmi, the
embodiment of an ideal woman that patriarchy has constructed. It is Champa who convinces
Sakharam to provide the destitute Laxmi shelter at his home. However, when Laxmi finds
Champa challenging the authority of Sakharam, whom she considers her as well as Champa’s
husband and wears mangalsutra in his name, fails to control her rage and convinces
Sakharam to bring an end to the life of a woman who defies patriarchal authority.
It is quite obvious that women, who are conditioned to live a life of dependence right
from their childhood, will harbour the desire for shelter when they are divorced or fallen out
of marriage. Hence, for a woman like Laxmi, who have neither the family support nor
economic sustainability, the need for shelter becomes a pressing need. Laxmi and Champa in
Sakharam Binder and Kamala in Kamala show the same tendency and eagerness to have a
shelter. Whereas the former two are driven by the anxiety of securing a shelter after their
marriages fail, Kamala tries to secure a shelter in her marriage of enslavement. Also, it is not
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only fear but a strong sense of competitiveness that drive Champa and Kamala to secure a
position of significance in the life and household of Sakharam and Jaisingh respectively.
Thus, both of them after examining the most important driving influence and lack in their
master’s life, sexual pleasure in Sakharam’s life and the lack of an heir in Jaisingh’s family
decide on their role in their masters’ households. Thus, Champa takes the responsibility of
satisfying Sakharam’s sexual appetite, “she can help me in the house. Anyway I can’t cope
with the house and with you. She will look after the house” (Tendulkar 184) and Kamala
embarks on the new journey as Jaisingh’s mistress to beget a child and look after the
household and clearly puts down the division of labour, “[t]he master will have children. I’ll
do the hard work, and I will bring forth the children, I will bring them up. You are an
educated woman. You keep the accounts and run the house (Tendulkar 35).
Kamala, the bonded slave whom Jaisingh bought from the flesh market at Lohardunga,
embodies the ideal woman that the patriarchal society desires to have in a marriage. Through
her volley of innocent but thought provoking questions and suggestions on the same, Kamala
exemplifies the essence of true pativrata who without even being asked is ready to have a life
of total submissiveness at her master’s place, to work day and night to keep the master happy,
sexually satisfied and serve as a baby producing machine to perpetuate the family line. The
nicely camouflaged reality of marriage that is evoked through Kamala’s example is best
But marriage is not the end in itself but the means--and the only means--by which
the family is perpetuated. It is the family that is important that must be kept
alive...she is both the queen and the slave in either aspect being indispensable.
She exists because of the family and for the family. She does not resent her
economic dependence, nor does she become grasping in that dependence. ‘......’
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He is her gurudev (God and Teacher) ‘......’ It is the wife’s role to sacrifice herself
Sarita’s bonded labour in her married life, Jyoti’s bitter experiences in her violent and
abusive marriage and Rama’s disturbed marital life justify the observation of Margaret
All the three women, Sarita, Jyoti and Kamala, are the victims of subjugation and
emotional and physical oppression in the institution of marriage. Marriage that is constituted
and run by the custodians of patriarchal authorities exploit the deep faith that the innocent
souls of women manifest and eventually torment their lives. Though all of them are the
victims of this institution, Jyoti’s case of victimization throws enough light on the role of a
dual victim of her idealist father’s socialist ideologies and her husband’s inhuman brutality
Apart from targeting the subordination and enslavement of women through the
institution of marriage, to control the sexuality of women by confining her into domestic
responsibilities post marriage lest she should ‘go to other men’ (qtd. in Chakravarti 44) was
another very important objective implied to be met through the institution of marriage. Uma
Chakravarti, feminist historian, while analysing the different ways in which the control on
women sexuality was achieved, draws upon three main strategies that were widely used for
the same. Ideology, physical control and punishments meted out by kings were the three
different strategies that were frequently used by Brahmanical society to keep their women
under control. According to this, the men in a woman’s life play a significant role. Not to
forget Manu’s injunction on the same, from birth a woman should be kept under control
However, two very important plays of Tendulkar, Kanyadaan and Ghashiram Kotwal
interrogate the role of the father in controlling the sexuality of his daughter. Instead of being
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the custodian of his daughter’s purity and sexuality, it is the father figure in both these plays
who endangers the life of his daughter in her marriage. These two plays examine the
vulnerability of women’s position that starts early in their lives, even before their marriage,
Since the father figure has been invested with all the powers of decision making and his
words are considered as the last words in a smaller patriarchal set up called family, other
family members who are subservient to him are expected to follow him unquestioningly.
Thus in the household of Nath Devalikar where sweet harmony existed amongst all its family
members, Nath’s decision to marry off her daughter as per her wish with Arun was accepted
without much resistance. The over ambitious ideal social reformer that Nath Devlalikar
assumed himself to be in his zealous enthusiasm to materialise Jyoti’s infatuation turned love
marriage with Arun reflects Manu’s belief that a man tries to recreate himself through his
own children. In this case, Devlalikar grabs this inter caste marriage to materialise his socio-
political ideologies. With Nath’s hidden agenda in the kanyadaan, the ritual itself loses its
significance. In Nath’s case the kanyadaan proves the failure of Nath as a responsible father.
Sacrificing his daughter for the sake of political gains, popularity and success that he
intended to gain can be traced in the father figure in Tendulkar’s another major play,
Ghashiram Kotwal.
The caring but dominating influence of the father figure that ruins a daughter’s life can
be traced in Tendulakar’s another very famous play Ghashiram Kotwal. It depicts the plight
of a young girl called Gauri in the marriage of convenience decided and executed by her
shrewd father to meet his selfish objective. The marriage that Ghashiram plans for his
daughter is the outcome of two very ugly facets of patriarchy; power and carnal lust.
Ghashiram’s desire for power to meet his narrow objective of avenging the Poona Brahmins
who subjected him to intra caste discrimination combined with the carnal lust of Nana, the
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womanizer, for Ghashiram’s young daughter lead both Ghashiram and Nana to use the
Ghashiram’s only daughter, who becomes the victim of the marriage of convenience that her
Like a shrewd Machiavelli Ghashiram calculates each and every step before sacrificing
his daughter for securing a prestigious post that would guarantee him power and through
which he can take revenge on the Poona Brahmins. Ghashiram, after realising Nana’s
madness and irresistible desire for Gauri, barters his daughter for his power and position in
the form of a Kotwal of the state. In doing that Ghashiram, the father figure, not only
violates the institution of family and subverts the role of a father but also fails to provide
protection and security to his daughter that a father should give but also mars the sanctity
The ritual of kanyadaan in marriage that has a special significance in Hindu marriages is
echoed time and again in Tendulkar’s plays, especially in Ghashiram Kotwal and
Kanyadaan. Ironically, Kanyadaan which means giving away the bride to a groom who can
take care of the bride, can meet all her expectations, honour her and give her the protection
and safeguard her dignity is flouted by the patriarchal father figures in both these plays. In
Kanyadaan , Nath Devlalikar was highly hopeful of his would-be Dalit son-in-law, Arun, of
Ghashiram does not show any respect for this ritual significance and in spite of knowing
Nana’s character as a womanizer, he does not think twice before committing his daughter,
Gauri, to Nana. Rather he turns blind eyes and deaf ears to the safety requirements of his
daughter and sacrificed her personal dignity for his greediness for power.
Thus in both the plays, Kanyadaan and Ghashiram Kotwal women are used as
commodity in the institution of marriage. Both the men in Kanyadaan, Nath Devlalikar,
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Jyoti’s father, and Arun, her Dalit husband, use Jyoti to meet their objectives. If Nath uses her
to materialise his dream of exogamy as a gateway to caste annihilation, Arun uses her to
avenge the pain of humiliation and subjugation that they were subjected to generations after
generations by the upper castes. In Ghasiram Kotwal too, Nana Phadnavis and Ghasiram use
Gauri for either seeking power, as done by her father, or for personal gratification of carnal
desires like Nana. In these two plays the main objective of the gender sensitive playwright,
Tendulkar, was to depict the many different ways in which women are exploited in the name
Nana like Sakharam in Sakharam Binder does not believe in the sacred institution of
society the power lies with the men and with full authority. When it comes to men in power,
no one can question their relation with power, its use and misuse. Tendulkar through the
Sutradhar in the play gives us an access into Nana’s character and his misuse of power. He
uses power to satisfy the womanizer in him and exploits girl as young as those who have just
entered into their puberty. The cruelty and selfishness of men like Nana reduces the body of
women as a site to contest their masculinity and power. The body of a woman thus becomes a
battleground which has to be won at any cost to establish his power and reputation as the
‘Peshwa’.
The plight of young and beautiful women as brides in an insensitive male dominated
society is best portrayed through the sensuous description of the new bride whom Nana is
going to marry also proves that men irrespective of their class have an access to the body of a
woman and can subject her body to male gaze, “My Nana’s wedding! The bride is a young
one! My nana’s wedding! A tender blossoming bride. A slender willowy bride. A slay lily–
white bride. A just – this – year ripened bride, My Nana’s wedding (Tendulkar 400)!
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The description of the bride as a tender, mature and young one drives home the point
that young girls immediately after attending puberty are pushed into marriages. The
custodians of female children hardly ever allow the young women to understand their
emotions and body and even before they get familiarised with the changes happening with
their bodies, in their minds and in them as a woman, they are given in the hands of men,
much older than them, as their new custodians. The body thus never remains with a young
woman and before she owns her own body her husband, and in most cases old lecherous men,
becomes the owner. In Ghashiram Kotwal, Gauri’s young mature body is not meant for her to
enjoy but it becomes a site of male gaze where Nana would materialise his lecherous needs.
In the hands of Nana Phadnavis marriage loses its sacredness and becomes a profane
one, one that is based on the theory of use and throw. For Nana, it is not age, caste or class
that matter for getting married; his only priority in marriage is young and beautiful woman.
Commitment and sense of duty and responsibility towards his wife dies in the concept of
marriage that Nana embraces. Thus, the selfish desire of carnal gratification that rules his
polygamy programme is best articulated by the Sutradhar in the following lines, “Let’s go to
the wedding./The Peshwa’s chief minister Still young enough to marry!/His moustache’s
turned grey./Not all of them are gone/He’s got six wives Look – that’s not enough! /So he’s
The outcomes of such marriages that are ruled by carnal lust than commitment result in
severing the young body, mind and soul of the young helpless woman. Thus, Gauri becomes
one such victim who in the name of marriage is actually pushed to repeated sexual
exploitation, which her body fails to withstand. As a young bride, Gauri fails to cope with old
Nana’s sexual exploitation of her body and the resultant emotional and mental torture that
marriage had in stock for her. The selfish marriage of convenience between Nana and Gauri
reaches its peak of torture and results in Gauri conceiving a new life. But because her young
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body was hardly mature enough to handle the changes occurring in her, besides the repeated
sexual assault and trauma associated with it, Gauri dies while giving birth to the foetus.
Thus, the promises and vows of good companionship, understanding and support
through all crises that a marriage upholds are never realised in Gauri’s marriage with Nana
and buried forever with her emaciated and betrayed dead body. Tendulkar’s Ghashram
Kotwal that is often regarded as a famous historical play has powerful subtext that depicts
marriage as an exploitative social structure that preys on young women to perpetuate its
superiority.
Tendulkar relentlessly puts his unparallel dramatic skills in probing the dark recesses in
one of the major social institutions called marriage. In Kamala, The Vultures and Kanyadaan
he successfully depicts marriage as the site of establishing male supremacy over the female
by subjugating, repressing and subjecting the women folks to mental and physical oppression.
In doing so marriage loses its sacred significance and assumes the role of meeting patriarchal
convenience for promoting and securing their hegemonic power. The profanity of marriage is
crystal clear as the desire for ascertaining male superiority over the female and the carnal lust
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life that completes her feminine self. It is the motherly instincts in women that differentiate
her from a man. Motherhood is a celebrated glorification and involves a huge responsibility
of shaping mankind. Marriage in Pre Vedic age had a social commitment; procreation was a
part of an individual’s social duty. Hence, the woman as mother and the process of mothering
attained a lofty position in human civilization. Hence, women as mothers are still regarded as
Mother of Mankind and they are placed next to God. However, the reality with motherhood is
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not that lofty as it sounds to be. As procreation assumed the primary objective in a woman’s
life, women were confined to their duties of mothering. They were restricted to the much
unappreciated duties of child rearing, and care giving. This gradually led to her limited social
interaction and domestic confinement forever. However, patriarchal society garbs this
strategic confinement of women into domestic spaces for child rearing and caring as one of
the most glorifying job that only women are gifted with. Consequently, people like
Sukhatme, who endorses motherhood as a weapon to restrict and confine a woman into her
to perpetual worship of her. ‘Be thy mother as a God’ is what we teach our
She weaves a magic circle with her whole existence in order to protect and
Kashikar too is of the same opinion and he seconds Sukhatme’s observation on motherhood
and adds “Janani Janmabhumishcha svargadapi gariyasi: Mother and the Motherland both
demystifies the glorious light attached with it. In fact it is highly conditional. Motherhood
without marriage is condemned. It is a sin. It is the violation of the sacred law of marriage. It
is marriage that sanctions conjugal togetherness for procreation and therefore procreation and
motherhood outside the wedlock are highly condemned. Sheela Raval in Three’s a Crowd
view of those who abandon the chosen path and the repercussions are startling” (Raval). The
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cornering and stigmatizing of a woman who chooses not to have a baby is equally applicable
for women who choose to have a baby and become a mother without entering the institution
responsibility of a woman to carry forward the family tree. Ironically, the bitter truth of a
patriarchal society is that neither the identity of mother nor motherhood is valued and held in
high esteem. However, the functional identity of motherhood is honoured and respected but
that too is conditional to its functional value. A woman’s significance in her family and in the
extended society lies in her ability to procreate, but her position of significance starts falling
with her inability to continue with reproduction. Consequently, it became a patriarchal tool of
subordinating a woman in the family as well as in society. Regarding the procreative role of a
known and recognized only through her relationship with man and is unexpected
economic independence and high educational standards, they are still regarded as
Tendulkar in his play, Silence! The Court is in Session!, interrogates the norms and
conditions of a patriarchal society that in one hand glorifies motherhood and on the other,
uses it as a tool for her subjugation and oppression. The play sprang from a real life story of
an amateur group that was on its way to stage a mock trial in a village near Mumbai. It
attacks the philosophy of exaltation of motherhood by laying exposed the sexual politics in
gender relations and patriarchal norms of the family. It also interrogates the primary concerns
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of caste, class and society that are closely associated with the institutions of marriage and
motherhood.
Miss Benare, the protagonist of the play, is a teacher by profession and lives her life with
expectations and vehemently refuses to observe social taboos. Benare is an independent and
successful school teacher. She conveys her wish to be surrounded by innocent children who
are not yet touched by the selfish motives of a patriarchal society. She exhibits an endless and
unbounded passion for life by leading a life that is non-conformist in its approach and defies
the well defined convention and practice of a predictable society. She boldly asserts her
individuality, “my life is my own…my will is my own…I’ll do what I like with myself and
However, Ms. Benare’s sense of independence and enthusiasm for leading her life in her
own way threatens the patriarchal society. Her professional success and charismatic
personality too arouse envy in her theatre group. Besides this, her strong motherly instinct
arouses fear and insecurity in the men folks who envy her. They also envisage her success in
the teaching fraternity and popularity amongst her students as viable threat and a
reconfirmation of her motherly instincts. As the spinster Ms. Benare channelizes her strong
motherly instincts of love, concern, affection by nurturing the young minds and souls of her
students, the male custodians of the social norms, Mr. Kashikar and other males in the theatre
group feel threatened and challenged. They also perceive in her rapport with students a
hidden strength to nurture and support her child as a single parent. Consequently, the
custodians of patriarchal values, Kashikar and Sukhatme, see in her the potential to pull apart
the very fabric of a Brahmanical society, where the purity of a caste based society is directly
linked with the sexuality of a woman. Hence, when the co-actors get a chance to reveal her
illegal relationship with Professor Damle, a married man with five kids, mainly the fact that
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Miss Benare carries Damle's child, they do it deftly and with lots of enthusiasm. To conceive
without wedlock is such a social sin that it over shadows her professional success and makes
her feel insignificant in spite of social recognition that she enjoyed in her professional field.
lifestyle. The Hindu patriarchal society that has created the image of woman on the line of
Sati, Savitri and Parvati and expects both the society and women to follow this image, any
woman trying to challenge this image is bound to invite trouble for her. Ms. Benare out
rightly defies the conventional image of a woman as submissive, obedient, dependent and
blind follower of patriarchal values. The Hindu patriarchal society expects both the society
and women to follow this image with utmost sincerity. However, Leela Benare’s financial
independence and her unconventional approach to life enable her to challenge the patriarchal
image of an ideal woman. Her sense of independence which is a direct outcome of her
education and intelligence makes her an eyesore for the men in the society. Hence, the men in
her theatre group, most of whom are professional failures, get intimidated by her
independence and plan the mock trial where she is charged for two grave reasons-- unwed
motherhood and attempt to female foeticide. Therefore, they bank on mock trial as one of
According to Hinduism, the female was created by Brahma as a part of the duality in
creation, to provide company to men and facilitate procreation, progeny and continuation of
family lineage. The essence of the role of a woman lies in her role as a mother. In a caste
conscious society, the purity of blood and caste is directly linked with the purity of a
woman’s sexuality. In this context, the views of Veena Noble Das are pertinent who writes,
“woman as the gateways of caste” (Das 135). Manu too approves of the urgent need to
control women sexuality. Thus, in Chapter V, verse 148 of Manusmriti, he defends this
prerequisite and firmly commands, “In childhood a female must be subject to her father, in
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youth to her husband, when her lord is dead to her sons; a woman must never be
independent” (qtd. in Buhler 195). Hence, the need to control the sexuality of women
has been provided by Dr. Ambedkar in his article “The Rise and Fall of Hindu Women”.
argues that it is the sexual independence of women in Brahmanical patriarchy that is always
regarded as dangerous and destabilizing for the society. The fact that religion has deeply
affected and grievously damaged the image of woman in Indian society is argued by many
other scholars on the condition of women in Hindu Society. Preeti Mishra in her book
Domestic Violence against Women: Legal Control and Judicial Response and M. G. Chitkara
in Women and Social Transformation cite Adishankaracharya, the great founder of Hindu
Philosophy, degrading woman as “the gateway to hell and poison in the shape of nectar”
Leela Benare’s illicit pregnancy fortifies the apprehensions that the old sages and
philosophers like Adishankaracharya have expressed. Leela Benare challenges the ideal
image of women that the patriarchy envisages to have for maintaining the purity of the
society. Contrary to the ideal image of a woman that the patriarchy envisages, Leela Benare
carrying the symbol of her illicit affair with Prof Damle threatens to pull apart the very fabric
behaviour enrages Kashikar and he expresses his faith on the old customs of Hindu society.
Therefore, he urges all to heartily welcome the old custom of child marriage so that a woman
never gets an opportunity to enjoy independence of her sexuality, when he says, “[m]arry off
the girls before puberty. All this promiscuity will come to a full stop” (Tendulkar 98).
However, since Ms. Benare’s unbridled independence and promiscuity flout the expectations
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of a virgin woman, he retorts her saying, “a sinful canker on the body of society…”
(Tendulkar 112) and the best way to unplug such weeds is to socially marginalize her by
snatching away all that give her a sense of happiness, satisfaction and independence.
Therefore, the judge announces the verdict of aborting her foetus. The Chairman of the
angrily remarks, “It is a sin to be pregnant before marriage. It would be still more immoral to
let such a woman teach in such a condition! There is no alternative - this woman must be
dismissed” (Tendulkar 113). The punishment reaches its height with Mr. Kashikar’s
pronouncement of the verdict, “no memento of your sin should remain for future
However, while drawing conclusions on Ms. Benare’s character and passing judgements
for her gross misbehaviour and challenging the social norms, nobody even attempts to
consider the culpability of her close associate, Prof Damle, the man behind Benare’s unwed
motherhood. Instead the representatives of patriarchal society like Mr. and Mrs. Kashikar, Mr
Ponkshe and others of the theatre group blame her for her socially unacceptable condition.
Mr. Kashikar sees the roots of such unacceptable anti social activities in the society’s
growing liberal attitude and in order to register such antisocial elements like Ms. Benare, he
observes, “Our society should revive the old custom of child marriage. Marry off the girls
before puberty. All this promiscuity will come to an end” (Tendulkar 98).
Leela Benare’s education and financial independence entraps her in patriarchal power
politics. The four phases of man’s life explicate the patriarchal society’s manipulation of the
Brahmanical society the system of four ashramas speaks volumes about the role and
responsibilities of a man as the superior one and the woman as a mere follower. The four
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correspond to four goals of Kama, Artha, Dharma and Moksha respectively, exclusively
mention the roles of men, however, mention of the role of women goes unmentioned. Women
are denied access to education. Instead Manu equates a woman’s marriage to a man’s thread
any power.
Uma Chakravarti in the book, Gendering Caste: Through a Feminist Lens, traces a
woman’s fickle minded nature coupled with uncontrollable sexuality to her stribhava, or the
which entails fidelity to her family in her maidenhood and to her husband after her marriage.
Chakravarti, further elucidates that to keep women’s sexuality under control, mechanism of
control operates at several levels: ideological as well as coercion. In this context, Leela
Benare, an independent, educated woman, carrying with her the symbol of her uncontrollable
sexuality, therefore manifests her indomitable stribhava. Hence, the need of the patriarchal
society, represented by Kashikar, Sukhatme, Ponkshe and other men in the play, is to punish
Kate Millet in her Sexual Politics argues that patriarchy rules over the woman and
constructs a type for woman ─ an icon that serves its ends and the subservience to which
feeds and perpetuates the sway of patriarchy. The character of Leela Benare is one of
contradictions. On one hand she defies the expectations of an ideal woman that regulate and
control her sexuality. She is a woman of strong opinions. Though she has conceived out of
wedlock yet she fights bravely to retain the child. However, on the other hand, she is
to retain the foetus, she manifests the need of a father to parent the child, “he (the foetus)
must have a mother...a father to call his own – a house- to be looked after- he must have a
good name” (Tendulkar118). Probably, for a self reliant woman like Ms. Benare, the need of
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a man as a father figure stems out of the need to guarantee social recognition and to avoid
social stigmatization. However, by showing the need for man in her life to father her child,
unwittingly accepts man made significance of a male partner in establishing a family. The
legal system too is a male construct and therefore, it nicely protects Prof. Damle throughout
the mock trial. Instead of blaming Prof. Damle and punishing him for initiating a relationship
and violating her virginity, the mock trial incites on her to accept that her present state of
curse is the outcome of her hypersexual character. Ultimately, the intelligent and independent
Ms. Benare under the pressure breaks down and publicly admits that her condition is a
It’s true, I did commit a sin. I was in love with my mother’s brother. ...he gave me
my brave man turned tail and ran away. Again I fell in love. As a grown woman. I
threw all my heart into it; I thought, this will be different. This love is intelligent...I
offered my body on the altar of my worship...he wasn’t god. He was a man. For
whom everything was of the body, for the body! This body is a traitor! (Tendulkar
118)
However, evident in Ms. Benare’s confession is her naive honesty who readily accepts
her mistake of developing an incestuous relation with her uncle. She also demonstrates her
awareness of the social injunctions that expect a woman to follow a certain moral code of
social behaviour. Her deeply felt words, “I insisted on marriage” (Tendulkar 118) also
manifest her desire for a man in her life, whom she can marry and start a family. Ironically,
her naivety is exploited by the men in her life who have used her body to meet their selfish
desires. Eventually, her last few words shows her ultimate realisation that it is the body of a
woman more than her heart that is important for a man, “I offered my body on the altar of my
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worship...he wasn’t god. He was a man. For whom everything was of the body, for the body!
(Tendulkar118).
Leela Benare’s experiences certainly hint at the vulnerability of women in all stages of
her life in a patriarchal society. A woman in a male dominated society is perceived as a toy in
the hands of men, an object to be controlled and kept under his dependence forever and Ms.
Benare had not been an exception of this notion. She had been sexually exploited by her
uncle in her adolescence and by Prof. Damle in her maturity. However, when she realises her
own situation and tries to challenge it, she is again reminded that a woman should always be
dependent on men and cannot claim control on her own body. Ms. Benare along with other
women, like Mrs. Kashikar, the barren woman in Silence! and Rama, the so called barren
woman who actually bears the brunt of her husband’s sterility, in the play, The Vultures,
symbolise the ironical situation of women in Brahmanical patriarchy. These women whether
they are fertile enough to be blessed with a foetus like Ms. Benare has no right to protect and
give birth to her child as much as women who are barren, like Mrs. Kashikar and Rama, who
spend their life fretting and mourning for their inability to bear a child. They reflect a
woman’s perpetual state of distress because of their incomplete womanhood. When Ms.
Benare is attacked by Mrs Kashikar for her unwed motherhood and is dumped on the grounds
of her insolence, she points out, though sarcastically, the same fate that both of them share in
a patriarchal society. With admiration she congratulates her for being ‘an excellent
housewife’ (Tendulkar 59) but sarcastically brings out her emptiness and social
marginalization as a barren women as she remarks, “and poor hands that rocks the cradle has
no cradle to rock” (Tendulkar 59)! Mrs. Kashikar who bears the curse of infertility, spends
her motherly instincts over her adopted child. However, her adoption reinforces the insecurity
that a couple develops as they grow old and therefore to ensure their old age care and
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Tendulkar draws the character of Mrs. Kashikar’s as a typical perpetrator of patriarchal
oppression. Instead of trying to support and defend Leela Benare in her times of mental
agony, she joins in hands with her husband and other men to punish her for transgressing her
limits in a patriarchal society. Mrs. Kashikar’s oppressive nature, however, stems from her
jealousy of Leela Benare’s professional success and the gift of bearing a child. Therefore, she
tries to damage her blessed condition of motherhood by joining the males in the theatre group
Benare is therefore a victim of a revengeful and myopic society that does not
tolerate deviance from its mores…the system does not tolerate her efforts to be an
individual. She does not commit any sin by aspiring not to be conventional.
Rather convention is at fault for dogmatically following crusty rules and for
Thus, Ms. Benare’s desire and courage to challenge the patriarchal society locks her in
its partial principles and ideologies and make her a prey to the authorities of the patriarchal
society. The cruel authorities of the patriarchal society label Leela Benare’s action as
immoral and subjects her to the punishment of aborting her child in her womb but remain
silent about Prof Damle. Therefore, the punishment falls on Benare for an act which is
society, sees Benare’s act not only as immoral but as a threat for others in the society and
therefore passes the verdict that she should be punished for transgressing her limits as an
unwed female. He says, “No memento of your sin should remain for future generations…the
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It is evident from the mock trial and the harsh verdict that is passed against Leela, “No
memento of your sin should remain for future generations…the child in your womb shall be
destroyed” (Tendulkar 119), that the patriarchal society leaves no stones unturned to punish
Leela for her audacity to challenge the patriarchal ideologies. The punishment also targets to
crush her dignity and her belief on herself and reinforces the patriarchal belief that a woman
because of her indomitable sexual nature or stribhava, should always be in the custody of a
male partner and if any violation is done on her part, punishment is inevitable.
Hence, the society that regards women as Shakti, the creator of the living force and
Lakshmi, the preserver, also perceives her as a gateway to caste pollution. Hence, it responds
to Miss Benare with unimaginable ruthlessness. She is accused, betrayed and insulted. The
wound that Leela receives is irreparable; it is the symbol of the unsympathetic patriarchy. It
symbolises women’s powerlessness in a male dominated society, “And the wound that’s born
to bleed, Bleeds on forever, faithfully. There is a battle sometimes, where Defeat is destined
as the end. Some experiences are meant. No taste, then just to waste and spend…” (Tendulkar
63).
The last few lines that the wronged Leela utters are heavily loaded with the references to
the ways of patriarchal dominance and hegemonic use of power to subjugate, oppress and
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‘No, I don’t know. I didn’t see.
The monologue that has an allegorical implication reflects the condition of women like
Leela Benare. A small helpless bird, sparrow, is wronged by its big brother, the crow. Yet the
crow remains indifferent to the helplessness of the sparrow, whose nest it has crushed. It is
this nest, the home, for which a woman craves for and in this case, Leela is betrayed in her
efforts to set her new home and start her family only because she has challenged the norms of
the society and desires to continue with the foetus in her womb that she has conceived out of
While it is Leela Benare’s unmarried status that leads to her humiliation in public and
mental oppression, Rama in The Vultures, in spite of two decades of marriage, is subjected to
emotional and mental unrest for her inability to bear a child, though it is not she to be blamed
but her husband’s sterility. Her anxiety over unfulfilled motherhood verges onto an uncanny
emptiness that seems to engulf her presence. She goes through a hellish mental anxiety as she
fails to convey it to her husband that it is not because of her that they are childless. Rather, it
is her husband’s sexual limitation that acts as an obstacle in materialising her journey from a
wife to a mother and confines her to a state of barrenness. Tendulkar, in his depiction of
Rama as a woman engulfed in her failure to materialise her dream of mothering a child,
makes it very explicit that it is the patriarchal set up, consisting of her husband Ramakant, his
While Leela in Silence! is a sad prey of a patriarchal society for trying to assert and protect
her motherhood without wedlock, Rama is another example of how in spite of decades of
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marriage fails to attend motherhood and therefore, subjected to mental oppression at Pitale
household.
Rama is a meek, docile, dutiful woman in the family of money mongers, where each one
is against the other. She is the only person with a human heart in a family of fearful vultures.
Her presence itself exudes warmth, love and care but even her husband is indifferent to her
feelings. The only concern of her chauvinist husband is property and an heir to maintain that.
His narrow vision thus blinds him from realising his wife’s emptiness, her desires and wants.
The only person who understands Rama’s condition and gives expression in the following
stone. /Alive, she followed after /That living death, her master, /With that dogged loyalty
Rama is the epitome of an ideal woman drawn along the lines of Sita and Savitri.
patience, love and affection. Her dove like nature makes her the Lakshmi, (Goddess of
Prosperity and Wealth) of Pitale household. Because of her sweet nature, kindness and
responsible behaviour she earns a loving place in her father-in-law, Hari Pitale’s heart.
However, her husband’s indifferent attitude to her emptiness and subjecting her to all the
blames for their childless life drive her crazy. Unable to endure the pain that Rama
experiences, that is poetically expressed by Rajaninath as, “like a million needles stuck in
your heart. Blinding you, maddening you with pain. You can’t endure them. But you can’t
pull them out” (Tendulkar 240), she sets on to prove that she is not barren and hence,
While Silence! presents the helpless plight of women who suffer from complete lack of
control over her body, The Vultures reflects the absence of a significant social existence of a
woman other than in her role as an ideal, dutiful wife and mother. In her role as a wife, a
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woman’s primary function, therefore, is to assist her husband in rituals and give birth to his
sons. A woman’s social conditioning helps her to internalise this without resistance and
hence, a woman voluntarily takes up and tries to fulfil the responsibility of carrying forward
Marriage and motherhood is not only a social responsibility for a woman, it is the duty
of a woman to give birth to a son, an heir to the family. Manu while emphasising on marriage
as an inevitable part of a woman’s life also makes them aware of the consequences of their
failure to live by the expectations of marriage, “A barren wife may be superseded in eighth
year, she whose children all die in the tenth, she who bears only daughters in the eleventh...”
(qtd. in Buhler 342). Thus, it is the fear of losing her husband to another fertile woman as
well as the anxiety of being a social cast away that pushes Rama to prove her fertility by
Rama’s distress is also rooted in the stigma attached to an infertile woman. Though she
is not infertile, in the eyes of her family and the outer world she is an infertile barren woman.
The life of an infertile woman is always at risk of being thrown out from social circles.
infertile woman in Vedic ages was a bad omen and was cast away from family and society as
she was perceived as possessed by ‘nirrti’, an evil spirit responsible of destroying everything
good and therefore kills the germ of new life in such women (51). Hence, as the pressures of
patriarchal expectations keep building up in Rama, she is compelled to shed off her image as
an ideal woman, meek and “innocent as a doe” (Tendulkar 203) and gathers courage to
confront the patriarchal system that constantly tries to label her as a barren woman. It is the
joint forces of her family and the society that ultimately drives her to take the most daring
step of challenging the authority of her husband and the society at large to prove her fertility
as well as quench her own thirst for motherhood. Gradually Rama musters the mental
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strength to come out of the ideal image of a meek, docile daughter-in-law and wife and
develop a sexual relation with her step brother-in-law, Rajaninath, to prove her fertility.
Both Leela and Rama are not barren women but are blessed like many other women to
give birth to their babies and enjoy motherhood. However, both of them fail to enjoy the
blessings and happiness of motherhood for their personal reasons. In the case of Ms. Benare,
motherhood remains a distant dream. In spite of carrying the foetus in her womb, she lives a
life of despair because of a lack of a male person as a legal husband and consequently, the
orders of the court that demands her to abort her foetus, a symbol of illicit affair. Rama, on
the other hand, is a victim in the hands of her chauvinistic husband who failed to accept his
impotency. Though Rama has often tried to explain her despair and helplessness, Ramakant
had turned deaf ear to her pleadings, leaving her distraught as always. Ultimately, when she
bears the child, the symbol of her illicit affair with Rajaninath, she loses the child because of
the malicious and revengeful acts of her sister-in-law, Manik, who in order to take revenge on
In the context of Leela and Rama’s situation in a male dominated society, Shoma
Chatterjee’s observation on the condition of women seems apt. In The Indian Women’s
Search for an Identity (1988), she argues that women’s fertility works against her liberation
and rightly points out , “for a woman, her fertility and her infertility are converted into a
dominated system” (217). Thus, Leela’s eagerness to give birth to her child without wedlock
and Rama’s falsified case of infertility subject them to inherent cruelty of the chauvinistic
patriarchal society.Leela Benare and Rama’s examples reinforce the significance of marriage
as a social institution that marks the beginning of gender oppression. Hence, the institution of
marriage, in the hands of Tendulkar, becomes a double edged tool for gender oppression. It
is one such institutionalised tool that has the potential of both sanctioning as well as
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snatching away the joy of motherhood Therefore, the patriarchal society that labels Leela as
a canker, a weed that must be plucked off for the betterment of others, labels Rama as a
barren woman.
The natural cycles of birth and death are inevitable and significant parts of a society. In
fact the survival of a society and its civilization is dependent on it. An individual bears a high
responsibility in contributing to the sustenance of the society and his failure is usually
considered as a matter of irresponsibility and shame. The stigma attached with infertility
life. Families which are suffering because of infertility prefer to deal with it at individual
level and often seek medical help and religious intervention. The patriarchal order of a male
dominated society has its own prescriptions to alleviate a couple of the curse of infertility. By
regarding infertility as a curse and therefore prescribing ways of getting out of it, the
patriarchy establishes its power and authority on a woman’s body and her existence.
to father their progeny but fails to accept his limitation in begetting a child. Thus, he leaves
no stones unturned to cure his wife’s inability to bear a child. In fact, in order to justify his
medical fitness he takes Rama for medical treatment and visits astrologers and saints for
seeking remedy for her infertility. “…Rama dear, that Achalanand Swami or what you call'im
from Kandivali’s coming this evening.to the Rajadhyaksha,’ at Linking road. Let’s drop in
there” (Tendulkar 212). This not only reinforces the orthodox mentality and chauvinistic
attitude of Ramakant, but also hints at his male chauvinism that does not allow him to accept
his own sterility.as the reason behind their inability to have a child. Ramakant’s approach to
this whole situation blatantly brings out male dominance over the female body and mind to
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The social conditioning of a woman from her very childhood makes her feel that the
gateway to her ideal womanhood lies in taking up the roles of wife and mother. Thus, though
Rama has been successful in taking up the role as an ideal daughter-in-law of the family, she
fails to realise the other one. Therefore, Rama’s frustrated unheard voice that tries to justify
It’s not the fault of doctors, of learned men, of saints and sages! It’s not even my
fault! This womb’s healthy and sound, I swear it! I was born to become a mother.
This soil’s rich, it’s hungry. But the seed won’t take root. If the seed’s soaked in
poison, if it’s weak, feeble, and lifeless devoid of virtue-then why blame the soil?
(Tendulkar 241)
Tendulkar through Rama’s pitiable situation hints at the wickedness of the patriarchal
society. It is the patriarchal society that constructs a type of belief, a sort of universal truth,
that it is only the woman who is responsible for becoming or not becoming mother. It
blissfully puts all the possible blame on the woman for being issueless. Sukumari
Bhattacharji in "Motherhood in Ancient India" (1990) points out: "Male infertility was dimly
known as the custom of levitate indicates, but no stigma ever attached to an impotent male.
We hear of impotent kings both in Brahmanical and Buddhist literature but never with any
aspersion of inauspiciousness [...] It was always the woman who got blamed for failing to
It is the patriarchal pressure on a woman to prove her essence as a mother that drives
Rama to cast away her ideal image as an obedient and honest wife and indulge in other means
like an illicit relation to have a child. Rama’s illicit relation with Rajaninath did fulfil her
dream of becoming a mother but it pushes her into a series of problems and consequent
humiliation and oppression at Pitale household. Given the vile nature that a woman is
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supposed to be in possession of it is the duty of a man to protect her wife and keep her in
control. However, Ramakant fails to do his duty as a husband and his wife slips off his hands.
Rama’s secret liaison with Rajaninath proves the total failure of Ramakant as a husband.
He not only fails to complete their marital life by having a child, he also refuses to give Rama
the space as his wife. As she feels suffocated in that house of ‘vultures’ and begs Ramakant
to consider the change of their residence, she pleads to her husband for an alternative choice:
Take a job somewhere. Whatever you can get. Never mind if it doesn’t pay well.
We’ll live in poverty…But let’s finish this death by imprisonment. Let’s end this
dreadful play- acting. Stop this murderous deceit honestly! Put an end to it. Let’s
But he rejects her request due to his male chauvinism and cupidity and reprimands Rama for
Look here, Rama! In this house, we’re not accustomed to listening to any
smartness from women! No man in our family’s been a bloody hen pecked
husband, what? I know very well indeed what to do, what not to do. No need for a
Ramakant, is the authorial head of the family. He is the sole decision maker, who hardly
takes his wife’s advice into account. The arrogance and narrow mentality of Ramakant
relegates Rama to the fringes of his family. A woman’s fate as evident in Rama’s case is to
stick to the ideal image of an obedient and docile woman, consequently accept silence forever
The longing for motherhood is so strongly felt by Rama that for her to defy the ideal
image of a wife is a better option than wallowing in perpetual emptiness as a childless mother
and remains subjected to the criticism of the society. Unable to control her desire to give
shape to her longing for motherhood, she rises up like a phoenix from her oppressive
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condition and challenges the patriarchy that labelled her as barren and refused to listen to her
pleadings that tried to prove her fertility. Through the character of Rama, Vijay Tendulkar
reemphasises the fact that when a woman like Rama goes unheard, uncared for, she collects
the mental and physical strength to write her own story, a story that counters the hegemonic
Thus, the wronged Rama in her desperation to mother a baby breaks the shackles of her
husband’s control over her womb and turns to Rajininath to materialise her dream of holding
a baby in her arms. Her sense of loneliness and emptiness that stemmed from her inability to
prove her fertility to her husband and the society is best captured by Rajaninath in these lines:
One longing...
A soft fulfillment.
Empty of pain
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Of her rotten hopes,
Rajaninath extends his helping hand, understanding mind and affectionate heart and
As Rama finds human compassion and affection in Rajaninath, she too extends helping
hand towards him and secretly feeds her step brother-in-law, who has never been accepted by
the Pitale brothers for his illegitimate birth and was given shelter in the old garage. Gradually
their mutual understanding, considerateness for each other and dependency makes way to
physical intimacy that though gives Rama momentary satisfaction and happiness of bearing a
child, actually invites humiliation and abuse in the Pitale household. However, the
clandestine relation of Rama and Rajaninath, though immoral and not acceptable by the
patriarchal society, is the only one relation that has the germ of love in it and allows Rama to
prove her fertility against the perception that the society had of her as a barren woman.
Once Rama’s latent hopes of mothering a child sees the light of the day, her position in
her husband’s life too undergoes a change. The sudden change in Rama’s position in her
husband’s life captures the role and essence of womanhood. Sudhir Kakar discussing the
change in the status of an Indian woman once she becomes a mother observes:
For an Indian woman, imminent motherhood is not only the personal fulfilment
event in which culture confirms her status as a renewer of the race and extends to
her the respect and consideration which were not accorded to her as a mere wife.
(79)
Rama is no exception to it. Ramakant becomes extra cautious of her health and showers
love and affection on her for healthy growth and development of his child. He reminds Rama
to apply “the sacred ash from Shirdi” (Tendulkar 249), to take the daily doses of injections
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and pills without forgetting to protect the heir to his family from any unwanted danger and to
ensure a good and healthy growth of the foetus. He weaves a web of dreams round the child
growing in Rama’s womb. Also latent in Ramakant’s affectionate behaviour towards his wife
is the significance of a rightful heir to his property, lest it should go to his brother, Umakant
in his absence.
However, the good days of loving togetherness for Rama and Ramakant come to an end
when Umakant, Ramakant’s money monger brother, spills the beans of Rama’s clandestine
affair with Rajaninath and her consequent illicit pregnancy. Umakant, who feels he is being
cheated while trying to settle a better deal with his elder brother Ramakant, tries to take a
revenge on his elder brother by unsettling his happiness on the much awaited arrival of an
heir to his property. Hence, he divulges the secret of an illicit affair between Rama and
The news wrecks havoc on Rama- Ramakant’s relation. The betrayed Ramakant feels
cheated by his wife and becomes violent towards Rama for having an illicit affair with
Rajaninath. He even decides to kill the illegitimate child growing in Rama’s womb, “I’ll
abort him. He’s not mine. He’s my enemy’s bloody son... I’ll finish off the bastard. Push him
out of her belly. Tear him out!” (Tendulkar 264) and reaches out to Rama with hatred and
Time and again Manu has emphasised on the “fickleness of women’s nature” (Chakravarti )
and the consequent “problem of dealing with the innately overflowing and uncontrollable
sexuality of women” (Chakravarti). Tracing the ancient texts and scriptures on women nature
it is evident that women nature had always intrigued men to the extent of unsettling their
sense of security over their caste purity. For instance, a Jataka story compares the nature of
women to that of a greedy cow “As greedy cows seek pasture anew, women unsated yearn
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for mate on mate” (The Jataka: 1.155). Manu, who had always been doubtful of the essential
nature of women had always advised men to keep women under their control throughout of
their lives. Defending his argument on controlling the sexuality of women Manu in the Xth
chapter of Manusmriti observes, “He who carefully guards his wife, preserves (the purity of)
his offspring, virtuous conduct, his family, himself and his (means of acquiring) merit” (qtd.
in Buhler 328). Clearly evident in Manu’s words is the responsibility of a man to control his
wife lest she brings dishonour to him and his family. In this context Ramakant’s failure to
control his wife and family honour stems from his failure to accept his infertility and
continuously blaming Rama for their childless state. However, when the dejected Rama turns
materialise her dream of bearing a child through him, it is she who is abused as a fallen,
immoral woman, a woman who fails to keep the vows of marriage of staying loyal to her
husband forever. The custodian of her married life, Ramakant, therefore, is totally convinced
that she should be punished by destroying the foetus, the symbol of her illicit affair with
Rajaninath.
Ironically, the man who tries to carry out his responsibility as a custodian of his wife’s
sexuality fails to carry out his duties as a husband, trying to develop a more understanding
and compassionate relation with his wife rather than continuously blaming her for their
childless condition. Yet, he manages to take an upper hand on the situation and Rama and
hurls abuses on her. Interestingly, as Ramakant decides to punish Rama for transgressing her
however, comes as a ruthless bursting of his dream of having a child of theirs. Ramakant, by
killing the symbol of Rama’s illicit relation with Rajaninath brings an end to his newly
developed hope of having a son, an heir to his property and family name. Hence, as
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Rajaninath observes, “For they have no other future left to them. There is no hope”
(Tendulakar 265) the Pitale couple remains deprived of any heir to the family forever.
The cruelty and hypocrisy of the patriarchal society is once more evident when in her
crisis Rama is not even supported by the man who was always so full of sympathy, kindness,
affection and love for her, the only human being in the family of vultures. Rajininath’s cold
silence when Rama becomes the victim of the cruelty of the Pitale family for her immorality
in a way hints at the biases against women. Though both Rajaninath and Rama are equally
responsible, it is Rama who is blamed for her indomitable sexuality and consequently
punished.
The ugly fact of a scheming patriarchal society is once more exposed by Tendulkar
through the subtle characterization of rajaninath. Rajininath, who should be equally blamed
and made responsible for Rama’s condition however keeps silent. No doubt he was already a
marginalised one in Pitale household but instead of standing by Rama and accepting equal
responsibility for the child in her womb, he maintains absolute silence. However, hidden in
his silence are the strategic measures of a patriarchy to subjugate women. Rajaninath by
keeping silent refuses to share the onus of Rama’s plight and also it directs to the strong
patriarchal norms that once violated cannot be mended, and if at all possible to mend then
against heavy charges. His silence actually reflects his passive support for the Pitale family
and the patriarchal society in general for punishing a woman for violating the sacredness of
The condition of women like Rama and Leela Benare who have no claims on their own
womb can be traced in another woman character created by Tendulkar, Manik. Manik, the
only daughter of Hari Pitale, like Leela Benare, is a woman who carries a foetus without
wedlock. She is the fiancée of Raja of Hondour and is bearing the child of Raja of Hondour.
If in Leela Benare’s case her unmarried motherhood is a matter of tension and the society
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wants her to abort the child, in Manik’s case, her brothers exploit her unwed pregnancy to
Manik belongs to a family of money mongers. Both of her brothers are against her as she
is one of the rightful share holders of their father, Hari Pitale’s property. The brothers want
their father to divide his property between them. However, as per Hindu property laws after
independence, an unmarried daughter is a rightful heir to her father’s property, Manik is one
of the share holders of their father’s assets. Hence, as they miss on the property share because
of Manik, they plan to blackmail her fiancé of his illicit affair with their sister and squeeze
The Pitale brothers’ angst against their sister, Manik, for being a shareholder of their
father’s property can be traced back to the status of women in Hindu culture and their
succession rights. Women from ages have never been conceived as independent beings. A
woman’s sexuality is always seen as a threat for the patriarchal society. Therefore, a strong
desire and need to control the sexuality of a woman has been felt and practised since ages.
Hence, Manu observes, “Day and night women must be kept in dependence by the males (of)
their (families), and if they attach themselves to sensual enjoyments, they must be kept under
one’s control” (qtd. in Buhler 328). A woman, therefore, should be passed from one guardian
to another guardian at the right time, to carry out her socio-cultural obligation of procreation.
Her days at her father’s place are counted and she is considered paraya dhan (wealth of
others). This concept of woman as gift for others never considered woman as an owner of her
father’s property. Thus men never felt the need of sharing the family property with their
female family members since she would be always under the control of a male person, a
father, a brother, a husband or her son. In a way a women’s right to property also highlights
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The impression that Manu developed about the nature of women was mostly based on
their innate nature. Though, every human being is constituted of some good and favourable
qualities and some unfavourable one, Manu, however, picked on the bad and adverse ones,
critical opinion about them that led to their gradual social degradation. Hence, because of
their inherent capricious nature and indomitable sexuality they should be have no access to
independent life and should be kept under the control of men forever. Thus, he instructs men
to keep their women under control forever, “Day and night women should be kept in
dependence by the males of their families, and, if they attach themselves to sensual
enjoyments, they must be kept under one’s control” (qtd. in Buhler 327-28). He further
elaborates on this by specifying the role of various male family members in a woman’s life,
“her father protects her in childhood, her husband protects her in youth, her sons protect her
in old age; a woman is never fir for independence” (qtd. in Buhler 328). Manu’s view on the
nature of women is also expressed in the chapter VIII of Manusmriti, where he remarks with
contempt, “three persons, a wife, a son and a slave are declared to have in general no wealth
exclusively their own, regularly acquired for the man to whom they belong” (qtd. in Buhler
injunctions on them, women had been automatically cut her off from family possessions.
Apart from Manu’s examination and conclusion drawn on the inherent nature of woman,
there is another very strong socio-religious law that worked against women and was
responsible for keeping them away from property rights. Women because of their biological
constitution is regarded as ‘impure’ and it is this impurity that deny them right to practice
religious rituals. The right to education has been denied to them since ages and Manu equates
social significance has always been ignored and therefore, the right to education that could
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have given women access to religion and better knowledge of their position in religion was
systematically denied to confine them to a subordinate position compared to men. Thus the
clever, selfish patriarchy stunts all the possibilities of threat by deliberately keeping women
from education and performance of religious rituals. Women’s lack of access in religious rites
Property in Vedic age was closely linked to religious rites. It was obligatory on a person
holding property to perform religious rituals and he was regarded as a trustee of the property.
Since women had no rights to religious rites automatically her right to property was never
addressed. Rather women were entitled to enjoy ‘stridhan’ (woman’s property). The word
‘stridhan’ is a compound word consisting of two separate words; ‘stri’ means woman and
‘dhan’ means property. The property of a Hindu woman which was known as stridhan
included all those properties over which she had absolute ownership. Though the famous
Smritikars like Manu, Narada, Vishnu, Katyana, Devla and Yagnavalkya had different
connotation of stridhana, yet they were of the opinion that stridhana consisted of any gift that
a woman was given during her maidenhood, or before marriage, during the marriage or when
she left her home for her husband’s home. Besides these the gifts that were bestowed on a
newly married bride when she stepped into her new home or the gifts that the elders blessed
Vishnu Dharmashashtra added a few more categories to the concept of stridhana. Those
were adhivedanika, gift or property given to a woman by his husband when he takes another
wife, anwadheyaka, gifts to her after marriage by the relatives of her parents or her parents-
in-law and sulka, dowry given to her by bridegroom or his parents. Katyana opined that the
property that a woman acquired “by her skills say by weaving or learning was her absolute
stridhana “presents and gifts by mother, father, husband and brothers, presents that she gets
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when she sat before the sacred fire at the time of marriage, property given to her as
consolation when he married again and others constituted Stridhana” (Sabbamma 124).
Though the definition of a woman’s property was clear enough to follow, a new concern
crept up which was pertaining to the right of a woman on her property. According to
Kautilya’s Arthashashtra, stridhana was manifold in nature and included all the ornaments
and articles that a woman received during her marriage and post marriage. The stridhana,
according to Kautilya, consisted of Swasura, gifts given by a bride’s father and Patidatta,
gifts given by her husband. It also included maintenance called Adhivedanika that a wife
received from her husband and Vriti that consisted of an amount of money given to her
additionally for a specific object. A woman had absolute right over her property. However, a
woman was denied access to these if she had a relation with another man.
However, with Manu the condition of a woman degenerated. Since Manu had a very low
opinion on the intrinsic nature of women, he deliberately reduced their independence to keep
them under the control of men and observed, “A wife, a son and a slave, these three are
declared to have no property; the wealth which they earn is acquired for him to whom they
belong” (qtd. in Buhler 36). Consequently, the sources of her property and the size of her
property underwent diminution. In the hands of Manu stridhana, though, retained its sacred
value, its intrinsic worth was reduced to a large extent. He gave property rights to a
daughter’s son but deprived the daughter of her share in her father’s property. It is this aspect
of a woman’s diminished right to her property that the Pitale brothers attempt to hold high
and execute in their household to deprive their sister, Manik, from her share in her father’s
However, with the social reformation movements and growing awareness to minimise
between male and female heirs was proposed and women had an absolute ownership over
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stridhan. Besides, a Hindu woman’s access to limited estate was also enlarged. With the
enforcement of the new Hindu Succession Act, 1956 females were also included in the
succession to property. However, for the money monger Pitale brothers the existence of their
unmarried sister as well as the foetus growing in her womb posed a greater threat in terms of
property distribution and acquisition. According to the new Hindu Succession Act, 1956,
legally they cannot stop Manik from having a share in their father’s property. Hence, in order
to fit into Manu’s property laws, they judiciously make a series of plans to seize Pitale’s
property and deprive Manik from their father’s property. Unable to control their rage over the
property distribution that their father had planned, they vent out their seething anger through
their inhuman physical and mental abuses on Manik. As a result the heartless brothers leave
no opportunity to abuse their sister by getting into her personal life and her love affair with
Consequently, the outraged Pitale brothers subject Manik to a series of verbal abuse and
humiliations that would crush her confidence and integrity and ultimately pushing her to
believe in her wretched condition, “Business in the bloody dumps! If anyone keeps you, at
least you’ve escaped beggary for the time being …” (Tendulkar 235). Manu enjoins on men
to control the sexuality of women. However, the Pitale brothers, Ramakant and Umakant,
subvert their roles as moral custodians of women. In fact as seen in The Vultures they are the
ones who violate the privacy and dignity of their sister at home. So much so that the Pitale
brothers frankly discuss about Manik's love affairs. They do not even hesitate to discuss
about her private life and dig into her love affairs with many other men before Raja of
Hondour, “Good victim she’s spied out this time! Before this…that cycle-shopowner. The
film-company cameraman. And in between, that stall- keeper from market. Used to roam
round town with him. On his motorbike. Arms round his waist!”(Tendulkar 216). The
vicious brothers, Ramakant and Umakant, even devise a plan to exploit her unwed pregnancy
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to blackmail her fiancé, the Raja of Hondour to extract money from him. Ironically, when
the Raja of Hondour dies before they get the ransom, they plan for aborting Manik’s foetus,
However, greedy and violent by nature that the brothers are, they fail to take up their
sudden roles as moral custodians of Manik and succumb to their inherent exploitative and
oppressive nature. The inherent cruelty of the brothers is surfaced as they plan to break her
legs and inflict physical abuse to kill her foetus. They even engage in filthy jokes on Manik
with her broken legs and Umakant says, “Bash, How'd she commit sati, after her leg was
broken? Couldn't sit down …on the funeral pyre’’ (Tendulkar 247). Umakant completes the
crude joke by adding, ''She’ll sit on the baby. The one in her belly” (Tendulkar 247).
It is evident from the analysis of the plays Silence!The Court is in Session and The
Vultures that though motherhood is a primary function of women, it is accepted only when it
is attained through marriage. Motherhood is denied to those women who fail to control their
children. However, from the social pressures that a woman goes through since marriage to
become a mother, it is understood that a woman has no choice of her own, she is a puppet in
In The Second Stage (1981), Betty Freidan on the right of women to decide on their
motherhood observes:
The right to choose has to mean not only the right to choose not to bring a child
into the world against one's will, but also the right to have a child, joyously,
responsibly, without paying a terrible price of isolation from the world and its
However, in a patriarchal society it is a fact that women are denied this right. It is the
masculine control on the wombs of women that subject women like Leela Benare, Rama
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and Manik to inexplicable tortures and mental agony. Interesting to note here is the
so much so that it upholds this responsibility at the highest order and makes conscious
efforts to creep into wielding power and control over a woman’s womb.
III
Intersection of Caste and Gender
Gerda Lerner in her explorations on the relationship between class and gender, observes
that though women belonging to different classes, enjoyed “economic independence, their
sexuality was nevertheless controlled by men” (qtd. in Chakravarti 26). In Indian context too,
production and reproduction that were linked with class and caste were organized by
controlling female sexuality. Consequently, it crippled the life of a woman. It aims at total
on a woman’s body and sexuality has its roots in the notions of pure and impure. Hence, the
Uma Chakravarti, in Genderig Caste, observes caste and class play a significant role in
determining the position of gender. Drawing a close link among the three, Chakravarti
observes:
Class, caste and gender are inextricably linked; they interact with and shape each
basis of the caste system. It is also fundamental to the way inequality is sustained:
the structures of marriage reproduce both class and caste inequality and thus the
(27)
real remedy for breaking Caste is inter-marriage. Nothing else will serve as the solvent of
Caste” (46). Nath Devlalikar, the father of Tendulkar’s protagonist, Jyoti in Kanyadaan, is a
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staunch believer of the Gandhian philosophy of dissolving caste boundaries. Hence, he shows
his happiness in his daughter, Jyoti’s decision to marry a young budding poet outside their
caste. Nath takes pride in her decision and revels in joy that ultimately as a Social Reformist
he has been able to practise the principles he preaches to the society outside to bring in a
social change.
Ironically, through the twists and turns that take place in Jyoti’s life immediately after
their hypogamous marriage, Vijay Tendulkar, the sensitive and radical reformist of his time,
depicts that the ‘mythical dystopia’(Chakravarti 35) that Jyoti and her family experience is a
natural consequence of her exogamous marriage. Joyti’s condition in her husband’s house
brings home the point that for any kind of exogamous marriage it is the female gender that
While drawing the linkage between gender and caste, and the vulnerable position of
gateways ---literally points of entry into the caste system. The lower caste male
prevented from having sexual access to women of the higher castes, so such
However, failing to guard the sexuality of upper caste women and lower caste men will give
rise to an unpleasant situation that would be marked by absence of social order and purity. To
epitomized in the anxiety of kalyuga- a time when families are broken, rites are
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forgotten and women are defiled...this mythical dystopia represents the ultimate
Vijay Tendulkar’s Kanyadaan and Ghashiram Kotwal reflect this typical mythical
dystopia. Ideologically, mythical dystopia reflects a revolt, a change. However, the change is
not an easy process. It is a difficult journey that leads to unfathomable chaos. The intricate
weaving of caste and gender in the plots of both the plays reflects that the gap between the
upper and lower castes is so wide that it is difficult to bridge the gap and dissolve the caste
boundaries. Incidentally, it is the women who turn out to be the worst victims of such
mythical dystopia as they are perceived as the agents of “degeneration and inversion of moral
order” (Chakravarti 35). Against this negative image of women, is the more positive and
constructive aspect of women’s existence that Nath Devlalikar highlights on. He perceives in
women, through the example of his daughter, Jyoti, a potential force to bring in a new
change. Nath Devlalikar sees in Jyoti’s words and decision to marry outside their upper caste,
a determination, a ray of new hope to dissolve the boundaries and give birth to a casteless
society. However, disguised beneath his apparently magnanimous intention, is his narrow
political objectives that he wanted to reach through his daughter’s decision to have an inter
caste marriage. Hence, the hypocrite Nath Devlalikar, who claims to be a staunch social
reformist, keeps oscillating between his socialist dreams of a casteless society and the
concerns of a Brahmin father for his upper caste daughter married to a dalit boy.
define Hindu stratified society. Against the manipulative Nath Devlalikar, is the more honest
depiction of Arun Athavale, a first generation graduate belonging to Mahar caste. The
emotional flux and inconsistency that Arun Athavale manifests is a reflection of his caste
identity. He is happy about his unpolished and uncouth behaviour and shows no interest in
change. Rather, with pride he traces it to his low socio economic background, “because that’s
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my manner. A scavenger’s manner” (Tendulkar 513). Though Tendulkar had been severely
criticised for depicting Arun in the light of dalit anti hero, his character is actually the
playwright’s true understanding of the sufferings and agony that a dalit has undergone and is
humiliation that have left deep scars in the lives of dalits have been emphatically brought out
by the sensitive dalit young man, Arunas he recounts the suffering and agony that his
Our grandfathers and great grandfathers used to roam bare foot, miles and miles,
in the heat, in the rain, day and night...till the rags of their butt fell apart...used to
The social rejection of the Dalits had affected their lives in a numerous manners. One of
the most significant one is the development of psychosis and counter rejection of the
Brahmanic life and existence. In the play this tendency has been surfaced in the form of fear
and discomfort that Arun experiences with urban spaces, “My heart shudders when walls of
cement and concrete surround me” (Tendulkar 512). Drawing on the differences between
comfortable life style of urban people in big houses and a dalit’s life in a small dingy room,
he gives a vivid picture of their household that reflects abject poverty and suffering that they
are subjected to, “Ten of us, big and small, lived in that eight feet by ten feet. The heat of our
bodies to warm us in winter. No clothes on our back, no food in our stomach, but we felt very
safe” (Tendulkar 512). Therefore, he feels that the city houses are like the “bellies of shark
The description that Arun gives not only projects his fear of city life but implied in it is
his critique of urban educated people and their life style. The caste conscious educated,
cultured city dwellers are narrow minded lot, confined in their own caste groups and driven
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by the hunger to engage themselves in systemic oppression of the poor dalits, “bellies of
of the grounds of caste identities severely affected the dalit unconscious, instances of fearful
and humiliating memories that constantly disturb sensitive minds like that of Arun. Hence, by
vocalising the sufferings that Dalits are subjected to, Arun tries to awaken the dead
conscience of the upper caste Brahmans. However, his efforts turn futile as the gap between
the upper and lower castes, especially those of the dalits, can never be bridged. Rather, the
practice that continued for generations after generations led to a feeling of mutual animosity
and aversion, a resistance to change and accept the other. This is evident as Arun narrates
some of the heard and observed experiences of his ancestors, “generation after generation,
their stomachs used to the stale, stinking bread they have begged...tongues always tasting the
flesh of dead animals” (Tendulkar 513) that do not allow him to fit into the hypocritical
“unwrinkled Tinopal world” (Tendulkar 513) of the upper castes. However, what transpires
from his heavily loaded words is his strong desire to avenge the upper castes who had
systematically exploited dalits like Arun’s ancestors, “At times a fire blazes--I want to set fire
to the whole world. Strangle throats, rape and kill. Drink up the blood of the beasts, your high
The childhood memories of Arun are strongly etched on the walls of his memory,
influencing his present and he sees them as a dalit man’s cultural identity. Therefore, his
love-hate relation with his wife is beyond an upper caste Brahmin woman’s ability to
comprehend. He justifies his volatile mood and torturous behaviour with his wife as a Dalit
man’s exclusive style of love making, “What am I but the son of scavengers. We don’t know
the non violent ways of Brahmins like you. We drink and beat our wives...we make love to
them...but the beating is what gets publicized...” (Tendulkar 540). However, his love is a
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genuine one and this gives him the courage to come out of his anger, hatred and violent
dispute and make love again. He is honest enough to admit his love as a unique combination
of passion and repulsion, a certain pull and push that is so particular of their caste identity.
Against Arun’s Dalit identity is Seva and Jayprakash’s upper caste polished and refined
behaviour. Seva is unable to accept Jyoti’s marriage proposal as a sane decision though she
claims that she and her husband, Nath are fighting tooth and nail against caste. Evident in her
My anxiety is not over his being a dalit. You know very well that Nath and I have
been fighting untouchability tooth and nail, god knows since when. So that’s not
the issue... You have been brought up in a specific culture. To erase or change all
this overnight is just not possible. He is different in every way. You may not be
Also hidden in Seva’s apprehensions on Arun and Jyoti’s married life is her caste and class
consciousness. Consequently, she refuses to accept and treat Arun at par with other men
because of his Dalit background. In fact the encounter that takes place between Seva and
Arun give an insight into ‘hegemonic power mechanisms of upper castes’ (Agrawal 185). She
not only snubs his educational qualification but also the employment opportunities open for
him with only a graduate degree. After evaluating Arun’s educational and socio-economic
background and his future prospect, Seva draws the conclusion that their caste differences
would affect both Jyoti, an upper caste, city bred, educated girl and her dalit husband, Arun.
As Jyoti would find it difficult to adapt to a dalit household, Arun with his mere qualification
of graduation would find it impossible to get a decent job to support his wife in a house of
Jayprakash, Jyoti’s brother too shows a strong resistance to understand the Dalits, their
pitiable condition and consequences of their socio-economic background that affects their
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behavioural disposition. He is disturbed with Arun’s emotional flux and completely fails to
comprehend that a Dalit’s social disposition is the consequence of his socio economic
background. He shows his resistance and hatred for the defence mechanism that Arun adopts
to defend his oppressive behaviour, “It’s possible that gunning down women and children is
essential for one’s defence. But this means that the very victims of violence may go on to
perpetuate the same brutal violence upon others. Perhaps they get a peculiar enjoyment out of
it” (Tendulkar 547). Evident in Jayprakash’s words is his complete failure to understand the
dalit background, their present that is coloured with their past suffering, pain, humiliation,
bitter memories. Therefore, caste conscious apathetic upper caste elite Jayprakash could
easily observe and remark that people like Arun should not be shown any sympathy because
“there’s no hope of a man’s gaining nobility through experience, he can only become a
greater devil” (Tendulkar 547). Latent in his words is the insecurity of power monger upper
caste Brahmins who in order to keep their social hierarchy safe and sound believe that the
‘other’, because of their closed mentality and inability to show change to adapt with new
situations are completely incapable of owning position of power even if they gain social
power.
Jayprakash fails to understand the differences in approach that Brahmins like him and
his father may have from that of a dalit man like Arun. Unlike the sophisticated but more
rigid control on women that the Brahminical society practices, the Dalits have a more coarse
but honest approach to life. Their relationships are not dictated by any expectations like that
of the Brahmins. In a non Brahmanical society like Arun’s both men and women are equally
free to express themselves and since women are not ruled by any ideology, it poses a threat to
their husbands. Hence, husbands are aggressive but malleable as much as their wives.
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Balancing the anti-dalit lobby represented by Seva and Jayprakash is the Socialist lobby
consisting of Jyoti and Nath Devlalikar. No doubt Jyoti goes through a whirl wheel of
emotions ranging from love at first sight to disgust. But eventually the spinning wheel of
emotions give rise to a realisation of a bitter truth that “man and his inherent nature are never
really two different things” (Tendulkar 563). Hence, in spite of Arun’s dual nature that
consists of violence, hatred, savagery, beastliness on one hand and on the other intense love
for his wife, Jyoti is determined to stay with him, “Arun is made of all these things bound
together and I have to accept him as he is, because I cannot reject him” (Tendulkar 563). She
realises the hard life to which the dalits had been subjected for generations is because of caste
conscious upper caste people like theirs. She recognises the power politics of Brahmanical
hierarchy as the root cause of the gap between upper and lower castes in the society.
Jyoti realises that though Arun displays a behaviour that is quite unacceptable and
reflects his irresponsibility as her husband, yet he is a man of substance, there is a reason for
his weird behaviour, “He is complex. Human beings are complex. It is possible that his
complexity has been generated by his circumstances. I must understand that complexity”
(Tendulkar 525). The enlightenment that she receives for being a part of two different castes
that are culturally, socially and economically at two extremes of a measuring scale enables
her to accept her new place and Arun forever, “Hereafter I have to live in that world, which is
mine...(Pausing) and die there” (Tendulkar 566). As the emptiness of Nath’s socialist
philosophy dawns upon her, she decides to embrace the caste identity of her husband, “I am
not Jyoti Yadunath Devlalikar now, I am Jyoti Arun Athavale, a scavenger. I am one of
The innumerable instances of physical and emotional tortures and oppression that she
goes through reflect that it is women who are the worst victims of any change. It is a woman
who serves as the agent or catalyst for change. In fact, in Jyoti’s case, her father sacrificed her
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at the altar of exogamous marriage to realise his goal. The very fact that he comes to Jyoti
and begs her to return with him to her parental place, implicitly hints at Nath’s acceptance of
the differences between castes that cannot be practically resolved. He makes his efforts to
draw her out of the hell and restore her in his Brahmin world of affluence and ocial
recognition. Eventually it is the woman who suffers the discomforts and anxieties of change
The exploitation of a woman as an agent for caste dissolution as seen in Kanyadaan can
be traced in another of his play, Ghashiram Kotwal as well. However, unlike Nath Devlalikar
who uses his daughter to materialise his dream of a casteless society, Ghashiram Kotwal
sacrifices his daughter to materialise his dream of becoming a kotwal to take the revenge of
intra caste discrimination to which he was subjected in the Holy city of Poona.
Ghashiram Kotwal as the name of the play signifies is about Ghashiram Savaldas, a
Kanauj Brahmin. It is as much a play about Ghashiram as Nana Phadnavis. Nana Phadnavis
was an astute statesman and a shrewd strategist who managed to keep Maharashtra out of the
grasp of the British for twenty years. His reign was also marked by the purity of Brahmanical
values and Pune under his rule came to be known as the golden age where Brahmins were
awarded their due respect. Though his image of an ideal political icon was highlighted by
nationalist historians and writers an ugly truth about the Peshwas during colonial rule has
been deliberately obliterated from the pages of history. In this context, the picture drawn by
The Peshwai was the rule of the Brahmins who enjoyed political power and
cultural hegemony. This was rudely ended by the British colonial rule. The
Peshwa rule symbolized the exploitative domination of the Brahmins over the rest
activities at the cost of the well being of the toiling masses. (16)
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On the other hand, the rule of Nana Phadnavis that reflects his tremendous weakness
towards women and his lecherous habits that resulted in having nine wives and two
mistresses cannot be left without mention. It is this weakness of a man in power that
Ghashiram, a Brahmin victim of intra caste discrimination and injustice, uses to seek power.
Tendulkar takes stalk of the partners in crime, Nana Phadnavis and Ghashiram, to depict the
symbiotic relation between caste and politics for each other’s complete realisation. However,
in this dirty game of power politics it is a woman, whose sexuality is exploited to meet
individual desires. Hence, Ghahiram Kotwal is as much a story of Nan’s indomitable sexual
longing for women as much as about the immoral and depraved Brahmins. In this context the
According to him, “Ghashiram Kotwal is landmark in Indian Theatre. The play focuses on
corruption, cruelty and inhuman strategies embedded in the power games where women and
In Ghashiram Kotwal Tendulkar explores gender and class exploitation through the
characters of Nana Phadnavis, Ghashiram Savaldas and Gauri, Ghashiram’s only daughter.
Though the main text of Ghashiram Kotwal focuses on reign of Nana Phadnavis in the holy
city of Poona, the sub text brings out maltreatment of gender and caste by the man in power,
Nana Phadnavis to quench his thirst for young women. Thus the play on one hand registers
the exploitation of a daughter in the hands of her father and later by the Peshwa, the then
powerful ruler of Poona and on the other hand the rigid caste system and its ideology. The
beauty of this ugly issue of caste and gender exploitation in Ghashram Kotwal is evoked by
Tendulkar’s deft positioning of the plot at the intersection of class and gender exploitation in
a patriarchal society.
Historically, the Peshwas were the hereditary prime ministers under Shivaji’s reign in
the Western part of India. They gradually usurped power and took control over Pune. Since
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the Peshwas were Chitpavan Brahmins, with political power they also asserted their position
as religious rulers. Over a period of time, the Peshwas were not only recognised as religious
elites but also as military, political, economic and social elites in Pune region (Chakravarti
107). However, in order to legitimise their position as political and religious heads the
Peshwas were “marked by a strong recourse to brahminism” (Chakravarti 108). They also
aimed at preserving the caste hierarchies and hence played a vital role in ‘regulating sexual
Ironically, during Nana Phadnavis’s reign, the moral and social order that the Peshwas
tried to maintain was under threat. The personal character of Nana Phadnavis was one of
conflicting nature. Though he was a heroic figure in military fields and an astute politician,
the womanizer in him challenged the religious and moral order of the society. It is this aspect
of Nana Phadnavis that Vijay Tendulkar takes up to form the historical background against
which he thrusts the theme of gender and caste exploitation. Tendulkar was severely
criticised for portraying a wrong image of Nana and of Poona, as well as for defiling
Brahmanism of the time. However, it is worth mentioning that Nana and Ghashiram are
weak by the ones who are more powerful. Countering the accusations of misrepresentation
of historical facts and images Tendulkar, according to Vasat Deo, affirms, “In my view
Ghashiram Kotwal indicates a particular situation which is neither old nor new. It is beyond
time and space. Therefore Ghashiram and Nana are also beyond space and time” (qtd. in
Wadikar 106).
The play is an interesting depiction of the condition of political and religious capital of
Poona under Ghashiram Savaldas, a Kanauj Brahmin and Nana Phadnavis, the womanizer.
The play opens with Ghashiram, a Kanauj Brahmin, who tries to earn a living in the holy city
of Poona. As an intelligent and shrewd opportunist Ghashiram wins the heart of nana and a
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place in his court in no time. The pearl necklace that Ghashiram wins from Nana as a token
of appreciation, leads to a feud that endangers his life in the Holy city of Poona. Jealous of an
intruder’s close proximity with Nana, the Poona Brahmins pounce on him to defile his
character. They blame him of stealing the pearl necklace and label him as a thief. However,
when Ghashiram tries to defend himself as a Brahmin from Kanauj, they raise objections to
his claim as a Kanauj Brahmin. The raged Poona Brahmins verbalise their suspicion and
You a Brahman!
The hollow Brahminism of the Poona Brahmins is immediately surfaced as they focus on the
superficial qualities and traits of a Brahmin like a shaven head, thread of initiation around the
chest and the holy book that provide a pious look to a man of Brahmin origin. The lack of
these signs and symbols that superficially establish a Brahmin’s religious identity and social
position drives the Poona Brahmins to identify Ghashiram as one belonging to an inferior
social position compared to the more astute religious Poona Brahmins. It also emphatically
The vertical structure of sub castes within a caste is once more emphasised by the Poona
Brahmins as they subject Ghashiram to humiliation immediately after he is released from the
prison. Ghashiram becomes the victim of the verbal abuses of the Poona Brahmins as they
address him in the name of animals and try to reject his identity as a Brahmin. He is even
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threatened to leave the Holy city, failing which he will be subjected to death, “Get lost, Hey!
Thief, monkey. If you so much as put a foot in the holy city of Poona, you’ll lose your head.
Go away. Take your ugly face far away. Don’t come back to Poona. Not even your shadow
Ghashiram’s humiliation amidst the city of Brahmins gives rise to counter attack and
power struggle between the two sets of Brahmins, Kanauj Brahmins against Poona Brahmins.
Hence intra caste exploitation and power struggle. The dejected Kanauj Brahmin’s promise
of returning to the city to avenge the Poona Brahmins for treating him like a Shudra and
defaming him marks the beginning of the rise and fall of Ghashiram:
But I’ll come back. I’ll come back to Poona. I’ll show my strength. It will cost
you! Your good days are gone! I am a Kanauj Brahman. But I’ve become a
animal. I’ll be a devil inside. I’ll come back like a boar and I’ll stay as a devil.
I’ll make pigs of all of you. I’ll make this Poona a kingdom of pigs. Then I’ll be
Ghashiram’s return marks a turning point in his life. He decides to take revenge on the
Poona Brahmins for the dual reasons of staining his moral image as well as for suspecting his
caste. Ghashiram’s humiliation in the hands of the Poona Brahmins stirs the ego in him and
as a respected Kanauj Brahmin plans similar tortures for his oppressors. Thus Ghashiram sets
on the horizontal matrix of exploitation through his promise of undertaking intra caste
exploitation. Consequently, he targets the position of kotwal under Nana to wield power and
In his struggle to achieve the position of power as kotwal of Poona to avenge his wrong
doers, the shrewd Ghashiram plunges into shameless exploitation of gender. Gauging the
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womanizer in Nana Phadnavis, the first step that Ghashiram takes to materialise his dream is
to sacrifice his own daughter, Gauri, to gratify Nana’s love for women. Manu while
discussing the responsibility of a father and other male members in a woman’s life observes
that safeguarding the honour and respect of a woman is a man’s primary duty. He strongly
believes, “day and night a woman must be kept in dependence by the males of their families,
and, if they attach themselves to sensual enjoyments, they must be kept under one’s control”
(qtd. in Buhler 327-28). He further observes, “her father protects her in childhood, her
husband protects her in youth, her sons protect her in her old age; a woman is never fit for
independence” (qtd. in B uhler 328). Hence, it is quite evident that the only objective behind
keeping a woman under close observation is to safeguard the purity of her blood and caste
order. However, Ghashiram without any hesitation relinquishes his primary duty as a
responsible father of protecting the sexuality of his daughter, Gauri. Rather, he pushes her to
the old Nana in order to become one of his favourites and eventually to gain the most desired
However, Ghashiram does not show any remorse and dejection for exploiting the
sexuality of his own daughter to materialise his dream of achieving the position of power to
avenge the Poona Brahmins for belittling him and his caste identity. Instead he revels in joy
and satisfaction after becoming the Kotwal under the reign of Nana as his newly earned
power opens the door to take revenge on the Poona Brahmins. Ghashiram’s subsequent plan
of action to reinforce his social position of power and authority over the Poona Brahmins at
the cost of his daughter’s sexuality echoes the irony of his life as a Brahmin father. As he
prioritises political position over safe guarding the sexuality of his daughter, Tendulkar
interrogates the basic premises on which the Brahmanical society is constructed. Though
Brahmanical society lays down immense value on the sexuality of women to retain the purity
of their caste order, it is not the only agenda behind the control. In fact patriarchal control on
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the sexuality of women creates a nexus between caste order and political power and
Ghashiram’s situation establishes the power play that is achieved through the patriarchal
control on women sexuality. Power corrupts man and so it happens with Ghashiram. As a
kotwal, instead of prioritising his moral and ethical duty to maintain law and order in the
society, he launches on creating total anarchy. He starts weaving vicious plans to oppress the
A calculative person as he is, Ghashiram did not plunge into taking revenge immediately
after taking his post as kotwal. Rather, he steps into his new office as the moral custodian of
the fallen city. Trying to compensate for the heinous crime of sacrificing his daughter for the
sake of power, he pledges to bring order and peace in the city of Poona. As a true
Machiavellian, he prioritises the significance of religion over his daughter and promises to
bring back the holy city of Poona its lost piety by freeing it from the spell of Bhavannakhani,
In the name of protecting religion and restoring its lost value, Ghashiram sacrifices his
duty and dharma as a responsible father. However, the irreligious, immoral and licentious
Poona Brahmins who regularly indulged in immoral acts could hardly recognise the corrupt
intentions of their newly appointed Kotwal and become easy victims of his oppressions. In
order to clean the sinful minds of the Poona Brahmins, he takes recourse to such measures
that spread darkness of fear, anxiety and hatred in the pious city of Poona. By thrusting the
Kanauj Brahmin against the Poona Brahmins, Tendulkar reflects on the moral and religious
depravity and ethical emptiness that define the Brahmin caste irrespective of its origin.
Ghashiram as kotwal assumes the role of law maker of the land and enforces the laws
strictly. He also formulates strict punishments for its transgressors. The positive impact of his
strict code of conduct is seen in the reduced crime rates. He restricts the mobility of men,
especially the Brahmins to the red light areas by making the system of permit compulsory.
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However, his autocracy as the moral police of Poona becomes evident as he tightens the
permit system and makes its application compulsory for both legal and illegal matters. The
sadistic and impractical aspect of his rules become glaring as he makes permit compulsory
even for necessary and genuine cases like medical requirements and cremation.
The height of fake brahminism comes to the fore when the morally depraved Kanauj
Brahmin makes endless efforts to restore the lost significance of religious and ethical values
of the Poona Brahmin. He curbs their immoral aspect of their lives by restricting their visits
to Bavannakhani and insisted, even forced, on their stay at their homes with their wives. His
despotic set of new laws enforced on the licentious Poona Brahmins helped him to
reintroduce moral values in the debauched Brahmins. Instead of allowing frequent visits to
prostitutes and abortions, he compelled the men to restrict themselves to their own wives at
home.
The extensive power that Ghashiram enjoyed and misused over the city is best
husband is alive, to hide one’s caste, to use counterfeit coins, to commit suicide,
without a permit is a sin. A good man may not prostitute himself; a Brahman may
The immediate success blinded Ghashiram. Deeply soaked into constituting laws and
enforcing them, Ghashiram became sadistic in approach. It is not only success that made him
complacent but the fact that he was able to use his newly earned power to take revenge on the
Poona Brahmis who publicly humiliated him brought him biggest happiness and satisfaction
and gradually he crossed the limits and became tyrannical in his dealings. Poona, in his hands
as Kotwal, thus journeyed from one type of anarchy to a brief period of justice and morality
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to even more anarchic period. Gradually as his reign as Kotwal spread the darkness of fear,
anxiety and hatred in the pious city of Poona more than bringing stability and order, the
Ghashiram’s behaviour as a Brahmin and Kotwal has its roots in the Hindu scriptures
that vest a Brahmin with immense responsibilities to formulate and safeguard moral and
ethical actions of other Brahmins and non Brahmins. According to Manu, the law maker, a
Brahmin was an incarnation of dharma (sacred tradition), born to serve and protect the
dharma. He belonged to the excellent of the human race, endowed with intelligence and
knowledge to attain Brahman. He justifies the obligations of his Brahmin caste by bringing in
order in an otherwise unruly, immoral city where religion was given a back foot.
Ironically, though Ghashiram carries out his caste duty by taking up the responsibility of
restoring and safeguarding the religious ethos of the Brahmins, he proves his total failure in
carrying out his duty as a responsible father. Instead of protecting the honour and dignity of
his young daughter, he barters his daughter for securing the new office of kotwal.
The play, Ghashiram Kotwal, is not just about intra caste conflict and power politics but
also about the exploitation of women by the men in power to materialise their dreams and
attain their narrow objectives. Women like Gauri, Ghashiram’s daughter and Gulabi are
mere objects in a male dominated society of power mongers. Both Gauri and Gulabi are the
means for gratifying sexual appetite of the womanizer, Nana. Gauri is also the tool that her
father utilises to climb the social ladder of prestige and power. Besides Gauri and Gulabi are
other women mentioned in the play who are either the objects of male gaze like the young
women in the religious gathering or marginalised sad women like Nana’s series of wives.
The position of women in patriarchal society is one that is devoid of power. Subjugation
of women aims at forcing them to accept their oppressive condition without protest.
Conveniently women are silenced either by the enforcement of male power or by instilling
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them a fear, a fear that leads to psychological and emotional damage. The women characters
in Ghashiram are the silenced women both in the private space in the household of Nana and
The fact that women’s sexuality should be controlled to maintain the purity of caste and
social order lest it should lead to mythical dystopia has been given an interesting twist by
Tendulkar in the play, Ghashiram Kotwal. Here the men are not the moral custodians of the
honour and sexuality of women rather they are the exploiters of the women’s sexuality and
innocence. The character of Nana Phadnavis exemplifies the sexual oppression of women in
Nana is a licentious and lecherous man. This trait of his character has been developed as
a trope for asserting his masculinity. Nana’s playful tendency of preying on beautiful women
is evident when the Sutradhar observes, “Nana looks unblinkingly at a pretty girl. She is
beautiful, shy, innocent Nana walks towards the girl. Nana steps towards her like a cat”
(Tendulkar 377). He dominates on the young women and in order to possess them he even
goes to the extent of bribing them with material comforts, “All your dreams this Nana will
fulfil..... No one in Poona today has the audacity to watch the great Nana Phadnavis!”
(Tendulkar 378).
Tendulkar deftly but with sensitivity depicts the helplessness of young women like Gauri
as they become the victims of hegemonic power of men like Nana. In the eyes of Nana, it is
the beauty and sexuality of a woman that matters. The difference in age is not his concern,
not even is he scared of religion, rather he continues with his licentious nature even in the
presence of the idol of Lord Ganapati. The first meeting of Nana and Gauri during the festival
of Ganapati captures how Nana deconstructs religion and its sacred values only to win the
heart of Gauri, the young daughter of Ghashiram. Hence, as Gauri tries to avoid Nana’s
sexual advances by taking recourse to God and religion, the womanizer Nana defends himself
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saying, “That idol of holiness? That all holy Ganpati? The maker of Good? Look, he has two
wives .One on this side. One on that side. If you sit on our lap, he won’t say anything!”
(Tendulkar 378). The intense sexual hunger in Nana becomes evident when he retorts Gauri
for citing their age difference as a limitation and tries to influence her with sweet tongue,
“Only in age. But our devotion is only to this graceful image… Don’t lose any more time.
Youth will not come again, the bloom will not last. My dear. You are like a daughter to us –
Nana’s coarse sexuality surfaces throughout the play. Nana’s desperation for beautiful
young girls is uncontrollable and once his eyes fall on a girl, she is becomes the victim of his
irresistible lust. She has to be hounded and dragged to his court. Thus he orders, “Can we find
her? How beautifully formed! What a lovely figure! Did you see? Erect! Young! Tender! Ah!
Ho, ho! We’ve seen so many, handled so many but none like that one” (Tendulkar 379).
Closely linked with Nana’s sensuousness and moral depravity is his urge to establish his
masculinity and masculine superiority both over the female body and in the society. He
objectifies women as his prized possession, trophies to be exhibited and as measuring stick of
his success as an aggressive ruler. He equates winning over women with expansion of
dynasty borders, “We tell you, if she is found, than this Nine court Nana will conquer
Hindustan! What a bosom! Buds just blossoming…… we’ll squeeze them like this!
(Tendulkar 380).
However, the women that he possesses have no right to raise their voice against him.
Nor are they allowed to argue with him for their welfare. They are typical silenced objects
who are thrown at the mercy of their master. The situation of Gauri is the same after she is
sacrificed by her father. She is one of the many wives of Nana who is sexually exploited and
used as a means to bear him a son. Ironically, Nana shows no signs of bearing any
responsibility as Gauri’s husband. Rather, as she dies while giving birth to the child and her
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bemoaned father comes to claim her body, the indifferent Nana orders his men to destroy her
body into pieces that no traces of her is found any more. The condition of Nana’s other wives
are the same. The fact that their presence in Nana’s life are just some number, devoid of their
names, speak volumes on their role and significance in Nana’s life as his wives.
Kotwal are probably the best examples of women’s position as commodities in patriarchal
society. The analysis of caste and gender issues in these two plays deconstructs the myth that
women are the agents of pollution of caste and moral order. Though Manu, the law giver,
insists on the duty of men to keep the sexuality of women under control for a better
tomorrow, where purity of blood and caste order would be intact, it is not women always but
men too act as the agents of corruption and threaten the purity of caste and blood. However,
because of their superior position in a male dominated society, men go scot free in spite of all
IV
Conclusion
The detailed analysis of Tendulkar’s plays drive home the bitter truth of a patriarchal
society that women emancipation, in spite of their education and development, rights and
liberties, is still a dream to come true. Tendulkar’s women characters, like Sarita, Ms. Leela
Benare, Jyoti and Rama, in his plays Kamala, Silence, Kanyadaan and The Vultures
respectively, are educated, city bred women but their lives are restricted in the patriarchal
claptrap. The agony and frustration, the helplessness and perpetual silence to which
Tendulkar’s women characters are subjected to strongly emphasise on the secondary position
of women in a patriarchal society. The binaries of gender that forms the bedrock of a
patriarchal society and results into discriminatory practices find an inquisitive expression in
Tarabai Shinde’s rhetorical question to God on the difference between men and women in her
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seminal book Stri Purush Tulana: A Comparison between Men and Women , “(But) wasn’t it
you who created both men and women? Then why did you grant happiness only to men and
brand women with nothing but agony? Your will was done! But poor women have had to
suffer for it down the ages. (Stri Purush Tulana: A Comparison between Men and Women)
This concern is not unique of the Indian subcontinent; Western critics like Mary Astel,
Simon de Beauvoir have voiced similar concerns. Mary Astel in Some Reflections upon
Marriage reflects, “If all men are born free, how is it that all women are born slaves?” (Astel)
and Simon de Beauvoir in The Second Sex (1949), “One is not born, but becomes a woman”
(Beauvoir), the society as a whole manipulates this very process of ‘becoming’. Marriage and
motherhood shape the lives of women and bring connotative significance to their existence.
The construction of gender and the subjugated lives of women though no more identified as
an area of enigma, yet it is a truth that the ways to puncture the system of gender
discrimination has not yet been well defined to attain a society without any discrimination.
Marriage and motherhood shape the lives of women and bring connotative significance to
their existence.
Tendulkar’s plays depict the struggle of the subjugated and silenced women who try to
rebel against the oppressive social order but are so intricately confined in the age old
institutions of marriage and motherhood that they cannot break free themselves from these
social institutions and challenge the obligations, responsibilities and duties expected of them
in these social institutions. Marriage and motherhood, two very important phases of a
woman’s life, can be regarded as the tools of patriarchal society to curb the independence of a
woman. Sarita, Jyoti and Rama are the typical images of women a patriarchal society would
love to have. They are drawn in the lines of Sati-Savitri. They are the epitomes of love,
dedication and affection. Sacrificing themselves to prioritise the needs and demands of their
husbands is the key element in Tendulkar’s women. Yet they are the most neglected,
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exploited and silenced by the male members, either by their husbands or fathers; in Jyoti and
Gauri’s cases exploitation of women is carried out by both the male members in their lives.
However, it is the ideology of stridharma that confines a woman in her domestic cage.
Even though they realise the wrongs done to them, the pressures and expectations of the
patriarchal set up force them to maintain silence forever. The significance of ideology to
which a woman should adhere to is so strong in Tendulkar’s women that they are conditioned
to internalise and accept their ideal roles as daughters, and wives. However, a literary and
social activist as he is, Tendulkar’s plays are always known for his deft handlings of themes
and techniques. The twists that he introduces in his women character like Sarita, Champa,
Jyoti and Rama add another layer of significance to his plays. The Sita-Savitri type of docile
and suffering women that he has projected are also shown to be in possession of a strong
determination and an urge to challenge the society. Tendulkar portrays his women
protagonists as women who are full of energy to challenge the forces that dominate and
oppress them. Leela Benare in Silence! condemns the institution of social justice that convicts
her for bearing a child without the wedlock but remains indifferent and passes no judgement
onto the men who betrayed her. Sarita in Kamala, after realising how she is enslaved by her
husband, refuses to live a life of indignation and promises to unveil his chauvinistic
husband’s hypocrisy and Champa in Sakharam Binder dies in her efforts to resist the male
dominated society and its different ways of exploiting and suppressing women. Nonetheless,
she stands out as a brilliant creation of Tendulkar in her struggle to create a world amicable
Ironically, none of the women characters of Tendulkar takes steps to challenge the
patriarchal authority by contesting their image as an ideal woman. Rather they succumb to
the strong influence that the patriarchal ideologies of stridharma and pativrata carry in their
lives. Jyoti does challenge her father’s empty socialist values but she decides to stay back
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with Arun as Jyoti Arun Athavale and bear the physical and mental oppression at Athavale
household. Sarita and Laxmi prove that the only objective that rules a woman’s life is to
serve in silence their husbands and to stand beside them like a pillar of strength in their crisis.
Therefore, Sarita stays back and postpones her decision to expose her husband’s true identity
as an exploiter of women. Laxmi brings an end to the life of the woman who challenges her
husband’s authority.
Tendulkar sees women as essentially the victims of the patriarchal social order, which
has suffocated their individuality and forced to embrace a life of humiliation and indignation,
which in the words of Candy can be best summed as, “Thus far women have been mere
echoes of men. Our laws and constitution, our creeds and codes and customs of social life are
all of masculine origin. The true woman is yet a dream for future…” (14). Yet through his
plays Tendulkar leaves a strong message for the women in a male dominated society that
though it is not easy to break free from the shackles of patriarchal subjugation, yet it is not
altogether impossible.
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Chapter Three
Revisiting Marginalization: Expression of Gender and Caste Marginalization in the
plays of Raju Das
The corpus of Raju Das’s literary work, influenced by his varied experiences as a
refugee and dalit existence at the fringes of a caste based society, depicts the pains and
humiliation, frustrations and traumas of people who constitute the lowest rung of social
The selected plays of Raju Das’s that consist of Surjo Tonoy (Son of the Sun) written in
1996, Neel Selam (Blue Salute) written 1997, Ragging (1996), Kolonko (Stigma) written in
1997 and Mahesh (1988) have a wide spectrum of issues and themes ranging from caste and
and unwed motherhood. His plays also address the problem of discriminatory systems
prevalent in higher education and matrimony. This vast array of themes that Raju Das deals
with includes a gamut of characters spread over all social castes and classes. His characters
include upper caste men and women as well as people from other lower castes who are
relegated to the margins of the society and forced to have a silent fringe existence for the rest
of their lives.
Raju Das in an interview in October 2017 with the researcher that has been included in
the Appendix I, mentions that for him Dalits do not mean only shudras or other deprived
people who belong to the lower rung of the caste based society. Rather it includes all those
people who are the victims of oppression of any kind. Manohar Mouli Biswas, a Bengali
Dalit activist, writer and critic, like Raju Das observes, “Anybody in the society, oppressed in
any manner whatsoever, may be called a dalit” (qtd. in Sarangi 37). But Baburao Bagul,
noted short story writer and critic, has a different perception of Dalit and he defines the term
Dalit as “the one who fights against injustice of all kind-economic, social, political and
religious” (qtd in Bhagat 14). Raju Das’s notion of the term Dalit encompasses both the
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views and therefore, in his portrayal of Dalit existence, he engages in the depiction of both
the suffering as well as rebellious Dalit characters that mark the uniqueness of his plays and
Raju Das’s plays are situated at an interesting intersection of caste, class and gender. In a
Brahmanical patriarchal society caste is an important feature. Closely linked with caste is
her article, “Conceptualising Brahmanical Patriarchy in Early India Gender, Caste, Class and
State”, argues that women’s sexuality was sought to be protected to “maintain not only
patrilineal succession but also caste purity, the institution unique to Hindu society” (579).
Women are considered as “‘gateways’ to the caste system” (Das 135) that has to be policed to
protect the purity of caste. Raju Das focuses on the condition of women in such caste
conscious society, where in order to control the caste hierarchy and purity, women are
subjugated, kept under the control of male power from birth till death. In such cases the
sexuality of women belonging to upper castes is always under the scanner and therefore, their
situation becomes vulnerable, even worse than their counterparts existing at the margins of
the society.
While dealing with Dalit identities and their issues in a patriarchal caste conscious
society, Raju Das’s commitment with the deplorable condition of women is really worth
women for the sake of caste purity. He focuses on the exploitation and oppression of women
and other social outcasts either in their family or in the society. He touches upon
marginalization of women in different social contexts. His women are doubly marginalized.
They are as much a victim of their caste as gender. Two of his major plays, Surjo Tonoy and
Neel Selam, from his early phase of writing career, deal with women of upper caste origin.
While Alok’s mother in Surjo Tonoy belongs to upper caste Brahmin family, Alodebi in Neel
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Selam is a shudra by caste and is married to a Brahmin man. Yet the condition and position of
women, irrespective of their caste is one of oppression and exploitation. A major chunk of
Raju Das’s plays depicts double marginalisation of young women in the field of education
and matrimony because of their lower socio-economic position. Reema in the play Ragging
depicts the discriminations that people belonging to lower castes are subjected to in the fields
of education. Sanchari, also known as Khenti in another of his play, Kolonko, depict the
prospective bride and her family face. Raju Das depicts the condition of Reema and Khenti as
As a Dalit playwright Raju Das’s themes and characters are brewed from his experiences
of living at the margins. His close observation of the oppressive condition of his family
members and neighbours, especially women charged him with the inspiration to protest
against their marginalized existence. He depicts his women characters as the worst victim of
exploitation in a patriarchal society. But he places them in such challenging situations that
they transcend the image of women as shudrani as conceived and drawn by Manu and carves
a niche for themselves as women with a heightened sense of respect, dignity and ethical
values. Thus, exploitation of women, either in the institution of marriage or in the smaller
unit of patriarchal society called family, besides many other social issues, forms the major
thematic concern of his early plays Neel Selam (Blue Salute) and Surjo Tonoy (Son of Sun).
The present chapter that highlights caste and gender marginalization and the intersection
of caste and gender in Raju Das’s select plays, like Surjo Tonoy (Son of the Sun), Neel Selam,
Ragging, Kolonko (Stigma) and Mahesh is divided into four sections, each of them dealing
with the manifold ways in which caste and gender exploitation is perpetrated in a
Brahmanical patriarchy. The first section of the chapter, titled Endogamy: A Gateway to
Caste Purity and Women Sexuality, investigates the principle of endogamy as an important
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principle of caste is evident in two of his early plays Surjo Tonoy and Neel Selam. The textual
analysis of these two plays attempts to depict the significance of endogmous marriage as the
only acceptable form of marriage in a Brahmanical society and the injunctions of Manu
enforced on exogamous marriage to preserve homogeneity and purity of caste order. Both
these plays also attempt to explore how the lines of caste inheritance have been manipulated
by the Brahmanical society to restrict the off springs of exogamous marriages to lower caste
order. Besides these, this section also emphasises on the consequences of violation of cultural
The next section explores how the principles of purity and pollution extend its shadow
even in the field of higher education. Through the play Ragging, this section explores how
the age old notion of keeping the untouchables away from the light of education dictates the
present society as well. This section is a study of the complex socio cultural system engaged
in matrimonial alliances. Implicit in this system is the objectification of women. The section
also attempts to study the working of the state machinery towards exploitation of refugee
dalits in West Bengal. The last section of this chapter is a tragic story of a very poor Muslim
peasant caught in the politics of a Hindu landlord and his people. It exemplifies physical and
mental oppression that the untouchables in a Hindu village were subjected to. Based on the
premises that dominant castes, especially the upper ones that wield economic and political
power, the play examines how a poor Muslim farmer Gafur is economically and socially
I
Endogamy: A Gateway to Caste Purity and Women Sexuality
Caste system is characterized by hierarchy or gradations according to occupational
status. The evaluative standard that places a caste higher than others or lower compared to the
rest is rooted in the Dharmashashtras. The high and the low are opposed to each other
because of their associations with notions of purity and impurity in terms of the nature of
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their occupation. Since each caste is regarded as a closed group, special emphasis is put on
eating, physical contact and marriage. Out of these three the institution of marriage plays a
Endogamy or marrying within a caste is central to the maintenance of caste purity. Dr. B
R Ambedkar in the Annihilation of Caste saw endogamy at the heart of caste and stressed that
inter-caste marriage was one way of ridding India of caste. Ghurye, Srinivas, Karve and
Dumont perceive endogamy (and hypergamy) as the defining features of caste. Brahmanical
patriarchy and endogamy are two important systems which perpetuate caste and gender
abuse. Indian society that is structured around Brahmanical patriarchy has power scheme that
is based on caste and gender and is perpetuated through marriages between similar caste
families. The purity and pollution of a caste is based on a woman’s sexual conduct.
Endogamy or marriage within the same caste, in that sense, functions as the most significant
part of caste system. Hence, a woman is expected to play a vital role in safeguarding the
purity of her caste. She is considered as the custodian of caste and family honour. Since she
has the greatest responsibility of safeguarding the purity of caste order, her sexuality is
At the crux of caste lies the structure of marriage, sexuality and reproduction. This also
plays a fundamental role in creating and maintaining inequality. The chapter further examines
Brahmanical patriarchy and endogamy as two important systems which perpetuate caste and
gender abuse and how the purity and pollution of a caste is based on a woman’s sexual
conduct. Uma Chakravarti while drawing a link between caste and marriage in her book,
Gendering Caste: Through a Feminist Lens, cites Manu Dharmashastra and observes:
The terms used in the Manu Dharmashastra for the two different types of
violations of endogamy are significant. Anuloma, going with the direction of the
hair, is acceptable —men from higher castes can have wives from the lower
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castes; this is the natural order. In contrast, when a woman from a higher caste
has a union with a lower caste male, it is pratiloma—against the direction of the
hair, it is unnatural; it is not only reprehensible but it is in the inverse order. The
The main crux of the play Surjo Tonoy is hypogamous marriage. Since women are
considered “the ‘gateways’ of caste” (Das 135), any woman engaging in hypogamous
marriage meets a devastating end as happens with Alok’s mother in Surjo Tonoy (Son of
Sun). The couple in both these plays are the victims of exogamous marriage. Surjo Tonoy
depicts hypogamous marriage and its consequences, whereas Neel Selam deals with
caste stratified society and therefore comparatively a more acceptable form of marriage,
Selam depicts how Alodebi as a victim of hypergamous marriage lives a life at the mercy of
men.
Both these plays that exemplify two different types of exogamous marriages highlight
In order to fortify and preserve the homogeneity and purity of caste order, Manu enforces
explore how the lines of caste inheritance have been manipulated by the Brahmanical society
to restrict the off springs of exogamous marriages to lower caste order. The plays under this
section also highlight on the consequences of violation of cultural norms and customary
practices of the society through inter-caste marriages. The inexplicable humiliation, inhuman
treatment and abuse that these victims face for daring to break the Brahminical code of
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nature not only destroy their lives but also leave a deep scar in the lives of their children.
Through the interplay of caste and marriage Raju Das brings out the patriarchal control on
Brahmanical patriarchy and its power play to achieve complete control on the sexuality
of woman form the essence of Surjo Tonoy. In addition to this the play also portrays the
social stigma attached with unmarried motherhood that victimises unwed mothers like Alok’s
mother and illegitimate children born out of wedlock, the deplorable social conditions to
which they are pushed and rigidity of caste conscious Brahmin families. The play in a way is
Raju Das’s indictment on the caste conscious upper class Brahmins and attacks their
ideological belief in Brahminism as the main root cause of all the discrimination and
In a Hindu society both exogamy and unwed motherhood is against the social order.
evil nature, a seductress who is always brimming with evil and damaging thoughts. As a
consequence, Manu in chapter IX, verse v, Manu enjoins, “Women must particularly be
guarded against evil inclinations, however, trifling they may appear, for if they are not
guarded, they will bring sorrow on two families” (qtd. in Buhler 328). Under such strict
social code any woman who dares to flout the codes of social behaviour, irrespective of her
Alok’s mother, a prey of her uncontrollable desire for a man from a lower caste becomes a
Caste and control over women’s sexuality in a Hindu Brahmanical society are
inextricably linked. As women are considered the “gateways of a caste” (Das 135) and are
held responsible for upholding the honour of the family as well the community, any
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Consequently, in Surjo Tonoy the inter caste love between Alok’s mother and a twenty five
year old handsome artist, photographer and a professional in an advertising company in that
gradually turns into a passionate relation leading to her conception of a new life without the
wedlock is not received harmoniously by Alok’s maternal grandfather and his sons. In order
to secure his position as a true Brahmin and also to punish his daughter for violating the
social decorum a young woman should observe, Mr. Rasaraj Chakraborty, ‘excommunicates
the young man’ (Das, Surjo Tonoy 22) and ‘throws out his own daughter from their home’
(Das 22). Through Alok’s mother’s love with a Kshatriya man and consequent marriage that
his maternal uncle and aunt tries to arrange but could not materialise because of Mr.
Chakraborty’s opposition, Raju Das brings out the complex relationship of gender and caste
where upper caste women’s compliance with patriarchal order is considered mandatory.
The relationship of a higher caste woman with a man of lower caste draws a web of
troubles for Alok’s parents. The double trouble of inter caste alliance coupled with unwed
motherhood, introduces Alok’s mother to a host of hostilities in the hands of the patriarchal,
caste conscious society, headed by her own father, Mr. Chakraborty. Alok’s father too
becomes a victim for transgressing the caste boundaries and daring to establish a relation with
an upper caste woman. Both of them, as victims of caste order, are separated and subjected to
Within upper caste patriarchal society, honour and shame are ideological concepts that
are closely linked with the sexuality of a woman. A woman’s transgression of caste
upper caste woman’s physical and sexual relation with a man of a lower caste spreading like
wild fire in the society, the girl’s father and brother target the man and accuse him for
tarnishing the repute of a Brahmin woman. As a punishment for violating the chastity of their
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daughter, the father-son duo lynches him in public and ultimately excommunicates him so
Honour killing is a prevalent way of achieving control over a woman’s sexuality and her
right to choose her partner. Though in Indian context, honour of a family as well as of caste is
deeply determined by the conduct of women, both men and women embody notions of
honour, but quite differently. According to P. Chowdhury, the woman is the repository of
honour and the man is the regulator of this honour (197-237). Alok’s mother by engaging in a
marriage, his maternal kinsmen take up the role of regulators of her honour. Hence, her
brothers who shared close nexus with a local political party attempt to murder him to remove
the last sign of a man who brought social disrepute to their family.
According to Manu, it is the sexuality of women that is the root cause of everything that
is evil. It is evident in the derogatory observation that he draws on the character of women
and links it with the necessity to control women sexuality, “A woman must particularly be
guarded against her evil inclinations, however trifling (they may appear); for, if they are not
guarded, they will bring sorrow onto two families” (qtd. in Buhler 328). The role of male
of male family members. He argues that male family members are as much responsible in
protecting the chastity of a woman as much a woman herself. In fact Manu in chapter IX,
verse iv, puts significant stress on the duty of men as father, husband and son in maintaining
the honour of women. According to him, “Reprehensible is the father who gives not (his
daughter in marriage) at the proper time; reprehensible is the husband who approaches not
(his wife in due season), and reprehensible is the son who does not protect his mother after
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Consequently, the custodians of caste, community and family honour, the Chakravartis
leave no stones unturned to smother the inter caste love affair and punish the ‘erring’ couple.
The love affair that was a bone of contention because of caste difference, takes political turn
in the hands of the regulators of honour, Alok’s maternal grandfather and uncle. His uncle, an
active party man, gathers goons to murder the man for violating the caste order as well as the
chastity of an upper caste woman. If violators of caste order are condemned, the regulators of
caste order and women’s honour are celebrated. The society congratulates and appreciates
Mr. Chakraborty as ‘a true Brahmin’ (Das 22) for his chivalrous actions that endorse his
sincerity and faithfulness towards his religion. The strict actions taken by Alok’s maternal
grandfather and uncle against the lower caste man reinforce their position as custodians of
social norms and codes of behaviour, especially when caste is at stake, earns them
Raju Das as a strong critic of Brahminical ideologies have time and again attacked
Brahminism through his spokespersons. In Surjo Tonoy, it is through Panu Master that Raju
Das speaks out his mind against Brahmanism, “I respect true Brahmin; but I detest spurious
Brahminism” (Das, Surjo Tonoy 12). A measure of how strong his belief is in his observation
is borne by his critique of the hypocrisy of Brahmins through Mr. Chakraborty’s actions. The
superficial Brahmanical ideologies that Brahmins like Mr. Chakraborty embrace to identify
themselves as true Brahmins is evident when he vouches to be a true Brahmin by shaving off
his head as a penance for his sinful act and retains his image of an ‘ideal Brahmin’ (Das Surjo
Tonoy 22) in the society. Thereafter, in order to live up to the expectations of the society as a
true Brahmin, he even goes to the extent of disowning his own daughter and excommunicates
her, with her growing foetus. They are applauded for their courageous action for protecting
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The upper caste Brahmins not only have a heightened caste consciousness but also have
punishment in upper caste people is evident in the following conversation between old
HARI: What are you saying master moshai? Religious Rasaraj Chakraborty
PANU: Yes Thakurmoshai. In your shashtras only it is written that if any rahmin
murders a man and then shaves off his hair, he is cleaned off all his sins. But if
a person from any other varna does the same, will be punished- death is his
The conversation between Panu Master and Hari highlights the significance of maintaining
The power politics of a male dominated society that is closely associated with male ego
and sense of superiority over females surfaces as the Chakraborty family, especially as the
Chakraborty patriarch, instead of introspecting on their limitations and failures to protect the
virginity of their young daughter hold her responsible for everything and blames her for
losing her dignity. Alok’s maternal grandfather fails to observe his duty as a responsible
father protecting the chastity and dignity of her unmarried daughter. However, he
camouflages his failure as a responsible father protecting the honour of his virgin daughter by
projecting himself as a custodian of religion and caste. Instead of blaming himself and his
targets the erring couple for violating the caste norms of a Brahmanical society
The caste fixation of the Brahmin Chakraborty patriarch comes to the fore once more
when his religious piety and honesty towards religion weighs down the human values of love
and affection, especially humanity towards a new born baby. The significance of caste and
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class over filial love becomes more glaring when Alok’s mother returns home after a couple
of months with the new born baby in her arms asking for help, the hard hearted old patriarch
instead of getting overwhelmed with the innocence of a new born infant, makes him the
victim of caste. He refuses to accept the baby, snatches him from his daughter’s arms and
hurls him down on the courtyard with detestation and annoyance. Bereft of help and financial
security, Alok’s mother with the child becomes the victim of a life long suffering and
Alok’s predicament as an illegitimate child registers the fate of a child born out of
exogamous marriage. His life, like his parents, is one of anxiety, tension and oppression.
Alok is a social outcaste. Born out of the union of a Brahmin unwed mother and Kshatriya
father, Alok was neither received by the dead father’s family nor by his mother’s orthodox,
caste conscious Brahmin family. When Alok’s mother returns home after a couple of months
with the new born baby in her arms asking for help, Mr. Chakraborty instead of extending his
helping hand and carrying out the responsibilities of a dutiful father, sticks to his caste
conscious orthodox ideologies and refuses to accept her daughter for committing the sin of
transgressing the caste boundaries. In fact, the hard hearted old Brahmin hurls down his
grandson and makes it clear to his family that a son born out of the union of a Brahmin
woman and a Kshatriya man without marriage is a sinful creation, and therefore, cannot be
welcomed by him. Since his birth, Alok has suffered social rejection, which has a deep
impact on his personality. Though as an infant of only six months age he did not feel the pain
of familial rejection when his paternal grandfather hurled him down on the ground, yet the
consequences of this unsympathetic act of his grandfather and later to be repeated by the
society left him disillusioned forever. The trauma of social rejection can be best understood
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But I did not die that day when my maternal grandfather hurled me down onto the
courtyard. In fact from that day I am burdened with a heart full of emotions; I am
still living with the pain of dejection and disillusionment. But is that how a person
According to Gautama Sutras (28:33-34), “the son of an unmarried damsel, the son of a
pregnant bride, the son of a twice-married woman, the son of an appointed daughter, a son
self-given, and a son bought belong to the family of their fathers” (Jayaram par 6). Thus, as a
pure Brahmin he strongly vouches on the shashtras and smritis and refuses to accept the son
altogether a different opinion on children born of inter caste marriages. Manu dictates, “From
a Sudra man and a Vaisya, Kshatriya, and Brahmana woman are born Ayogava, a Kshattri,
and a Chandala respectively, the lowest of men (sons who owe their origin to) a confusion of
The child born to a maiden, according to the sastras can be claimed by the father’s
family. But in Alok’s case, since the father is dead, his father’s family never claims him as
their heir. Therefore, he grows up with no family name and identity. This complicates the
situation in his life and he blames and traces the roots of his identity crisis to the
discriminating caste system that confines man to its limited boundaries and punishes him for
transgressing its norms. Raju Das also interrogates the validity of Brahminical ideologies
which in order to uphold its beliefs, practices and expectations in the society strangulates
human values of love and affection. His attitude towards Brahmins has been put forth through
spokesperson, Alok, who says, “I am not against Brahmins but I detest spurious Brahminism”
(Das 12).
The social stigma attached to Alok’s life as an illegitimate son of an unmarried mother
makes his life a suffocating one. He is socially marginalized because of the absence of a
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father’s identity in his life. The social stigma attached with unmarried motherhood shadows
Alok’s life as well. Raju Das effectively depicts the marginalized condition of Alok by
drawing a parallel story of social outcast Karna from the epic Mahabharata. Karna had been
the victim of caste discrimination as well as of his birth as an illegitimate son of Kunti. Thus,
when Alok receives the role of Karna for the drama Karna Kuntir Sambad, he identifies
himself with Karna and breaks down as he realises his life an exact mirror image of Karna; a
socially marginalised like Karna living with the burden of illegitimate son of an unwed
mother.
Karna’s birth is the outcome of divine intervention but born to a maiden woman.
According to the narrative in the epic Mahabharata, Kunti used a magical formula given to
her by a sage to summon the sun-god, Surya. As Surya met her he was compelled to give her
a child. Fearful that a child conceived before marriage might ruin her reputation, Kunti placed
the child born with natural armour and divine earrings in a wicker basket and left him afloat
in a river. The river decided the journey of the child’s life. It took Karna, the son of a
princess, into the house of a charioteer transforming a Kshatriya, member of the ruling varna,
Rejected by his natural mother, this foundling, Karna, refused to submit to his enforced
destiny. In his heart he was a warrior. He was at war with himself as well as with the society,
trying to find his true identity, his caste and his role in the society. Because Karna’s real
lineage was untraceable, he was given the shudra caste of his adopted father, a charioteer by
occupation.
Alok’s life symbolises the curse of illegitimate birth and consequent identity crisis and
social marginalization in a patriarchal society. The pain of a life lived like an orphan has
always forced him to live in a state of conflict. The conflict too is very idealistic in nature. It
is a conflict between his present state of unemployment and unfulfilled love that is a result of
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orthodox and superstitious Hindu religion and the one he is striving to see, free from all caste,
class and religious distinctions. His life that is constituted of personal failures and social
victimisation can be best summed in the words of Rabindranath Tagore in Karna Kuntir
Sangbad, “Let me remain, as ever with those who yield no fruit, nor know success”
(nimikhrabindranath, par. 2). Raju Das introduces the technique of play within a play to
address the social marginalization of children of unwed mothers. The selection of Karna-
Kuntir Sangbad by his theatre group creates the right opportunity for Alok to vent out his
based on Mahabharata’s scene where before the epic war between the Kauravas and
Pandavas, Kunti, the mother of the Pandavas, pleads and tries to convince the great warrior
Karna not to fight against the Pandavas, his real brothers born out of the same mother.
Ultimately Karna decides, though reluctantly, to sacrifice his life to keep the request of his
real mother. In heroic words, Karna forfeits his winning position in the war to keep the
request of his natural mother. Karna’s words of sacrifice, “Joy houk amar houk pandobo
sontan, Ami robo nishfoler hotasher dole” (Let the son of Pandu be victorious and live
forever, I choose to stay with the hopeless desperate one)” symbolise the dejection and
Alok’s lineage like that of Karna is one of conflict. His stigmatised existence as the son
of an unmarried mother has an adverse effect on his life. His caste attached to him is that of
his adopted father, a shudra. His life as a social recluse marginalizes him in spite of his good
educational background. Like Karna who was always subjected to humiliation because of his
caste identity, Alok too faces caste discrimination in society. Raju Das draws similarities
between Karna and Alok to emphasise on the age old discriminations made on the grounds of
one’s birth. Like Karna, Alok’s life is one of rejection and dejection. Karna was rejected by
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the great archer and teacher of Kshatriya Pandavas, Dronacharya. Dronacharya refused to
accept Karna as his student because of his caste identity. Dronacharya reminded him of his
caste and warned him to restrict his desires within the limit of his caste. Karna as a Shudra
was reminded that he had no rights to learn the art of the Kshatriyas. His caste identity again
played a key role in his personal life. He was spurned by Draupadi, the bride herself for his
low origin at the archery contest organized by the king of Panchala for the hand of his
daughter, Draupadi.
Alok’s life even after centuries is similar to that of Karna. Alok’s life, like Karna, is one
of humiliation, pain and suffering. Through the similarities between Karna and Alok, Raju
Das emphasises the impact of caste identity on one’s life. Time has changed but caste
discrimination still continues in the society that divides human beings on the grounds of their
birth and their profession. Alok’s stigmatised life can be traced back to two main factors:
illegitimate birth and caste of his adopted parents. However, according to him, the main
reasons for his present state are not only these two factors, but it is spurious Brahminism.
Accusing Brahminism as the root cause of all the social injustice he remarks, “Brahminism is
the religion embraced by a handful of literate, witty people who in order to meet their selfish
demands cheat the ignorant lot in the name of religion” (Das12). According to Alok, it is
Brahminacal ideology that plays a key role in the construction of one’s identity. Hence,
Alok’s social position as a victim of exogamous relationship explicates the significance and
the sincerity with which Brahmanical ideologies on marriage and inheritance of caste identity
Raju Das’s another play Neel Selam, gives another very interesting picture of exogamous
hypergamous in nature gains prominence. In addition to it, the play also pinpoints the social
position of the children who are born out of inter caste marriage especially that of
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hypergamous marriage, also known as anuloma type of marriage. The inter caste marriage
between an upper caste Brahmin man, Mr. Chatterjee and a Shudra woman, Alodebi is
marriage. Through the instance of a form of marriage that enjoys moderate social acceptance,
Raju Das interrogates and contests the position of women in the institution of marriage.
The Chatterjee couple in the play Neel Selam had a peaceful married life till the peace
and happiness of the family is disrupted by the birth of two consecutive blind children.
Though the couple patiently and calmly withstood the sudden misfortune in their family in
the birth of their partially blind daughter, Bani; the birth of a completely blind son shattered
all the hopes and aspirations of the family. The hope of gaining back the sight of their
partially blind daughter that kept the family going comes to a standstill with the birth of a
The birth of a son is a significant milestone for a family in a patriarchal society. The son
is regarded as a promise for a better future, one who can shoulder all the responsibilities of
his aging parents and through him the branching of the family seems possible. It is an age old
belief that son helps his parents to gain moksha and is the gateway to their place in heaven
(Jayaram Par 5). Ironically the birth of their second child, a male blind child shatters Mr.
Chatterjee’s hopes of an ideal complete future and out of frustration, anger and sadness he
accuses his wife, Alodebi, for his tragic fate. He holds her responsible for his and children’s
fate and hurls abuses on her, “You are an unlucky woman. You are only responsible for my
blind children” (Das 16). Instead of taking the responsibility of his family and giving
financial support for the medical treatment of his children, he abandons the family to escape
sacrament that adheres to the principles of caste and religion than as a contract of human
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relationship. Sociologists too, have proclaimed that social order rests on strong conservative
elements. According to Hindu mythology, vivaha or marriage is not merely a holy union or a
communion, but it is more or less a sareera sanskara i.e. a sacrament sanctifying the body.
Hindu marriage joins two individuals for life, so that they can pursue together dharma (duty),
artha (material possessions), kama (physical desires) and moksha (ultimate spiritual release).
The union of two individuals as husband and wife in the institution of marriage is recognized
by law. It is not just a contract between two individuals or relationship of convenience but a
moral expediency, in which the couple agrees to live together and share their lives, doing
their respective duties, to keep the divine order and the institution of family.
Ironically, a man’s responsibility towards his family does not always form a part of his
moral integrity. Thus, in Neel Selam Mr. Chattterjee’s sudden decision to flee from his
responsibilities towards his family not only proves his failure to keep his familial obligations
but also his moral degeneration. However, the irony of a patriarchal society lies in the fact
that for all the moral and ethical lapses of a man, it is the woman who ultimately suffers.
Thus, it is Alodebi as an abandoned woman with two very young and handicapped children
Mr. Chatterjee is a typical example of a chauvinist and selfish man who ignores the
dharma of grhastha phase as well as the vows of marriage. As the head of a family, he is
supposed to carry out his role as the provider and protector of his family. In a traditional set
up, the man as a head of the family bears all the responsibilities of the family and this in turn
gives him a position of authority. The couple shares the responsibility of keeping the
marriage vows of treading the paths of life together in all its ups and downs as husband and
wife and of bringing up two blind children. However, the financial independence that earns a
man a superior position in the family often works towards taking advantage of the other
subordinate and financially dependent members of the family. Ironically, Mr. Chatterjee fails
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to take the responsibility of bringing up two blind children. In turn he also fails to keep the
marriage vows of treading the paths of ups and downs of life together as husband and wife.
The seven steps taken during marriage keeping the Fire God a witness, captures the
essence of marriage. After completing the seven steps the bridegroom proclaims “Having
completed the seven steps be thou my lifelong companion. May thou be my associate and
helper in the successful performance of the duties that now devolve upon me as householder”
(qtd. in Pande 8). However, in Neel Selam, Mr. Chatterjee fails to do justice to the seven
vows of marriage. Through Mr. Chatterjee’s decision to run away from familial
responsibilities, Raju Das challenges the principle of togetherness that forms the main crux of
the social institution of marriage. He interrogates the superiority of man over woman in a
husband-wife relation that allows him to be the sole decision maker of the family. Bani’s
father not only fails to do his duty as a husband and father, he also destabilizes the concept of
patriarchal head of the family. For him marriage is not a social contract of mutual
understanding rather it is a union of two bodies for convenience. Thus, the moment he is
burdened with two handicapped children, he fails to conduct his familial and social duties as
father and patriarchal head and like a coward runs away from it. His callousness brings out
his insensitivity towards the institution of marriage as “(marriage is) not a plain and simple
contract but is part of a larger human relationship. . . something more than desire, a feeling of
The superiority of male over female is also established through the process of biological
reproduction that is often expressed in metaphorical terms as the ‘seed’ and the ‘earth’.
According to Dube, “The seed symbolizes the father’s contribution and the field represents
the part of the mother. Man provides the seed-the essence-for the creation of the offspring.
The seed determines the kind: the child’s identity is derived, thus, from the father in so far as
group placement is concerned (22). The symbolic significance of the seed and the earth in a
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way highlights the sexual asymmetry evident in biological reproduction. Leela Dube further
links this sexual asymmetry to “structural rules which govern ownership control and use of
productive resources and in the structure and functioning of domestic organizations” (23).
the main objective of marriage in any human civilization. Its emphasis on the special
significance of male seed is noteworthy. The prerequisites for a male progeny is given a
detailed expression in Narada Smriti too, “Women are created for off springs; a woman is the
field and a man is the processor of the seed; a man without the seed does not deserve a girl”
The symbolic significance of seed and earth in human reproduction is also found in
Hindu law books. Manu in chapter IX, verse 34 of Manusmriti observes, “In some cases the
seed is more distinguished, and in some the womb of the female; but when both are equal, the
offspring is most highly esteemed” (qtd. in Buhler 333). Further, in his discourse on the
function of seed and soil in the same chapter of Manusmriti, he establishes the relative
significance of the seed over the soil and observes, “On comparing the seed and the
receptacle (of the seed), the seed is declared to be more important for the offspring of all
created beings is marked by the characteristics of the seed”(qtd. in Buhler 333). Manu’s
reiteration on the significance of seed is further evident when he says, “Whatever kind on
seed is sown in a field, prepared in due season, (a plant) of that same kind, marked with the
However, the seed loses its exact significance in off springs of inter caste marriages that
include both hypergamous as well as hypogamous types. In such cases the male superiority in
the seed is tainted by the characteristics of the earth in which it is planted. Thus, in Chapter
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Sons begotten by twice born men on wives of the next lower castes, they declare
to be similar (to their fathers, but) blamed on account of the fault (inherent) in
their mothers. Such is the eternal law concerning children born of wives one
combining this form of marriage with matra-savarnya (inheritance of the mother’s varna)
instead of the prevalent system of inheriting the father’s caste “serves to reveal the
differential rules of mating and lineage for men and women of different castes” (Rege 145).
It also reflects Manu’s sole intention of restricting the off spring to the lower caste.
Tambiah, an eminent social anthropologist, in this context argues that though some
critics give the progeny the social status of his father, some refuse to do so. Though the
father’s caste, the offspring of hypogamous marriage is received neither by the father’s
family nor by the mother’s family. Hence, he attempts to explain the paradox existing in
pyramidal. The pure statuses are few, the impure are legion. The [political]
Consequently, the sufferings of the off springs of inter caste marriages start with the
discriminatory practices perpetrated by their own families. Unfortunately, it is the child who
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bears the brunt of seed and earth dichotomy of exogamous marriages and he is oppressed as a
social outcast.
Birth and lineage play a key role in Brahmanical patriarchy. It is evident in the
stigmatised lives of Alok in Surjo Tonoy and Bani and her brother in Neel Selam. His identity
as the son of an unmarried mother is a matter of disgrace for him. Hence, he is a social
outcast. In spite of his good educational background, he lives a life of social recluse, neither
he is accepted in social circles like in his work place nor in his private life one of happiness
and peace. Like Karna who was always subjected to humiliation because of his lower caste
identity, Alok too faces caste discrimination in society. He is neither accepted well at his
workplace nor by his fiancée. In Neel Selam, the blind children in spite of their uncontrollable
desire for education and heightened optimism are not allowed to prosper by the various
In Neel Selam Raju Das not only emphasises on the significance of family lineage but
also challenges the patriarchal image and role of man as the head of the family. The
Chatterjee family bereft of family head goes through all kinds of stress; financial, emotional
as well as socio-cultural. Alodebi, however turns out to be a strong woman. She is accused by
her husband as the source of all their misfortune, a wretched woman that she is, she is held
responsible for the birth of her blind son. Hence, she is blamed for her failure to meet the
primary duty of an ideal wife; to give birth to a son who can be the rightful heir to the family
and carry it further. As a punishment for her carrying bad luck for their family, she is
abandoned by her husband. However, after a few months’ of initial distress and helplessness,
with no alternative to support her family, gradually Alodebi gathers courage to challenge the
ideal image of a woman as a submissive, docile homemaker. She takes up a job to fend for
herself and her family. By taking up a job to financially support her family, Alodebi also
challenges the traditional role of a father as a breadwinner and manages, though with all
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difficulties, to strike a balance between her role as a mother, a caregiver and nurturer,
showering affection and love and father, as an earning member of the family.
In this whole process, that marks the beginning of a new phase for Alodebi she also
challenges and even subverts the orthodox patriarchal ideals of wifehood or pativrata. A
speak ill of him, whether during his lifetime or post death. Manusmriti strongly holds,
“Though destitute of virtue, or seeking pleasure (elsewhere), or devoid of good qualities, yet
a husband must be constantly worshipped as a God by a faithful wife” (qtd. in Buhler 196).
Also “A faithful wife, who desires to dwell (after death) with her husband, must never do
anything that might displease him who took her hand, whether he be alive or dead” (qtd. in
Buhler 196). However, Raju Das, through the character of Alodebi interrogates the validity of
such parameters in a patriarchal society, especially when the upholders of such codes of
conduct blatantly flout them. Alodebi turns away from moral injunctions thrust upon women
and liberates herself from such claustrophobic, self denial for the sake of her family’s
survival. The play subtly hints at “the importance of institutional support” (Baber 61) and
how its absence forces a woman to transgress her role as an ideal wife, serving the family
from within the four walls of her home. Unlike an ideal wife, as expected by the patriarchal
society, Alodebi liberates herself from the patriarchal ideology of a pativrata and sets herself
as an example of a liberated woman, not touched ever by the infidelity of her husband. The
driving force behind her new life, obviously, had been her responsibility to give her blind
However the road chosen by Alodebi did not turn out to be a smooth one. It was full of
unexpected bends and potholes. As she takes up a job in the nursing home run by Dr.
Banerjee, she becomes a victim of workplace harassment and abuses. As an abandoned and
separated woman her life becomes more vulnerable. Her presence in a man’s world is
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exploited by her employee. Dr. Banerjee, Alodebi’s employer, takes full advantage of her
financial and emotional crisis and subjects her to sexual harassments. In Neel Selam,
Alodebi’s recollection of painful memories that forced her to live a life of a mistress of Dr.
Banerjee, bring to the fore her helplessness that forced her to bear her sexual exploitation at
the workplace:
After six months of surviving on the existing savings, when I was frantically
looking for a job, Dr. Banerjee gave me a job in his nursing home. However, as
long as the widower Dr. Banerjee was alive, I was forced to live as his mistress.
The social conditioning of a woman, from very childhood teaches her to sacrifice herself for
others. Hence, Alodebi does not break down or feel defeated in a man’s world. Instead of
being cowed down by her condition, she keeps herself emotionally and mentally strong to
fight her desolation and exploitation to give her children a better life. Alodebi’s condition
signifies the condition of deserted women, who under the pressures of their situation become
“silently labouring beast(s)” (Baker 247). Nevertheless, her experience from her exploitation
and oppressed situation makes her a strong woman to challenge the empty ego of patriarchal
Gautam Bhadra, while discussing the primary elements that define a Dalit observes,
two elements that together constitute subaltern mentality” (63). Raju Das’s Alodebi
prominently manifests defiance as the only way to seek independence from the clutches of
gender based oppression in a patriarchal society. She defies the patriarchal image of an ideal
woman, devoting her life as a wife and mother and takes up a job in a man’s world.
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A woman’s chastity is regarded as her greatest virtue. Hence, when Bani’s mother takes
up a job, her life does not become without miseries, rather it make her life more pathetic as
she becomes a prey to sexual exploitation at work place. In fact under such circumstances,
woman’s integrity is of prime importance. Manu believes and therefore recommends, “Until
death let her be patient (of hardships), self-controlled, and chaste, and strive (to fulfil) that
most excellent duty which (is prescribed) for wives who have one husband only” (qtd. in
Buhler 196). He also lays down a set of strict actions as punishments for women who violate
the expected behavioural norms. In this context Manu observes, “By violating her duty
towards her husband, a wife is disgraced in this world, (after death) she enters the womb of a
jackal, and is tormented by diseases (the punishment of) her sin” (qtd. in Buhler 197).
However, a patriarchal society is based on the premises of gender inequity; the punishments
for men are comparatively lenient than that of women. A man can go scot free even after
violating his social responsibility of providing emotional and financial support to his family.
Therefore, Mr. Chatterjee, ignores his duties and obligations towards his family but Alodebi,
in spite of no fault of hers, has to bear the consequences of her husband’s callousness and
A bold woman as Alodebi is, she is not intimidated by such helpless and unfair situation.
Rather, she upholds her decision to work as a nurse in Dr. Banerjee’s nursing home and
defending it as a response to the humane instinct of a mother and says, “That man, even after
handicapped children a living” (Das 17). Torn between social expectations and her personal
requirements to help her family, Alodebi takes up the job as a nurse at Dr. Banerjee’s
hospital, where she becomes more of her employee’s mistress than his employee.
Conditioned to the social values that a woman is expected to follow and observe in a
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patriarchal society, Alodebi is compelled to hide from the society as well as from her children
her position as a mistress of Dr. Banerjee and yet strive to support the family. The pressure of
providing financial support to the family compels her to confide within her the pain of regular
However, the conflict in her as an abandoned, socially marginalized woman and her
decision to work against the social expectations of a woman is evident when on one hand she
defends her decision to work but is torn apart for not being able to keep up to the image of an
ideal woman and mother. Eventually, she vents out, to her daughter and her friend, Shanto,
her pent up emotions of dejection and pain for choosing such an obnoxious path to provide
the much needed financial support to her children and cries out, “Now you tell me Bani, will
you address me as your Ma? Won’t you feel ashamed to recognise me as your Ma” (Das 18)?
Clearly evident in her volley of questions to her daughter, Bani, is her helplessness but a
strong sense of shame for taking up a job that her conscience probably did not approve of but
as a victim of unimaginable circumstances had to take up. The path of life chosen by Alodebi
can be easily debated as one that shows the death of her moral conscience. However, given
the hard situation that she had to go through to financially support her family, it is clear that it
is the motherly instinct of protecting her children that gained priority over any other concern.
The tenderness coupled with desperateness of a mother to save her children enabled her to
On the role and ideals that a woman is expected to perform, motherhood proves to be
one of the most challenging and demanding one. Regarding the significance attached with the
empowerment” (49-57). However, Raju Das courageously challenges this notion through the
character of Alodebi. Alodebi through her determination to work against all odds to support
her family proves that a woman’s emancipation does not depend on any external agent but it
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lies within. A woman herself has to force herself out of the cocoon of submissive, docile
image of a homemaker to support herself for a better emancipated life. In fact Raju Das
woman who challenges the patriarchal ideal of a pativrata woman to sacrifice herself for the
future of her children. However, all her sacrifices and hard work are overshadowed by the
Besides the patriarchal society, Alodebi and her family is victimised by the state
machineries as well. The state apparatus marginalises Alodebi’s children as the ‘other’ for
their physical disability. It is because of partial and complete blindness of Bani and her
brother and unavailability of proper state help for the physically disabled that the family
continues to live under the dark shadow of poverty and social marginalization. In spite of
their mother’s relentless efforts to give her blind children higher education, it is far from
getting completely materialised. Lack of sufficient provisions in the state higher education
system and employment of the visually challenged, both Bani and her brother had to settle
down with a paltry income generated through giving music lessons to the children in the
However, Alodebi is a strong and undefeatable woman. She exploits the lessons she
learnt from her hardship and bitter experiences and develops her conviction to change their
state through hard work and honesty. This in turn brings an inextinguishable new light in
their life; a vision in her blind children. Undeterred by the ineffective and partial state
machinery that adds to the woes of Alodebi and her children, the mother daughter duo pursue
their desire for higher education but could not reach their ultimate objective of getting a job
victim of gender and exogamous marriage and on Bani as a product of exogamous marriage
coupled with her physical disability, Raju Das critiques the Brahmanical society and its strict
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adherence to its narrow ideology of keeping women under strict control to preserve its caste
purity. Also evident in his plays is his sharp appraisal of the state authorities and its various
apparatuses that deliberately make unattainable provisions to keep the underprivileged from
II
The monopoly of the upper castes, especially the Brahmins over knowledge is an age old
phenomenon. The superiority of the upper castes over the lower ones were preserved through
“the monopoly of the upper castes’ ‘sacred knowledge’, ‘book knowledge’, ‘intellectual
enquiries’’ (Chakravarti 17). Other skill based knowledge compared to the knowledge of
scriptures was considered inferior. These skill based knowledge was meant for the Shudras
and untouchables. Like the Shudras, the women were also restricted from acquiring
knowledge of the sacred scriptures. There was a strict provision of punishment for violating
the ban on knowledge acquisition. Raju Das’s another very significant play, Ragging, is a
symbolic representation of the Brahmanical monopoly over learning and knowledge. Though
education is no more restricted only for boys, yet the play brings home the fact that women
are yet not welcomed into advanced fields of knowledge and learning.
Set at the backdrop of the suicide story of the first tribal graduate woman, Chuni Kotal
of Lodha tribe, Ragging exemplifies the consequences of violating the knowledge boundaries
marked for each caste. The play is the story of a brilliant girl, Reema, whose parents commit
the sin of dreaming to educate their daughter and give her higher education. The play depicts
how Reema’s caste identity becomes the greatest obstacle in her student life. Belonging to a
Shudra caste, Reema is exposed to an ugly situation on the very first day of her college to
make her realise the consequences of transgressing the boundary lines of knowledge
acquisition drawn for each caste. Implicit in Reema’s ragging in the college is the working of
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the state machinery in a Brahmanical society to create a gap between the socially and
Ragging also meets the objective of tracing the far reaching impact of caste
discrimination that without any excuse engulfs education system. Through this play Raju Das
also aimed at activating the dormant Dalit community in West Bengal to wake it up from its
dormant state, stand against caste discrimination, and work together towards its eradication.
The main corpus of the play consists of a plea for equal opportunities to higher studies for all
The practise of ragging in higher educational institutions is not a new phenomenon. New
entrants for advanced studies in medical and engineering streams often become the subject of
the oppression meted out by their senior students. The real objectives of ragging in
educational institutions are varied. Sometimes the new entrants are targeted for ragging by
the senior students just for fun, as an ice breaking session, though often it becomes violent
and life threatening. Besides this, many a times ragging is also triggered by socio-political
and communal issues. Caste too plays a vital role in catalysing ragging in educational
institutions. In such situations Dalit students are the primary targets since Dalit children’s
intelligence is always undervalued and the Dalits’ “prospect of assimilation... is fraught with
potential failure, shame and humiliation, not to mention the threatening indictment of self-
denial and self-beratement” (Cheng 69). The play under consideration depicts how caste
discrimination intrudes in the field of higher education and stands as an obstacle for the
socially underprivileged.
Implicit in the play, Ragging, is the power politics in Education Reformation in West
Bengal and its consequences on the culturally deprived and lower income groups of the
society. It also throws light on the reception of Education Reformation in the state by the Left
Government. The anti Dalit Leftist government of West Bengal played a heinous trick with
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the socially aspiring backward classes of the state, especially the scheduled castes and tribes.
The reformation that was initiated with an apparently positive objective of mass literacy and
overall betterment of the socially backward classes made the state language, Bengali,
mandatory in the primary, secondary as well as in the higher secondary levels of the state
education system. But very soon the socio-culturally underprivileged section of the society
realised that more than a positive development they were pushed into a darkness of
ignorance. The lack of knowledge of English deprived the students from socio-culturally
instruction in higher education, irrespective of stream and specialisation, has been always
English. Thus, very subtly the government managed to keep the under privileged backward
classes in a state of ignorance and through their lack of access to higher education ensured
Raju Das’s Ragging is the story of a scheduled caste family that is driven by the
unbeatable desire to give the light of higher education to their daughter, Reema. Reema too is
a hardworking, intelligent, sincere girl who leaves no stones unturned to materialise her poor
parents’ dream of achieving higher education, that too technical education in one of the
vocational courses. However, because of her low socio-economic and cultural position in the
society, the road to success was not very smooth. Besides, her caste and class standing as big
obstacles in her higher education, her gender too brings a couple of problems in her way to
The play opens with the arrival of a poor child Reema at her hostel and how immediately
after her arrival she becomes the prey to her senior student Nirupama’s ragging. Through the
conversation of Reema, her mother, aunt Nirupama and other hostel colleagues Krishna and
Jhuma Raju Das hints at the wide spectrum of mental temperament that people of different
sections of the society exhibit. Such strong detestation of upper class people toward those
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who belong to the lower or weaker socio economic classes, often lead to metal and emotional
uneasiness, pain and humiliation. Ragging addresses this unbridgeable gap between the
The chief protagonist of the play, Reema, goes through a subtle but ugly and unexpected
ragging session in her first few days of her engineering college. She is mentally harassed by
one of her seniors, Neerupama, from the moment she steps into the college premises. She is
picked up for small and silly things to irritate Reema. First in the series of such irritatingly
foolish things was Reema’s use of English words in while speaking in her mother tongue.
Nirupama chastises Reema for her ignorance of an efficient use of her mother tongue, “Ta
Janbi keno? English school e porechis bujhi ?” (You don’t know Bengali? Of course why will
you know? Must have been educated in an English medium school!) (Das 2) and abuses her
for neglecting her mother tongue in public places. She orders her to use pure Bengali in the
college premises and puts up an open challenge to Reema of replying only in Bangla, even if
that required translating technical terms to Bangla. Reema, in order to please her for
comfortable living in the hostel tries her best to accommodate all her demands, though at
times she faces it extremely difficult to control her anger for such stupid questions.
Gautam Bhadra while analysing the characteristics that define Dalits observes that it is
not only defiance, disobedience and willingness to resist that always create Dalit identity but
the oppressed are also identified by their submissiveness to their superior, “Submissiveness to
authority in one context is as frequent as defiance in another. It is these two elements that
together constitute subaltern mentality” (63). Reema explicates this typical identity of a
subaltern that Gautam Bhadra observes. Being a victim of Neerupama’s constant humiliating
words and gestures, Reema feels the urge to retaliate against her. Yet she refrains from
raising her voice against her senior. Rather with her sheer presence of mind, integrity of
character and honesty beautifully handles the challenges that she faces and emerges as a
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confident fighter who battled the inhuman humiliations and mental and physical tortures to
Ragging is a disturbing reality in the higher education system of our country. Despite the
fact that over the years ragging has claimed hundreds of innocent lives and has ruined careers
‘familiarization’ and an ‘initiation into the real world’ for young college- going students. The
involves existing students baiting or bullying new students. It often takes a malignant form
wherein the newcomers may be subjected to psychological or physical torture that adversely
affect the physique or psyche of a fresher or a junior student. (Ragging: Humiliation, rivalry
In the play, Ragging, the meaning and objective of ragging is best drawn out through the
character of Reema’s senior, Neerupama. According to her ragging plays a formative role
In the fields of science and technology ragging has the objective of transforming
the new brilliant, intelligent, studious, promising but dependent and emotionally
individuals. Most of the students have led a secure, protected and dependent life,
where all the major decisions of life were taken by their parents. Thus as they
come to stay in hostel, their attitude and approach towards life should undergo a
radical change to adjust and adapt themselves to the new environment where
Therefore to make the newcomers more self reliant and independent ragging is
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Neerupama even adds that such ragging actually acts as tough training that enables them
to become ‘able administrator and decision makers of their own life’ (Das 3). She thinks that
even the state and educationists of the state too support such informal training programme to
meet their own objectives of churning out able, independent individuals which mere
No doubt Neerupama defends the practise of ragging in college premises. Yet the hard
core truth is that it is not easy for a new comer to withstand the emotional and physical
abuses carried out in this process. Consequently, ragging leaves such a deep impact on the
psyche of an individual that the person carries the baggage of humiliation forever. Also often
ragging proves fatal, so much so that it leads to suicides. Instances of deaths during ragging
sessions are also not uncommon. Students like Reema are the worst victims of ragging mostly
because of their caste and class. However, because of her mental strength and strong desire to
fulfil her poor parents’ desire to see their daughter successfully completing and acquiring the
degree of higher education that she patiently and silently withstands the torturous phase of
her college life. Gradually she gathers courage to stand against the malicious practice of
Neerupama’s series of questions to Reema and like her to other new comers, as a part of
her ragging session reflect her resistance towards women’s education and emancipation. She
education absolutely needless. Her ideological belief reflects her internalisation of the
popular patriarchal idea that education and emancipation of women might lead them astray.
By ragging she tries to mentally and emotionally break down the confidence of those girls
who desire to enlighten themselves through education and work towards their liberation.
However, Reema is Raju Das’s heroic woman. Like Bani in Neel Selam and Khenti in
Kolonko, and unlike Chuni Kotal, she does not succumb to the humiliations associated with
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caste discriminations practised in educational institutions. Raju Das sketches her character
with utmost care and precision to set her as a role model for other exploited and under
privileged classes. She is an example for others to gather courage and mental strength to rebel
against any evil system, especially caste discrimination to liberate all from the shackles of
In all his major plays, Raju Das relentlessly fights against the Brahmanical patriarchy of
a caste stratified Hindu society. The play Ragging is not an exception to it. Through the
character of Pishima (Reema’s paternal aunt), Raju Das attacks Brahminism that is mainly
responsible in creating the gulf between the socially and economically privileged and
cultural, religious, educational and ethical differences amongst individuals had been prevalent
in Hindu society since ages. The discrimination, subjugation and oppression that caste
stratified Hindu society practices to maintain caste hierarchy and celebrate their superiority
over other lower castes are nothing less than ragging. Since ancient times ragging exists as a
weapon to maintain caste stratification. Pishima equates present day ragging in higher
educational institutions with age old practise of caste based discrimination. Subjected to such
discriminations since childhood Pishima launches into a tirade against the Brahminical
system that deliberately always kept the shudras and atishudras from education system and
observes:
Brahmin and Khastriya children only had access to education. The Vaishyas and
Shudras were never given the right to education and that is why the great archer
Dronacharya had cut off the thumb of Eklavya as his punishment for secretly
learning this art. It is also because of this that Lord Ram dared to cut off the head
of Shambhu. The Brahminical system of education and running the society was
existing till 18th century, even would have continued for some centuries had not
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reformers like Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, E.V. Ramasami Periyaar, Harichand
The play, Ragging, is an interesting study of the playwright’s intention of bringing out
the hidden agenda behind ragging. According to ragging expert Neeru, Reema’s senior in
college, ragging is a way of enhancing the mental and emotional strength of the new comers.
Also it has the objective of making the students more independent and mature. But according
to Reema’s aunt, “ragging is a strategic step meted out at different stages of life on the
powerless and disadvantaged by the comparatively more powerful in the area” (Das 6).
Hence, Reema as a new comer is subjected to ragging by her seniors in the hostel and her
Reema is the victim of caste discrimination practised by caste conscious upper caste
Neeru. While probing into Reema’s background, her family history and financial condition,
to gauge the urgency of her higher education, she subjects her to nasty verbal and physical
abuse to maintain and keep the jurisdiction of higher education in the hands of creamy upper
caste people. But Reema’s life had not been always so rosy like many of her privileged
friends thus she patiently bears with all physical and mental tortures only to come out
victorious and is able to befriend Neeru. Raju Das hints at oppression that an individual faces
definitely is the offshoot of an unbridgeable gap between caste, class or gender but the result
is same uncouth oppression and subjugation of the less advantaged people. It also hints at the
failure of the constitutional laws and rights of individuals. In this context the words of Uma
but it has neither broken the hold of the upper castes on material resources, nor
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their hold over the state machinery. Consequently, the enforcement of the non
In fact, Raju Das sketches the character of Neeru as a representative of the Brahminical
thoughts and ways of living. Implicit in her ragging is the typical Brahmanical tendency of
reserving education and knowledge only in the hands of upper caste and thereby keep the
lower castes away from the light of knowledge. In order to confine the opportunities of higher
education only to the socially privileged groups of people, she cites financial crisis as one of
the main issues behind why lower caste people do not get access to higher education.
Indirectly drawing the inevitable link between caste and economy, she establishes the fact
that poor economic conditions become one of the main obstacles to higher education for
Neeru, like the ancient Brahmin Gurus, shows her preference to keep higher education
reserved for the upper castes with sound financial background. According to Neeru, people
belonging to the upper castes have monopoly on the right to education. However, she defends
her selfish motive by camouflaging it with other issues like financial problems of the
economically deprived sections of the society. She scares Reema by citing examples of
students who fail to complete the course either because of financial crisis or for their inability
to stand ragging. In fact Neeru tries to kill two birds with one stone through her discourse on
ragging. She not only makes it clear that poor students should abstain from pursuing
engineering but also manages to maintain the gap between the rich and the poor in
educational institutions.
Neeru’s dialogic engagement does prove that ragging is a systematic and strategic way
of humiliating, embarrassing and inflicting physical and mental pain to create, develop and
maintain the gap between the powerful and powerless. It is a strategic exercise to widen the
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gap between the oppressor and the oppressed, subjugator and subjugated. The desire and
necessity to humiliate, embarrass and inflict pain on the subalterns can be traced back to
Hindu caste system and the notion of untouchability that it harboured within itself.
According to the Varna system each varna has been designated specific profession to
practise. The categorisation was aimed at meeting specific requirements of the society, like
education, warfare, trade and commerce and since did not want to mess with their assigned
job or profession, categorization was strictly followed. This classification on the basis of
profession gradually gave rise to casting away the menial job holders to the outskirts of the
village to avoid any possibility of getting polluted and eventually gave rise to the avarnas as
the ‘other’.
In Raju Das’s Ragging the new comers in medical and engineering colleges are the
‘others’, who do not know the ways of life and hardships one has to go through in a hostel
life. Having conditioned to a very comfortable life, children at the age of eighteen and
nineteen have no idea of the real life outside the secured cocoon of their family life. So
people like Neerupama identify such candidates as the ‘others’ as opposed to their own lives
which they find more mature and trained to experience and handle any crisis in their life.
Also like the varna system through this difference they try to secure respect and honour as
The apathy of people like Neeru can be perceived in the way she tries to defend her
practise of ragging without the ability to understand the consequences of ragging. Neeru
belonging to a snob, upper class section of the society fails to realise the mental and physical
torture which give rise to a huge number of students’ suicides and drop outs. Reema’s mother
brings out the tension and disturbance that ragging and its consequences on the family
members of the victims of ragging. She represents total acceptance of their oppression, in
spite of being aware of its consequences. Her timid desire to rebel against their hapless
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situation by providing education to her daughter is lost in the fear of losing her life. She is the
victim of artificial fear created by upper caste people like Reema to keep higher education in
the pockets of only a few; people belonging to the rich upper class. She exemplifies those
subjugated subalterns who are ready to accept their subjugated position instead of challenging
it. As a result she is ready to denounce her dream of educating her daughter in the latest
technology that would bring her new rays of light for better future, rather reports on ragging
has made her believe, “these kind of education in engineering and medical field is not meant
for girls of poor families. We should not even dream of these” (Das 23).
However Jhuma, Neeru’s classmate, idealises ragging and tries to make Roma debi,
Reema’s mother, understand the need for better, higher and job oriented education for people
from poor, backward families. Instead of abandoning dreams of better future, she supports
suffering that promises new beginning. She puts forward the opinions of her father who
always defended suffering of the lower and under privileged sections of the society,
consequent rebel and counter suffering for a new change. Thus she quotes her father and
says, “You know aunt, my father says one section of the society for ages has been ragging
another bigger section of the society, and the only way to liberate one from this is to have
Reema, too is a bold and confident woman. She does not want to write the story of
another underprivileged sufferer. Rather her confidence and enlightenment that she gained in
few hours in college pushes her to fight against ragging and create a new world for herself
and for other women like her. Thus she resists her mother who insists her to return home and
promises saying, “No, no. I will fight against ragging. In the fear of ragging I don’t want to
prove myself a defeated person. Rather I will fight against it. Myself. Jhuma and many others
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The pain of living at the margins, the agony of constantly becoming the victims of
humiliation weaves all his major plays. Humiliation and embarrassment are common motifs
that link all the characters in Raju Das’s plays. However, Raju Das’s characters are subjected
to a humiliating and mortifying life for different reasons. If in Mahesh it is because of the
minority religion of Islam that Gafur and Amina profess in a Hindu Brahmin village that they
are discriminated and are constantly subjected to physical and verbal abuses, for Alok it is his
illegitimate birth that makes him the ‘other’ in the society. Alodebi and Alok’s mother are
doubly marginalized because of their gender and caste whereas Bani is subjected to triple
In Ragging, it is the same humiliation and the life of a deprived that drive Reema’s
determination to pursue higher education against all odds to carve out a space for themselves,
for people who are constantly the victims of the class conscious society. Her fight is also
against the patriarchal society that has always confines in the four walls of their houses. In
the name of giving a better and secured life to the women, the more powerful men have
always denied them the rays of light. She is all determined to fight not only ragging but also
the patriarchal system that has strategized in many different ways to keep the women from
enlightenment and liberty. She sees the necessity for higher education only to liberate the
society from its several mal practises like caste and gender discriminations for a better future.
Nirupama, in Ragging, is the representative of Brahminic tradition that scorns the lower
castes pursuing education and would do all that is necessary to dissuade and ultimately stop
them from having institutionalised education which is the first step towards self
enlightenment. However, Reema, her aunt and mother uphold Ramabai’s views on the
importance of education to resist the Brahminic tradition that scorns the lower castes and
women from acquiring education to further their targets of suppressing and oppressing what
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Pandita Ramabai in her significant book, Stree Purush Tula observes that the only way
of resisting the traditional upper-caste Hindu society which mandated pre-pubertal marriage
and immediate post-pubertal consummation of marriage for girls and which denied education
to women, both to stress their unprivileged status and to curb their freedom of
communication was through female education. Reema’s stoic patience to bear the mental and
physical torture and humiliation and Pishima’s fiery arguments against calculated moves of
the brahmanical society to deprive the Shudras from education echo Pandita Ramabai’s belief
Nicely merged with the main text of emotional, physical and verbal abuse in the form of
ragging of fresh college students, especially of the under privileged and downtrodden ones,
Raju Das weaves in the subtext of exploitation of socio-economically and culturally upper
middle class girls in the confines of their home by their family members. The personal life of
Neerupama within the confines of her rich, upper class family is no less abusive than that of
Reema in college. Both of them are helpless victims of their class and caste. If Reema is the
victim of her situation because of her low social caste and economic position in the society,
Neerupama’s upper class lineage with educated, cultured, affluent working parents subject
her to an oppressive life that cannot even be perceived by an outsider in his/her wildest
dreams. Through these two women characters, Reema and Neerupama, belonging to different
social and economic class, Raju Das depicts exploitation of women in numerable ways that
Neerupama or humiliation and angst against socially rich upper caste people evident in
Reema.
Raju Das makes a very beautiful but poignant observation that isolation, seclusion,
loneliness, humiliation and dejection are some experiences that people irrespective of social
position suffer from and ragging is nothing but an outcome of this psychological discomfort.
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However, because class difference gives rise to powerful and powerless individuals, ragging
that exists as a game between powerful and the powerless, often ends in subjugation of the
powerless by the people in power. Surprisingly, Ragging does not fall in the beaten tracks;
rather it depicts the rise of a rebel trying to protest against the set tradition of ragging of the
newcomers by their seniors and vehemently establishes the fact that the oppressed are the
Raju Das’s creation of the character of Neerupama is one of close observation of the
psychological workings of the oppressed people. Neerupama is a well known figure when it
comes to ragging the new entrants. She has an unnatural record of ragging highest number of
students. She takes ragging as a game and rags students to break the drab monotonous hostel
life. However, deftly hidden under Neerupama’s image of an arrogant and violent oppressor
is the silent victim of domestic abuses and violence. Ragging, thus, in Nirupama’s life
becomes an avenue of achieving new experience and new taste of life. However, behind her
newly found engagement as an entertainment there lies a deep seated lack in Nirupama’s life
that leads her to seek self satisfaction and gratification through ragging.
masochistic nature of its practisers. The desire to achieve the most sought after position of
and authority by the superior over the inferior. In post modern context it also gives rise to
habit of ragging and the expertise that she has achieved over a period of time, does prove her
objective of ragging. Therefore, ragging for Neerupama, is not only teasing the newcomers or
scaring and discouraging the under privileged children, but it is also a medium that provides a
scope to satisfy her sadistic desires of hurting others to compensate for her hurt ego.
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Ragging besides depicting the negative impact of Education Reformation and far
reaching effects of caste system, also throws light on the negative impact of urban middle
class working families. Neerupama is the only child of an urban educated, cultured and
working couple. The highly stressed life of working couples in cities might lead to financial
security but emotionally they are ruined. Neerupama’s childhood had been that of a loner,
with no company of family or friends. The only thing that gave her company from time to
time was the nasty fights between her father and mother, their series of accusations and blame
game. The disputes between the couples that would often become violent have left deep scars
in the mind of Neerupama. Unconsciously hatred and disgust start developing in her sub
conscious mind for all the educated, cultured and financially stable people who call
themselves civilized. Devoid of love, affection and family ties she becomes the ‘other’ in her
own family.
Through the context of ragging in colleges and universities, Raju Das makes a deliberate
attempt to bring out ragging in human life that takes place at every stage of human life.
exposed to cruelty, humiliation and verbal abuses from a very tender age, Neerupama has
grown up with a thirst for inflicting pain, humiliation and pain onto others. Thus, the sight of
any new girl in the hostel reminds her of her busy working mother. The image of a mother in
Neerupama’s mind because of her childhood experiences is not a pleasant one. Rather, it is
the image of a monstrous mother that rules her mind. Neerupama’s abhorrence for a self
centric and busy working mother reflects the demand for an ideal mother as a loving,
sacrificing, always available and stay-at-home that the patriarchy has constructed. Hence,
ambitious and promising young girls remind her of monstrous mothers like her mother, who
after giving birth to children will subject them to loneliness and a life devoid of love,
affection, care and sibling bonds. This in turn creates in her angst against the young women
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entrants and therefore deliberately subjects them to ragging to break their confidence and clip
The condition of women that Raju Das depicts in his plays is an honest portrayal of the
bare truth prevailing in a patriarchal society but often goes unnoticed. Women have always
been doubly marginalized in a patriarchal society. The impact of caste and gender in a
stratified society like India has hardly allowed women to enjoy her life as a woman. Her life
is always pitched against measuring rods and yardsticks of ideal images and virtues. Raju
Das, a sensitive Dalit as he is reaches out to those very subtle issues that often go unnoticed
III
The play Kolonko is a very sensitive and a multilayered play that serves as a vehicle to
interrogate the practice of match making as one of the mechanisms of the Brahminical
patriarchy to preserve land, women and ritual quality within it. The play also provides a
glimpse into the workings of the apathetic state machinery against the Dalit refugees of East
Bengal that ultimately led to Marchijjhapi massacre. Also hidden within the narrative of the
play is the slow but steady process of Sanskritization that engulfs Dalit consciousness of
opportunist Dalits. The plot of the play also hints at the cold war that exists since the time of
partition of Bengal between the original residents of West Bengal and the immigrated people
Though the story line of the play Kolonko is quite scattered and digressive, touching
different issues, yet the main storyline revolves around the undue significance given to
Brahmanical practice of fixing matrimonial alliances. The humiliating and insulting sessions
of match making where a woman is constantly weighed against different parameters that help
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brahmanical society that functions according to the codes of behaviour laid down by the
Hindu shashtras (Hindu law books). However, it is interesting to note that it has its impact
felt even in the lower castes like shudras; probably where the stringency with which it is
observed is more nerve wrecking than in the upper caste Brahmin families.
making in Indian societies based on the superficial physical qualities like complexion, height
and weight of the prospective brides and grooms. The importance of the family, educational
and cultural background of the bride has been emphasised since ages. Since Vedic times, the
need to have good natured and meritorious women as wives have been reiterated for the
better functioning of the household. During the Vedic Age young men entertained hopes of
marrying women with abilities and talents that would enable them to “gain knowledge and
skill regarding administration of domestic matters in her parental home earlier” (Subbamma
46). Also, the woman as wife of her husband was called ‘jaya’ that signifies that the husband
is born again in the wife. Therefore, the bride should possess healthy and good features.
Yama’s list of qualifications that a prospective bride should meet consisted of “good
character, physical beauty, learning, wealth and abundant number of relative son the part of
the bride” (Subbamma 46). Manu, the Hindu Law giver, besides emphasising on the physical
features, health and merit of the bride, strongly emphasised on the need of a ‘good family’ as
one of the chief prerequisites of a marriage alliance (Subbamma 46). Hence, in a brahmanical
society, the much sought after alliances are those that fit appropriately into these parameters.
However, the young girl, Sanchari in Kolonko is an unfortunate black sheep in the
matrimonial alliance list who is neither blessed with upper caste birth nor is in possession of
good facial and physical features . Through this play, Raju Das makes a clarion call to bring
an end to the system of match making that leaves a human soul humiliated and dejected
forever.
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Women are considered as the repositories of caste identity and purity; marriage is the
tool employed to achieve it. Since the primary function of marriage is procreation, children
born of normative marriages “maintain and reproduce the social order” (Chakravarti 32).
Hence, it is the responsibility of the family and the Brahmanical society to select women who
disciplined, docile and submissive woman who fits into the model of an ideal woman is
sought for. Subsequently, match making or judicious selection of a woman to be the bride of
However, the whole process of meeting families for fixing matrimonial alliances
involves interaction with the bride’s family interrogating the prospective bride and her family
on their family background to gauge their socio-economic status in the society quite often
become a pain staking task; nevertheless giving rise to a sense of humiliation and
Mahandranath Mandal and his friend Kumaresh Basu visit Bordakanto with a marriage
proposal for the former’s younger brother with Bordakanto’s niece, Sanchari, also known as
Khenti, Raju Das brings to the fore the age old cold war between the East Bengal refugees
and the original residents of West Bengal. This conflict, however, can be traced back to the
refugee status of the people who emigrated from East Bengal to West Bengal during the
partition of Bengal leaving their property, cattle, farm lands and all other property.
Historically, post partition of Bengal, the migrants from East Bengal who moved into the
newly formed state of West Bengal found themselves in the refugee camps organised by the
state government. Most of them, especially the poor ones had to literally beg for work and
food to survive. Eventually, they found their shelter, one of utter humiliation in refugee
camps; and were relegated to the margins because of their economic degradation. The Adi
(original) residents of Bengal who mostly failed to comprehend and hence, empathize with
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their fellow brothers and sisters from the other side of the border, developed a notion of
detestation and abhorrence for these refugees. These refugees who were marginalized
because of their economic position also became the victims of double marginalization
because of their lower caste identity. However, in order to make a living in the foreign land,
these refugees tried their hands in every odd thing; they successfully managed to meet their
daily requirements, but could hardly reach the socio-economic standards of the natives of the
land. The socio-economic gap that defined the identities of the people across the border, gave
birth to a cold wave between the two communities; the pulsating impact of which can still be
The heated conversation between Kumaresh and Mahendranath on politics and social
issues bring out the latent tension between the residents of West Bengal (commonly known as
‘ghati’) and the East Bengal (commonly known as ‘bati’). Mahendranath, though a native of
West Bengal, while defending their status and position in erstwhile Bengal, acknowledges the
contribution of eminent scientists, politicians and writers from East Bengal for their present
socio-cultural, literary and scientific heritage of Bengal, but condescends the condition of its
people. Bordakanto interferes in this ghati-bati conflict and while trying to mitigate their
tension, observes, “In this country the policy of divide and rule was not introduced by the
British rulers. In fact since last five thousand years the system of divide and rule is existing in
Implicit in the ignorance of Mahendranath and his friend Kumaresh about the condition
of the Dalit refugees and state machinery is the impact of sanskritisation of dalits. The play
tribal or other group, changes its customs, ritual, ideology, and way of life in the direction of
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a high, and frequently, “twice-born” caste” (Srinivas 6). In the play, Kolonko, this aspect has
Shudra by caste, he is a classic example of all those Shudra Dalits who are the beneficiaries
of educational and job opportunities made by the Government as a result of Dr. Ambedkar’s
revolution against dalit condition and reforms for the same. Hence, he is in possession of
good education and job. He has even managed to secure a job in reserved category. However,
he feels ashamed of revealing his actual caste identity. Therefore, he tries to hide his caste
that has actually helped him to earn a position of professional success, which in the words of
his friend Kumaresh, “he has received a number of promotions because of reservation” (Das
42). Also evident in his efforts to climb the social ladder is his attempt to erase the cultural
history of his caste. Therefore, he does not know great revolutionary leaders and reformers of
the Dalit Movement like Jogendranath Mondal and asks with great inquisitiveness, “By the
promise of better and peaceful life. The urban, educated group of people belonging to
schedule caste and tribes who have been able to make some kind of space within the socially
recognised groups believe that painful memories of caste discrimination and marginalization
is yesteryear’s experience, the baggage of which should be left behind for a better future.
Hence, it becomes a deliberate attempt on the part of people like Mahendranath Mondal to
erase his Dalit identity for a better assimilation in the mainstream cultural group.
Consequently, he is an uprooted dalit, with no knowledge of the leaders and reformers who
endeavoured towards an egalitarian society. On the contrary his inclination for the socially
and culturally upward moving section of the society is evident in his knowledge of Marx,
Lenin, Jyoti Basu can be regarded as a deliberate move towards cultural assimilation. Though
Mahendranath and Kumaresh are content with their newly adopted ideologies of the Left
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Government, Bardakanto and his family are quite shocked on realising the death of dalit
consciousness in them and hence their ignorance of dalit experience. It is evident when with
utter disgust he observes, “People who in spite of belonging to shudra caste fail to recognise
the contributions made by Guruchand Thakur, Jogen Mondal and Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, but
instead are aware of Marx, Lenin and Jyoti Basu are stigma in the name of shudra caste” (Das
49). Sunil, Bardakanto’s younger brother, further points out that he feels ashamed of
identifying themselves with such people in whom dalit consciousness has dried up and has
met its early death, “Shame! Shame! To identify ourselves with you and include you in us
makes me feel really wretched” (Das 49). Hence, Bordakanto accuses them as “man eaters of
Shudra caste” (Das 49) for showing tendencies of sanskritization that has ultimately made
them individuals belonging to ‘nowhere’; neither do they belong to upper castes whom they
are imitating nor to their own shudra castes that they have tried to relinquish forever in search
In their confrontation over political exploitation of the refugee Dalits in West Bengal,
especially the Dalit refugees at Dandakaranya and Marichjhapi, Bordakanto unveils the
hidden atrocities and inexplicable tortures that the comrades of the Left Government carried
out on the Dalit refugees, including the children and women in Marichjhapi. Bordakanto and
his younger brother, Sunil, serve as the main spokespersons of Raju Das in Kolonko. They
have been employed as the vehicles to spread the hidden truths about government sponsored
unspeakable tortures and exploitation on the people in the refugee camps. The trauma that
they have survived and the injustice that they had faced are best brought out through
Bordakanto’s narrative of the pain and hardship that they faced. Bordakanto’s vivid
description of the situation that is quoted below aptly brings out the hardships and tortures
that the Bengali Dalit refugees had experienced post partition of Bengal:
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The refugees from East Bengal were given rehabilitation in the inhabitable areas
of Dandyakarnya hills and in the dense forests and jungles where existence of life
was unimaginable. In spite of such situation, the refugees worked hard day and
night and turned the barren rocky lands into lands where some crops can be
grown, which in turn aided them in improving their living condition. However,
they had to leave behind all the fruits of their hard work when the Left
government of West Bengal once more evicted them from there and tried to
In Kolonko Raju Das also provides a rare but true picture of the sexual exploitation
and mass rape of women irrespective of their age in the hands of communist comrades at
Dandakaranya. The refugee women at Dandyakarnya hills were triple marginalized; firstly
because of their refugee condition, secondly because of their low caste identity and lastly
because of their gender. The pathetic condition that these women were subjected to and the
impending fear and trauma that the incident gave rise to can be best comprehended from the
It was not just eviction. It would be wrong to use the word eviction. It was not
just eviction. In the light of the day as the comrades of the Left government
started attacking the refugees at Dandyakarnya they not only tortured the refugees
and tried evicting them from their settlements. Also sexually assaulted the women
and even brutally raped many of the women in the presence of their family
With heavy heart and uncontrollable grief Sunil describes the wretched condition of refugee
women at Dandyakarnya hills that clearly pinpoints how women are always the worst victim
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Since that day many young women, wives and mothers went missing from the
land of Marichjapi. They cannot be traced even today. Some of them unable to
bear the shame of physical and sexual assault have committed suicide. My
pregnant elder sister, mother of Sanchari whom you have come to see as a
prospective bride of your younger brother, was one amongst many such women
who was sexually assaulted. Unable to stand the pain and shame of sexual abuse
in the hands of the comrades, she committed suicide by hanging herself from the
The unforgettable memories of Marichjapi massacre, the abject and stirring conditions of the
refugee camps, the agitated and vehement slogans, slaughtering human beings in the name of
caste and origin haunt the existence of people like Bardakanto and his family.
Raju Das in this play interrogates the Left government’s Rehabilitation schemes and
politicises it to give an insight into the ruling political party’s apathetic treatment of helpless
lower caste Hindu East Bengal refugees in the early 1970s in the forests of Sunderban region
as prospective vote catching agencies. Through Sanchari’s elder and younger maternal
uncles, Bordakanto and Sunil respectively that Raju Das also reveals the changing strategies
of the government’s rehabilitation policies that resulted in the pathetic condition of the lower
caste Hindu East Bengal refugees in the early 1970s in the forests of Sunderban region. The
early migrants were able to settle them well in their new land but the lower caste Hindu
migrants had a tough time countering resistance from the upper class refugees. Gradually
they were forcibly relocated to "rocky inhospitable land" of Dandakaranya (parts of then
Orissa and Madhya Pradesh). (Chowdhury 664-82). However, the changes in the
Marichjapi in Sunderban region, only to be evicted from the place under Act 144 on the
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The inhuman treatment at refugee camps left a deep scar in the minds of the victims of
Marichjapi massacre. Bordakanta’s family including his niece Sanchari cannot forget such
uncouth, barbarous exploitations meted out to women by hired goons of the political party in
power. The memories of such heinous days had affected thousands of families, including
Bordakanto’s family and his niece who fail to come out of the trauma of violence. This
grossly wronged lot of people want justice for women and are against any kind of
exploitation of women.
The discussion over Marichjhapi politics soon opens the Pandora’s Box over Sanchari’s
parental lineage and her mother’s suicide after she was raped by the Left comrades. Since a
woman is assumed to be the custodian of the hierarchical order of the caste system, her
lineage holds utmost significance in her marriage. However, in Sanchari’s case her family
rape victim, who after giving birth to her child commits suicide. Yet neither she nor her
maternal uncle tries to hide this incident. Rather Bordakanto interrogates the system that on
one hand assumes women as the greatest custodians of purity of caste and Brahminical
and traces the tragic end of her sister to the brutality of the newly elected government. The
groom’s party is shocked to know about Sanchari’s background but before they could express
their astonishment, the bold Sanchari barges into their room and attacks them for their
Sanchari’s unexpected and unconventional behaviour with strangers, especially when the
strangers are their guests, is rooted in the seething anger of the physically and mentally
abused refugees against the state apparatus and social systems. The agony and humiliation
that she is subjected to because of her mother’s sexual abuse and consequent suicide coupled
with the embarrassment that an unmarried woman like her goes through as a commodity in
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marriage market stir the rebellion in her. Consequently, she is determined to stand against the
patriarchal society that degrades women’s position. Sanchari’s grit to challenge the male
dominated society is further strengthened when she overhears the conversation of the guests
with her maternal uncles and is shell shocked to know about the sanskritized dalits’ ignorance
of government schemes and artificiality that actually undermine their privileges and rights.
She is so full of abhorrence for such ignorant sanskritized people that when she is introduced
to the relatives of her prospective alliance, she throws away the socially refined, decent
behaviour expected of a woman like her. Instead she shows the urgency to reply to their
staple interrogatory session and cuts them short as she does not find them suitable enough to
Sanchari’s bold rejection of the conventional question answer session that takes place
during a match making meetings reflects her desire to challenge the system of marriage in a
patriarchal society. Marriage which signifies coming together of two souls, does not however,
in a patriarchal society always ensure love, respect and equal treatment of both. Rather it
serves as a tool to subordinate women and cage her in the family responsibilities and duties.
As Khenti retaliates against the question and answer session where a girl is measured against
the value of her family’s caste, socio-cultural position, bank balance and her complexion,
height, weight, her skills in household chores, she right away rejects a match that is based on
superficial contours and neglects most important qualities like human love, solidarity and
respect. She shoes her desire to terminate the topic of match making by her deliberate
interference. Even before she is asked to introduce herself, she speaks out vehemently:
Namaskar! My name is Khenti Boral. (Sits on a chair) see my palm. See my feet.
See my hair. I have no makeup on my face. If you can’t believe that, you can
touch and see. (Translation: Nnamaskar. Amar naam Khenti Boral. Ei dekhun
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amar haath, amar paa, amaar chul. Ami kono make up diyni mukhe. Jadi
The traumatic historical experience of her family that Sanchari has been hearing since her
birth has given rise to an inexplicable detestation for the government and brought unparallel
maturity in her. She rejects social customs and rituals and stands against exploitation of
women. She is not even scared in voicing out her opinions on commoditisation of women in
marriage market. She stands against the system where a woman, like a commodity, is
examined from different angles to determine her suitability in marriage market. She attacks
the dowry system prevalent in our society and argues that it is one of the techniques of
extracting money and other valuables from the bride’s family in the name of accepting an
unsuitable bride for marriage. Criticising the system of dowry practised by both literate and
What you people want is that all marriageable girls in the best of their attire and
make up silently and submissively sit before you to answer a series of very
foolish but insulting questions? After that you show preference for those women
who are either working or their families are ready to pay a good dowry, take them
home after marriage with a new promise of a happy married life but reduce them
to the state of slaves. Tortures, physical and mental abuse remain as their only
share in their new family. Please forget such days. New days will come when
women will assess and choose their own life partner. Please remember that. (Das
51)
Thus like the Dalit autobiographies which are often known as narratives of pain and
humiliation, Raju Das’s plays focus on the abject condition of his protagonists and other
untouchables and marginalized individuals. In his involvement with and treatment of the
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ostracised isolation, he tries to focus on the manmade lack in the lives of the underdogs that
prevent them to be “fully integrated with the bhadralok (cultured) society” (Das 5).
IV
The height of subjugation and oppression, inexplicable human pain and suffering that the
Dalits experience find its beautiful but touching artistic revelation in the depiction of Gafur
and his pet bull, Mahesh in Raju Das’s adapted play of the same name Mahesh. A wretched
life of hopelessness and disillusionment that deny Alodebi, Bani, Reema and Khenti a
beautiful, peaceful and integrated social life become one of unbearable humiliation and
oppression that ultimately result in uprooting poor Muslim Peasant Gafur and her little
The play, Mahesh, is an adaptation of Sarat Chandra Chattopadhya’s short story of the
same name. Through the abject poverty of its protagonist, Gafur Mia and his family, the play
explores the interweaving of the dynamics of rural poverty that is escalated by the
machinations of feudal system, represented by the feudal land lord, Shibu Babu and his
associates in a caste based Hindu society. It addresses the double trouble of exploitative
feudal system and the stigma of untouchable in a typical Hindu village. Mahesh is essentially
a social play in which Raju Das attempts to give an artistic expression to the sufferings of the
under privileged in their confrontation with the powerful exploitative mechanism, which
Operates beyond the law and with the tacit acquiescence of an exploited class
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The original story that was written at the backdrop of great famine that struck the land of
Bengal, in the year 1943. Raju Das restructures it in the form of a street theatre to address the
extensive exploitation that Operation Barga or Land Reformation in West Bengal in had
resulted in. as a street theatre to address the extensive exploitation that Operation Barga or
Land Reformation in West Bengal had resulted in. Operation Barga was a land reform
movement throughout rural West Bengal or recording the names of sharecroppers (bargadars)
while avoiding the time-consuming method of recording through the settlement machinery. It
bestowed on the bargadars the legal protection against eviction by the landlords, and entitled
them to the due share of the produce. Operation Barga was launched in 1978 and concluded
by the mid-1980s. It received legal backing in 1979 and 1980 and became a popular but
controversial measure for land reforms. The ultimate aim of these land reforms was to
facilitate the conversion of the state's bargadars into landowners. (Biswas par. 4)
Mahesh reflects the pathetic situation of the victims of the Reformation, caught in a web
of helpless resentment that had no means of expression but only widened the difference in the
society as the rich grew richer and the poor poorer. Cast against such a reformative
background, the play centres round a more empathetic than sympathetic bond between
Mahesh, the bull and its poor owner, Gafur Mia. As it mirrors the exploitative feudal system
prevalent in the society, it also reflects how the ideology of purity-pollution that produces a
kind of total rejection and forms the crux of the discriminatory caste system, push the
The story that reels round Mahesh and Gafur Mia takes place in a village that is strongly
feudal and stratified in its structure with Hindu Brahmin, Shibu Babu as the zamindar. It is a
complex social as well as rural reality which is uttered through the sufferings of Gafur under
unbearable oppression of the zamindar’s people in the village. The abject condition to which
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Gafur and his family consisting of his stoic daughter Ameena and his old but shockingly
assertive and rebellious bull Mahesh are subjected to is the consequence of artificially created
famine by the jotedars (wealthy peasants who formed a layer of social strata in the early 19th
century agrarian Bengal) under a feudal zamidar head. The exploitative feudal system that
extorts money from the poor farmers and endlessly makes them work under them to pay off
the loans that they had taken from the zamindars’ stands out as one of the major reasons for
Gofur’s suffering.
Gafur is only an example of many such poor peasants who were oppressed by calamities
that were actually manmade than natural. These poor peasants lived their life under the
burden of high debts that not only snatched away their peace of mind but also the humiliation
and pain that they are inflicted to. The oppressed life of the socially under privileged people
under exploitative feudal system forms the crux of Raju Das’s play Mahesh.
Gyanendra Pandey in his Subaltern Citizens mentions that differences in gender and
dominant classes are emphasised to construct subalternity. Thus “Men are not ‘different’; it is
women who are. Foreign colonisers are not ‘different’; the colonised are. Caste Hindus are
not ‘different’ in India, it is tribals and Dalits who are” (Pandey 34). In Mahesh Gafur is a
of his religious minority as well class. He is also a subaltern peasant compared to the rich
feudal landlord. It is his religion as well his class that decide his social position. The social
The margins of the village where the draught affected lands end is the mud house
of Gafur. The mud wall of the hut has fallen down, the interiors of the hut lay
bare opening onto the road and merges with the main road outside, the honour
and respect that symbolise the interior is compromised and lies open on the road.
(Das 16)
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Mahesh is a startling picture of the crippling effects of poverty, misery and
untouchability on the long suffering and socially excluded section of the society. Gafur’s
unbearable poverty coupled with his religious minority in the Hindu village doubles his
The discriminatory practices of a caste based stratified society in a feudal set up is best
captured through the miserable life of Gafur. The decision of Gafur, who is by religion a
Muslim, professing and practicing Islam, to have a shelter in a Hindu village, Kashipur, under
the control of Brahmin feudal landlord becomes one of the most significant reasons for his
pathetic plight. People of other religions are never treated at par with the Hindu peasants.
Gafur like many other ati shudras is regarded as untouchable and therefore, his touch, even
shadow is polluting. Hence, he is forced to have his residence at the outskirts of the village.
Full of detestation against the lowest of the lowest, Gafur, Tarakaratna warns him for his
maltreatment of the holy animal, “This in a Hindu village. The zaminder is a Hindu. Do you
remember that? ... you bastard do you know that if your bull dies, the landlord will punish
Coupled with Gafur’s religious minority, his decision to keep a bull for ploughing his
small agricultural plot, but inability to feed it because of his poverty adds to his wretched
condition. Though Gafur loves his pet bull, probably even little more than his daughter, yet
his inability to provide its share of food at proper time becomes a heinous crime that can
never avoid the eyes of the autocratic, Hindu zaminder and the equally exploitative men
under him. He accuses Gafur of torturing the bull and warns him of the consequences if the
bull dies of starvation. Therefore he advises Gafur to take money from the zamindar’s aid
fund as loan to feed the bull. However, when he asks some help from Tarkaratna as a loan to
feed his bull he completely refuses to give it as Gafur does not have the means to repay.
Instead, Tarkaratna, Zaminder’s confidante, out of anger, calls Gafur as an ‘atheist’ and
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‘savage’ and warns him for inflicting pain on the bull, a religious symbol associated with
Lord Shiva and gives him the ultimatum, “Take care of Mahesh. Don’t starve the innocent
Both cow and bull are considered sacred animals in the Hindu religious system. Besides
the utilitarian value of bulls in the field of agriculture, it is also revered for the principle of
(Parthasarathy). The activities of a bull that are driven by no desires to extract fruits of its toil
for itself also epitomises the culture of the country. According to Hinduism, a cow too is a
pious animal that is revered and worshipped. It is a symbol of the Earth, the nourisher, the
ever-giving, undemanding provider. It signifies the principle of selfless giving. Cow’s milk is
considered as heavenly potion and is consumed universally by all irrespective of their age,
gender, class, caste and religion. Veneration of the cow instils in Hindus the virtues of
gentleness, receptivity and connectedness with nature. In the Vedas, cows represent wealth
and joyous Earthly life. Both these animals that are known for their service and sacrifice
embody the culture of the country and there lies the significance of cow and bull.
(Parthasarathy)
establish the significance of cows and bulls over centuries. His argument defending the
significance of cows and bulls since the Vedic times is in the lines of the utilitarian value. He
says:
People in the Vedic period were primarily pastoral. They relied on the COW or
milk and dung. Cow dung is one of the main fuels in rural India And also served
as a fertilizer. Cow dung and cow urine is also thought to be a disinfectant among
ancient Indians and used to clean up home. Thus, cow provided the food fuel,
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Thus, cows and even bulls should never be killed in any type of sacrifice or slaughtered in
any way for food as the killing of cows constitutes the most heinous of all sins in existence.
Also, according to Hindu religious belief, cows should not be owned by one who is
unrighteous, by one who is sinful, by one who is untruthful in speech, and by one who is
the eye sore of the villagers including Tarkaratna and the landlord. His presence anyway is
unacceptable and owning a bull makes his position even more vulnerable. Hindu religion also
believes that cows should never be given unto those whose residence they are likely to suffer
from fire or sun. Cows should always be given away accompanied by their calves. (Swami
starving it in the parched land in the heat of summer days. He feels it is his responsibility to
rescue Mahesh from its abuser at the earliest and punish Gafur for his laxity in taking proper
care of Mahesh. The clever Brahmin, Tarakanath, by putting Gafur under the pressure of
committing an unpardonable sin in Hindu village, exploits his helplessness to take the bull in
his custody. His decision though motivated by his greediness, however, is not unacceptable in
a Hindu society. Rather, it is well defended by the Hindu Holy Scriptures that observes,
“Those cows which have been rescued from situations of distress or have been received from
humble farmers unable to continue to take care of them properly are considered to be most
Tarakaratna draws the inference that at least for the sake of religion Gafur should relinquish
Ironically, the man who really loves Mahesh is accused of torturing and even killing it
by keeping it away from its primary requirement, that is, a handful of fodder. The perpetual
silence to which subjugated people like Gafur are pushed to do not even allow them to defend
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their position and therefore, though Gafur tries to explain to the authorities that the reason
behind his failure to provide Mahesh with food and shelter, was his long sickness go unheard.
Rather he is warned for his audacity of trying to defend himself before the higher authorities.
The power politics of caste and religion that is embedded in the silencing of the
downtrodden is what Raju Das tries to focus in this play through the depiction of muted love
and interdependence of Gafur and Mahesh. Though Tarakaratna blames Gafur for ill treating
his Mahesh, he is very much aware of his unconditional love for Mahesh. Yet he turns a deaf
ear and blind eye to their mutual love and understanding only to fan his hurt religious
sentiment that a Muslim peasant should not even think of keeping a Hindu pious animal to
serve his life as a peasant. In order to prove the irresponsibility of Gafur towards his Mahesh,
the despotic Tarakaratna seizes Gafur’s plan of striking a deal with the village butcher as a
The politics of caste and religion becomes glaring when Tarakaratna tries to capitalise on
Gafur’s decision to handover Mahesh to a local butcher and deliberately misinterprets his
meek and benign decision of providing Mahesh a better caretaker who can provide him with
fodder as a malicious hidden agenda and exploits it further to uproot him from their Hindu
village. Tarakaratna’s words are pregnant with his intensions of capitalising religion to instill
fear in Gafur and exploit him as much as possible, “You bastard Muslim! You are secretly
trying to sell the bull to a Muslim butcher in a Hindu village? Do you know the consequences
However, Gafur’s social class, caste and religion make his position in the Hindu village
more vulnerable and victimise him in the land of Hindu Brahmin landlord. Though he tries
his best to explain his good intention, his pleadings go unheard. Instead the Hindu Zaminder
and his associates take advantage of his situation to subject him to mental and physical
torture to ultimately evict him from a predominantly Hindu village. The irony of religious
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discriminations that the guardians of religion delve into is that though the high caste Hindu
people try to maintain a distance from non Hindus and complain of their shadow as sinful
and beating him to death is completely pardonable and justified on the grounds of seeking
justice for an untouchable Hindu who defies religious ethos and domesticates a pious animal.
Caste discrimination that is completely based on the concepts of ‘purity’ and ‘pollution’
takes a more intensified picture as the villagers victimise Gafur and his daughter, Ameena,
for being untouchables in a Hindu village. So much so that when Gafur is badly gasping for
breath and Ameena strives to fetch some water for her almost dying father, the cruel,
inhuman upper caste men and women at the well keep her waiting because of her polluting
touch. Ameena is ordered to wait patiently at a distance till all of them finish fetching their
quota of water so that her polluting shadow does not pollute their life saving water. Ameena,
a meek, young girl, however, could show no resistance and followed their instructions
obediently. The cruelty and hard hearted inhuman nature of the villagers become more
appalling when in spite of seeing the girl almost fainting while waiting in the scorching sun,
did not feel pity for the girl. Ironically, when she manages to fetch water for her badly beaten
father, Gafur, their bull, attacks her with its horn, breaks the pitcher and spills the water to
Gafur’s predicament as a victim of his fate, religion and class is also a testimony of the
oppression that the exploitative feudal system breeds over its subjects. Raju Das’s bold
depiction of the cruel treatment of the untouchables by the upper castes also brings home the
chain effect of torture and humiliation that the oppressed are subjected to. Gafur who was
already a victim of injustice and cruelty of upper caste Zaminder’s men could not control his
rage over his Mahesh when he comes to know that Mahesh had attacked Amina to quench his
thirst for water. Out of uncontrollable rage he screams at Mahesh, “You unfaithful bull! You
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attacked my Amina to quench your thirst? Was it so unbearable?” (Das 23) and takes the
wooden plough in his hands and starts hitting Mahesh at his head. Unable to bear the pain, in
few minutes time Mahesh succumbs to death. An already existing victim of feudal
oppression, Gafur, in spite of his ability to empathise with the deplorable condition of
Mahesh, makes him the victim of his frustration, humiliation and rage. Mahesh’s death adds
another point to the list of charges that the Zamidar has enlisted against Gafur. His
uncontrollable rage digs his own grave and as a punishment for killing the pious animal he is
Through the case of Gafur, Sarat Chandra and later Raju Das present the unfortunate
peasants who are always mysteriously trapped in a vicious circle of inescapable and ever-
increasing debt, so much so that they do not even have the food to eat and to feed their pets.
People like Tarakaratna and the Zamindar who are in position of power in society depend
wholly on their subject, live a parasitic life; but in time of their need, nobody even pays pay
attention to them. Religion and caste become the reasons for cornering them.
Gofur is a victim of his religion, caste and class in a Hindu village under a Brahmin
feudal lord. According to Gopal Guru, “In Indian context, the ideology of purity-pollution
helps the socially dominant elite to reduce some human beings to the level of an animal”
(211). Hence, Gafur is ignored as a human and reduced to inhuman state of living; sometimes
even to that of things. His identity is at threat as people like him are not even addressed by
their names. Throughout the story, Gafur is called by different names like ‘scoundrel’, ‘ape’,
‘callous’ etc. Gafur’s pitiable condition is not of any concern for his oppressors, because his
existence is deliberately made invisible by the elite upper class people. Thus, even when the
emaciated Gafur, because of his prolonged sickness, fails to catch the attention of his
oppressors, the Holy animal of the Hindus, Mahesh, becomes a matter of prime concern.
Though the Hindu upper caste people in Shibu Babu’s village manage to show fake sympathy
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for Mahesh, they remain completely oblivious of Gafur’s wretched condition. The Hindu
zamindar and his consorts, in spite of being in a position to help Gafur by waiving off his
debt or reducing its rate, deliberately refrains from doing so. Rather he exploits illiterate and
poor people like Gofur for his convenience and selfish ends.and forces him to continue with
his debt. Ironically for a hypocite Brahmin like Tarakanath, the wretched condition of the bull
is more grave a concern than the miserable plight of the marginalized like Gafur. Instead he is
constantly reminded by Tarakaratna and very religious Manik Ghosh that he should take it as
Ameena too is the victim of religion, caste and class like her father. But in addition to it
she is the victim of her gender too. Her life as an untouchable Muslim girl is doubly
marginalized and she is prey to all forms of oppression both at home and in the society. In the
absence of her mother, as a girl child she is thrust with all the responsibilities of Gafur’s
household. Ameena is the victim of her father’s wrath and frustration as well. When after
returning from work, he finds no water and rice to eat, her body becomes the site for Gafur to
vent his frustration stemming from their poverty. He blames and beats her for not cooking
anything for him but immediately repents for his cruel behaviour towards his daughter.
In Gafur’s interaction with Ameena, Gafur unconsciously tries to assert his supremacy
over Ameena, though he is a subaltern in the village. Gafur represents what Connell calls the
hegemonic masculinity and it is reflected in the dominant position of men and the
subordination of women, and furthermore, the dominant position of certain men over other
men. Connell defines such marginalisation as “the relations between the masculinities in
dominant and subordinated classes or ethnic groups” (80-1). As a subaltern he is a kind and
loving father who blames himself as an inefficient father who failed to give the primary
requirements of food, clothing and shelter to his daughter Ameena and his ‘son’, Mahesh. But
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as a representative of hegemonic masculinity, the other facade of Gafur comes out in his ill
treatment of his daughter and later on even in killing his subordinate companion, Mahesh.
Ameena had been an indirect victim of gender discrimination by her mother as well.
Though Ameena was immensely loved by her mother, she had been the reason of her
mother’s depression and distress after her birth. Listening to their pet bird that continuously
assured Ameena’s mother that she would have a son, her birth brought failed to bring any joy
in her mother’s life. Though Ameena’s mother was well aware of her responsibilities as a
mother of Ameena and was never devoid of love and concern for the well being of her
daughter, yet the burden of a girl child along with their abject poverty introduced into her life
Such is the plight of the poor and untouchables in feudalistic caste conscious villages
that many a times these poor people like Gafur and his family would die out of hunger or
unavailability of medicines and care. Ameena’s mother was subjected to same apathetic
treatment by the society when she was suffering from ‘kalajaar’, an epidemic fever that
claimed many lives. She had not only failed to have treatment because of their utter poverty
but also had nothing to eat during her illness. Gafur’s helplessness and guilt for his failure to
support his wife during her last few days show how the farmers like Gafur had to survive.
Though he had a few small patches of land and a couple of cows as his property, yet he failed
to provide treatment to his wife for the sole reason that all his lands and cattle were
mortgaged with the zamindar to pay off his loans that he had taken from the Zamindar.
Oppression always gives birth to protestation. Both Gafur and Mahesh rebel against their
oppressor to protest against their exploitation. Gafur silently reacts to the inhuman ways of
the zaminder and his feudal system. For once, Gafur gathers all courage to break the silence
and protests against the punishment pronounced against him. Gafur’s retaliation to
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sincere courage and commitment of Gafur, a dalit, to assert his right to live in the village.
Gafur’s search of justice gives him the strength to bear inhuman lynching in the hands of the
feudal lord and his people but not to submit to their demand of leaving the Hindu village for
Even Mahesh stands against all those Hindu villagers who claim to revere and safeguard
it as a Holy animal. Mahesh rebels against the Zamindar’s pet, Manik Ghosh and all those
who in a famine struck Hindu village left not a single patch of land for it to graze. Mahesh as
a protest move forced itself into others’ cultivated lands and ate their vegetables and fruits to
satisfy its long unbearable hunger. Mahesh even gores Manik Ghosh for complaining against
him to Gafur. Like Gafur, his master, Mahesh not only boldly stands against his tormentors
but it even goes an extra mile to challenge its own master by attacking Amina with its horns
to quench its thirst. Through their combined efforts to show complete disapproval of their
inexplicable oppression and exploitation, Raju Das depicts an organised assertion of the
oppressed to mobilise themselves out of the vicious atmosphere of systematic and structured
inhuman treatment and abuse by the privileged sections of the society, what can be
The unfathomable suffering, mild resistance and even a slow rebel that is visible in the
play, however, do not give rise to the victory of the sufferers against their tormentors. Raju
Das does show that sometimes the burden of caste and religion is too heavy to find justice
and poor Gafur’s case is an apt example of the same. Therefore, the relentless fight of the
In the play Gafur and his Mahesh did fight boldly against the exploitative feudal system
yet one’s life, yet they lose in this perpetual game of power. Mahesh succumbing to his
injuries loses the battle by dying and Gafur accepts his defeat by leaving the village with his
daughter. But the pain with which he leaves the village at the dead of night can be understood
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through his loud scream and his last few words that he uttered addressing Allah, “Punish me
as much as you can- but remember,Mahesh died with his hunger and thirst. Not a tinniest bit
of land was left for him to graze. Pray, never forgive those, who denied Mahesh the grass to
eat, water to drink, which you provided for all on this earth” (Das 24).
Raju Das as a Dalit playwright definitely deals with Dalit concerns, their pathetic
situation and living conditions in their inhuman world. But it is the physical state of dalits
that he deals with. Mentally, his characters are far from being dalits. The greatness of his
characters lies in their self awareness as in Bani in Neel Selam and Alok in Surjo Tonoy, in
their desire to move out of their wretched condition as in Reema in Ragging and the relentless
fight against their lost self esteem and dignity of their existence is a universal presence in all
his characters.
Gafur as a dalit character transcends his physical and economical position as a dalit and
manifests his broad mindedness in accepting his greatest mistake of his life, unintended of
killing Mahesh, as a sin. As soon as he realises the heinous crime that he committed by
killing Mahesh, he accepts his sin. As an act of atonement he does not even take his
belongings that consisted of few utensils and household things that he had in his small hut.
Rather, repenting for his impulsive act that took away the life of his loving, Mahesh, he says:
Let us not take those household things as a penance for the crime I committed by
killing my Mahesh. (Turns back while walking out of their courtyard and breaks
down crying) he screams and cries out to Allah, Give me punishment as much as
you want. But my Mahesh has died with his thirst. All those who have always
resisted him from quenching his thirst let them be punished forever. Never
The playwright Raju Das through his spokesperson Gafur successfully depicts the horrendous
systemic oppression and humiliation that the socially under privileged go through in a society
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that is based on the social structures of caste, class and religion. Through the play Raju Das
also attempts to move the ignorant lot to challenge the feudal exploitative system that
becomes even more appalling when it follows caste and class discrimination.
Conclusion
The richness of Raju Das’s plays lies in his depiction of Dalit condition. Dalit
consciousness that is reflected in the above discussed play is the outcome of Raju Das’s lived
experience. As a victim of caste discrimination in a rigid Hindu society, the playwright, both
in his practical life as well as literary world, advocates resistance to discrimination as the key
to equality. His plays aim at creating self-assertion, self-respect and building Dalit
consciousness amongst all those who are reduced to a state of Dalit existence. His sole
motive of writing plays and dramatising them in the form of street plays is to create
awareness among those who over several decades had been the victims of caste
marginalization in the state and thereby accentuate a movement for the untouchables to get
Raju Das’s plays are not meant for the intelligentsia to be enjoyed in an air condition
auditorium. Rather they have emerged as vehicles that carry the message of the time; the
urgent need to come out of their subjugated selves and series of inequalities that inflicted
them to unbearable pain and humiliation and throw themselves against the Brahminical social
system that only survived by creating a divide in the society on the grounds of caste and
class. His characters, therefore, in this context, manifest their own frustration, disappointment
and even disgust at the treatment dispensed on them, but slowly and successfully their
awareness of their position help them to merge with pan Indian movement.
The wide range of the subjects in his plays successfully depicts humiliation in the lives
of his characters that take place in different forms, contexts and discourses. The tension
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between the private and the public that subjected the helpless characters to a life of
humiliation and pain can be traced back to the complex system of caste and gender
construction by the Brahmin patriarchal society. The scarred lives of his major characters,
like Alok, Bani, Alodebi, Reema and Neerupama act as a window through which the complex
Raju Das’s plays present caste as a constantly negotiated reality. His characters vibrate
with the enthusiasm for a new life, which they have realised through a series of insult,
humiliation and pain can be possible by ‘rejection of rejection’ (Gopal Guru 219). Raju Das
believes that the Dalits can ring in a new life through self respect and a strong moral courage
to stand up to an oppressor.
Self respect, according to Raju Das, like most of his other Dalit leaders and writers, can
be achieved through education. It is education that ultimately brings in the new light of
awareness and social inclusion. Therefore the need for education has received a special
importance in all his plays. The strong influence of the Namasudra movement led by Sri
Harichand Thakur and later on by his son Sri Guruchand Thakur that believed in education
Probably no other Dalit playwrights have so beautifully but strategically used the stage
to spread his words and mission. His stage serves a double purpose: it becomes a platform
from where he launches his protest against the ills inflected upon the social underdogs by
those who enjoy the hegemonic power, as well as a space where Dalit life can be duplicated
and recreated in its proper scope and depth. The theatre, therefore, in the hands of Raju Das
offer and legitimize new images of Dalit people in reaction to the stereotypes that still exist in
the Brahmin psyche and often been revitalized by the main stream dramatists.
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Chapter Four
The medium of theatre in the hands of one of the greatest playwright of contemporary
India, Mahesh Dattani, is the space that he devotes to manifest the cause of the marginalized
segments of Indian society like the victims of gender discrimination, sexually abused, same
sex love and even men who try to challenge the traditional gender roles. The dramatic canvas
of Mahesh Dattani is etched with social issues that are usually regarded as ‘closet’ themes.
Gender marginalization that forms the theme of the dramatic output of many contemporary
playwrights like Polie Sengupta (English), Gitanjali Shree (Hindi), Shanoli Mitra (Bengali)
has gained special form and shape in the hands of Dattani. His dramatic world that consists of
some of his major plays like Tara, Bravely Fought the Queen, Final Solutions, Dance Like a
Man, Where there is a Will, Do the Needful, A Muggy Night in Mumbai and Seven Steps
around the Fire, deals with gender discrimination, exploitation of women, subjugation of
men who challenge the normative gender roles and other closet issues like child sexual abuse
Gender as difference, gender as structure and gender as process are the three ways that gender
trend of gender in social context, ‘gender as structure’ refers to the way in which attitudes
towards men and women become institutionalized within societal structures. ‘Gender as
process’ refers to the patterns of interactions among men and women based on assumptions
about gender roles. Women are seen as nurturer the provider of emotional caretaking,
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whereas men provide economic support. This difference in gender roles are achieved through
ideological constructs that women are conditioned to accept, internalise and follow.
(1993), shows how the ideological constructs of Brahmanical patriarchy help to keep
women’s sexuality under control. The Stridharma (Duty of women) that constitute an integral
part of Brahmanical discourse defines the expected role of a woman as a daughter, wife and
stage for the next stage, i.e., wifehood. As a daughter, a girl is expected to be obedient to her
parents and other kinsmen and maintain her chastity till she is married and becomes a part of
her marital or conjugal family. As a wife, she is expected to devote herself to the service of
her husband and his family sincerely and without any complaints. As a mother the
expectations from her are doubled. She is expected to sacrifice her life for her children and
family; her children’s happiness is hers. In all these roles as a daughter, wife and mother, a
Shalini Shah, a well known social scientist, in On Gender, Wives and Pativratas (2012),
elaborated on the ideal of ‘pativrata’ that women internalised and ultimately locked
themselves in their role as a wife to a husband, serving him as her ‘Lord’. She also observes
that ideological constructs like ‘pativrata’ helped the patriarchal society to regulate the
of Stridharma that a woman as a daughter, wife and mother unconsciously becomes the
A woman’s role that from birth till her death is defined and regulated by the male
hegemonic power has its inception in Manav Dharma Shashtra. Manu, the architect of
Manav Dharma Shashtra states that women are inherently corrupt, malicious, and prone to
violation of code of conducts that might rob them off their honour. Therefore, he dictates that
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a woman should be under the control of men throughout her life, “Her father protects (her) in
childhood, her husband protects (her) in her youth, and her sons protect (her) in old age; a
In a Brahmanical patriarchal society like India, women are subjected to the control of
male hegemonic power. It is a life of subjugation and dependence that a woman lives in a
patriarchal society. Right from birth a woman is put in the mould of gender specific roles that
lock her in the shackles of slavery and subjugation. Gender discrimination and oppression,
that become a part and parcel of her life and take different shape and form with varying
intensity at different phases of her life, find a true representation in the plays of Mahesh
Dattani.
The patriarchal constructs of ideologies that easily subject women to a state of perpetual
subjugation and oppression are reflected in the women characters in Bravely Fought the
Queen, Final Solutions, Where There is a Will and Tara. However, Dattani does not only
show women as the ‘other’ in a patriarchal society subjected to verbal and physical abuse but
also engages in the depiction of the pitiable condition of men who do not conform to gender
specific roles as visible in Jairaj in Dance Like a Man and sexually deviant individuals like
the homosexuals and the hijras who are pushed to the margins of a hetero normative
patriarchal society.
Dattani chooses the space of a family to bring out the inhuman subjugation of women in
modern urban families. Most of the plays have family as their locale where gender specific
roles are fortified to maintain the gender difference. They are dealing with the stories or tales
of various families. The complicated dynamics of family set up that Dattani attempts to
present is best summarised in the observation drawn by a well known critic of Dattani, Bijay
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Mahesh Dattani frequently takes as his subject the complicated dynamics of the modern
urban family. His characters struggle for some kind of freedom and happiness
desire. Their dramas are played out on multi-level sets where exterior and interior
become one and geographical locations are collapsed-in short, his setting are as
The analysis of Dattani’s plays in this chapter is divided into four sections addressing the
various issues of marginalization. The first section of the chapter: Unsafe in Safe Haven
deals with the plays Tara, Final Solutions and 30 days in September focusing on the issues
like gender discrimination from the moment of birth, inequity and exploitation of girls in
their natal families. The second section of the chapter called Stunted Women:
practices and ideologies like streedharma are espoused, subtly and with coercion, to
subordinate and control women. In the plays in this section, like Bravely Fought the Queen,
Final Solutions, Where There is a Will and Tara a dominating presence of the patriarchal
hierarchy is evident that tries to confine the women to the domestic realm, subordinated to the
male authority in the household. The third section of the chapter titled as Man to Man:
Marginalization of the Modern Man interrogates the significance of gender specific roles
even for men and traces its importance to the four goals of human life. It investigates the
marginalization of men who either fail to carry out or challenge gender specific roles as
prescribed by the society or expected to be followed both by the society and their parents.
The young generation of men in Where There is a Will and Dance Like a Man are the victims
of their authoritative fathers. The last section of the chapter, titled as From Pride to
Prejudice deals with the predicament of individuals with alternate sexualities. This section
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gender is achieved in hetero normative society in spite of rich historical evidences of their
Home is the oft repeated arena of battle in his dramatic universe. The unrest eats up the
happy and joyous atmosphere of the family curbing the personal development in them. It is
observed that dattani’s plays are necessarily “embedded within the mechanisms of the middle
class Indian family and this is the context from which he operates” (Choudhuri 24).
Tara deals with the issue of gender discrimination and marginalization of the female
gender in an educated Gujarati Patel family. The play centres on Siamese twins, Tara and
Chandan, “conjoined from the chest down” (Dattani 331). Though Siamese twins is not such
a rare case in the history of medical science, but what is rarer in this case is that an educated
family engages in gender discrimination to provide a normal life to the male child. Bharati,
the twin’s mother, supported by her rich and influential father takes the decision to separate
the conjoined twins and give the joined leg to the son.
The medical reports, however, signalled the condition unfavourable for the operation as
the blood flow to the joined leg was from the daughter’s body and therefore would prove
more viable in the girl child, Tara’s body. However, Bharati was well aware that “Tara has
too many complications to be completely out of danger” (Dattani 356), she overtly shows her
preference for the male child over the daughter and welcomes the “complications” (Dattani
356) that were ‘expected” (Dattani 356). Consequently, the operated leg which proved
medically and physiologically unfit for the male child had to be amputated, leaving both the
children physically challenged. Bharati, an educated urban woman, by turning deaf ears to the
medical warnings and advice, sows the seeds of gender discrimination and inequity in the
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It is not only Bharati, Tara’s mother who decides on this discrimination, two other men
—Bharati’s father and Tara’s father— are equally responsible for such a devastating decision
that crippled Tara’s life forever. In spite of the knowledge that the operation is against the
laws of nature and medical science, Bharati’s father, in order to meet the demand of a boy in
a Gujrati Patel family, uses his social position and political influence to bribe and convince
Dr. Thakkar for manipulating the operation. However, the doctor too showed reluctance to
undertake the risky surgery. In fact he observed the operation on the twins as “unethical”
(Dattani 378) and warned about the grave consequences of the operation, saying, “there is a
risk giving both the legs to the boy” (Dattani 378) and “our greatest challenge would be to
keep the girl alive” (Dattani 376). But Bharati’s father manages to change the doctor’s stand
on the surgery and keeps the surgery as a lucrative deal by bribing him “three acres of prime
land in the heart of the city” (Dattani 378). Soon the “God-like” (Dattani 323) life saver, Dr.
Like Tara’s grandfather and Dr. Thakkar, her father also contributes, though silently, to
her sad suffering. In this crucial decision making process, though Mr. Patel was hardly
consulted, he owes quite a big responsibility for the consequences of the operation. His
manipulative silence about this life changing operation does speak volumes about his silent
support of the decision taken by Bharati and her father. His silence is not the silence showing
his incapability to take decisions rather it is a calculated move on his part to maintain silence,
to take his own sweet time to ponder on the options of operation so that by then the major
decisions are taken. Thus, gender discrimination that though seemed to be the brainchild of
Bharati, was well supported by two other male family members and the doctor.
name remains inextricably linked with its execution and consequences. Though preference
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for a male child might have been a wish of all the family members, it is Bharati who boldly
gives vent to her desire, discusses about it, arranges for the operation and materialises it to
give the male child a life that she dreams of, though unfortunately the male child too becomes
has borne both the foetuses, in spite of knowing the vulnerability of a girl child, decides to
favour a male child over a female one. It has been often observed that it is a woman who
takes up the role of the perpetuator of patriarchal values and engages in subjugation and
exploitation of other females. In the play Tara, Bharati steps into the shoes of this category of
women and perpetrates injustice against her own female child. Observing on this role of
plays comments:
That the injustice that is perpetuated by Tara’s own mother who professes to
belong to the more ‘liberal’ community, rather than the father, who actually
belongs to the more rigidly patriarchal social milieu, gives immense power to
Bharati’s decision of separating the Siamese twins and giving the leg to the boy child
marks the turning point in the lives of the twins. It initiates the sad story of gender
discrimination and the complex web of guilt and sufferings in which the mother, father and
both the children get entangled in their own ways. As the play depicts the age old practise of
gender discrimination in a patrilineal society that blindly prefers a male child over a female,
its roots can be traced to the fact that a male child is considered as the archetypal successor
According to Hindu beliefs, children are the result of one’s karma. A Hindu sees his
children as an incarnation of his ancestors and a blessing from God. The son has been the
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preferred choice for centuries because a son in Hindu family is considered to be the
vanshaudarak that means one who will save the family link and he will carry it and pass to
next generation through his male offspring. Altekar argues that gender discrimination
In ancient times, in all patriarchal societies, the birth of a girl gradually became
an unwelcome event. Almost everywhere the son was valued more than the
name of the father's family ... As he grew old, he offered valuable support to his
people either to defend itself or attack an enemy. The daughter, on the other hand,
A son also has exclusive powers to perform certain customs and rituals, as indicated by
the Vedas. Manusmriti emphasises the significance of a son in Chapter 3, verse 37 as, "The
son of a wife wedded according to Brahma rite, if he performs meritorious acts, liberates
from sin ten ancestors, ten descendents, and himself, as the twenty first" (qtd. in Buhler 82).
He further enjoins the importance ofhaving a son as follows: “Through a son he conquers the
world, through a son’s son, he obtains immortality but through his great grandson, he gains
the world of the sun. Because a son delivers his father from hell called ‘Put’. He was,
therefore, called ‘Put-tra’ (deliverer from ‘Put’) by the Self-existent (Swambhu) himself”
significance of protecting and showering love on a woman as she is the begetter of a son, the
one who carries with him the promise of continuity of the family in this world. The birth of
the son meant that he could continue the family offspring as well as was able to make the
offerings to the ancestors. Therefore, a male child’s significance lies in steering ahead the
vansh (family), helping parents attain moksha (salvation) and in performing the kapaal kriya
(breaking of the skull while being cremated) helps him attain a more significant position
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compared to a girl child. Thus it is the religious and cultural history that establishes the
Leela Dube in her seminal essay, “On the Construction of Gender of Hindu girls in
Patrilineal India” (1988), argues that religion and rituals play a significant role in constructing
the gender of a Hindu girl in a Brahmanical society (Dube WS 11-18). The right to some
specific rituals that conventionally a male child has an access to, like the last rites of a
deceased person, kapaal kriya (breaking of the skull while being cremated), undoubtedly
But her number of days in her natal family is limited, she is expected to be married, where
she takes up the image, role and responsibilities of Lakshmi for the rest of her life. The fact
that a daughter brings her own beauty and joy to her natal family, that she possesses a grace
that perhaps a son usually lacks, is completely undervalued. Her role as a daughter has
always remained insignificant. However, her function and obligations as a wife, daughter-in-
The image and position of women in patriarchal society had been always controversial.
However, if on one hand she is put up on the high pedestal as Lakshmi, Saraswati and Durga
and worshipped; she lives a life of unwanted and neglected being on the other hand. Actually,
from her birth, a girl child lives a gendered life and becomes the symbol of neglect and
rejection. This image of a girl as an object of unhappiness and rejection is often seen as curse
and therefore attempts are made to get rid off as soon as possible. This attitude is evident in
Roopa’s, curious remark on discriminatory practises of the Patels, “The Patels in the old days
were unhappy with getting girl babies-you know dowry and things like that-so they used to
drown them in milk...so when people asked about how the baby died, they could say that she
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Roopa’s acquired information on the typical tendencies of Patel families throws enough
light on gender discrimination practised by the Patels and many other such families and in a
way helps to justify Bharati’s inclination to favour a male child over a female one and
provide him with a normal life. However, such gender discrimination and atrocity towards a
girl child are not the stories of Tara, or of Patel families only. Such incidences are quite
common in patriarchal Hindu families across the Indian subcontinent. Therefore, Tara’s
predicament is not only hers. Rather, she is the representative of many other girls born in
middle class Indian patriarchal families driven by the desire for sons and reduces their
daughters to a life of deprivation and subjugation. Taking a note on the universal problem of
feminine gender, Pramod Singh observes, “Tara is not only a girl of our society but it is a
glimpse into the modern society which claims to be liberal and advanced in its thought and
action. But still in the world, the action confirms that male chauvinism prevails in the present
society” (118). G.J.V. Prasad too makes an observation on gender discrimination and the
predicament of its victims in a similar line. He states, “If the nation seems to have been
inserted by force here in this beginning of a reading of Mahesh Dattani’s Tara, then perhaps
one must point out that the play seems to stage a large part of our nation, particularly our
The operation of the Siamese twins symbolically lays bare the ultimate truth of gender
conscious society. Tara becomes prey not only of gender discrimination but also of a series of
medical complicacies and remains forever a physically challenged girl. Her gender coupled
with her physical disability makes her a doubly marginalized girl in an inhuman,
through the cold, cruel and indifferent attitude of her friends in school and in the
neighbourhood. This aspect of the society is depicted by Dattani through the character of
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Dattani artistically creates the character of Roopa as a representative of the apathetic
society that instead of being compassionate and tolerant towards physically handicapped
people like Tara irritate them and make their life miserable by putting some irrelevant queries
about their life. Roopa regards Tara and Chanda as ‘freak’ (Dattani 378) and shows awful
intolerance towards them and other such people. However, when society subjects people like
Tara to social oppression and humiliation, it also gifts them with the patience to either bear it
silently or an unparallel intelligence to return such criticism with light hearted jokes. Thus,
Tara defends herself against Roopa’s cruel joke on her with an outburst to Roopa that she
would “sooner be one eyed , one armed and one legged than an imbecile with uneven tits”
(Dattani 369).
Tara, as a doubly marginalised girl lives a life of loneliness without any compassionate
company. Though she has adapted loneliness as a part of her life yet this makes Bharati quite
uncomfortable. Post operation as she realises her mistake and tries to shower on Tara the
happiness of a normal life, she strives to bring her daughter’s social life at par with other
children of her age. It suffocates her to see girls of Tara’s age teasig her or refusing to
befriend her. Bharati, leaves no stone unturned to give Tara some friends. Thus, she begs and
pleads, coaxes and cajoles them, even bribes them with books, lipsticks to be friends with her
daughter. Bharati’s anxiousness and helplessness is evident when she begs and requests
Roopa “be my Tara’s friend” (Dattani 341). However, when girls of Tara’s age show
indifference to her efforts, she becomes angry and demands assurance from them that they
will not ditch her or her daughter. The below given conversation between Bharati and Roopa
successfully brings out her insecurity and consequent pressure that she puts on her to get her
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BHARATI (hissing): Promise me now! (Dattani 341)
person who initiated gender discrimination, shows her anxiety over Tara’s womanhood.
Bharati exemplifies all those mothers who are the greatest custodian of patriarchal beliefs and
expectations but at the same time are torn apart by the consequences of gender
discrimination. She is quite aware of the ugly form that gender discrimination takes with
growing age, especially of handicapped girls like Tara. Her maturity and experience as a
woman in a patriarchal society also enables her to understand that her present condition of
being subjected to other’s criticism and indifference is nothing compared to her position at a
more mature, marriageable age. The reality and her sense of fear on the insecure world which
It’s all right while she is young. It’s every cute and comfortable when she makes
witty remarks. But let her grow up. Yes, Chandan. The world will tolerate you.
The world will accept you----but her! Oh, the pain she is going to feel when she
sees herself at eighteen or twenty. Thirty is unthinkable. And what about forty
The incident of her childhood that leaves Tara physically crippled gradually stunts her
emotional and intellectual abilities. It results in emotional draining of the bright, little chirpy
child and gives birth to a germ of hatred for everything in her. She remains antagonistic to the
world around her and confines herself in her close knit family consisting of her father, mother
and her twin, Chandan. In her physically handicapped condition, Tara’s yearning for a
company who can match her emotional quotient and understand her emotional and
intellectual needs remains forever unfulfilled. Her desire to go out and venture into the world,
to see it, experience it and experiment with it proved almost impossible. The emptiness of her
life and the series of unfulfilled desires that become the essence of her life often surface in
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her interaction with her brother, probably the only one with whom she shared her feelings.
Her desire for a normal life that was denied by her mother and then by her father as well is
TARA: I would wish for both…I would wish for two of them.
Tara’s words echo the unfulfilled desires with which a woman lives and dies. Thus the
prevalent gender discrimination in a patriarchal society smothers Tara’s desires for two legs
and by none but her own mother. The fate of two women that have been depicted by the
playwright in this play does emphasise on the fact that it is not only the patriarchal society
The hope of light in Tara’s life that is stolen by her own mother pushes Tara to a bleak
dark morose world, where nothing but suffering is the only return. This darkness is even
more aggravated by her father, who chooses to shower his favours onto his son only,
relegating Tara into a dark world that is deprived of education, public life and happiness and
satisfaction.
If it is the mother who favours the boy child by giving him the third leg post operation, it
is the father who abstains from giving all those opportunities and facilities that would make
Tara’s life happy in spite of her physical disabilities. Though Mr. Patel realises Tara’s
unparallel intellectual capacities, her smartness and wit to survive in the harsh, hostile world
that is otherwise indifferent to females and especially the handicapped ones, he does not
The gender discrimination practised by Mr. Patel is evident in his partial treatment of his
children and the way he strongly advocates specific gender roles at home. He has big dreams
for his son’s intellectual development and therefore he wants him to provide a proper
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ambience that would facilitate Chandan’s development into a responsible man with a
prestigious social position. His association with his mother and sister is a big concern for his
father. He is scared that Chandan would turn into a ‘sissy’ (Dattani 351) in the company of
his sister and mother at home. He hates Chandan’s love for domestic chores and finds Bharati
responsible for pampering such aberrant interests in Chandan. He strongly disapproves of his
son’s engagement in domestic work and yells at his wife for her callousness, “But you
can think of turning him into a sissy – teaching him to knit! … I am disappointed in you.
From now on you are coming to the office with me. I can’t see you rotting at home” (Dattani
351).
Leela Dube in “On the Construction of Gender of Hindu Girls in Patrilineal India”
(1988) observes that there is a gendered division in the opportunities of education, labour and
families. While in a girl values of service to others are inculcated, in boys they are
conditioned to a life outside the home, to become a future bread winner (11-13). However,
this is not restricted to Indian context; rather has a universal appeal. Simon de Beauvoir
argues “One is not born, but rather becomes, woman” (283). She claims that one is not born
but rather becomes a woman- females become women through a process whereby they
acquire feminine traits and learn feminine behaviour. Masculinity and femininity of an
individual is a product of his or hers bringing up. The society and the family play an
Mr. Patel, in his eagerness to give Chandan a better life neglects Tara, the one who is
actually endowed with brilliance and intelligence to hold a position of repute. The gender
discrimination that Mr. Patel practices in providing Tara and Chandan with opportunities for
life is best expressed in Tara’s words, “The men in the house were deciding on whether they
were going hunting while the women looked after the cave” (Dattani 328). The society and
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the family play an important role in making an individual a male or a female. In the play,
Tara, it is Mr. Patel who plays a significant role in designing the future of Tara as a female,
the four walls of the house. Thus, even though Chanda finds it pretty comfortable to help his
mother and sister in domestic chores but Mr Patel finds it ‘disappointing’ (Dattani 351) and
decides, “From now on you are coming with me to the office” (Dattani 351). However, he is
least bothered with Tara’s life confined within the four walls of home.
By relegating Tara to domestic responsibilities, Mr. Patel not only refuses to give her the
opportunity of putting her intelligence to a constructive use, but also indirectly subjects her to
oppressive powers of the patriarchy. Mr. Patel actually uses domesticity, what according to
Betty Friedman, is the main vehicle of gender oppression (Friedman 219). Tara, who is a very
intelligent and sharp girl very well, understands her father’s objective in neglecting her
intellectual attributes. Though she wants to fight this oppression, her physical handicapped
state does not allow her to challenge her father’s rigid perspective on gender roles. Her
disappointment and disgust on the patriarchal society is evident in her satirical remark, “The
men in the house were deciding on whether they were going hunting while the women looked
after the cave” (Dattani 328). Tara’s sarcastic statement highlights the plight of women over
the ages.
Women since pre historic times are presumed to be suitable for the domestic domain
only. With changing scenario from a matriarchal society to patriarchal one, women’s role
also had undergone a sea change from labourers in the agricultural fields to domestic
labourers. Though all the roles played by women are of utmost significance, they had been
deliberately kept unappreciated only to keep them subjugated and dependent on males of a
patriarchal society. Mr. Patel, reiterates the same ideology by pushing Tara into domestic
chores in spite of knowing her unparallel intellectual capacity. If it is Bharati who initiated
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gender discrimination in her family, it is Mr. Patel who gets actively involved in maintaining
this difference and constructs a specific gender role for Tara by confining her within the four
walls of their house, much against her brother whose world, as defined by Mr. Patel, consists
The consequence of such cultural construction of gender preference is to make space and
scope of developing a feeling of resentment against the society, as is seen in the case of Tara.
The incident of her childhood that leaves her crippled, though she is unaware of it, gives birth
to hatred in her. She remains antagonistic to the world around her and confines herself in her
close knit family consisting of her father, mother and her twin, Chandan. She too wants to see
her life complete as any other normal girl of her age and her secret longing for two legs is
TARA: I would wish for both…I would wish for two of them. CHANDAN: Two
Jaipur Legs? TARA: No, silly, the real ones. (Dattani 362)
Tara’s words echo the unfulfilled desires with which a woman lives and dies. The darkness to
which Tara is pushed by her own parents and also obliquely by the society is best
summarised in Dan’s words, “She never got a fair deal. Not even from nature. Neither of us
did. May be God never wanted us separated. Destiny desires strange things---But even God
does not always get what he wants. Conflict is the crux of life” (Dattani 330).
Gender discrimination and exploitation of one gender for the benefit of the other that
forms the crux of Tara, is also visible in Dattani’s another very successful play, 30 Days in
September. In this play gender exploitation takes even more vulgar form of child sexual
abuse in the set up of family. Both the plays depict child abuse and exploitation in the safe
haven of their homes by their family members yet they are different in the way they are made
silent victims of gender exploitation. The social construction of two distinct spaces, the
private and the public, the former exclusively for women and the latter for men accounts for
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gender discrimination and violence within the safe haven of family. Hence, the family space,
the very site where gender construction takes its birth becomes, in the words of Ahmed and
Ghosh, “breeding ground of violence” (94-118). Both Tara and 30 Days in September reflect
the dynamics of gender exploitation of two innocent girls within the space of their respective
families.
A significant feature of a patriarchal society that gives men an immense power over
women, both at the domestic space as well as public space, is its control on women’s
sexuality. A girl from birth is expected to be kept under the control of a male person.
women on male that is often exploited as per the convenience of a patriarchal society to
perpetuate gender discrimination and oppression. If it is in the custody of males that women’s
security and honour lies safe, then it is the first and foremost duty of the chauvinist males to
protect the honour and dignity of women. However, the irony of a male dominated society is
that men turn out to be the first violator of women’s dignity and honour.
Having been placed at the most advantageous position by religion and the patriarchal
society, men take advantage of their role as ‘guardian and protector of women’. Coupled with
this is women’s blind belief on men as their protectors and providers that complicate the
September, it is her uncle Vinay, since her father and mother’s separation, is her as well as
her mother’s guardian. He is their male support and provides financial assistance as well.
This role of uncle Vinay as a financial supporter of his sister and niece coupled with his
patriarchal responsibility of controlling the sexuality of women in the family, gives him an
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A woman in a patriarchal society is expected to be a chaste woman. Chastity of a woman
is considered as her merit. Also closely linked with her chaste image is her responsibility to
maintain the purity of her caste, class or group. A woman who violates this is subjected to
punishment. Though married woman for this purpose are rigorously controlled, unmarried
women are not an exception. Yet, the punishment of unmarried women on violation of moral
codes is relatively flexible. However, in both the cases women are considered responsible for
in a patriarchal society to maintain the conventional image of a chaste woman. Chastity and
virginity are the two essential virtues that define the character of a woman. Closely linked
with these two virtues in a woman is her responsibility in maintaining family reputation. A
woman’s chaste character and family reputation are the two driving forces that emerge as the
main determinants of the actions of Shanta and Vinay and ultimately silence both the women.
Uncle Vinay takes multiple advantages of the two women and successfully continues to
sexually abuse Mala. Apart from his significant role as a provider for her sister’s family,
Vinay takes the advantage of his superior position as a male on one hand and on the other
hand exploits Mala’s innocence as well as Shanta’s fear that Mala should not violate the
conventional image of a chaste woman. Shanta, the custodian of patriarchal norms and
values, in spite of knowing the horrible truth of sexual exploitation of her daughter maintains
It is difficult for an innocent teenage girl like Mala to comprehend the intricacies of her
uncle Vinay’s actions. The lovely relation of an uncle and niece is browbeaten by her uncle
and gradually she falls prey to her uncle’s paedophilic nature. In order to take the young child
Mala in his confidence before exploiting her, Vinay resorts to bribing, coaxing and cajoling.
As a first step towards conditioning Mala to his exploitative ways, he manages to build in her
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a sense of inferiority complex, “Nobody will tell you how ugly you are...but you are good
only for this...only for this” (Dattani 44). He also instils in her a feeling of being wanted, to
be loved so that he can continue sexually assaulting her. Sometimes he would force her into
Uncle Vinay’s calculative measures build in Mala a sense of self detestation, she loses
integrity, becomes totally confused of her state and fails to make any efforts to trace back to a
healthy and happy life. Gradually he forces Mala to accept complete submission to his
paedophilic tendencies and manages her to surrender by the combined influence of sweet talk
and coercion, “You like it! You enjoy it! After four years you have become a whore! At
Uncle Vinay subjects Mala to a series of sexual abuses that damage her childhood days
with scary and bitter memories so much so that gradually she loses her confidence and starts
believing on herself as a whore. To reduce her state to a professional sex worker, he even
recommends her name to other men and expects her to keep herself available to them. Thus
when Mala’s father’s nephew, i.e. her cousin visited them he made advances towards her
using uncle, “Your uncle Vinay has given me your reference” (Dattani 28)! The uncle in the
name of giving financial security to Mala and her mother gradually turns their safe haven into
a space where she becomes the victim of continuous sexual abuse and incest.
V. Geeta in her famous work, Gender, argues that a man’s superior positions in a family
set up give them an upper hand to exploit women. She observes, “Men tend to control and
regulate the sexuality of those women who are within the familial network, while remaining
appreciative and lustful of female promiscuity directed at them from outside the family”
(133). In this context Uncle Vinay’s superior power positions reduces Mala to a sex object
that not only gives rise to physical pain but also mental trauma in her. The dark shadow of
unequal power relations that leads to Mala’s oppressed state of existence becomes more
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dominant in the absence of any one to pull her out of the vicious exploitation inside the four
walls of her house. She becomes a vessel in which all the terrible memories of sexual
violence are stored and leads to far reaching effects on her psyche. She becomes a victim of
emotional, moral and spiritual crisis. Her childhood experiences even changed her perception
of family and society. She develops a cynical attitude towards human relations and familial
relationships, like the ones between mother and daughter and with other male members of the
family.
Mala’s childhood experiences of sexual abuses affect her adult life too. As a result of
such regular sexual abuse in her childhood she turns into an embittered and hardened adult.
She is traumatised by the haunted memories of her molestation so badly that she even fails to
develop and nurture any kind of relation with any man in her life thereafter. Because of her
emotional imbalance she resorts to unnatural things like seeking attention of strangers and
telling lies just to evade the truth that constantly disturbs her life. Mala develops and
manifests a strong and unnatural desire for being loved. Though she manages to fall in love
with men of her age and older to her, yet she fails to develop their relation and voluntarily
distances herself from men immediately after thirty days of friendship and love. Her sexual
dysfunctional tendencies are evident when she admits at the therapeutic centre, “In fact I like
it best when I can time it so it lasts for thirty days. I even mark it on my calendar. After that, I
have to-move on, if you know what I mean...well it means no longer satisfying to me”
(Dattani 18).
The distressing memories of child sexual abuse also lower her esteem level and leave her
disoriented. As a result she fails to accept appreciation and justifies that she is not worth of
anything good. Also because of social marginalization, she keeps silent and distances herself
from the appreciator as it happened in the case with Deepak. Thus, when Deepak appreciating
her, observes that he has never met any other woman as intelligent, sensitive and dynamic as
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her, she stares at him, and with a blank look says, “I have something to tell you. It is over. I
don’t want to continue with our relation” (Dattani 14). It is the fear of being attractive and
consequently falling in love and end up in another sexually abusive relation that thwarts Mala
from receiving appreciation and continuing with any long term affair. The disgust and angst
that she develops against the male-dominated society is evident in her resistance towards
MALA: ... It won’t work between us. DEEPAK: For God’s sake give me a
For your own sake. MALA: For your own sake forget me. SHANTA: Go,
Mala. Just go with him. MALA: You know I can’t! DEEPAK: Why not? MALA:
(Dattani 54)
exploitation changes the matrices of her life in such a way that in contrary to her tendency of
bringing an end to her affair with Deepak, she also shows a strong tendency of attracting
strangers and asking for favours. She does not even spare married men to entrap in her
seductive ways. This trait of hers is visible as she goes up to the man she met in the
restaurant, requests him to dance with her and then shamelessly makes sexual advances to the
man, “Take me to your room with you” (Dattani 21) and insists, “Do whatever you want with
me, but take me with you now” (Dattani 21). The moral compass of her life had turned so
badly upside down that she starts believing in the need of physical intimacy with other men
for her survival and manifests combined emotions of comfort and fear in their presence.
Uncle Vinay destroys the most precious years of Mala. The formative years of her life
are blackened with the scary experiences of sexual abuse at home. She develops psychosis
because of such sexual and emotional violence. The fear of getting molested by her uncle
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makes her restless and ruins her childhood and adulthood as well. Susan Brownmiller in her
classic early feminist work on rape and incest states that early on in human history, "rape
became man's basic weapon of force against woman" and ultimately proved "triumph of
manhood" (21). Furthermore, she argues that from prehistoric times to the present, "rape has
played a critical function. It is nothing more or less than a conscious process by which all
men keep all women in a state of fear" (Brownmiller 22). It is this state of fear that forces
Mala and Shanta silently accept the wrong doings of Vinay at the cost of their emotional,
The image of uncle keeps haunting Mala even in her adulthood. She is disturbed by his
scary sexual advances even in his absence in public places and also when she is with her boy
friend, Deepak. The consequences of such fear, as Brownmiller puts, is that Uncle Vinay
successfully imposes his superior authority and powers on his victim and subjugates her for
years. Therefore, when Deepak, unlike other men in her life who have only betrayed her, tries
to help her to come out of that stressful emotional condition and restore confidence and self
worth in her, she is haunted by the dark shadows of her uncle. The ruthless exploiter uncle
and the all pervasive experiences of sexual abuse associated with him haunt her with the most
Man. Shhh! Don’t cry… This is your seventh birthday, no? You are seven now.
Ready for a real birthday present. Lie down. Come on, quietly...hold your frock
up. Up over your face! Shut up!... If they hear you they will say you are a
bad girl. This is our secret…You like it. You enjoy it. After four years, you have
By invading the mind of Mala and pushing both the mother and daughter to perpetual silence,
Vinay proves his superiority over the women, Shanta and Mala. The two women living in a
state of constant fear or psychosis brings a victory for Vinay who successfully establishes his
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male supremacy over these women. A similar concern is reflected by Polie Sengupta in her
play Mangalam, where the playwright attempting to give poetic touch to patriarchal
domination writes, “In a woman’s mind, small is significant/ The life is made up of threads/
When a man knows this, her fragile its secret/ He holds the power to tear it to shreds” (107).
character and to be dutiful to the family and society. This in a way enforces on women to
maintain complete silence in spite of injustice and ill treatment. Accordingly, Mala and
Shanta become puppets in the hands of the male patriarch of the family, Vinay. Shanta’s
social conditioning forces her to internalise women as sinners and manipulators, thus, instead
of raising voice against her daughter’s abuser, she accuses her of her tendencies of making
sexual advances to her cousins as well as strangers, “I have seen it with my own eyes. You
enjoyed it. You were an average child but you had my brother and your cousins dancing
Dattani draws the character of Shanta as the epitome of patriarchal values. Mala’s
mother perceives Mala as the agent of her sexual abuse and therefore, she has become the
symbol of a sinful woman, no more chaste and pure as a woman is expected to be. Chastity of
a woman is her greatest asset. Closely associated with the chaste woman is the family
reputation and honour. Thus, Shanta in order to portray her daughter as a chaste woman as
well as to protect the honour and reputation of her family prefers to maintain silence instead
expectations and refuses to protest against her daughter’s sexual abuse and give her
protection, Mala becomes a lone fighter in her battle against this gross violation of her sexual
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I am not talking about a bad dream! I am talking about the time when Uncle
Vinay would molest me. When I was seven. Then eight. Nine. Ten. Every
vacation when we went to visit him or when he came to stay with us. You were
Rejected and silenced by her own mother, sexually abused and helpless Mala finds no
other option but to force herself into a silence that kills her integrity of character. As a
battered soul, post sexual assault, whenever Mala goes to her mother for help, she fails to
have the comforting presence of her mother as a patient listener of her sad and unfortunate
experience. Her mother’s insensitivity to her pain gradually crumples her moral integrity and
affects the sacred relation of a mother and daughter. Accusing her mother, Mala points out
Oh yes, you would remember that I always like alu parathas because that’s what I
got whenever I came to you, hurt and crying. Instead of listening to what I had to
say, you stuffed me with food. I couldn’t speak because I was being fed all the
time, and you know what? I began to like them. I thought that was the cure for
my pain. That if I ate till I was stuffed, the pain would go away. Every time I
came to you mummy, you were ready with something to feed me. You knew.
Otherwise you wouldn’t have been so prepared. You knew all along that was
Mala’s embittered state also results in her loss of faith on God and His divine
intervention in human lives to protect the humanity from the jaws of the monsters.
Denouncing the supernatural powers of God, she demands from her mother an explanation of
her failure to perform the role of a mother, “No don’t look at your God, look at me, look me
in the eye and tell me—‘yes, that is all that you are talking about” (Dattani 225). Rather than
blindly welcoming her mother’s concern for her, Mala pushes her mother to accept her
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silence and forces her to explain the reasons for her stoic silence. As Shanta breaks her
silence confessing to her daughter the reason behind being what her husband would say ‘a
frozen woman’ (Dattani 36), she cries out, “Yes. Yes! I only remained silent ... I remained
silent not because I wanted to, but I didn’t know how to speak ... My tongue was cut off years
ago ... How could I save her when I could not save Myself? ... (Dattani 54). Gradually she
I was six, Mala. I was six. And he was thirteen ... and it wasn’t only summer
holidays. For ten years! For ten years!! (Pointing to the picture of God) I looked
to Him. I didn’t feel anything. I didn’t feel pain, I didn’t feel pleasure. I lost
myself in Him. He helped me. By taking away all feelings. No pain no pleasure,
only silence. Silence means Shanti. Shanti. But my tongue is cut off. No. No. It
just fell off somewhere. I didn’t use it, no. I cannot shout for help, I cannot say
words of comfort, I cannot even speak about it. No, I can’t. I am dumb. (Dattani
55)
Shanta’s outburst is a testimony to her forced silence to which she was subjected in her
childhood. The consequences of it damaged her marital life too. Both Shanta and her
daughter failed to develop trust on men and hence they could never develop any relation with
any man. Shanta, though married, had a loveless cold relation with her husband. According to
Asha Kuthari Chaudhuri, an eminent critic on Dattani, it is family that is the epicentre of
women exploitation and she observes, “Child sexual abuse spans a range of problems, but it
is this complicity of the family through silence and a lack of protest that is the ultimate
truth of her mother’s silence dawns upon Mala, she tries to mend the misunderstandings that
they have developed. She regrets for accusing her mother and seeks forgiveness, “While I
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accused you of not recognizing my pain, you never felt any anger at me for not recognizing
yours. We were both struggling to survive but – I never acknowledge your struggle ... It’s not
your fault, mother. Just as it wasn’t my fault” (Dattani 58) and they unite together to take off
the mask of Vinay who in the name of their guardian and financial supporter took the
advantage of their situation and continued committing the heinous crime of incest.
Though many critics believe that a woman’s emancipation lies in them; to break free
from their shackles of oppression and exploitation, it is women who have to take cudgels
against age old malpractices of stigmatizing the victims and pushing them into a dead shell
only to hide the guilt of their perpetrators’ violence. 30 Days in September proves that though
victims of gender exploitation are aware of their vulnerability, they are so badly handcuffed
by their situations that often they cannot even dare to raise their voice against their abusers.
In this context it is worth mentioning a critic on Polie Sengupta’s plays, Anita Singh’s
observation on her plays, “Instead of hiding the dirty linens, women have to book the
perpetrators of these crimes, because unless they fight their own battles, nobody is going to
do it for them” (12). Such an opinion is equally applicable for Dattani’s 30 Days in
September. Contrary to this observation is Shanta’s voluntary silence towards her daughter’s
sexual violence. Her silence speaks of the ways that a patriarchal society and its state
30 Days in September is actually based on the premises of kinship contract and sexual
contract that are of significant influence in a patriarchal society. The play is an apt example
of how gender and kinship are arranged and interlinked in a patriarchal society, deciding the
actions of men and women and giving rise to unequal distribution of power. Kinship contract,
V. Geetha states, “grants men authority and power in familial and extended kin relationships”
(116) and thus “acquires public sanction” (Geetha 116). The significance of kinship contract
on women in patriarchal society is immense, so much so that they prioritise kin arrangements
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and familial relationships over their own democratic rights. Shanta’s passive silence can be
Though it might be argued that because her brother was her primary financial provider
that she did not want to raise voice against him or protest against his actions, but actually it is
the contract of kinship that influences and determines her actions. Shanta is also conditioned
by patriarchal rituals and customs that sanctify a brother’s position in a sister’s life as
protector and provider. The ceremonial observation of the rituals during the festival of
Rakhshabandhan codifies the role and responsibility of a brother in a sister’s life, even after
her marriage. Though Vinay clearly and shamelessly flouts the religious significance attached
to the brother-sister bond of love, Shanta is so conditioned to such patriarchal and ritual
significance of brother’s position in family and sister’s life that she resists herself from
Closely associated with kinship contact is sexual contact in a patriarchal society that too
plays a vital role in 30 Days in September. While discussing the influence of sexual contract
in the patriarchal society like India, V. Geetha opines that the “sexual contract is most vividly
present in the social value placed on women’s fertility on the one hand and on the unmarried
woman’s virginity on the other” (117). Though for the violation of a woman’s virginity by
coercion a man should be punishable, under the contract of kinship and sexuality this is
grossly ignored and a woman is always accused. Rather, in the discourse of sexual contract it
As Geetha puts it, “sexual assault is seldom viewed as a violation of a woman’s being and
integrity. Instead it is consistently linked to her chastity, rather her virginal or non virginal
status” (118).
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Even legal actions against sexual abuse is coloured by moral attitude towards women.
Since implicit in such assumptions is a woman’s character rather than the actions of the
abuser, it is understood that a ‘good woman’ would try to resist from being a victim of sexual
violation unlike a ‘bad woman’ who would be a party to it. Thus, quite aware of how sexual
abuse and its victim are perceived in a patriarchal society, Shanta prefers to hide the dirty
Kanya, kumari, putri and duhitr are few terms that are used for unmarried girls. The term
‘kanya’ specifically is used for daughters, usually for young and unmarried ones. Kumari is
used to denote virgin girls between the age of ten and twelve, a maiden, and a daughter. The
term kanya emphasises the chief concerns of a girl’s virginity, youth and marriage. Thus
Shanta’s silence can be interpreted as a deliberate strategy to save the image of her unmarried
and young daughter as well as the honour of her family. Virginity of an unmarried daughter is
considered to be her asset. Loss of her virginity makes a girl vulnerable in a society that
regards virginity as the greatest gift during marriage. Since, a girl who has lost her virginity
before marriage is considered not an ideal woman, Shanta tries to silence Mala of her sexual
abuse so that she is not marked and rejected as a woman who has failed to observe her
play, Final Solutions. Aruna, the mother of a young college girl, Smita is the prototype of a
typical mother who loves to live and mould the life of others around her by the set social
standards. She is obsessed with religious observations at home and puts in her best efforts to
mould her daughter as an ideal woman who as a matured woman can realise the significance
of religion and appreciate its value in nurturing a family. Aruna tries to instil in her the
religious values that a woman as the home maker should possess and pass it to further
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generations. However, Smita is a young girl who does not conform to religious beliefs and
rituals and challenges the significance of religious rituals in daily life. Evident in Aruna’s
chastisement of her daughter who challenges the idea of an ideal girl conforming to the
religious rituals, is her anxiousness that Smita as a young married woman would fail to carry
out the stridharma of a married woman. Hence, inside the four walls of their household,
Aruna, the second generation woman of the Patel family, tries to control her daughter,
Smita’s sexuality by compelling her to observe religious rituals and thereby tame her nature
and make it apt for her future role as a wife and mother.
Explicit in this is Aruna’s efforts to make Smita conform to the ideals of Stridharma and
become a perfect woman, carrying efficiently the role of a mother. However, implicit in this
is her fear that if Smita’s independence is not bridled at the right time, she might fail to
become an ideal woman. Susan Sered in her insightful essay, Woman as Symbol and Women
as Agents (1999), makes a distinction between ‘women as agents’ and ‘women as symbols’.
According to her, the difference between the two lies as, “Women as agents can demand
rights, enter negotiations, and protest unfair treatment...The second set of issues centres on
Woman—a symbolic construct conflate gender, sex and sexuality, and comprises of allegory,
In Final Solutions, Aruna, the mother, perceives Smita as woman as agent, potent
enough to threaten, divert and challenge Hindu religious rituals and practices. She sees in her
the threatening agent that tries to dissolve the margin that distinguishes two different
religions; Hinduism and Islam. Therefore, Aruna tries to enforce on her the idealised image
of a girl who has deep roots in Hindu sanskaras (practices). Leela Dube has emphasised the
significance of ritual observation in Hindu families that help in the construction of gender in
Hindu girls. Aruna by enforcing Smita to observe religious rituals endeavours to convert
Smita from the image of ‘women as agent’ to the image of ‘women as symbol’. In addition,
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ideal motherhood is looked up with reverence woman’s success as an ideal mother measures
her social status. Aruna believes that if Smita has a good acculturation of religious values and
is able to pass it on to her children; she will be successful in her dharma as a woman.
The stifling conditions in which a Hindu girl grows up in a Brahmanical society is best
Don’t please, mummy, don’t try so hard! You are breaking me. Ever since I was
small you have been at me to go to the temple, make garlands, listen to you
reading from the Gita. I love you, mummy, that’s why I did that. I listened to you
and I obeyed you. I tolerated your prejudices only because you are my mother.
May be I should have told you earlier, but I’m telling you now, I can’t bear it!
II
The streedharma of a young girl that teaches her ideals of sacrifice and servitude from a
very tender age takes a more serious turn in her adulthood as a wife, daughter-in-law and
mother. Marriage as a social institution is regarded as the most significant way to socialise
women and control female sexuality by restricting them to a central domain, domesticity.
Wifehood and motherhood are the two phases that dictate the life of a woman post marriage.
inculcates in them wifely values like chastity, submissiveness and complete devotion to her
husband. This section attempts to explore how the ideological constructs of stridharma and
pativratadharma are enforced both implicitly as well as explicitly with coercion on women to
keep them under patriarchal control even in urban educated families in the plays like Bravely
Fought the Queen, Final Solutions, Where There’s a Will, Tara and Dance Like a Man.
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The institution of marriage has an unparallel significance in human civilization.
According to Manu marriage is a girl's upanyana (thread ceremony that initiates a man into
the study of the Vedas). In Chapter II, verse 67, of Manusmriti Manu decrees, “The nuptial
ceremony is stated to be the Vedic sacrament for women (and to be equal to the initiation),
serving the husband (equivalent to) the residence in (the house of the) teacher, and the
household duties (the same) as the (daily) worship of the sacred fire” (qtd. in Buhler 42).
significance of the household duties and responsibilities in a woman’s life. In Hindu religious
tradition the institution of marriage is regarded as a sacred social institution that not only
brings two souls together but also promises a life time of togetherness, love and care.
Procreation is perceived as the main objective of marriage. The married couple, especially the
woman is burdened with the responsibility of giving birth to a son who would provide
oblation to his forefathers. Hence, the primary duties of a woman post marriage that consisted
of attending to the domestic chores of the household and procreation essentially restricted
Though women have a significant role to play in the perpetuation of the human race, she
is subjected to a series of doubts and suspicions. Women’s sexuality is often regarded as the
gateway to pollution. In addition to this the disparaging image of a woman that the architect
of Manav Dharma Shashtra, Manu, draws is directly responsible for women’s enslavement in
a Brahminical patriarchal society. Observing on the vile and flirtatious nature of women,
Manu in chapter IX, verse 2-3 draws a warning dictum on a woman’s freedom as, “Her father
protects (her) in childhood, her husband protects (her) in youth, and her sons protect (her) in
old age; a woman is never fit for independence” (qtd. in Buhler 327-28). It is this state of
perpetual subjection of women in the control of a male member that gives rise to unequal
power relations in man woman relation and ultimately enslavement of women in marriage.
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However, the enslavement of women is judiciously camouflaged under the patriarchal
ideologies of streedharma.
Two main phases of a woman’s life post marriage; wifehood, motherhood, and the
ideologies associated with them are the deliberate patriarchal constructs to ensure total
becomes the essence of her existence in a patriarchal society. It inculcates in them wifely
values like chastity, submissiveness and complete devotion to her husband. On the role,
actions that helps to define the dharma of a wife. First and foremost he believes that a woman
as the wife should be able to keep the family united, happy and manage the finances of the
family well. Therefore, on the characteristics of the woman, he observes, “She must always
be cheerful, clever in (the management of her) household affairs, careful in cleaning her
utensils, and economical in expenditure” (qtd. in Buhler 195). Manu also believes that a
woman should be always obedient to the man whom she is married to, “Him to whom her
father may give her, or her brother with the father’s permission, she shall obey as long as he
lives, and when he is dead, she must not insult (his memory)” (qtd. in Buhler 195). He further
qualities, (yet) a husband must be constantly worshipped as a god by a faithful wife” (qtd. in
Buhler 196).
Ironically the conjugal roles that a woman takes up in her family life mark the beginning
of her oppression. The patriarchal construct of a woman drawn in the lines of Sita-Savitri are
deliberate attempts to subjugate a woman in her varied roles in the married family. Thus,
caught in the web of relationships, as a dutiful wife and daughter-in-law, as a care giver and
nurturer of her new family, a woman struggles to meet all the expectations, often sacrificing
her likes and dislikes, her life’s goals and even her own identity.
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The plays Bravely Fought the Queen and Final Solutions explore the manifold ways that
the patriarchal society and family adopt to dominate women. A woman’s main role in her
marital family is to serve the family and keep it integrated, showering love, affection and
spreading happiness. On the expected role of a bride in her marital family Atharvaveda
observes, “The bride may please everyone at her husband’s home through her knowledge and
noble qualities” (Newar 660) and is vested with a very significant role as is mentioned in
Atharvaveda, “O groom! This bride is protector of your entire family. May she dwell in your
home for a period and sow seeds of intellect (Newar 80-1). Though a woman is given a
position of importance and a very crucial and vital role to play in her new family, yet the kind
of treatment she gets there shows the deteriorating position of women in the smallest
Dattani’s portrayal of his women characters through the clues provided by his stage
props depict how women have been pulled down from a position of significance as
stifling of a woman’s emotions and stunting her personality. This particular facet of marriage
is best depicted through the metaphor of bonsai in Bravely Fought the Queen. Lalitha, the
wife of Trivedi brothers’ employee, Sridhar, in her conversation with the Trivedi sisters on
her hobby aptly summarizes the repression of the emotions and expressive powers of women
in general and of Dolly and Alka by their respective husbands. In a conversation with Alka
ALKA: You said you make bonsai? LALITHA: Yes. I’ve got a whole collection.
ALKA: How do you make them? LALITHA: You stunt their growth. You keep
bind their branches with wire and . . . stunt them. (Dattani 244)
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It is this ‘trimming’ of abilities, desires and wishes and ‘stunting’ of their growth and
development as individuals that Dattani focuses in this play. The sole objective of curbing
these women’s rights to expression and thought is to reduce them to a robotic life to carry out
their assigned work without any manifestation of their emotional and physical requirements.
According to Aristotle, males are active and females passive. For him females are
‘mutilated males’, someone who does not have a soul. In his view, the biological inferiority
of woman makes her inferior also in her capacities, her ability to reason and therefore her
inability to make decisions. Because man is always considered as superior and woman
inferior, he is born to rule and she to be ruled. He said, “The courage of man is shown in
Aristotle’s definition are ‘active beings’ and in order to achieve full obedience of the women
they dominate and manipulate their intellectual, emotional and mental abilities.
In order to achieve full obedience of the weaker sex and to control their lives, the men in
Bravely Fought the Queen and Final Solutions and the bigoted patriarchy in general, resort to
stunting and arresting the emotional, social and intellectual growth of the women like the
bonsais. The output of such conscious efforts of suppressing their emotions and curbing of
their basic rights is a calculated one. Such forced control and vigil on the women not only
stop their ability to spread their roots of self awareness and development but also the shoots
of resistance and vocalising their position and power. Thus the women are reduced to a
robotic life in their marital families so that they meet the ideals of Stridharma easily and
marital family is expected to regard her husband as God. She should unquestioningly submit
her life in his service, pray for his well being and eat after he eats. It also expects selfless
devotion and sacrifice as the key to a successful and ideal wife. Though a woman is always
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ready to prove herself as a selfless woman, born to be at the service of others, yet in return
she gets nothing, not even verbal acknowledgement of her service. Bravely Fought the Queen
and Final Solutions resonate with this age old notion of a woman’s duties and responsibilities
The opening scene of Bravely Fought the Queen that takes place in the drawing room of
educated, cultured, urban middle class family of Trivedi brothers depicts Dolly and Alka
engaged in a not so comfortable drawing room conversation with their neighbour’s wife,
Lalitha, is all of a sudden disturbed by the sound of a bell coming from first floor. The bell
that Baa, Trivedi brothers’ mother, uses is a marker of Dolly and Alka’s role in Trivedi
household.
The bell is a catalyst that pushes Dolly and Alka to take up the job of nurse involuntarily.
It is a constant reminder to the two sisters of their duties and responsibilities in their new
family as daughters-in-law as well as their parallel role as a nurse to their mother-in-law. Baa
uses the bell to establish her authorial position over them and to demand their constant
presence to serve her. In a way its constant nagging presence actually oppresses the sisters by
The diary of Daksha in Final Solutions is another such stage prop that registers the
landmark events in Daksha’s life both before and after her marriage speaks volumes, though
very subtly, on the suppression of women in their marital families. Through her diary the
playwright, Dattani, brings out the hard core truth of Indian society that in spite of many
changes in terms of national independence and social reform, the position of women has not
undergone much change. Daksha feels even if changes had happened, the society’s
perception of gender and freedom has not changed. She is shocked to find that forty years is
not enough time to change the country though it has changed her life forever, “After forty
years ... I opened my diary again. And I wrote. A dozen pages before. A dozen pages now. A
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young girl’s childish scribble. An old women’s shaky scrawl. Yes, things have not changed
In general, diary is a personal space in which an individual records, with date and time,
the important events that either changed his/ her life or is a witness to it. It also records with
the written document the person’s lines of thought, emotions, fears, secrets, frustrations,
ambitions and lost hopes. Daksha’s diary reveals her journey from young Daksha to a
married woman, Hardika and the series of ups and downs in her life that changed her
perception of her life, society and the world surrounding her. At the backdrop of Hindu
Muslim communal disturbances Hardika, as a married woman, weighs the difference that
marriage has brought in her life and tries to negotiate her space as a married woman realises
that though not much change has taken place in the socio-cultural history of the country, her
life has undergone a sea change. Dattani through the lens of Daksha/ Hardika depicts the
religious and gender issues that have always been difficult to comprehend and give it a
meaningful end.
Parallel to Alka and Dolly, Daksha’s life in Final Solution undergoes a change
immediately after she steps into her marital family. Her marriage is her initiation into the
world of subjugation and oppression. The very first thing that comes as a shock to Daksha
and opens up the gate for many more in the future, is her change of name. Daksha’s parents-
in- laws renamed her as Hardika to match with her husband Hari’s name. They defended this
The ritual of renaming a newlywed bride can be interpreted as a calculated move on the
part of the marital family to introduce the bride to a new identity as well as the role associated
with her new identity. The ritual also implies the erasure of the maiden identity of a woman
to initiate her into a more dutiful role that expects her to sacrifice her wishes and desires for
the sake of her new family. Thus, the name Hardika was cautiously chosen, not only because
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it was very close to their son, Hari’s name but to introduce her to a more dutiful but limited
goodness of heart, Gandhi family by naming Daksha as Hardika enforces on her their
expectation from her. The name ensures that she too like her name spreads happiness in the
family, accepts all the family members with love and affection and serves all from the depth
of her heart.
The ritual of renaming a bride without even once consulting her preference for the same
is quite paradoxical in nature. Though it initiates a newlywed bride to a significant role that
she has to play in the married family, yet implied in this ritual is her position of insignificance
to which she is pushed. The ritual also assumes the importance of role over one’s own
identity. Though Daksha accepted the name, of course she had no other choice; it was
received with reluctance and resentment. With the new name Daksha is introduced into a new
life where she is constantly in search of a new meaning of her existence. Thus, like many
other strategies, Gandhi family adopts naming ceremony to exploit women folks that
The chirpy, carefree Daksha undergoes sea change with her new name. Her new identity
as Hardika expected her to behave and act as a more mature person, sacrificing her likes,
hopes and dreams and devoting herself for the family. Forceful repression of emotions of
women is the most common way that the patriarchy tries to instil a sense of fear and
subjugating Daksha to their hegemonic power, her in-laws restrict her physical mobility to
crush on the first place her social intimacy with a neighbouring Muslim family, especially
Zarine, their eldest daughter of her age and secondly her love for Noor Jahan’s songs,
primarily for which she used to visit the Muslim family. By putting an injunction on her
regular visits to Zarine’s family, the conservative Hindu Gandhi family imposes their
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detestation for the Muslim family on Daksha and successfully builds in her too a detestation
Barring Daksha from visiting the only family with daughters of her age the Gandhis
successfully control Daksh’a free social communication that would invariably include
venting out emotion and thoughts that are otherwise restricted by her parents-in-law. They
also violate her sense of dignity and integrity by accusing her of eating meat at their place.
Though her exploitation at this stage of her life was very subtle but the consequences had a
The calculated move of the Gandhis slow poisons Daksha to secretly harbour repulsion
for Zarine and her family and their religious background and consequently they manage to
activate and develop the dormant abhorrence and detestation that Daksha had for the
Muslims. Dattani, the master craftsman effortlessly weaves gender discrimination with
religious one and through Daksha’s example proves one type of discrimination breeds
another type. Thus the discriminated Daksha vents out her angst on her newly developed
abhorrence for Zarine’s family. In one of her restricted visits to Zarine’s home during their
lunch time, Daksha, a Gujrati Hindu woman, born and brought up in a family that always had
a pure vegetarian diet could hardly bear the awful smell of meat and vomits then and there.
Her vomiting signifies her repulsion of their lifestyle and food habits that are conditioned by
the religion they profess. The imposed restrictions on her that once seemed to her weird and
gross violation of human existence gives birth in her religious discrimination which keeps her
locked in it forever.
husband and therefore, her significance in her husband’s life is immense. It is the mutual
understanding, love, affection and respect for each other that forms the bedrock of a husband
wife relation. However, the women in Trivedi family and Daksha in Final Solution fail to
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receive a position of importance, of love and affection and honour in their respective
husband’s lives. The married lives of all the women characters in Bravely Fought the Queen
and Final Solutions, as well as that of Bharati in Tara and Sonal in Where There’s a Will are
marked with unequal power relations and oppressive stories that threaten their existence and
annihilate their identities. The married life of Dolly and Jiten is one that is characterised by
lack of concern, warmth and affection. Rather violence in the form of physical and verbal
abuse shapes her married life. Jiten, like his father, is a wife beater, never cares to feel for his
wife and reduces her to a slave who is meant to carry on his commands and wait on him. The
husband therefore, is no more a friend and company but one who dominates ruthlessly over
the other. Their equation as husband and wife is miserably weak and reflect not mutual
understanding but that of unequal power distribution. The conversation between Lalitha and
LALITHA (bursts out): Your husband asked me to come and meet you!
DOLLY: Oh! You mean tonight? (Lalitha nods.) Come in. Come in.
DOLLY: Oh, I did. Not tonight though. There must be some mix up. Er-sit down.
(Dattani 234)
In order to compensate for the lack that her marriage has created in her life, Dolly takes
interest in routine self grooming regime and visiting parties. The facial mask that is
mentioned at the very beginning of the play and mask employed in the party at the end of the
play do inform about the expectations of women like Dolly in a family set up and how these
expectations are gradually crushed under the pressures of patriarchy. Since marriage in
Dolly’s case does not guarantee any happiness rather seems like a mere social contract in
which not even productive labour is appreciated but only her physical labour is exploited,
mask plays a vital role in her life. More than a beauty regime mask, in Dolly’s case, is used to
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cover up all the discrepancies, frustrations and unfulfilled desires of her life as a wife and
Women’s subjugation that has its roots in the control of women sexuality in a patriarchal
society informs the subjugated and oppressed condition of the women in Bravely Fought the
Queen. However, Dolly and Alka’s degraded condition in their marital family is coupled with
the historical background of their family. Even though Dolly and Alka’s mother was unaware
of her husband’s first wife, she is broadly regarded as her husband’s ‘keep’ by Baa and as
daughters of keep, their position in their marital family becomes one of detestation and kept
under rigid control. Baa not only taunts them as daughter of keep and repents “My sons have
married the daughters of a whore” (Dattani 311) but also subjects them to periodic mental
torture by reminding this half truth fact and incited her sons to control their wives, lest they
Dolly, the elder daughter-in-law, a more level headed woman compared to her younger
sister, Alka had tried time and again to clarify her mother’s position to her new family.
Though Dolly tries to explain to the Trivedis that her mother was ‘deceived’ (Dattani 311)
that she too “didn’t know about his first wife till later” (Dattani 311), do not help the sisters
to come out of the image of daughters of sinners. It is this label in their life that adds to their
suffering in their married lives. The notion of a woman’s sexuality as a matter of control,
which if not bridled well leads to disrepute of both the concerned woman as well her family
forever, is reiterated by the attitude of Baa. The impact of Baa’s notion on women sexuality
has a deeper impact on Jiten, Dolly’s husband. This jeopardises Dolly’s life to such an extent
that even in her pregnancy she was subjected to Jiten’s physical abuse that ultimately leads to
In the institution of marriage that is overtly marked by unequal distribution of power and
control on women sexuality result in a woman’s loss of dignity and her second class
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treatment in her marital life. The Gandhis and the Trivedis, as they repress the emotions and
restrict the mobility of the women in their family, they achieve the dual goals of subjugating
and subordinating the women in their families on one hand and on the other hand establish
The husband wife relationship in Dattani’s plays is a space where egos clash,
incompatible mentalities confront each other, but no justice is ever seen nor expected. All the
men characters, ranging from Baa’s husband to his sons, Jiten and Nitin, in Bravely Fought
the Queen to Hari and Ramnik in Final Solutions manage to maintain a fine blend of
discrimination, injustice and insincerity that engulf their most intimate relation of husband
and wife. It is a lopsided combat in which the victory of the man is written on the wall. The
humiliating and abusive relations that Baa and Dolly experience in their marriage can be seen
Daksha’s relation with her husband, Hari is one of unspoken compromises. Though the
intelligent Daksha feels that literacy might broaden her husband’s approach to life and bring
better days for her, by saving their marriage from a devastating end, to her utter surprise, she
realises that even education fails to change the intrinsic nature of man that is ruled by a strong
desire to enslave women for their convenience and comfort. Her presence in her husband’s
life is of no value, rather like the women in Bravely Fought the Queen Daksha’s relation with
her husband lacks mutual understanding, love and respect. The dominating self of Hari
surfaces as he becomes the sole decision maker of their life and pays no importance to his
wife’s words. In one such incident when Daksha requests him to help her friend, Zarine’s,
father by offering him a job, Hari not only ignores her request but also violently abuses her.
She becomes the victim of her husband’s verbal abuse that silenced her forever, “He called
me names. Names that is too shameful to mention to you. My cheeks went red. We were
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silent for a long time and I forgot about Zarine’s problems. I was too confused. And yet I
Dattani through this incident focuses on the lot of women in the hands of chauvinistic
men in society. Such incidences reduce the women to a position where they are left with no
alternatives other than making compromises at the cost of their self esteem. ‘Compromise’ is
the only meaningful word that rules the world of women and in order to avoid social
ostracism, she compromises her dignity for a life of servitude and humiliation. Daksha is no
allows him to behave in a rude and aggressive way, Daksha’s social and economic
dependence on her husband forces her to take the initiative to put everything to normal.
The social norms of a patriarchal society always force a woman to sacrifice her ego to
fan the masculine sense of superiority. Therefore, being born and brought up in a
her responsibility and duty to bridge the gap between her and her husband. Thus, Daksha,
much against her wish, takes the first step to mend their severed and strained relation. To do
so she like the nautch girls in the Mughal courts drapes brocade dupatta embroidered by
Zarine’s mother and presents herself in front of Hari. It is at the cost of her ego and self
esteem that Daksha tries to smoothen her relation with her husband. However, her sacrifice of
her ego and burial of her self esteem leaves her with hurt ego and crushed her dignity that she
can never forget, “He beckoned me to lie beside him on the bed. And I did. And my cheeks
went red again. Not with shame but with anger at myself” (Dattani 216).
Dattani’s plays. Uma, the protagonist of Seven Steps around the Fire, also leads a life of
humiliation in her conjugal relationship with her husband, Suresh. Though an educated
woman, working on a paper on caste and gender- based violence, Uma is reduced to a sex
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object by her husband. Her scholarly pursuits hold no significance in her household. As a
wife of Superintendent of Police, Suresh, she is forced to shelve off her intelligence and
rationality to fit into her role of a docile wife. She is subjected to Suresh’s whims that decides
and dictates her life, as much as what lingerie she should wear to please him. The standards
that a woman is expected to meet as a wife and daughter-in-law is best exemplified by Uma’s
swift transition from an assertive research scholar in her field work to one of submissive and
docile wife and daughter-in-law at home. Though she exploits her power as the wife of
Superintendent of police to extract information for her research work and endeavours for the
hijras’ emancipation that earned her the dual image of a bold researcher and detective, at
home she lives a life of a marginalized one, more specifically one that of a ‘barren woman’.
She adorns her wifely duties and responsibilities with utmost care and meekness. So much so
that she even fails to assertively convince her husband that she is not an infertile woman and
request him for his sperm count. In fact Uma with all submission, though reluctantly, goes
with her mother-in-law for her treatment. Besides Uma, Sonal in Where There is a Will and
Bharati in Tara are other marginalized women who are the victims of unequal power
The decision making authority in a family lies with its male members. This in a way
serves to establish the superiority of a man over his female counterparts. Contrary to men,
women are expected to be silent observers of the decisions taken or act in compliance to
those decisions. However, Bharati in Tara subverts the masculine role of her husband as the
sole decision maker. She challenges the system by taking the crucial life-changing decision
regarding the operation of the Patel twins. Nevertheless, Mr. Patel by virtue of his gender and
subsequent superior power turns round the table and makes Bharati the victim of his vicious
plans. Post operation when Bharati tries to atone for the damage inflicted upon Tara, Mr.
Patel reclaims his patriarchal role and stands as a barrier. He intervenes to jeopardise her
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plans of providing Tara with the best medical facilities, nutrition, education and a social
circle with good friends to survive the pressures of the society as a handicapped child and
thereby torments Bharati mentally. Implicit in Mr. Patel’s behaviour is not to allow Bharati to
Mr. Patel charts out a plan to subjugate her by reducing her presence from a doting
mother and homemaker to a state of nothingness. He grabs her guilt conscious mind and
caring and affectionate mother in her to severe the developing bonds between mother and
daughter. So much so that when Bharati wants to donate her kidney to Tara, Mr. Patel not
only tries to dissuade her from doing that but also tries to convince the doctor against it. He
subjects Bharati to mental oppression by not allowing her to donate her kidneys as a gesture
of atonement for all the wrong done to her. Mr. Patel turns deaf ears to her and cruelly puts it,
“You have to face it. You want her to believe you are the only one who loves her” (Dattani
352) .Thus by subjecting her to unspeakable mental torture and pain on issues related to Tara,
Mr. Patel successfully exploits his gender superiority over Bharati to pull her down from
the role of a decision maker. He takes an extra step to damage her image of an ideal mother in
the eyes of her children, especially Tara. Thus, the opportunist as he is, he takes the
adavantage of Bharati’s hospitalisation and reveals to his children the secret of their life and
death situation. Besides, divulging the secret to Tara and Chandan about the reality of their
mother and her preferance for a male child, implicit in this step is Mr. Patel’s hidden agenda
of earning respect and love from his children, especially Tara by belittling their mother.
Mr. Patel reaches the height of inflicting emotional oppression on his wife when he does
not allow Bharati on her death bed to meet her son, Chandan. As a punishment for surpassing
his authority early in life, Mr. Patel crushes his wife’s dreams regardig her children and
brings an incomplete end to her life. He did not even inform Chandan about her mother’s
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death, who was then abroad at his uncle’s place trying to establish himself as a writer. The
worst part of Mr. Patel’s vindictive natures comes out when he keeps away their son,
Chandan, from performing the last rites of her mother. Thus, in spite of having a son, Bharati
meets a lonely death with no dreams of her fulfilled. She dies a lonely death with no one to
In a patriarchal society sacrificing and self effacing oneself is the destiny of a woman as
a wife and a mother. In a male dominated society, a woman’s role as an ideal wife, daughter-
in-law and mother, expects her to prioritise others’ needs and desires over her. The concept of
sacrifice rules a woman’s life and often it is forced upon her either in the name of family’s
reputation, as in Daksha’s case, or to enable her to achieve the ideal image of a perfect
woman. Such idealisations are, however, deliberate constructs of the patriarchy to dominate,
repress the desires of women to control their passions and dreams. In both the plays, Final
Solutions and Bravely Fought the Queen Dattani emphasises on how the women are forced to
sacrifice their love for music. Baa and Dolly’s love for thumris of Naina Devi in Bravely
Fought the Queen and Daksha/ Hardika’s passion for the music tracks of Shamsad Begum,
Noor Jahan and Suraiya in Final Solutions are controlled by their respective families. The
Gandhis’ manipulative decision to restrict Daksha’s communication with Zarine’s family has
another hidden agenda of curbing her inclination for Noor Jahan’s songs, which only the
latter had in the whole neighbourhood. Bydenying Daksha/Hardika the permission to visit the
neighbouring Muslim family on the grounds that art and music of Noor Jahan is not meant for
woman from respectable families to enjoy, the Gandhis meet their objective of restricting
their daughter-in-law’s friendship with a Muslim family. Baa and Dolly too, like their
favourite singer Naina Devi, were never allowed to enjoy the music in their marital homes.
However, as human nature is, Daksha’s love for Noor Jahan’s songs compels her to challenge
the authority of her father-in-law. Consequently, as Daksha starts paying secret visits to
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Zarine’s house to fan the embers of her love for Noor Jahan’s songs and even gathers courage
to hum the tunes to entertain her husband at night, she embraces the wrath of the male family
members. She is punished for violating the authority of her elders and putting the fame of the
family at stake. Soon her parents-in-law speak to their son and stopped her from listening to
songs and humming forever, “All my dreams are shattered…I can never be a singer, like
Noor Jahan. Hari’s family is against my singing film songs. His parents heard me humming a
love song to Hari last night. And this morning they told him to tell me...” (Dattani 166).
promiscuous woman is society’s eye sore. She is highly condemned for her loose character.
Manu’s observation on the vile nature of women in chapter II, verse 213 and 214, reflects
their social image, “it is the nature of women to seduce men in this (world); for that reason
the wise are never unguarded in the company of females” (qtd. in Buhler 69). He further
adds, “for women are able to lead astray in (this) world not only a fool, but even a learned
man, and (to make) him a slave of desire and anger (qtd. in Buhler 69). Therefore, in chapter
IX, verse 2 he suggests a strict control of women throughout their lives, “Day and night
women must be kept in dependence by the male (of) their families, and, if they attach
themselves to sensual enjoyments, they must be kept under one’s control” (qtd. in Buhler
328). Therefore, Manu strictly ordains that a woman should be always controlled, “Her father
protects (her) in childhood, her husband protects (her) in youth, and her sons protect (her) in
old age; a woman is never fit for independence (qtd. in Buhler 328).
Alka is a sad example of all those women who are controlled and dominated by male
figures throughout their lives. She is a victim of promiscuous husband and self seeking
guardian brother. She is reduced to a puppet in the hands of her brother in the name of her
well being and brother’s responsibilities towards his sister. When Alka’s affair with a
neighbouring boy came into notice by her brother, Praful, he not only chides and counsels her
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for calling it off but also subjected her to physical violence and emotional trauma. Though it
was kept under cover for a long time, post marriage the wronged Alka ultimately vents out
her anger, sadness and frustration against Praful’s brutality in her account of the torturous
days:
He dragged me into the kitchen. He lit the stove and pushed my face in front of it!
I thought he was going to burn my face! He burnt my hair. I can still smell my
hair on fiire. Nitin was right behind us. Watching! Just...Praful said, ‘Don’t you
Like the brothers in Tendulkar’s The Vultures, Praful too thinks that it is his moral
obligation to safe guard the honour of his family and chastity of his sister. In the guise of a
responsible brother, Praful exploits this situation to get his sister married to his friend Nitin to
serve his homosexual love for the latter. Unfortunately, Alka becomes the victim of Nitin and
Praful’s homosexual relation. She is marginalized in her relation with her husband, Nitin,
who finds pleasure in the company of Praful. Praful-Nitin’s homosexual relation not only
robs her of the love and pleasures of a married life but also deprives her from enjoying the
Praful-Alka that changes Alka’s life forever, Mandal observes, “The brother-sister
relationship in the play is one such area where in the guise of safeguarding the female honour
Alka’s body and character becomes a space where the men in her life, her brother as well
as her husband, try to prove their masculine superiority. In a patriarchal society she is treated
like a small child who has to be constantly protected from worldly temptations and therefore
she is transferred from one moral guardian to another one to keep a close vigil on her. As she
moves from one household to the other, with the moral policing following her like her
shadow, her oppression takes new forms and her emotions are repressed forever.
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Motherhood is another phase of a woman that directs women to a life of sacrifice and
servitude. Motherhood in a patriarchal society completes the image of a woman. Its absence
in a woman’s life subjects her to social discrimination that invariably results in her emotional
stress. Lalitha, Dolly and Alka’s neighbour as well as their employee’s wife is one such
woman whose life is subjected to social marginalisation because of her barrenness. Her
voluntary barrenness subjects her on the point scale determined by the patriarchal society and
In order to counter her marginalisation and at the same time to engage herself she creates
a fantasy world for herself. Her world of fantasy consists of activities like making bonsai and
creative writing not only to explore her creativity and to financially help her husband but also
to develop and prove her nurturing qualities. She counters the pruned and stunted emotions of
her married life and her strong instincts for nurturing and caring through making, growing
and caring bonsais at home. In a way by nurturing the bonsai she also tries to fulfil her desire
of entering into the phase of motherhood that would make her complete and give her a sense
Her repressed emotions for spending quality time with her husband and motherhood is
surfaced in her conversation with Dolly and Alka, “That’s what he talks about at home. Even
my bonsais know about ReVaTee. But I don’t really mind... it gives me... something to... do”
(Dattani 251).
Lalitha’s social marginalization because of lack of a child in their married life speaks
volumes about both her husband and society. His busy office works keeps him away from
realising Lalitha’s growing social marginalization and ultimately it is Lalitha who becomes
the victim of the blind and partial patriarchal society and its values. It is her production value
that is thrust against her husband’s production value and Lalitha’s emotional and physical
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Friedrich Engles in The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State observes
two implications of the word ‘production’. The production value of women is consumable
and reproductive in nature. In contrast to women, men produce for exchange and therefore
produce surplus wealth, which guarantees social power as well as and power at domestic
level too. Sridhar’s social power as a successful employee of the Trivedi brothers earns him
more power at home. His superiority at home compared to Lalita makes him the decision
maker. For him it is his professional success that is more important and therefore he remains
oblivious of his responsibilities of grihastha phase of his life. Though he is very caring and
has a very affectionate nature, yet he fails to realise Lalitha’s emptiness and her strong desire
Periyar, the institution of marriage not only denies women an access to develop their
emotions and desires but also is one of the strongest means of regulating and disciplining
women’s familial and reproductive labour (102-03). Sridhars’s decision to postpone Lalitha’s
motherhood till he is financially stable embodies Periyar’s opinion that reproductive capacity
of a woman as well as its norms, ideas and practices which govern it is determined by a
A man’s authority over the productive and reproductive labour of a woman is reflected
in Dattani’s Where There’s a Will. According to Periyar, who critiqued the general distinction
man’s possession of private property. He argues, “...after man had successfully established
his rights to private property, he took woman as a wife into the household. This enabled him
both to enlist her services to protect his property and supply him with progeny, and to lay
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Thus, according to Periyar, it is a man’s need for a progeny that initiates a woman into
yet another phase of sacrifice and subordination, called motherhood. While establishing the
link between property and motherhood, Periyar quotes Viduthalai to justify the close link
After it had become the norm for people to want children to safeguard property,
Brahmins who had invented fictions of heaven and hell to keep the poor from
robbing the rich and to amass some of this wealth for themselves now argued that
a man must have a [male] child who would keep alive his name after death and
Periyar’s line of argument establishes the link between a man’s authority over his wife’s
sexuality and motherhood. A woman’s sexuality as well as her motherhood determines her
position in a caste based society. Her ability to produce a male heir confirms her social
position. This notion is reflected in Hasmukh Mehta’s obsession for an eligible male heir,
who will be a carbon copy of his nature, ability and eligibility and consequently his relation
The protagonist of the play, Where There’s a Will, Mr. Hasmukh Mehta, is a man who
basks in the glory of his success. His sense of superiority can be best summarised in his own
words, “I, Hasmukh Mehta, am one of the richest men in this city. All by my efforts. Forty
five years old and I am a success in capital letters” (Dattani 464). Hasmukh exploits the
institution of marriage for subjugating Sonal to his authoritative power to beget him a male
child who would be the rightful heir to his property. According to him, the institution of
marriage is not for starting a caring and friendly family unit or for sheer pleasure but for
begetting heir for his property according to his notion of the institution of marriage, he
reflects the Brahminical notion of marriage and the need to control a woman’s sexuality. His
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argument on the objective of marriage gives a picture of his narrow minded patriarchal
concern:
Why does a man marry? So that he can have a woman to himself? No. There’s
more to it than that. What? Maybe he needs a faithful companion? No. If that was
it, all men would keep dogs. No. No, I think the important reason anyone should
marry at all is to get a son. Why is it so important to get a son? Because the son
A practical man, as he thinks of himself, he does not believe in wasting time and effort
to develop a caring and friendly relationship with his wife, rather he exploits the institution of
marriage to beget heir for his property. However, unfortunately Mr. Hasmukh fails to achieve
his objective of marrying as his son altogether rejects his concept of an eligible heir to his
property. Consequently, he dumps his wife and vents out his frustration on his wife for
Failing to understand his son’s modern approach and business acumen to expand his
business, he criticises him for his approach to life, which according to him is nothing but
simply wastage of time, “No matter what you do, you will remain a zero. Over the years you
will just keep adding zeroes to your zero” (Dattani 461). He openly draws a comparison of
his success with his son, Ajit’s, failure, “I, Hasmukh Mehta, am one of the richest men in this
city. All by my efforts. Forty five years old and I am a success in capital letters. Twenty-three
years old and he is on the road to failure, in bold capital letters!” (Dattani 464). His
condescending attitude has no limits and is evident as he makes him a butt of his insulting
jokes, “the company needs his talent like I need another heart attack” (Dattani 457).
However, as a son has immense significance in the family as an heir to his father’s
wanted, “I am not trying to humiliate you. I am trying to put some sense into you” (Dattani
282
458). Thus, he tries to explain Ajit his responsibility towards his business, “I will retire one
day, either from the company or from this world. What will become of you then? I have to
In fact, as Hasmukh Mehta finds in his son an absence of that promise in his life that will
ensure a distinctive position in the society, Hasmukh repents for having such a careless and
ignorant son. The coupled effect of his frustration and repentance is visible in his prayer to
God, “…I actually prayed to get him. Oh God! I regret it all. Please let him drop dead. No,
no. What a terrible thing to say about one’s own son. I take it back. Dear God, don’t let him
Ironically, Hasmukh traces the root of his frustration and son’s emptiness to his wife,
Sonal. He even accuses Sonal for Ajit’s failure and his misfortune, “I am sure his mother has
something to do with his failure” (Dattani 472). The falling significance of Sonal in his life
becomes crystal clear as he draws a comparison of present Sonal with the one in their early
married life:
Sonal. My wife. My son’s mother. Do you know what Sonal means? No? ‘Gold’.
When we were newly married, I used to joke with her and she was as good as
gold. But that was when she was newly married. I soon found out what a good for
Sonal is not the only one whose value drops from ‘gold’ to ‘mud’. In fact it is the fate of all
women in a patriarchal society. A woman’s value lies in her ability to give birth to a son.
Sonal too had given birth to a son but her value in Hasmukh’s life depreciated because his
...just a boy who spends my money and lives in my house. He doesn’t behave
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failed! He has made my entire life worthless! He is going to destroy me! It won’t
belong before everything I worked for and achieved will be destroyed. (Dattani 4)
Evident in Hasmukh’s words is his emptiness in spite of having a male child. Nevertheless,
what is worth noting here is that instead of taking onus for his spoilt brat, he accuses his wife
Procreation demands equal involvement of both man and woman is not a one man
show. It involves equal contribution of both masculine as well as feminine energy. Yet, it is a
man who takes pride in declaring his heir and blames his wife if anything wrong happens to
the heir, as it happens in the Mehta household. The problem in Mr. Hasmukh Mehta’s life is
his failure to get a desirable heir as he wanted and therefore, he blames his wife for it. It
reflects the age old symbolic significance of ‘seed’ (the masculine energy) and field (the
feminine energy) in procreation. Though, the womb has a significant role to play in the
making of the foetus, the qualities of the seed are emphasised. However, in Hasmukh
Mehta’s case, he believes that the field in which the seeds were sown was not fertile enough
to give proper nourishment to the seed and hence his son fails to meet the essential purpose of
his life as the only son of Hasmukh Mehta, the heir of the business tycoon’s empire.
However, Sonal is happy with her role as the provider for the insensitive, thankless egoist
husband, Mr. Mehta. She finds her salvation and happiness, as put by Maithreyi Krishnarajan
and Neera Desai, in her role as a wife and mother of Hasmukh and Ajit respectively:
Man provides the seed, the essence for the creation of the offspring; the seed
determines the kind; the child’s identity is derived from the father for the group
placement. The role of the woman is just to receive the seed and through her own
Leela Dube sees in it the implications of power politic in a patriarchal society and
observes, “...the two partners are not at par with one another in so far as the process of
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reproduction is concerned. The offspring belongs to one to whom the seed belongs. In fact he
Hasmukh Mehta, in Where There’s a Will, however, proves that though a man is the
owner of both the seed and the field, the seed might not grow well if the womb fails to
provide an optimum condition for the seed. Thus, it is not he who should be blamed for Ajit’s
unexpected behaviour as the only heir to his huge property but it is Sonal who is actually
responsible. This also proves the reason for his severed relation with his wife.
Most of the women characters in Dattani’s plays lead a life of indignity, subjugation and
marginalisation in their family, mostly by their own husbands. Though the ideal constructs of
a pativrata locks them into a life of enslavement without any honour, they devote themselves
for the family in the best possible way. Krishnaraj observes, “Salvation and happiness of
women revolve around their virtue and chastity as daughter, wives and widows” (106). Sonal
is an ideal example of the women who try to find happiness irrespective of all odds in her
family.
Sonal leaves no scope to be an ideal wife in carrying out her duties and responsibilities
towards her husband. However, Hasmukh’s sense of pride in himself and belittling others
relegate her to the kitchen. Yet, she dispenses her duties from the kitchen space
immaculately; lest any limitation on her part should anger her husband. Her husband’s health
is her main concern. “If anything happens to you they’ll say I neglected my duty” (Dattani
465). She is so particular of her husband’s health that she keeps him in strong observation
lest he smokes and takes rich food but he insists, “I want some real food” (Dattani 465) and
Alka and Dolly though frustrated carry on their duties as nurse of their mother-in-law, Uma
It is Sonal’s strong sense of stridharma that does not allow her to prioritise her health
over other family matters. Thus, even when she is not well, in the absence of a cook she
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manages to make everything that his husband and family loves, “navratan pulao, malai Kofta,
baigan bharta, patties, not to forget the halwa and salad” (Dattani 465). Ironically her
husbfails to admire her sacrifices, rather Hasmukh accuses her for ‘wasting so much ghee and
oil’ (Dattani 465) on rich food and sarcastically critising her salad that has only “carrot,
cucumber and beetroot” (Dattani 465) and observes, “Make her eat the salad. I guarantee you
she’ll never make it again” (Dattani 465). In spite of being so dutiful, though it lacked
warmth, she is underestimated and condemned by her husband for her inability to realize the
intricacies of business and her failure to provide him a happy and healthy married life.
Hasmukh’s fixation with power is never ending and his love for power gives him that
extra mileage to inflict pain on his wife. Instead of harbouring love and respect for each
other, Hasmukh develops a cold, indifferent equation with his wife. His relationship with his
wife becomes devoid of adoration, concern and support for each other. Though he is
primarily responsible for this end to their marriage, yet he puts the whole onus on Sonal and
complains of a married life without any marital bliss, “Twenty-five years of marriage and I
don’t think she has ever enjoyed sex…. And I haven’t enjoyed sex with her” (Dattani 473).
Post marriage, as ghost, his abusive remark on his wife “transformed from stupid incapable
housewife to a clever incapable housewife” (Dattani 496) vents his sense of utter disgust and
patriarchal head of his family he subjects all the family members to an utter oppressive state
compensate for his cold married life that has never developed into a warm and loving
relationship, he gets into an extra marital life with his secretary, Kiran Zaveri. The
womanizer in him, however, is safely kept away from his wife till his death.
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Hasmukh Mehta exploits Kiran’s economic crisis for serving his purposes. He exploits
her at two levels. Firstly, he uses her as his secretary, more for his sexual gratification rather
than official assistance. Later on as he realises Kiran’s brilliant acumen with managing
finances of his office, he makes her the trustee of his will to keep his family consisting of
Ajit, whom he considers an irresponsible and immature son, Sonal his insipid wife, Preeti, his
daughter-in-law, “an intelligent girl...she has her eye on my money” (Dattani 456) under
control. However, as the will loses its significance as a controlling agent, it opens up
opportunity for the Mehta family to express their pent up emotions against the tyrant,
Hasmukh.
Sonal is absolutely disillusioned when she comes to know Kiran as her husband’s
mistress. The fact that her husband, Hasmukh, is a womanizer comes both as a shock and
desecration of the sanctity of marriage. For the first time Sonal challenges her husband’s
authority and gives vent to her contempt for him, “If I’d known, he had a mistress, I would
have left him” (Dattani 481). It is quite ironical that in a patriarchal society the baggage of an
ideal wife that a woman carries allows her to vent her disappointment but never allows her to
quit the marriage. Therefore, such words of disappointment that Sonal utters lose its
However, the superior social position that a man allows the husband to flout his
disappointment, “As if I should have told her years ago then” (Dattani 481). His words are
pregnant with social freedom that a man enjoys at the cost of a woman’s chastity. It is his
position of superiority and authority completely supported by religious and social codes
allows Hasmukh to cheat on his wife by keeping his extra marital affair a secret. Instead of
expressing any remorse for the same, he defends his extramarital affair, “Why do I have a
mistress? Because I am unhappy. (Pause) why am I unhappy? Because I don’t have a son.
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Who is Ajit? Is he my son? No” (Dattani 475). Clearly evident in this is his dissatisfaction
with his family life, wife and son. As a man he can find fulfilment outside marriage but Sonal
as a wife is caught in the web of patriarchal ideology of streedharma that defines an ideal
woman.
The section undoubtedly establishes that the ideology of pativrata demands women’s
the observation made by Shalini Shah summarises the fate of an Indian woman as a
‘pativrata’ woman:
pati vrata dharma is meant to provide the ideology to school women in this role.
been more difficult to establish and maintain. Instead, this ideology was used to
III
The success of Mahesh Dattani as a playwright lies in his ability to focus on the
intricacies of gender exploitation and marginalization. His commitment to gender issues does
not allow him to treat the area with any reservations, rather committed as he is; he uses his
keen observation to study the manifold gender exploitation that exists in the society. His
plays are evidences of the fact that women are not the only ones who are subordinated and
oppressed by the patriarchal society. In fact his plays like Where There’s a Will and Dance
Like a Man depict that even young men are victims of gender oppression.
The place of a male child in Hindu patriarchal culture is one of immense significance.
The desire for a male off spring is visible across all cultures and religions in human
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civilization. The significance of a male off spring is also reiterated in Hindu religion, like
many other religions for a prosperous and happy family life. The Baudhya Shastras
immortality, but through his son's grandson he ascends to the (highest) heaven” (Baudhayana
Sutras 2-9-16.3). Chapter III, verse 37 of Manusmriti also explicitly defines the role of a son,
“The son of a wife wedded according to the Brahma rite, if he performs meritorious acts,
liberates from sin ten ancestors, ten descendants and himself as the twenty-first” (qtd. in
Buhler 82).
A male offspring, therefore, in a Hindu family is a new promise for a better life. He is
the inheritor of family wealth, protector of parents in their old age and is a gateway to the
Heaven. In a traditional set up of a family, since the male member is invested with the
responsibility of the whole family therefore, from his birth the family as well as society
moulds him to meet his gender specific social role. Any deviance from it could lead to his
failure to perform his gender specific duties, responsibilities and obligations and hence
unexpected. However, any deviation from specific gender roles is often seen as threat to the
ruling authority over both social as well as domestic matters and therefore, is rigorously
discouraged.
Moreover, Brahminical society that consists of four phases, grhastha phase plays a very
significant role. In this phase of life marriage and procreation are two milestones that an
individual is expected to achieve to maintain the social order of hierarchy. However, both the
purposes of Grhastha stage are challenged if a male person does not conform to his gender
specific role.
Where There’s a Will and Dance Like a Man highlight the crisis that individuals face as
they challenge their gender roles specific of grhastha stage and fail to do justice to their
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responsibilities and duties of carrying out the family commitments in the best possible way.
Amritlal, the patriarchal head of Parekh family in Dance Like a Man feels that his son in a
dancer’s role will not be able to do justice to his role as a breadwinner of the family as dance,
Hasmukh Mehta, the autocratic father of Ajit in Where There’s a Will, thinks that his son who
is continuously adding zeroes to his life will fail to carry the burden of his successful
business. The fathers’ sense of fear that their sons will not be able to do justice to their roles
as men become the ruling criteria governing their relationships with their sons.
distribution of power. The patriarchal head decides and determines the life, career and future
of the male members of the family since they are the future patriarchs of the society. A man’s
life is moulded by the patriarchal ideology that has been indoctrinated right from the
childhood by reinforcing the socio culturally defined male and female characteristics,
aptitudes, abilities, desires, personality traits, roles and responsibilities and behaviour
patterns. Therefore, society with its rigid codes of conduct expects and often enforces male
future generation to step into the footprints of his father and forefathers that often lead to
In Where There’s a Will and Dance Like a Man the behavioural characters of the
younger generations do not fit into the ideal mould of a responsible man, a future patriarch.
Jairaj, Amritlal’s son, wants to take up dance as his profession and Ajit, Hasmukh’s son,
wants to try innovative and scientific methods to expand his father’s business. Both the sons’
future plans are totally unacceptable by their conservative fathers. Such non conformist
behaviour subjects them to oppression and marginalization in the hands of their own family
members.
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Through the plays under consideration, Dattani endeavours to establish his point that in a
patriarchal society women are not the only ones who are the victims of gender
marginalization. Even men in a patriarchal society are marginalized if they fail to walk the
narrow paths of patriarchal order by conforming to the patriarchal ideology that define
Hasmukh Mehta is a self made man. He boasts of his unimaginative business success. At
the age of forty-five he categorically describes himself as, “One of the richest men in this
city. All by my own efforts. Forty five years old and I am a success in capital letters. Twenty
-three years old and he is on the road to failure, in bold capital letters...” (Dattani 464).
The father-son verbal exchanges that are heavily loaded with disappointment, annoyance
and rejection of each othet indicate at Hasmukh’s main concern that his modern son with his
so called modern and scientific acumen will not be able to handle his vast business empire.
very satirical statement that God has just forgotten to open an account for Ajit. He does not
even allow his son to take a scientific approach and experiment with modern technologies.
Though Ajit is the Managing Director of his father’s company, he has no freedom to make
financial decisions. The quoted telephonic conversation of Ajit which his father over hears,
sums up Ajit’s pigmy status in his family, especially in his father’s eyes.
AJIT: (on the phone) Five lakhs. That’s all. Give me five lakhs and I’ll modernize
the bloody plant. That’s what I tell my dad. I mean, come on, five lakhs is
nothing! HASMUKH: (to the audience) My son, the business man. Just listen to
Under Hasmukh’s authoritative presence, Ajit is expected only to execute his father’s
orders and command, sacrificing his vision and mission for the business. The conversation
quoted below sums up Ajit’s crippled condition under Hasmukh’s rule in the company.
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AJIT: Don’t I have any rights at all? HASMUKH: You have the right to listen to
Hasmukh repents for his son who according to him fails to match his business acumen and
success, “Twenty -three years old and he is on the road to failure, in bold capital letters...”
(Dattani 464). However, the truth is that Hasmukh does not want his son to become his
business partner, rather he wants a slave to follow him unquestioningly and as he fails to get
that in his rebellious son, he takes calculated measures to subjugate him and mould him as
In Dance like a Man, it is the vast difference between the son, Jairaj’s, love for dance
and the father’s anxiety to make him a man that builds up the tension and ultimate oppression
of Jairaj at his own home. Jairaj’s love for dance and his keen desire to pursue dance as his
main profession, transforms his father, the social reformer, Mr. Amritlal’s house into a dance
studio. In order to meet his dream, he arranges rehearsal classes at his home where his guru
with his troupe of instrumentalists comes to train Jairaj and his dancer wife, Ratna. However,
Amritlal, the social reformist does not approve of his son’s passion for dance and repents for
converting ‘the library into a practice hall’ (Dattani 414) for his son. He condemns his son’s
obsession for dance and denounces it as ‘antics’ (Dattani 415). Amritlal even challenges his
son, “I would like to see what kind of independence you gain with your antics” (Dattani 415).
Nevertheless, a tensed father as he is, he tries to explain Jairaj the role of a man, “I have
always allowed you to do what you have wanted to do. But there comes a time when you
have to do what is expected of you. Why must you dance? It doesn’t give you any income”
(Dattani 415).
The father’s concern to see his son financially settled and independent to support his
family gives rise to the Hitler in him. Amritlal, becomes hell bent to take off Jairaj from his
chosen profession. As he fails to realise his son’s dreams of becoming a dancer, he also stops
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financial support to his son and openly insults his guru and dance troupe. He even tries to
reprimand him and makes him realise his role as a man, “Do you know where a man’s
happiness lies? In being a Man…” (Dattani 425) and draws a comparison between male and
female spaces that give them identity and social recognition and observes, “a woman in a
man’s world may be considered as being progressive. But a man in a woman’s world is
constituted by some acts which when repeated come to form and give shape to a ‘coherent’
gender identity” (238). Trying to push Jairaj to the outside world, which he considers is a
man’s world, to take up a job, Amritlal is thrusting on him the conventional role of masculine
gender as the breadwinner of the family who takes up an office job and works from morning
till evening. Besides the fear of seeing his son stepping into the shoes of a female, is the
embarrassment that Jairaj, his son wants to take up as his profession the traditional dance
form, Bharatnatyam, which is usually regarded as Devdasi’s only profession for livelihood.
Devdasi (servant of God) or jogini is a girl "dedicated" to worship and service of a deity
or a temple for the rest of her life. These women came to be known as Devdasis, a Sanskrit
term that actually means ‘slaves of God’, a woman thus ritualized was entitled to freedom
from widowhood by means of marrying the Gods and thereby devoting her entire life in the
service of God and the temple. It was easily accepted by women folk as it was regarded as a
dance has its roots in the Devdasi system, the existence of which can be traced back to
apparently pre-Aryan times. Though there is no mention of it in Vedic Sanskrit literature, but
Tamil Sangam literature, which dates back to 200-300 BC, describes a class of dancing
women called parattaiyar. They were courtesans who performed some ritual function, lived
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in a separate part of the city, and eventually came to be associated with temples. Later, in the
post Vedic and post Buddhist age, the system seems to have spread through India, though it
remained the strongest in the south. Young girls were usually dedicated to their clan Goddess,
or occasionally to Gods, very often after the appearance of matted hair called jath which is
taken to be a sign of the call of the goddess. The dedicated girl was forbidden to marry
(Omvedt 16-19).
sections of the society. The young girls who were turned into devdasis were usually from
very low caste and low income background. They were often dedicated by their parents in the
service of Gods for some sort of economic independence. The girls were assigned to jobs in
the temple premises that involved cleaning washing the temple premises and vessels and
preparing the flower garlands. But with the laxity of morals in the priestly class and
corruption in temple administration, they were forced to take up dancing and music and
eventually were exploited by the patrons of the temples for sexual pleasures (Singh 3).
The socio cultural perception on the social status of the devdasis is a mixed one. While
some critics like Srinivasan is of the opinion that the Devdasis enjoyed a privileged position
because of their temple association and earned economic benefits from their patrons which in
return ensured them social honour (Srinivasan1869-71), there are many others who believed
that it brought moral degradation as their lives were strongly based on tradition and social
stigma. However, a fact that nobody could deny that once the girls were dedicated to God and
married off to Him, it became extremely difficult for them to dissociate themselves from the
temple complex.
economically deprived background women found in this age old form of Devdasi, a chance to
earn their livelihood. Though it involved exploitation of the body, it was heartily welcomed
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because of its religious implications. It was a social practice of claiming that not all women
got a chance to serve the God, but only a chosen few had and therefore, they should not deny
the call of the God to serve him. However, the young and innocent girls before they could
actually realise their body, were married to the God and were confined within the temple
premises only to be exploited by rich patrons of the temple. Thus, Devdasi system was
class by the socially rich and hence powerful men (Singh 17).
Gail Pheterson in The Prostitution Prism highlights the underlying gender hierarchies
that are reflected in the system. Regardless of religious sanction and economic independence,
devdasi system interrogated a woman’s morality and sexuality (30-6). According to upper
caste Amritlal Parekh, therefore, any dance form that centres round women sexuality is
highly unacceptable. He shudders thinking that Jairaj in Bharatnatyam profession and attire
would engage in feminine body movements and facial expression like his guru. Moreover,
when a man can be the king of his own world controlling and regulating the sexuality of the
woman he is married to, there is no point to slog in a woman’s world. Unable to accept
emasculation of his son, he dismisses it as “anyone who learnt such a craft could not be a
man” (Dattani 406). As Jairaj boldly tries to argue and rebel against ‘such logic’ (Dattani
Amritlal’s first target, therefore, is his son’s dance guru and troupe. Gradually as
Amritlal’s insulting of his dance, dance guru and troupe reaches an unbearable limit, the
enraged Jairaj takes an ‘impulsive decision’ (Dattani 411) to leave his father’s house, only to
realise the limitation of it because of his economic dependence on his father. The turning
point in his life takes place as he decides to return home within forty-eight hours. His
decision reduces him to just a ‘spineless boy’ (Dattani 406) in the eyes of Ratna and provided
his father ample scope to subject him to his hegemonic power. The incident marks his
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initiation into a life of a caged bird, whose wings of fancy and desire for dance is gradually
authoritative, calculative, malign and vicious male power coupled with another calculative,
Jairaj is Dattani’s best example of how men also suffer under gender stereotypes
constructed by the patriarchal forces and systems. Though the society has invested them with
superior position and powers, yet the same society does not allow them the freedom to go
astray. The male gender is allowed to exercise their freedom of choice as long as they follow
the norms set by the society. As they go astray from what is expected of them to be and do,
they are susceptible to the forces of the patriarchy that then write their destiny. Therefore,
when Jairaj chooses to subvert the set role of a male by taking dance as his profession, he
becomes the victim of his orthodox, revengeful father who is hell bent to “make his son an
Amritlal’s anxiousness to settle down his son in the society erases the thin line between
an affectionate and doting father and an obsessive, egoistic one. Thus under the guise of a
compassionate father, Amritlal exploits very safely and subtly the ambitious Ratna to seek the
most desired man’s world for his son. He lays before her two very lucrative options, both of
which any women would like to possess in her life. The first one is the freedom to pursue her
dream, i.e. dance and the second is to see her husband, like any other man, as a successful
bread winner for the family rather than waste his life dancing. He hits two birds by one stone.
By giving Ratna the freedom to dance, he tries to buy son’s happiness by settling him in a
man’s world. Emphasising on the making of Jairaj as a complete and successful man Amritlal
RATNA: No
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AMRITLAL: In being a man… I have no intension of Stopping you. I will let
you dance.
As Amritlal strikes a deal with Ratna giving her the space to practise and excel in her
dance, Ratna deviates from the ideal image of wife as friend and company, sahadharmini and
steps into the shoes of her father-in-law. Ratna becomes the scheming mistress working
against Jairaj. The ambitious and overconfident Ratna with no hesitation becomes an
accomplice to her father-in-law to destroy her husband’s passion and talent. This in turn
introduces Jairaj into another episode of oppression, betrayal and frustration, now in the
hands of female gender. She starts undermining Jairaj’s self esteem that serves the purpose of
both the patriarchal father and his daughter-in-law. Gradually she reduces Jairaj to drunken
impotency and she keeps on delivering brilliant and extra ordinary performances one after
another. She cold bloodedly misguides Jairaj, keeps on curbing his artistic creativity and
abilities and ultimately successfully destroys his artistic finesses and reduces him to a shadow
of hers.
Dattani, the master of stage crafts, brilliantly depicts Ratna playing a pivotal role in
marginalizing Jairaj both at home and outside. Through a beautiful stage direction in which
Ratna dazzles in her brilliant dance performance at the centre of the stage, Dattani focuses on
how she pushes Jairaj to the periphery of the stage, where in the dim light, he struggles to
shine with his not so important role and steps. Jairaj’s marginal space on the stage reflects his
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marginalization at home too. Ratna becomes the decision maker both at home and in their
Bit by bit. You took it when you insisted on top billing in all our programmes.
You took it when you made me dance my weakest items. You took it when you
arranged the lighting so that I was literally dancing in your shadow. And when
you called me names in front of other people. Names I feel ashamed to repeat
It is the support of patriarchal head coupled with economic independence that bring Ratna a
If Amritlal uses his daughter-in-law to achieve his objective of changing his only son to
an adult, Hasmukh uses his secretary, Kiran, to teach his son the business professionalism.
Hasmukh is probably one of the shrewdest creations of Dattani. Hasmukh, the self made man
fails to understand the scientific spirit that his son possess to take his business to a newer
height. Rather the conventional father feels he requires a seasoning before he dies and when
he fails to do that instead of leaving the property in his hand, he entrusts the will with Kiran,
his office secretary. Kiran’s intelligence and acumen to manage finance and related situation
have always earned her brownie points. Since he finds her more intelligent, clever and
practical than his own family members, he makes her a legal governor of his property and
family till his son meets all the conditions put by him in the will.
Thus, Hasmukh uses the will as a tool and Kiran as an agent to continue the subjugation
of his son after his death. He manages to exercise his authorial power even after his death by
putting the terms and conditions for Ajit to own the will in his name. Like Ratna in Dance
Like a Man, Kiran Javeri in Where There is a Will takes the role of a female tyrant.
Appointed by a male patriarch these two women use their authority in a patriarchal family to
subordinate and subjugate the male members of the family. Initially as the trustee of late
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Mehta’s property and assigned with the responsibility “to run the Mehta Group of Industries
on behalf of Ajit Mehta” (Dattani 41), Kiran is subjected to lots of unpleasant bickering.
Nevertheless, as she manages to win the hearts of the family members, the hidden truths
about the tyrant father come to the fore. The tyranny of the patriarchal head and the shameful
consequences that the family had to face can be best summed in Preeti’s words:
The will has left us all naked. The whole world is saying, ‘Hasmukh Mehta
didn’t have faith in his own family. He didn’t get along with his wife. His son is a
spendthrift. His daughter-in-law is a scheming little witch. That’s why he left all
The coupled effect of authoritative father figures and the consequences of challenging
gender specific roles in a Brahmanical society lead to the marginalisation of Ajit and Jairaj in
their respective families as well as in the society. However, gender marginalisation takes
even worse form in the case of individuals who do not conform to the hetero normative
Mumbai, Alpesh in Do the Needful and the hijras in Seven Steps Around the Fire.
IV
“What Makes a Man a Man?” (Dattani 55) is a potent question that surfaces the
frustration and helplessness of many such individuals who challenge the normative standards
of gender roles and sexuality in a rigid caste, class and gender based Brahmanical society.
Any lifestyle that fails to conform to this Brahmanical tradition is an object of condemnation
and rejection. The strong, rather stubborn, insistence on assuming specific gender role that
dwarfed Jairaj’s existence, both in the Parekh household and in the world of Bharatnatyam
dance, takes a more vicious form of subjugation, oppression and marginalization of people
with alternate sexuality and put together under an umbrella term ‘third gender’. Homosexuals
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like Kamlesh, Sharad and Prakash in A Muggy Night in Mumbai, Nitin and Praful in Bravely
Fought the Queen, Alpesh in Do the Needful and the group of hijras in Seven Steps around
the Fire are the sxsexually marginalized men because of their sexual orientation.
Dattani as one of the most daring and innovative playwright delves deep into this grey
areas of concern which are otherwise considered as closet themes. Regarding the ease with
which Dattani deals with the invisible themes of social concern with the sole objective of
creating gender sensitivity in the society, Vijay Kumar Das, a renowned critic on Dattani
observes:
The branching out of feminism into same sex love relationship like
homosexuality and lesbianism which are unacceptable to the Indian society even
today, find a proper place in Dattani’s plays. Gender relationship and the plight of
hijras (eunuchs), who are neither male nor female, but wanting to be both, are
A Muggy Night in Mumbai, Do the Needful, Bravely fought the Queen and Seven Steps
around the Fire are the plays that deal with the plight of the individuals who are either
generally considered sexually deviant or with unnatural sexuality. These plays provide a very
insightful but pathetic picture of social apathy expressed against homosexuals and
transgender, the humiliation and emotional trauma with which they exist in a Brahmanical
society. Their existence, however, is not at the centre stage but at the peripheral margins of
the society.
“nature” into which humans can be divided. The nature that includes both physical and
psychological aspects of an individual and their procreative capacity can be divided into three
categories: pums-prakriti (male), stri-prakriti (female), and tritiya-prakriti (third nature). The
third nature is the broadest one that includes people of various natures either physically,
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psychologically or both. They may be who are physically male (kliba) or female (svairni) but
experience same-sex desires, transgender men and women (shandha and shandhi) who
completely identify as the opposite sex, and intersex individuals (napumsa) who are non-
may be heterosexual or homosexual in their desires (Shafi 2). The sexualities covered under
the umbrella tritiya-prakriti (third nature), were considered as not natural and therefore,
individuals with sexual orientation or sexual abnormalities that did not conform to the
The wide range of types of sexualities that is defined and given a place of significance in
Indian culture and tradition may be viewed as ‘error or transgression’ (Shafi 3) for other
nationalities but as Serena Nanda observes, given the wide horizon of Indian culture these
them, Hinduism not only accommodates such ambiguities, but also views them as
However, the rich religious and socio-cultural history of India has ample prove that third
gender was a part of Indian civilisation, though not very well received, had no history of
brutality or aggressive resistance to their existence. In fact there are strong historical
evidences that suggest that both types of alternate sexual orientation; homosexuals and
transgenders were common in India. Vedic medical texts like the Sushruta Samhita declare
and texts concerned with human sexuality (the Kama Shastra) refer to homosexuals as a
“third sex” (tritiya-prakriti) with both masculine and feminine natures. In Hindu texts there is
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a clear mention of homosexual practises but under strong regulation. A well known
Indologist, A L. Bashan remarks, “The erotic life of ancient India was generally heterosexual.
Homo-sexualism (sic) of both sexes was not wholly unknown; it is condemned briefly in the
law books, and the Kama Sutra treats of it, but cursorily, and with little enthusiasm”(172).
Of all the evidences that endorse the existence of different sexualities of tritiya prakriti
in the Indian civilization, the best are Hindu mythologies and architecture that speak volumes
about the existence of third type of sexuality. There are many Hindu mythological tales that
abound in stories about Gods and mortals who can change gender. Shiva is the most cited
example of Hindu God who is represented with a dual nature of male and female,
Ardhanarisvara (Nanda 20-22). Ayyappa is another example of a God born from the sacred
unison of Brahma and Mohini, a female incarnation of Vishnu. (Penrose 9) The erotic
sculptures and rich stone carvings on the walls of revered temples of Khajuraho and Konark
depicting copulation between same sex individuals are irrefutable witness of the existence of
a whole range of sexual behaviour that was not according to prakriti or the laws of nature.
in ancient Hindu or Vedic society (Nanda 20). Brihannala’s traditional role as a skilled
teacher of the fine arts and her acceptance by Maharaja Virata into his kingdom are all truly
exemplary (Bhagavad Gita). In the same light, Lord Krsna stresses throughout the Bhagavad
Gita that everyone should work for God according to their respective nature (svadharma),
even if performed imperfectly. “To follow another’s path or to artificially suppress one’s
nature,” He says, “is dangerous and ill advised” (Bhagavad Gita 3.33) The Holy Book of
Hindus, Bhagavad Gita, also teaches that a person’s character is determined by individual
behaviour, not body-type, and that all kinds of men can attain the supreme destination. It
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affirms that God does not hate anyone and that spiritually advanced persons view all living
entities equally, treating everyone with friendship and kindness. (Bhagavad Gita 9.32)
The bhakti or devotional scriptures include the most popular and well-known Hindu
texts such as Bhagavad Gita, Srimad Bhagavatam, Sri Isopanisad, Ramayana, Mahabharata,
etc. While these texts do not explicitly address homosexuality, their important teachings are
equally applicable to all classes of men. The third gender appears briefly throughout these
The issues of sexuality in Hindu religious texts form a part of larger area of discussion
related to gender. In this context Arvind Sharma has outlined different perspectives of
differ between varna caste distinctions as well as gender; with regard to the latter,
due to greater concern for female virtue and propriety, lesbian relationships
carried a more severe penalty than those between men—although the reverse is
true in the arthashtras. With these texts considered alongside the values promoted
by popular Hindu literature such as the Mahabharata, Ramayana, and the Puranas,
However, according to Sharma, Kama Sutra and Moksha Sastra show a more pleasant
dharma values. (Sharma 52-58) The homosexual relation that a woman nurtures with other
women, is even more condemned in a patriarchal society as it poses greater danger to the
perpetuation of generations.
Whereas Brahminical and Buddhist positions assigned gender on procreative abilities (as
purush, stri, and napunsaka), the Jain system also assigned a psychological gender or
bhavalinga, i.e., the mental sexual makeup. Jainism thus tried to separate the biological from
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individual sexual preference. Vatsyayana, too, tried to provide a balance between one’s
sexual preference and the laws of the land by saying that in all things connected with love
everybody should act according to the custom of his country and his own inclination (Burton
127). Regarding the Jain perspective on tritiya prakriti, Reddy observes, “It is among the
Jains, a minority religious community with an ancient history and a distinct corpus of
literature, that speculation on the nature of third-sexed individuals were the most elaborated
Unlike the series of debates that have taken and are still taking place on the androgynous
state of the homosexual behaviour in Hindu Brahmanical society, the hijras, though at the
margins and marked by long drawn disagreement and debates, they share a social space that
has earned religious significance because of their association with Bahucharamata. The
hijras, according to Serena Nanda, are neither ‘men nor women’ (Nanda ix) but identifies
them as “culturally significant ritual performers” (Nanda ix) and certifies “third gender roles
(Nanda x).
It is interesting to note that the social acceptance of the hijras have gone through many
ups and downs in the hands of foreign invaders. However, the importance and social
acceptance of the hijras increased dramatically with the advent of the Muslim rulers in India,
especially the Moghuls. Gayatri Reddy in her book, With Respect To Sex: Negotiating Hijra
Identity in South India, maps the increasing significance of the role of the eunuchs in Indian
subcontinent:
Medieval European travellers and recent social historians alike have been
fascinated by the vibrancy and longevity of the eunuch’s presence and their
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advisors, powerful administrators and chamberlains, as well as trusted generals
It was only during the rule of the British colonisers two very significant approaches
gradually pulled down the social significance of the eunuchs. The British perceived the third
gender identities as a deviation from traditional concepts of masculinity and femininity. The
absence or exclusion of the male genitals in them was seen by the British as a failure to prove
The British notions of gender binary that refused to accommodate the third gender
influenced the Hindu ideology of gender behaviour. The third gender became a matter of
concern for the Hindu nationalists who were trying to counter the British idea of effeminate
masculinity of Indian men. Thus, the third gender that was already established as ‘neither
male nor female’ (Nanda ix) became a threat to the idea of Indian masculinity as well as
femininity and became objects of social exclusion and marginalization. Even the
homosexuals were regarded as threat to India’s socio-political and cultural scenario as their
After the Indian Rebellion of 1859 as the Europeans became obsessed with maintaining
purity and social order in public space, which was regarded as ‘masculine’ against the
domestic space that was perceived as ‘feminine’ (Hinchy 281), all those people who were
regarded as ‘threat’ to the social order and purity were put under the strict control of the
newly formed British Criminal Tribes Act, (CTA) (Reddy 27). On one hand, it was English
puritanical approach that did not approve of the social presence of the eunuchs and on the
other hand the stratified patriarchal society reduced them to a criminal class. In 1860s, during
the British rule, Chapter XVI, Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code criminalised sexual
activities "against the, order of nature", arguably including homo sexual activities. Thus, in
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the colonial period the “hijra body,” again, became the subject of misrepresentation,
regulation and surveillance. They were accused of crime against the State by virtue of
Later, in 1879, the act was revised and because of their lack of basic hygiene, as the
British conceived of the hijras, they were included in this category. However, according to
Hinchy, the hijra identity was legitimized because of the reiteration of their common
mythology, daily worship of associated deities and visits to the shrine that helped them to
subvert the colonial ideology of hijras. (285-6) However, the homosexuals could not legally
The British Puritanism in the colonised India gained immense significance with the rise
of nationalist discourses in the late 19th and 20th century India. The discourse that was
basically rooted in “glorious Aryan heritage” and aimed at drawing the difference between
the glorious East and the flamboyant West emphasised on the masculinity of Hindu men
Penrose, it was at this time that the Indian subcontinent in its attempt to emphasise the
ideology of the West (32-33). The gender ideology of the West that moulded the Indian
notion was further moulded by the Brahmanic tradition of stratified society based on caste
and class. It brought a different perspective to the existence of individuals under third nature
that looked upon them with abhorrence and detestation and stripped them off from their
position of glory. Hindu Brahmanic tradition that rests heavily on marriage and procreation
for maintenance of its caste and class stratification rejects any carnal lust that is not
procreative in nature. Caste and class are integral part of Hindu Brahmanical society. Family
and kinship play vital role in retaining the caste purity which is again dependent on
procreative sex. Any sex that is non procreative in nature is condemned and strongly
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discouraged. Thus, as the individuals covered under third nature were regarded as unnatural
beings, the society started hating and avoiding them. The debasement and marginalization of
eunuchs can be traced back to Manusmriti as well where Manu in chapter IX, verse
201expresses his strong abhorrence for them, “Eunuchs and outcasts, those born blind or
deaf, idiots and the dumb, as well as those deficient in any organ, are entitled to no
Hindu society is also characterised by four stages which are corresponding to four goals
material gain), kama (acts of love or pleasure), and moksa (spiritual activities aimed at
liberation from worldly life) of life. Marriage and procreation are regarded as the most
significant objectives of human life. In fact marriage and procreation play a vital role in
realising the true essence of the four stages and four goals of life and in turn help to maintain
the stratification of the society into four divisions. Time and period also have vital
significance in Hinduism as it considers the past determines the present as much as the
present determines the future. In that sense the stages of life are inextricably linked with the
goals of life so much so that the past karma can give birth to the type of sexual orientation in
The presence of the individuals under third nature of sexuality is forcefully made
invisible to protest against their unnatural sexuality. Legally too third gender poses even more
problems, especially with inheritance of ancestral property. In the absence of off spring the
property is passed to other relatives or kinsmen that disturb the scope of class arrangement
without fail. With such factors that are potent enough to disintegrate the binding forces of the
Brahmanical society, it is quite well understood why the individuals under tritiya-prakriti
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Unlike the homosexuals in a brahmanical society, the hijras have an institutionalised
existence in the society. They are known by their own set of culture and religion. They
embrace and worship Bahuchara Mata, a Goddess under whose divine powers they have
formal initiation to their hijra community. According to Nanda, “This identification with the
Mother Goddess is the source both of the hijras’ claim for their special place in Indian society
and the traditional belief in their power to curse or confer blessings on male infants” (1).
This fear and prejudice that the hetero normative society lives with is evident in Uma’s
research project on thought as she tries to figure out the authenticity of their curse:
Is it true? Could it be true what my mother used to say about them? Did they
really put a curse on her because they did not allow them to sing and dance at
their wedding? Or was that their explanation for not being able to have children
of their own? Or a reason to give to people for wanting to adopt me? (Dattani17)
The ritual process of the sacred Thread Ceremony that marks the official acceptance of
the boys of the upper three castes into their varnas and initiates a Brahmin boy into the life of
Brahmachari, the ritual of castration of hijras marks the formal adoption of a hijra in a
particular gharana. The process of emasculation is the dharm (caste duty) of the hijras, and
the chief source of their uniqueness (Nanda 5). According to Nanda, emasculation certainly
brings the hijra devotee in to a closer identification with the female object of devotion.
Identification of the hijras with Bahuchara specifically and through her, with the creative
powers of the Mother Goddess worshipped in many different forms in India, is clearly related
to their major cultural function, that of performing at homes where a male child has been
born. The hijras confer fertility, prosperity, and health on the infant and family. At both
weddings and births, hijras hold the power to bless and to curse, and families regard them
ambivalently (5-7).
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The power to bless or curse that is often regarded as a unique power that the hijras
possess because of their association with Bahucharamata and the creative asceticism of Lord
Shiva. The coming together of the power of Shiv and Shakti gives them a power to bless
people with infertility. Uma who was totally disillusioned about their cultural significance
and social marginalization of hijras, in spite of their cultural and religious significance,
becomes more sensitive about their social role when one of them happy with her true
intensions of helping them to have a better social place blesses her with an amulet that would
make her a mother. The socio cultural significance of the hijras is evident in the gesture of
blessing Uma with fertility, “May you have a hundred sons!” (Dattani 25). In spite of social
marginalization, their powers to bless and curse have kept them still visible, though with
detestation.
Family and kinship forms the base on which the Brahmanical structure stands. The chief
role of a family is to control the sexuality of a woman and thereby provide optimum
conditions for procreation and continuation of lineage and maintain familial as well as social
hierarchy. However, since the hijras fail to conform to normal sexuality, they are devoid of
family structure that identifies the hetero sexual crowd as kin to others. They are in fact
refused a coexistence with their natal families and the hetero normative society and deprived
of having, maintaining and nourishing any kind of human relationships. This refusal
definitely serves another purpose that further reduces them to ‘it’. The negation of familial
bonds also never allow the hijras to enjoy the status of someone’s ‘husband’ or ‘wife’ or
‘brother’ or ‘sister’. Lack of support by their natal families creates a void in them which in
turn creates a strong desire for a family that leaves them to develop an imaginary family
system.
The family system that the hijras have is their own construct to counter Brahmanic
system of living and also it allows a cohesive existence of the hijras. They adopt themselves
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into guru-chela structure that serves them to contest the battle with the hetero normative
society that negates them any kind of familial bonds. Dattani has left several instances in the
play that reflect that though the hijras have their own family structures, they have a deep
longing for the more conventional form of family. The lack creates a desire but the hijras are
far from materialising their desire of a more conventional family life. Although, the hijra
community tries quite bravely to negotiate their space in the hetero normative society, they
The photograph of Kamla and Subbu, with “Kamla as a beautiful bride smiling at Subbu
with the wedding garland around him” (Dattani 41), symbolizes Kamala’s desire to become a
part of the hetero normative society with a proper family and sharing familial and social
bonds of love, affection, care and concern. It is a very significant step on the part of a hijra to
come out of the closet in search of an identity and social recognition. However, their bold
step towards negotiating their space in the hetero normative space prove futile as they
continue to remains as victims of the Brahmanical social order. Kamala’s murder and the
destruction of their wedding photograph symbolize the politics of devoicing the people with a
deviant sexuality.
Champa, the guru hijra, who bears the responsibility of maintaining the purity of their
gharana (the family) also surfaces the desire of entering into conventional family structure of
awareness of her existence as someone alien to the society stops her from accepting and
nurturing a relation with a heterosexual person. Thus, when Uma shows her concern and
humane kindness to Champa in one of her meetings with the latter, Champa is overwhelmed
by the warmth and affection shown to her but she manages to keep safe distance from her. In
fact she even doubts Uma of having a secret agenda behind being so sensitive for the cause of
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hijrasa and therefore, she strongly opposes and chastises Uma’s kind behaviour and retorts
The establishment of a pseudo family structure by the hijras gives them a space to
establish and nurture the familial bonds of love, care, concern and kindness which the hetero
normative society denies them to have. The love and concern also enables all the members to
remain united away from the society that has marginalized them. This love and concern is
evident in the interaction between Champa and Kamala as Kamala tried to enter into the
hetero normative society. Like a mother, Champa tries to counsel and stop her from taking
the step that would bring her imminent end and when the obstinate Kamala refuses to listen to
her, she takes a harsh action against her, “So many times I warned her… I tried to stop them.
I fought with her. I scratched her face, hoping she will become ugly and Subbu will forget
The above mentioned incident also registers the Guru’s authority in Guru-Chela relation.
In the relation of Guru-chela, any chela challenging the authority of the Guru is considered as
a non conformist and is subjected to grave punishment. In this context, Champa’s scratching
of Kamala’s face, besides the gesture of love and concern is actually a punishment for trying
to be a nonconformist.
This particular incident has a significance that runs parallel to Hindu Brahmanical
society. In a Brahmanical patriarchal society women are considered as the custodians of the
caste and class boundaries. Since women are perceived as custodians of caste and class
boundaries and also as active agents who can permeate the boundaries, their sexuality is kept
under strict vigil by the watchdogs of the Brahmanical society. Likewise the hijra gurus
control the emasculated hijra chelas and stop them from associating and entering into sexual
relationship with heterosexual men. Thus, when Kamala falls in love with Subbu, the son of
an influential politician, Champa warned her to maintain distance from Subbu, so that
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because of her hijra identity she does not fall prey in the hands of those rich and power who
The family structure, kinship and ritual system are the structures through which a
Brahmanical society perpetuates its lineage and control sexuality of its women are also
present in the hijra community. However, it is the absence of the male organs or female
organs that ensure the procreative power in heterosexuals that mark their difference from the
former. The Brahmanic society distinguishes them on their sexuality and renders them a
marginalized existence. The ambivalent identity of the hijras and their potential powers of
blessing and cursing give rise to a relation of abhorrence and animosity with the hetero
normative society.
The hetero normative society takes advantage of the hijras’ ambiguous sexuality and
amorphous identity and often subjects them to uncouth verbal abuse and physical
maltreatment. They are forced to live in a deplorable condition in a hetero sexual society. The
scene in the jail in Seven Steps around the Fire where Uma discusses about Anarkali, the
hijra, who is detained in the jail and accused of the murder of another beautiful hijra Kamal,
speaks volume about how they are denied of an identity of their own. Most of the Hijras have
an affinity for female body and they dress and emulate females. Nanda in her extensive
research on the hijra community have come across hijras who would assert themselves as
females, “We hijras are like women,” then enumerated “the ways in which they felt and
behaved like women” (Nanda xix). The cultural role that they perform in the society also
demands them to dress like females and emulate feminine behaviour. However, in order to
counter their oppression the hijras often turn to aggressive emulation of female dressing that
in its obscenity help them to subvert the ideal image of a woman. This kind of violent and
aggressive nature often leads to equating hijras with the aggressive nature of hetero sexual
males.
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However, Anarkali, unlike other hijras is a docile and quite reticent who loves to dress in
a female’s costume, yet she is kept amongst the male accused in the lock up. She is
physically assaulted and ill treated. She is constantly subjected to abusive words and physical
torture and is reduced to a state of nothingness. The fact that she is addressed as ‘it’ and ‘this
thing’ (Tendulkar16) shows the kind of abusive life that they live in hetero normative society.
Her conversation with Munswamy on Anarkali captures how the police in specific and people
up if it doesn’t. (Dattani 7)
Dehumanizing the hijras to ‘it’ is not only the society’s way of showing its abhorrence for the
hijra community but it is also a trope that the hetero normative society employs to victimize
them to a state of emotional oppression by refusing them human qualities like love, desire,
human bonds and relations. It is a calculative measure taken by the patriarchal society to
condition them to a life devoid of feelings and relations and gradually push them to the
In the course of her research work, Uma realises that the society does not only reject the
identity and existence of the hijras but also shows legal apathy towards their condition. The
legal system is a construct of the patriarchal society and therefore it is also indifferent and
unsympathetic as the society. The apathy of the State law is evident in the way the police
system works and in spite of not having any proof against Anarkali, as Suresh,
Superintendent of Police says, “we only arrested her because there was no one else. There is
no real proof against her. It could be any one of them” (Dattani 33).
It is obvious from the words of the Superintendent of Police, Suresh, that the legal
system of the Brahmanical society does not wish to accommodate the hijras with any special
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provisions and laws that would protect their condition. Instead of providing them with justice
and protecting their rights, the judicial system too turns deaf ears to their pleadings. By
repeated rejection of their pleadings the state forces the hijras to permanent silence, where
they too accept their fate and find it a better option to maintain silence about their situation.
It was only Champa who knew the hidden truth behind Kamala’s murder. Yet when
Uma requests Champa to divulge the truth to the police and the law, she refuses to do so
because she knew that her truth would invariably fail to change the verdict of the court
against Anarkali. The absence of a transparent and impartial legal system fails to encourage
Champa to tell the real story behind Kamala’s murder. She is sure that there is no guarantee
of justice even if she tells the hidden truth of the murder case. Thus the legal apathy leaves
the hijra community with no choice other than accepting their inhuman condition and
maintains silence forever. Uma’s disillusionment on legal apathy towards third gender that
silences and forces them to bear with their inhuman condition of living grows stronger as in
the course of her research she realises the truth behind it, “They knew. Anarkali, Champa and
all the hijra people knew who was behind the killing of Kamla. They have no voice. The case
was hushed up and not even reported in the newspaper. Champa was right. The people made
Suresh is Dattani’s spokesperson reflecting the undeniable disgust that the society
harbours against the hijras. Suresh, who is the jail Superintendent and son of a Deputy Police
Commissioner firmly, believes that the hijras are ‘all just castrated degenerate men’ (Dattani
10) and ‘all liars’ (Dattani 9) who never speak the truth. The way they are addressed and
discussed by others not only transpires hatred and abomination for them but is also a strategy
of making them invisible in the society. They are poor souls about whom “Nobody seems to
know anything about them. Neither do they” (Dattani16). The gloom and darkness that
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spreads around them and covers them even confuses Uma who tries to find some more
Did they come to this country with Islam, or are they a part of our glorious Hindu
tradition? Why are they so obsessed with weddings and ceremonies of childbirth?
How do they come to know of these weddings? Why do they just show up
without being invited? Are they just extortionists? And why do they not take
The only way that they are heard is through their claps. Their claps are their strategic ways of
asserting their presence in the society that tries to negate their presence. Yet in the constant
battle with the hetero normative society, their claps are unheard and bear no meaning other
than alerting and scaring the hetero normative people of their presence.
Munnaswami like his officer Superintendent Police Suresh reflects the heterosexual
society’s aversion towards the hijras. During the course of her fieldwork, as Uma makes
several visits to the office of the Superintendent of Police and schedules a meeting with
Anakarli, the hijra convict, Constable Munnaswami, warns her not to involve in the life of the
hijras. Rather, he requests Uma to take a better, more relevant and an ‘interesting story’
(Dattani 8) like that of man cutting his wife’s nose. Munswamy puts in his best efforts to
convince Uma and divert her attention to ‘other cases’ or cases involving ‘man killing man,
wife killing man’s lover, brother killing brother’ (Dattani 7). Munnaswami’s sincere efforts to
control Uma’s research requirements reflect the hetero sexual conservative Brahmanicl
biased attitude towards non conformist sexualities. There is a constant battle between the
hetero normative society and the hijras in terms of their sexual orientation and performance
and the sexually privileged class neither wants to talk to them nor talk about them.
The watchman in A Muggy Night in Mumbai and the gardener in Do the Needful are
Dattani’s are sober but special creations through whose minor roles Dattni depicts the major
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concerns of the homophobic world. If the Constable Munnaswami depicts the hetero sexual
society’s detestation for the sexually deviant hijras, the watchman in A Muggy Night in
Mumbai is fully of sympathy for the homosexual men around him. Instead of abusing and
shamelessly exposing the photograph that showcases the very intimate homoerotic relation
between Kamlesh and Prakash, the watchman warns the educated civilized and urban group
of gay friends to carefully pursue their likes and dislikes and keep it away from the normative
Aap log apna kam sari duniya ko batana chahte hain kya? … Aapka woh photo!
Baraat wale ke compound me gira! … Sab bache dekh rahe the! Sab hans rahe
the...Aur phir badon ne bhi dekh liya. Sab ne dekh liya! … Mujhe pooch rahe the,
yahaan kaun kaun aate hain.…Society waalo ko sab complaint karne wale hain!
(Dattani105).
Homosexuality is a matter of shame, ridicule and the homosexuals are often objects of
of shame as it might lead to a person’s social ostracism. The gardener in the Do the Needful is
the representative of typically homophobic hetero sexual people who are constantly haunted
by the fear of publicly caught in the company of homosexuals and a partner to their sinful
crime. Therefore, when he is caught by Lata, his employer’s daughter, he pleads and begs not
to make the news of his sexual partnership with the homosexual guest public. The gardener is
scared that such news will lead to his social condemnation and might be dismissed from his
job, “if the villagers come to know, I will not be able to go to the market” (Dattani 153). He
also repents for the sin that he has committed and is ready to pay for it, “If appa doesn’t kill
In contrast to Suresh amd Munnaswami who regard the sexual deviants as objects of
detestation, or the watchman who politely requests the homosexuals to refrain themselves
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from public display of their homosexual love and the fearful gardener, is the empathetic
woman, because of her unsuccessful marriage, Kiran had been subject matter of public
discussion of her private life and the object of inquisitive stares that singles her even in the
crowd as “that’s Kiran. The one whose husband dumped her” (Dattani 21). Her marginalized
state therefore, enables her to empathize with the other socially stigmatized ones. Her ability
to realise her homosexual friends’ craving for a stable relationship allows her to extend
herself as a sympathetic well wisher and friend. Like a good counsellor she advices her group
of homosexual friends, “Don’t let people know about you. You will spend your whole life
The social stigma attached to the homosexuals in Hindu Brahmanical society is worse
than hijras. The hijras because of their religious association have been given a space though
at the margins. But the homosexuals are constant struggling to make a space for their
existence. Even the hijras do not approve of such “men who are men and can have children
but who join their community out of the desire to have sexual relations with men” (Nanda 2).
The detestation and abuse to which the homosexuals are subjected in a heterosexual and
homophobic society result in identity crisis, alienation, loneliness and a longing for social
inclusion. Their life is nothing but a constant fight between their desire for same sex love and
social recognition. In their negotiations between personal desires and social expectations the
homosexuals are often left distraught, helpless and many a times they succumb to the societal
pressures.
Prakash in A Muggy Night in Mumbai is one such homosexual who succumbs to the
societal pressures. His need for social inclusion drives him to take the drastic decision of
withdrawing himself from his homosexual relationship with Kamlesh. Born and brought up
in a society that is ruled by the dictums of Manavdharma Shashtra, Prakash too believes
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hetero sexuality as the only acceptable form of sexuality. His socio-cultural and religious
conditioning instils in him that homosexuality is a sin. Scared of going against religion, and
consequent social exclusion, he takes the help of a psychiatrist to drive away the devil’s
The discrimination based on sexual orientation that the gays face is seen in both
Kamlesh and Prakash. The agony and pain that Kamlesh experiences as his homosexual
partner, Prakash dumps him for a hetero normative life, becomes evident in his emotional
outburst, “...for the first time in my life I wished I wasn’t a gay” (Dattani 69.) In order to
come to terms with the situation he too opts for medical help. However, there is a stark
difference in the ways Kamlesh and Prakash approach and use the medical science for their
help. Whereas Prakash seeks medical help and treatment to change his sexual orientation,
Kamlesh seeks medical help and counselling to help him cope with his loneliness, fear and
anxiety. He finds the doctor’s recommendation for a reorientation of his sexuality completely
unacceptable and therefore denounces the doctor as well as his advice. The doctor’s
prescription for Kamlesh’s problem as well his path of treatment is a direct testimony of the
way the hetero sexual society sees the gays as a threat to their society that aims to maintain
The plight of the homosexuals in a hetero normative society is under such a threat that in
order to have an acknowledged existence they sacrifice their true identities and sexual
orientation. Since they live in a society where their standards of living, codes of conduct and
expectations of the society do not match with the hetero normative, their existence is shaped
by their calculative moves. A world that is full of threats, it is the fittest who survive. The
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Homosexuality is a mental makeup and has psychological effects on an individual that is
not so easy to overcome its feelings. The victims of same sex love, in search of a happy and
peaceful life and at the same time to enjoy some kind of social inclusion bank on several
strategies to hide their sexual orientation. The institution of marriage then is exploited by the
significant milestones in a Brahmanic society that allows an individual to realise the different
goals of life. The sexually deviant homosexuals and hijras who are generally categorised
under the umbrella of tritiya prakriti or individuals with third nature sexuality are socially
marginalised because of their inability to meet the greatest dharma of life, to procreate and
However, the smarter lot of the homosexuals in order to strike a balance between
intrinsic homosexual desire and social expectation of a hetero normative life enter into
marriage. His desire to be a part of hetero normative society coupled with his maturity and
deep understanding of homophobic society enables him to meet smoothly and successfully
the responsibilities of a conventional husband and father figure. Bunny Singh, the successful
TV actor and family person is one such homosexual person who uses marriage to give him
Bunny Singh is an actor in a true sense and puts up the image of a macho man for easy
social acceptance. He successfully contests the cultural image of a man as a caring husband
and responsible and loving father by effectively camouflaging his sexuality beneath his TV
image as a successful actor in Yeh hai Hamari Parivar and as a macho newsreader. Even
Kiran, in her observation finds Bunny Singh an ideal husband and father who successfully
switches over from one role to another without raising any eyebrow, “You are the ideal
husband and father I can’t imagine anyone else in that part” (Dattani 18). However under
such a confident approach that Bunny Singh shows, is his real concern of being identified as
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a man with alternate sexuality. His fear of this is reflected when he tells Sharad: “Do you
think I will be accepted by the millions if I screamed from the roof tops that I am gay?”
(Dattani16)
Both Kamlesha and Bunny Singh touch upon the fact that their sexual orientation stands
against their social acceptance. It is understood from the stand that Bunny has taken that both
public display of his gay nature and social inclusion is not possible unless and until it is
camouflaged as he does. Thus, for social inclusion, the one and only solution is to control
Controlling the sexuality of a woman which is one of the most significant principles of a
Brahmanical society that helps to retain the purity of its caste and class often drives its
custodians to control the sexuality of males too. Kusumben Patel, mother of homosexual
Alpesh in Do the Needful, exemplifies the tension and anxiety of a Brahmanical society to
retain the purity of caste by controlling the sexuality of her son, Alpesh. Though Alpesh has
the history of a failed marriage and the family is apprehensive that if he is remarried ‘it might
happen again’ (Dattani126) because of his homosexual tendencies, his mother emotionally
blackmails him to submit to their hetero normative ways of life and marriage and warns him,
“No. I will not let it happen again. It can never happen again. I might as well take poison and
The Patels see in hetero sexual matrimonial alliances a new promise to bring a change in
Alpeh’s mentality and sexual preferences and therefore leave no stones unturned to grab the
opportunity of meeting, discussing and finalising the prospective alliance from Bangalore.
The Patels take the help of the same institution of marriage, which their son tries to avoid,
covering up his alternate sexuality. Also for the Patels, the institution of marriage of their
only son is a means to perpetuate his Brahmanic lineage and preserve his caste purity. To
meet this objective the helpless parents leave no stones unturned to bring back their son to
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normal hetero normative life. They take the help of religion to get a bride for their son hoping
that might bring him back to normal life. Thus, before leaving for Bangalore for meeting the
prospective bride’s family, Mr. Patel offers special prayers for Alpesh, “Poojariji...over here!
...put fifty-one, no, hundred and one rupees for a special prayer for my son.(Louder)A special
However, since a homosexual like Alpesh is far from taking this responsibility, his
mother is ready to hide his sexual orientation to get him remarried. The conservative mother
in order to continue the family lineage is ready to get a girl from lower class for his
homosexual son, “ If not, we will find some poor Patel girl...who will be grateful to enter our
Patel household...who will not expect too much from you” (Dattani 126). Hence, the
institution of marriage when used as a tool to hide the sexuality of a homosexual, as in the
case of Bunny Singh, Ed and Alpesh, it loses its sanctity and becomes a marriage of
convenience. Unable to withstand the pressure and emotional blackmailing of his mother,
Alpesh gets into a marriage of mutual understanding, “Teri bhi Chup, meri bhi chup” (Dattani
142) with Lata Gowda, a marriage where though both decide to remain under the same roof
as husband and wife and pursue their own dreams without the society knowing about it.
Nitin and Praful in Bravely Fought the Queen like Prakash/Ed in A Muggy Night in
Mumbai exploit the institution of marriage to pamper their homosexual love. Nitin’s
homosexual love for Praful, however, proves that homosexual tendency does not always have
its origin in hereditary problems as was suggested by the 19th century psychologist Richard
von Kraft Ebing, whose Psychopathia Sexualis (1886) included masturbation, sado-
masochism and lust-murder in its list of sexual perversions, saw it as originating in heredity.
Rather, Nitin’s case can be interpreted in the line of Sigmund Freud who traces
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Nitin’s unpleasant childhood memories because of their abusive father left him with a
perpetual quest for a strong man on whom he can depend and rely for emotional support.
Praful, a little older by age and homosexual by orientation exploits this weakness of Nitin and
entraps him into his homosexual life. His timid and docile nature allows Praful to exploit him
for his selfish desires. As Nitin gets conditioned to his warm support and loving nature, he
gradually starts exhibiting committed and sincere homosexual love for Praful. In a
confrontation with Alka, he admits his sexual desire for Praful that is coloured with lust and
passion:
Those time when I used to spend the night at your place. And he would sleep on a
mattress on the floor, beside me…. When all lights were out, I would lie on the
cot. Waiting for at least as hour … And I would go back to Praful’s room… and
forward to look at him. Close enough for my breath to fall gently on his face. And
he would open his eyes…I loved him too. He is …was attractive. And he
responded…the office is not a good idea… too many people passing by…. But
Nitin’s docile and timid nature besides his blind love for Praful made him a puppet in Praful’s
hands. Praful exploits his sincere love to get him married to his sister Alka. Nitin, however,
blinded by his intense love for him, fails to understand Praful’s trick in getting him married to
Alka. His sense of betrayal comes to the fore in one of his monologues.
That was a game he played. And I-I was caught in it…He told me to get
married… How could I? And to whom?... He told me that you knew. And he had
told you... about me. And that it didn’t matter to you. You only wanted the
security of a marriage. He… told me everything would work out fine…But you
didn’t know! He tricked you! I-I…am sorry. It wasn’t fault. (Dattani 101)
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The ultimate regulating agency, the Manav Dashastra ,that specifies same sex love as
crime and therefore tries to control unnatural same sex love by either restraining people from
enriching his homosexual love experience with Nitin. Ntin capitalises the authority that the
Manav Dharmashashtra gives to men to regulate women sexuality (a woman shud be kept
under control of father in their maidenhood) and arranges her marriage with Nitin to continue
his homosexual love an unobjectionable way with him so that he remains in Nitin’s close
sacrament becomes a mere convenience contract in the hands of sexually deviant people. The
marriages of Bunny Singh, Ed, Nitin and Alpesh are not the rituals of Brahmanic society that
are carried out with the objective of procreation. However, it is only Bunny Singh who meets
both the objectives of marriage: procreation and continuation of his homosexual love. Yet the
consequences of such marriages of convenience are never fully satisfying. It subjects them to
a killing silence. Though on one hand by hiding his pain Bunny Singh is able to enjoy social
acceptance and leads a normal life, yet on the other hand he has to deal with his real self very
cautiously which forbids him to have a normal life as other hetero sexual men. The vast gulf
existing between Bunny Singh’s real and apparent self comes out when he surfaces his
Just as the man whom my wife loves does not exist, I have denied a lot of things.
The people who know me- the real me- are present here in this room. And you all
hate me for such a hypocrite. I have tried to survive. In both worlds. And it
class Indian man. I was chosen for the part in the serial because I fit into common
perceptions of what a family man ought to look like. I believe in it myself. I lied –
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to myself first. And I continue to lie to millions of people every week on
Alpesh’s marriage with Lata Gowda in the eyes of the hetero sexual society though a
marriage outside the caste is yet a successful one. However, the objective with which
Kusumben Patel and Mr. Patel arranged the marriage was far from materialising into reality.
Alpesh continues to be a homosexual in spite of sharing same roof with another woman as his
wife. The Patel couple’s dream of continuing their family lineage through Alpesh is also
doomed forever. In Bravely Fought the Queen the consequences of such marriage that seeks
to nurture homosexual love, are damaging too. Nitin’s relationship with Alka, his wife, is
based on lies, pretence never develops into a relation of care, and love and mutual
understanding that form the bedrock of a true love remains absent forever.
The people under trytiya prakriti, whether they be homosexuals or hijras, like other
marginalized characters Baa, Dolly, Alka, Tara, Jairaj and Amit sail the same boat, collapsed
between their inner most desires that the society finds unacceptable and the social
expectations. Though the individuals of tritiya prakriti had a glorious past and took pride of
their social significance, with the prominence of Brahmanical patriarchy their social existence
became one of gloomy hopelessness and utter helplessness. Their inability to procreate
became the bench mark that differentiated them from other heterosexual people in hetero
dwarfed the eunuchs’ present status to one of prejudice, where they are conceived as ‘bad
omen’, and ‘unlucky’ because of their sexual inability to procreate. Like the hijras, under
Brahmanical patriarchy, the homosexuals too failed to hold back the halo of their
society led to their social marginalization. An in depth study of the root causes of gender
marginalization in a caste based Brahmanical society, establishes the fact that there is no
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space for an individual to shape his or her own identity. The very existence of an individual is
formed and shaped by the social demands of the stratified Brahmanical society.
Dattani’s plays are an eye opener for his educated, urban readers and audience. His plays
avoid the typical sermonizing tone but aptly mirror the malfunctions of the society that is
steeped in gender inequity both in the private space as well as in the public domain.
Chapter Five
Conclusion
The conclusion tries to forge a common ground on which the plays of Vijay Tendulkar,
Raju Das and Mahesh Dattani can be compared to form a composite idea of caste and gender
marginalization that is still a concern of Indian playwrights; both in its urban sophisticated
pockets as well as in remote rural spaces. The three playwrights under scrutiny have reflected
different political and social milieu in their plays that provide a better opportunity to explore
the cultural and socio-political matrices of gender and caste marginalization. Further, the
scrutiny helps to establish marginalization of caste and gender as a continuum, as agents that
The plays of Vijay Tendulkar, Raju Das and Mahesh Dattani address and reflect upon
the various issues related with caste and gender exploitation and marginalization. However,
no comprehensive study of these three dramatists has yet been taken to analyse and
understand the intricacies of gender exploitation and its inextricable link with caste in a
Brahmanical patriarchal society. This study therefore, as mentioned in the introduction, has
attempted to provide an insight into subjugation and exploitation of women, men who either
challenge the conventional gender role and expectations or belong to lower castes and other
marginalized groups, like homosexuals and eunuchs in the set up of their families and in its
extension in the society. The detailed study of the selected plays shows that though the nature
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of marginalization is overlapping to a large extent, the socio-cultural implications implicit in
them mark their distinctiveness. Also evident in the portrayal of caste and gender
marginalization, is the varied degree to which each of these playwrights has responded to the
Tendulkar’s plays reflect the country in the 1970s when India was fighting tooth and nail
with social evils like trafficking of women and the problem of caste discriminations. His play
Kanyadaan, written post Emergency period, reflects the ideals of casteless society that the
then Prime Minister, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, was trying to build. His plays capture the time when
the nation was moving towards the new image of modern India, yet struggling to shed off the
baggage of its cultural past. The themes of enslavement of women, oppression and
motherhood and caste discrimination depicted through his characters like Sarita, Jyoti,
Kamala, Leela Benare speak volumes about this state. In addition to this, the onset of feminist
movement and its gradual development also had an impact on Tendulkar’s plays. The new
woman types with promises to challenge the stereotypical male hegemony became visible in
his characters like Ms. Benare, Jyoti and Sarita. These women are educated urban women but
born and brought up with values that are deeply rooted in Indian culture. Hence, in spite of
realising their exploitation at the hands of their husbands, both Sarita and Jyoti cling to their
role as ideal wives to serve their husbands as pativrata. In addition to her efforts to establish
herself as an ideal wife, Jyoti also challenges her father’s reformist ideas that though intends
to bridge the gap between castes, actually create a never bridgeable gap between the upper
castes and the Dalits. Leela Benare, a bold, confident school teacher challenges the
patriarchal notion of motherhood, tries to give birth to her child without entering into a
conventional wedlock but ultimately falls prey to the conventional social conditioning of
giving the child a name and an identity of his father. Since Tendulkar’s writing career was at
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a time when the cultural roots were tightly gripped in tradition and religious beliefs, evident
in his plays is his attempt to take the modest path of showing the awareness for a change in
his women characters but not convinced enough to really throw them away.
Raju Das, on the other hand, started writing in 1990s. However, his plays are situated in
the backdrop of Partition of Bengal in 1972 when his family was uprooted from the present
East Bengal. His plays are unique in the way they expose the hidden caste discrimination that
is practiced in the Left ruled state of West Bengal. The dejected condition of the refugee
Dalits, the disillusionment that crept into their lives with the promises broken by the newly
formed government and consequent policies made and executed by the Left government that
deprived them from several opportunities and pushed them to the fringes of the society. The
condition of Alok’s mother, Bani, Alodebi, Reema and Alok, as instances, reflect the distress
that marked Raju Das’s experiences in the newly formed West Bengal.
Dattani is another bold and assertive spokesperson of the unprivileged section of Indian
society. His plays span from late 1980s to 90s. His plays reveal those issues that were highly
stigmatised and were consciously swept under the carpet. Dattani captures in his plays the
time that was strongly hit by globalization and consumerism. The consumerism devoured
families and relationships, people endeavoured towards more liberal life but was caught in
the web of familial and social expectations and responsibilities, leading to an unruly life,
trying to dominate and subjugate the other for their own growth and development. His plays
that exclusively deal with gender marginalization in urban, sophisticated, cultured and
educated families are crowded mainly by minors, women and men, homosexuals and
transgenders.
In spite of writing in different time periods under different socio political and cultural
conditions, one common factor that binds all the plays of these three playwrights into one
cohesive unit is their heightened awareness of gender and caste marginalization that is
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perpetuated by Brahmanical and patriarchial modes. The inference that can be drawn from
the detailed analysis carried out in the preceding chapters is that it is through the social
institutions of marriage and family and Brahmanical ideologies that gender marginalization is
perpetuated. The study proves that marriage has been approved of as a legalised form of
enslavement. The role of a woman as a daughter before marriage and post marriage as wife,
sociologists and historians like Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, Gandhiji, Uma Chakravarti, Veena
Noble Das, Leela Dube to name a few have shown how women play a significant role in the
maintenance of purity and hierarchy of caste order. The plays under scrutiny help in deducing
how in a caste stratified patriarchal society both marriage and women in marriage have
A woman’s life had been one of socio-cultural conditioning since ages. This
subordination to men, to sacrifice one self and suffer endlessly for the sake of the family and
the patriarchal hegemony in silence. Women have not only embraced these qualities
voluntarily but have also internalised and upheld them as the primary principles of their lives.
A detailed study of the select plays helps one to comprehend how women have been
conditioned by these qualities, how these qualities have been propagated as the driving force
of their existence and how women irrespective of their socio-cultural and economic
The study has opened up the rich heritage of Indian plays that depict the inextricable link
between caste and gender and how caste and gender marginalization operates in a
Brahmanical society. The select plays taken for this research reflect the playwrights’ concern
and preoccupation with familial, social, political, historical and mythical issues that have
played influential role on the position of women and their existence. All the three playwrights
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have focussed on the social institutions like marriage, family and the idologies that direct the
lives of men and women to depict exploitation and marginalization of gender has its inception
continuing and maintaining caste order and purity. According to Dr. Ambedkar, it is
endogamous marriage that perpetuates caste order. His ideology aims towards prevalence of
exogamous marriage to bring a halt to the process of maintaining caste order through
marriage. However, the custodians of Brahmanical society have their own set rules and
punishments for the violators of marriage principles to maintain their claim on the superior
position in caste hierarchy. Raju Das’s plays like Surjo Tonoy is an apt example of how the
custodians of Brahmanical patriarchy manage to retain their caste identity and purity.
The institution of marriage functions as a double edged tool to serve twin purposes of
safeguarding caste order and its purity on one hand and keep women confined under the
control of patriarchal domination on the other hand. This is, however, achieved through
patriarchal constructs of ideologies like stridharma and pativrata. Tendulkar’s plays like
Kamala, Sakharam Binder, Vultures and Kanyadaan and Dattani’s plays like Where There’s
a Will, Tara, Final Solutions and Bravely Fought the Queen depict the manifold ways of
stunting women’s emotions and restricting them to the confines of household responsibilities.
Women characters of these plays like Sarita, Laxmi, Jyoti, Rama, Sonal, Bharati, Dolly,
Alka, Baa, Daksha/Hardika and Smita all endeavour in their roles as either wife or daughter-
in-law to reach the position of an ideal woman. However, in this process they are so burdened
with a series of duties, responsibilities and social obligations that they start forgetting
themselves, so much so that they happily sacrifice their desires, dreams, even their own
identity and existence. Alodebi in Raju Das’s play, Neel Selam, is one such example who
establishes herself as an ideal woman – a committed wife and responsible mother. In spite of
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being abandoned by her snobbish and egoistic husband, she manages to earn a living for
herself and her two blind children to give them a better future.
son, the heir to the family. It indirectly determines her position in the family and society. A
son’s birth is a matter of pride, a moment to celebrate in a family. His significance lies in his
ability to carry forward the family legacy. However, a girl’s birth brings with it a pile of
responsibilities. A daughter in Indian families is regarded as a ‘padaya dhan’, a gift for the
girl’s marital family but for which her natal family has to spend a lot on her. Though a girl is
perceived as Lakshmi, the very fact that her stay in her marital family is short lived, her
significance in her own family starts diminishing. Ironically, that does not mean she earns the
position of a queen in her marital family. There too she goes through tests and tribulations to
reach her position of an ideal wife and mother. The women characters of the selected plays
Sonal, Bharati and Alodebi embody the plight of women as mothers. Manu in the Xth
chapter of his book, Manusmriti, draws a parallel between a field and a woman’s womb in
which the seeds of her man are sowed. By doing so he naturalizes and silences women’s
opinion in the matters of getting pregnant and giving birth. It is in this passive womb that the
seed grows into seedlings and later develops into crops, but the quality of the crop heavily
depends on the type of the seed, though the field in which it is sowed has little or almost no
influence on the crop harvested. Implicit in this hypothesis is Manu’s emphasis on the
significance of the role of the man on the off spring. He further scales down the position and
significance of women by comparing her with other animals that give birth to their respective
babies but do not claim any hold on them. The man is the rightful owner of the seeds and the
seeds carry the qualities of their respective donor. Though the mother’s womb provides the
seed with blood and all the required nutrients, she has no claim on the seed. Consequently,
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the above mentioned women are either directly or indirectly blamed by their respective
husbands for any shortcoming in their children. Sonal is blamed by her husband for giving
birth to a son who is exactly a copy of his mother. Her husband cribs after having a son who,
he thinks, is passive and dull like his mother. Mr. Patel too possesses a similar mentality and
regards Bharati as the sole responsible person for his Siamese twins. However, he does not
put it so explicitly like Mr. Hasmukh. Rather, he takes out his angst on Bharati for this as a
quiet revenge for surpassing his authority and becoming the sole decision maker for the
surgery to separate the Siamese twins. Alodebi’s husband abandons her for giving birth to
two consecutive blind children. Though he is an educated man, he feels it is the sole
responsibility of his wife’s dormant genes and out of disgust for a life with blind children, he
Tara is discriminated from her birth. She is discriminated against her brother not only
because of her gender but also because of the ugly truth that to get a handicapped girl married
is a real challenge and can never be materialised. Since a woman in Brahmanical patriarchy is
a gateway to caste and therefore, should abide by ideal stridharma, she has to meet certain
criteria to prove her suitability as a perfect woman for her new family. Her purity and family
background are not the only criteria. She is also supposed to possess charming physical
the best choice of any household. However, for Tara her physical disability was a real
concern for her mother and therefore, clever as she is, she tried to invest time and money on
Chandan, to give a normal life to her male child, the light of the family. Raju Das’s Sanchari,
also known by her pet name, Khenti, is another example of a young woman’s vulnerable
Ironically, the harsh reality that women face is not only created by men, women also
work hand in hand to perpetuate patriarchal ideologies. Baa, Bharati, Shanta, Aruna, Laxmi,
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are women who are both victims and victimiser in a male dominated society. Each of them
had experienced oppression, physical and mental abuse at the hands of their husbands, yet as
the matriarchs or elderly women of their families, they do not deter themselves from
repeating their past in the lives of the younger women. Rather they consciously insist on
accepting and following the patriarchal ideologies in different ways. They are the worst
perpetrators of patriarchal values and ideologies. Hence, Baa, the old matriarch of the family,
repeats the same episodes of physical and mental abuses on her daughters-in-law that she was
subjected to in her youth, by instigating her sons. Bharati discriminates her daughter in spite
of experiencing discrimination and oppression by her husband. Aruna too insists her daughter
to follow certain rituals that she believes will enable her to become an ideal mother in future.
Mrs. Kashikar, the childless barren woman does not defend Ms. Leela Benare’s situation of
unwed motherhood. Instead she incites and fuels the fire by castigating her for her
misconduct and setting a wrong precedent for other women. Laxmi advices Sakharam to
murder Champa against his will, because she fails to remain loyal in the name of her saviour,
the womanizer Sakharam. As these women become the perpetrators of patriarchal ideologies,
they develop hostile relation with other young women. Hence there are many instances of
However, the gender marginalization that these women face does not blind them from
realising their real situation. Though most of them are confined within their domestic spaces
they manifest a positive urge to come out of their restricted spaces and claim their
emancipation. However, it is also true that not all of them are able to achieve their aim. Yet
most of these strong women characters like Sarita, Jyoti, Rama, Daksha/ Hardik, Baa,
Bharati, Sonal, Alodebi, Pishima and Alok’s mother very well realise how the aims of their
lives been denied, their desires been curbed and their dreams been chopped forever by the
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patriarchal forces of their respective families. However, some of them, like Dolly and Alka,
Sarita, Jyoti, Champa,Tara, Bani, Smita and Uma strive to bring a change to their conditions.
In fact, the women characters in the select plays can be categorised into three main
heads. The first group of rigid perpetrators of patriarchal values consisting of women like
Baa, Aruna, Bharati, Laxmi, and obscurely mentioned Alok’s grandmother. An interesting
characteristic of this group is their obsession with and over emphasis on the patriarchal
ideology of stridharma of women and the construct of pativrata. Baa is one such woman who
in spite of her torturous and abusive experiences in her marriage repeats the same in the lives
of her daughters-in-laws by manipulating his sons. The position of Aruna in the Gandhi
family of Final Solutions is relatively insignificant. She neither tries to assert her presence by
participating in any major discussion nor is she allowed in doing so. Quite silently she has
been subjugated in her family and therefore, the only space where she tries to make her
The second group consisting of soft and docile women who have internalised the
ideology of stridharma and willingly sacrifice themselves for the sake of their families.
Women like Sarita, Jyoti, Bharati, Shanta, Daksha/Hardika and Sonal belong to this group.
Dolly and Alka are forced to accept and internalise their roles as wives and daughters-in-law.
Tendulkar’s brilliant women characters like Sarita and Jyoti and Dattani’s Sonal not only
sacrifice their likes and dislikes, their desires, hopes and dreams to accommodate the
demands of their family members, especially of their respective husbands but also devote
themselves completely to support and defend their husbands in their respective situations.
They embody the notion of wife as sahadharmini and refuse to budge from their role as silent
sufferers with their husbands. Hardika and Sonal like Sarita and Jyoti are also pushed into
mute robotic mode where they are supposed to receive the commands of their masters and act
accordingly without showing any reluctance. Dolly and Alka make yet another set of women
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who are forced to accept their roles as wives and daughters-in-law in Trivedi family as
trained nurse for Baa and ideal, obedient and subservient wives to respective Trivdi brothers.
However, the last set of women, unlike the other women, do not take everything at its face
value and gradually muster courage to challenge the patriarchal hegemony. This group
consists of silent challengers who relentlessly endeavour towards retaining the sparks of
feminine energy symbolised through the image of Durga, the powerful Goddess of Hindu
religion. These women are at polar distance with those women who passively accept
subjugation and oppression at the hands of the male patriarchs. This group of women are
rebellious in nature and are eager enough to challenge the patriarchy that plays a substantial
role in women’s subjugation and marginalization. This group can be further sub divided into
two smaller groups: the silent challengers and the loudly rebellious ones. Women who
constitute the first type consists of the quiet but determined women like Rama, Champa, the
sociologist Uma, Dolly, Alka, clever Preeti and the Bharatnatyam dancer, Ratna. Ratna in
Dance Like a Man is an ambitious woman who liberates herself from the patriarchal authority
of Amritlal Parekh with her ambition and cleverness. Smita in Final Solutions refuses to be
bound in religious prejudices. Lata in Do the Needful defies the conventional system of
marriage. Rather she convinces Alpesh to marry her and exploit the institution to continue
with their respective desires and dreams. Mala comes out of the fear of the man who sexually
exploited her since her childhood. She gathers all the courage to confront the man and
The other sub type however, consists of the more logical, rational and overtly
determined women like Kiran Zaveri of Where There is a Will, the lesbian happy go lucky
Deepali, the liberal and more tolerant Smita, Lata and the handicapped Tara who attempt to
define their own existence and carve a niche for them. Evident in Kiran’s words, "I managed.
I managed my work, I managed my house, I managed my husband" (Dattani 505) and deeds
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as a custodian of Mr. Hasmukh’s will is her ability to challenge and break free from the
shackles of patriarchal domination and manage the men in her life to bring happiness and
satisfaction in her own life. Tara, though handicapped shows that mental strength to live a
pitiful life. Sanchari arrogantly, but with all her confidence, challenges the conventional
system of marriage that fails to give woman the desired status of prestige and honour.
enlightening insight into the manifold ways of caste and gender marginalization prevalent in
caste stratified Hindu society. Vijay Tendulkar, Raju Das and Mahesh Dattani, through their
protagonists, establish the idea that suppression of individual freedom can never last long; it
will definitely find its release from its oppressors one day. Some of the strong women, that
the study has identified, like Kiran Zaveri, Tara, Mala and Bani have struck chords of love,
affection, dependence and intimacy with women who are relatively meek, helpless, hopeless
and lack direction in their lives but enraging with the fire to revenge their oppressors. The
solidarity that these two groups of women share help to fortify the belief that women’s
energy and power when culled together can fearlessly break all shackles and that day is not a
distant dream.
The close link between caste and gender marginalization is evident in Tendulkar’s
Kanyadaan and Raju Das’s plays like Surjo Tonoy, Kolonko and Ragging. The playwrights
emphasize this through the miserable plights of their characters. The oppressive and
humiliating lives of Jyoti in Kanyadaan, Alok’s mother in Surjo Tonoy and Khenti in
Kolonko manifest that women irrespective of their socio cultural backgrounds are the direct
victims of male centric caste based society. Women like Jyoti, Alok’s mother, Khenti,
Alodebi and her daughter Bani share a common fate of being the victims of patriarchal
society governed by the dual forces of caste and class. This developmnent is in tune with
what Jyoti Lanjewar observes, “Dalit women are also Dalits in relation to Dalit men within
335
the Dalit community. They are, thus, Dalits twice over in so far as they bear the burden of
However, these playwrights also redirect some of their women characters towards a re-
evaluation of their position in the society and take necessary steps to make their presence felt.
Women like Jyoti, Bani, Khenti and Alodebi exemplify women’s awareness of their
subjugated position in a patriarchal society and the need to challenge it with due respect to
the male and female dyad and the cultural spaces of private and public dictated by this dyad.
In this contestation of the private and the public, one thing that emerges quite clearly is that
the women belonging to upper caste order face a tremendous pressure to abide by the caste
expectations and hence keep themselves restricted to those actions that would allow them to
have a safe space within their caste order. However, women belonging to lower caste order
enjoy comparatively more freedom to contest the patriarchal ideologies; a woman is expected
to conform and it is best represented by Raju Das’s women characters like Sanchari/Khenti
and Alodebi.
The success of Raju Das lies in his bold portrayal of his women characters. The
irresponsibility of Alodebi’s husband did not leave the women in a state of darkness forever.
His women characters are honest and courageous, who dauntlessly challenge the patriarchal
order for a brighter future that would have no discriminatory practises based on gender, caste
or class. In contrast to coward Mr. Chatterjee, it is Alodebi and Bani, who actually become
the torch bearers of the family and the society and as well spread light and knowledge and
attempt to break the silence of subjugation forever. Like their names, Alo (light) and Bani
(word/speech), they, through their examples, spread the light and voice of awareness.
Through the lived experiences of these women Raju Das exemplifies that nothing is so easy
and comfortable in the lives of women in a patriarchal set up, especially if they are under
336
In Neel Selam, the blind girl’s efforts to secure a more independent and honourable
position for herself and other women who in spite of belonging to upper castes are
marginalised echo Rokeya Shakhawat’s belief that the gateway to true emancipation of
women is through financial independence. Shakhawat knew that women’s true welfare was
impossible without their financial self-reliance, which was perhaps one of the most important
prerequisites to get rid of their misfortune. But the society of her time considered education
important only for men, and regarded it as a ‘passport to gainful employment’. Rokeya
opposed it and argued in favour of women’s employment beyond their domestic chores. She
Why should we not have access to gainful employment? What do we lack? Are
we not able-bodied and endowed with intelligence? In fact, why should we not
employ the labour and energy that we expand on domestic chores in our
Begum Rokeya’s deep probing into the system of employment for economic
independence of women across all castes had proved advantageous for women like Bani and
Alodebi. Though Bani is definitely not able bodied as Begaum Rokeya puts in her attack
against stopping women from employment, she draws inspiration from such women social
activists and reformers and tries to bring a positive change in the world of physically
handicapped like her and her brother. Raju Das too in portraying Bani as a strong and
intelligent woman daring to challenge the social system that subjugates and oppresses the
weaker sections of the society, shows the influence of significant women reformists like
Begum Rokeya, Tarabai Shinde and Pandita Ramabai in his life and work.
The study is unique in that it also brings out the not so common fact about
marginalization of men in hetero sexual patriarchal society. Alok exemplifies the typical case
337
those born in the lowest caste. By depicting the plight of Alok because of his illegitimate
birth and that of Alodebi’s blind children who are abandoned by their Brahmin father, Raju
Das brilliantly exposes the manipulative agencies of Manu to promote endogamy and secure
the hierarchical order of caste. The appropriate application of Seed and the Earth theory with
patrilinial line of inheritance in pratiloma type of marriage on one hand whereas an inversion
of the same theory in marriages of upper caste women with a lower caste man is one of the
many ways that Manu has tried to restrict women to their caste boundaries. Thus, the
existence and social position of Alok in Surjo Tonoy is determined by his father’s lower caste
identity but in the case of Bani and her brother, it is the lower caste identity of her mother that
The integrity of their character and the path of honesty that the women characters,
Alodebi and Bani, in the play have adopted in their struggling life make them noble beings.
Thus when Mr. Shanto places before Bani his marriage proposal, Bani gently but confidently
refuses it. Bani declines his marriage proposal not because that he belongs to a lower caste as
compared to Bani whose father is a Brahmin but because Bani does not want to become a
burden as a blind wife in his life. She definitely also does not want to be blamed for the
possible birth of blind children like her mother was. The inhuman behaviour of her father has
left such a strong mark in her psyche that she cannot even think in the wildest of her dream to
be a partner of someone like Shanto who is not a handicapped person like her but rather
blessed with proper eye sight. Therefore she rejects such an offer that carries with it the
promise of a better future. Her conscious rejection of a marriage proposal from an eligible
bachelor is her rejection of class, caste and humiliation which she and her family have
experienced.
Bani and her family may be blind but their blindness is not an obstacle in their road to
success but rather they have a divine light that allows them to see within. Her mother’s social,
338
physical and sexual exploitation have taught her a lesson that does not allow her to submit to
any kind of gender exploitation and marginalization. Unlike Henrik Ibsen’s Nora, Bani
refuses to be a doll for the men in their society. In A Doll’s House Nora observes “Our house
has been nothing but a playroom. Here I have been your doll-wife, just as at home I used to
be papa’s doll-child” (Ibsen 117). However, in Neel Selam the women protagonists do not
step into the shoes of Nora. In fact Bani has a “greater awareness of potential identity” and
has the “heightened sense of the concrete socio-politico cultural differences between self and
other” (Abdul 93). Consequently, they are more rebellious and courageously challenge the
patriarchal society and the hegemonic power that subjugates women to the men.
If it is the caste that is ultimate indicator of a man’s social position and determines his
existence, in Dattani it is the sexual orientation of a man that allows him a life of social
significance. It is this troubling facet of marginalization of men in a hetero sexual society that
Dattani explores so magnificently in some of his plays. His group of homosexual men like
Kamlesh and his gang of gay friends, Nitin, Praful and Alpesh are those who consistently
battle against the heterosexual-homosexual dyad and manipulate their private and public
Dattani’s out of the box themes of same sex love in A Muggy Night in Mumbai, Do the
Needful and Bravely Fought the Queen and the plight of hijras presented in Seven Steps
Around the Fire motivate us to re-examine the constitutional laws on individual rights and
freedom of expression. Certainly, a series of amendments have been made to provide the
individuals falling under third gender with social and cultural inclusion. However, the ordeals
that Dattani’s sexually different men undergo prove that though much has been put on paper
and subsequently has been put into action. It is quite evident that through these plays Dattani
makes a heartfelt plea to the hetero normative society to be more accommodating and accept
339
The marginalized status of women and other subalterns has been further reiterated by the
brilliant use of innovative stage techniques and styles that consist of play-within-a play,
flashbacks, stage set ups and stage props. Vijay Tendulkar, writing and staging his plays
since the late 1950s have made fruitful use of the stage space. However, more than stage
props and set ups, it is through his dramatic techniques and dialogues that he has made his
themes so interesting for his audience. Plays in the hands of Mahesh Dattani achieve
altogether a new dimension because of his brilliant use of stage props, set ups and lights to
create the right ambience and mood for the play. However, in the plays of Raju Das, stage is
only a space where a number of characters enact their roles through their assigned dialogues.
No stage props, light set ups or costume been employed in his plays. They are bare
representation of his mind and heart through some actors on the stage. However, stage
techniques like play-with-in-a play and flashbacks that function without the aid of any
elaborate and ostentatious stage props and set ups have been employed by Raju Das as well.
Session effectively brings out the cruelty of a male dominated society on a woman. The fact
that the courtroom scene was an impromptu arrangement highlights the vulnerability of
of a play-within-a play used by Raju Das to depict the age old tradition of marginalization of
individuals based on their birth. The misery that Karna faced in Mahabhaarata centuries ago
is not a thing of the past. Alok’s predicament because of his illegitimate birth reflects the
discriminatory practices prevalent in India have not undergone any change. Rather it is
fortified in a Brahmanical society as is depicted in the play, Surjo Tonoy. Dattani also
effectively employs this technique in Bravely Fought the Queen to depict the hidden desire of
women to challenge their oppressors. The third act of Bravely Fought the Queen in which the
drama performance takes place is one that is marked by free flow of emotions and passion,
340
anger and hatred, blaming and counter blaming. The scene can be equated with that of a trial
scene in a court as the women in this scene charge their men for their failures as husbands
and dismiss them as careless, unfaithful male chauvinists calculating and manipulating the
distinctions is quite a common phenomenon that exists across the world. The experiences that
the marginalized genders suffer and share give them a common identity and unite them into a
exploitation that only exists in Indian sub continent. Racial discrimination that is prevalent in
Western part of the globe can be regarded as the nearest parallel to caste marginalization
practiced in India. The choice of these three playwrights who depict caste and gender
marginalization and the inter section of these two thus becomes a unique study where both
caste and gender marginalization can be examined and traced to the socio-cultural and
historical roots of the Indian society. Caste and gender are the cross-cutting issues depicted in
these plays. The research also points to the scope for further studies in the genre of drama as
The study drives home the undeniable fact that cultural myths, social structures and the
caste factors mould the significance and existence of female gender and the other
marginalised subjects. The status of women in caste stratified Hindu society is governed by
the sole criteria of maintaining the purity and hierarchical order of castes. However, in all
these plays, it is mainly the institutions of caste, marriage, family that are interrogated and the
concepts of ideal woman as pativrata is contested. Also the analysis challenges the notion of
heterosexuality as the only form of acceptable sexual orientation, as seen in Dattani. Though
patriarchy has achieved historical significance and not much can be done to change its
approach towards women and preservation of caste through absolute control on women’s
341
sexuality; the playwrights have attempted to suggest that the vicious cycle of gender and
caste oppression can he countered by fortifying the desire to explore and construct positive
In short, the selected playwrights challenge the otherwise pre conceived ideas of
compulsory homogeneity and gender marginalization. A unique feature that characterises the
depiction of marginalization in all these playwrights is that they highlight the hardships faced
by women and other subaltern men like the unconventional Jairaj and Ajit from upper caste
elite families and the socially unrecognised homosexuals and eunuchs who are forced to live
The work of these playwrights strike a perfect balance as in their efforts to depict
marginalization of caste and gender in Indian society, they silently march towards bringing
status quo with respect to these two factors. The playwrights by bringing on the stage
manifold ways of marginalization of caste and gender prevalent in Indian societies, have not
only successfully sensitized the audience about it but have also left ample scope to think and
trace the roots of marginalization and if possible to stem it forever from the society. Though
to surface these issues, talk boldly about them and subtly present ways to challenge them
have undoubtedly scaled their positions to new heights in this genre as modern playwrights
with social commitments. In spite of presenting a heart rending reality of caste and gender
marginalization in their plays, these playwrights also offer a ray of hope from marginalization
to empowerment. However, this positive change would be possible only when the socio-
cultural structures of the Brahmanical patriarchy that perpetuate caste and gender
342
The above analysis also leads to certain specific inferences and findings. Firstly, drama
provides a discursive space for marginalized subjects like women, children born of
exogamous marriage and even otherwise, men from lower castes and homosexuals who are
considered the ‘other’ in a caste stratified society. Secondly, theatre of these playwrights
provides an alternative space that compensates the characters’ social and cultural invisibility.
Thirdly, these plays explore the interiority and subjectivity of individuals who are
marginalized. Hence, they help the playwrights to sensitize the readers and spectators about
the issues of the marginalized. Fourthly, all these writers made drama an inclusive space
which is marked with heavy margins. Fifthly, all three playwrights under scrutiny are
progressive playwrights who have converted the medium of drama as platform for debate on
issues such as the life of widows, single mothers, homosexuality and casteism. From vijay
Tendulkar to Mahesh Dattani one can see the klanguage of Indian drama changing with the
terminologies of women’s liberation and gay and lesbian rights getting discussed.
343
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