Tamara Bray Inca Pottery

Society for American Archaeology
Inka Pottery as Culinary Equipment: Food, Feasting, and Gender in Imperial State Design
Author(s): Tamara L. Bray
Source: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 14, No. 1 (Mar., 2003), pp. 3-28
Published by: Society for American Archaeology
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INKA POTTERYAS CULINARYEQUIPMENT:

FOOD,FEASTING,AND GENDERIN IMPERIALSTATEDESIGN
TamaraL. Bray
In this paper, the imperial Inka ceramic assemblage is examined in terms of its functional and culinary significance. Informa-
tion culledfrom ethnohistoric sources, archaeological reports, and ethnographicstudies is used to drawfunctional inferences
about Inka vesselforms and to outline thefeatures of an imperial "hautecuisine." In the Inka empire, the relationshipbetween
rulers and subjects was largely mediated throughthe prestation offood and drink. The elaboration of a distinctive state vessel
assemblage suggests a conscious strategy aimed at creating material symbols of class difference in the context of state-spon-
soredfeasting events.An empire-wideanalysis of the distributionof Inka vessels indicates the particular importanceof the tall-
neckedjar form (arEbalo)to state strategies in the provinces. Analyzing Inkapottery as culinary equipmenthighlights the links
amongfood, politics, and gender in the processes of state formation. Such an approach also illuminates the importantrole of
women in the negotiation and consolidation of Inka state power.
En este artEculose examinael conjuntodistintivode cera'micaInkaica imperialen te'rminosde su significacionfuncional y culi-

naria. Se presenta informacionetnohistoricay etnograficasobre la alimentacionandinajunto con datos arqueologicossobre las
formas de vasijas inkaicas, su distribucion,y sus contextos de hallazgo. Las diferentesIfneasde evidenciaiayudan a esbozar los
razgos de una cocina de la e'liteandina, inferirla funcionalidad de las formas inkaicas,y sugerir como la alfarerfaInkaicay las
actividades de acuerdo al ge'nerode cocinar y servir podrfan haberfigurado en los procesos de formacion estatal. Un ana'lisis
distribucionalde las vasijas inkaicas de todas partes del imperiosugiere la importanciadel arfbalo inkaicopara las estrategias
estatales en las provincias.Dentrodel imperioinkaico, las relaciones entrelos gobernantesy los sujetos del estadofueron media-
das a trave'sde la prestacion de la comida y las bebidas (chicha). La elaboracion de un conjuntodistintivode ceramica estatal
sugiereuna estrategfaconscientecon el propositode crearsfmbolosmaterialesde clases sociales en el contextodefiestas estatales.
Cuandose analiza la ceramica inkaica como equipo culinario, se destaca las conexiones entre la comida, la polftica, y el ge'nero
en los procesos de formacion estatal. De esta manerase iluminatambie'nel papel importantede las mujeresen la negociacion y
la consolidacion del poder estatal Inka.
The ceramiccomplexassociatedwiththe Inka little systematic comparativeanalysis of imperial

statehas long been notedfor its uniformand Inkapotteryhas been undertakenthatwould allow
repetitivenature(Fernandez1971;Morrisand us to evaluate these and other commonly held
Thompson1985:76;Pardo1957;Rowe 1944;Ryden assumptionsaboutits significance(thoughsee Costin
1947; Sempe de Gomes Llanes 1986:55). Indeed, andHagstrum1995;D'AltroyandBishop 1990;and
Rowe (1944:8) once suggestedit was so consistent D'Altroy et al. 1994, for recentexceptions).
thata whole jar could confidentlybe reconstructed In this paper,I look at the classic polychrome
froma single sherd,while Kroeber(1952:293-294), vessels associated with the imperialInka state in
somewhatless generously,describedthe Inkastate terms of their functionalsignificanceand consider
assemblageas "chaste,""limited,"and "deficientin theirrole in the broadercontextof empirebuilding.
imaginationand ambitionsor objectivesotherthan I focus on threedimensionsof the ceramicassem-
technicalones."Thisoft-notedadherenceto strictfor- blage not normallydiscussedin studiesof Inkapot-
malandstylisticcanonshasbeencasuallyinterpreted tery: culinary significance, material symbolic
asevidenceof massproduction,in somecases (Jones significance,and genderedassociations.I suggest
1964:8; Rowe 1944:48), and as exemplaryof cor- thatviewingimperialInkapotteryas culinaryequip-
porateartin others(e.g., Moseley 1992). Relatively ment offers a window into the ways in which food,
Tamara L. Bray * Departmentof Anthropology,Wayne State University,Detroit, MI 48202
LatinAmericanAntiquity, 14(1), 2003, pp. 3-28

CopyrightC)2003 by the Society for AmericanArchaeology

4 LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY [Vol. 14, No. 1, 2003
feasting, and gender figured in the negotiationof These assumptionshave been borneout archae-
state power. To better understandhow pots func- ologically at Inka state administrativecenters like
tioned as political tools in the Inka state, I present HuanacoPampawhereimmensequantitiesof impe-
ethnohistoric and ethnographic information on rial Inkajar and plate fragments,suggestinglarge-
Andeanfoodways, and archaeologicaldataon Inka scale chicha (corn beer) consumption and food
vessel types,theirdistributionaroundtheempire,and serving activities, reportedlyhave been found in
the contextsin which they arefound.These lines of structuresassociatedwith the centralfocus of the
evidenceareusedto drawfunctionalinferencesabout site the main plaza (Morris 1982; Morris and
Inkavessel forms, outlinethe featuresof an imper- Thompson 1985:83-91). These structures,which
ial Inka "hautecuisine,''l and consider the role of also yielded unusuallyhigh percentagesof wide-
women in the developmentof the Inkastate. mouthedjars associated with chichaproduction,
were identifiedas the houses of the Inka's"chosen
Feasting in Early States women"(MorrisandThompson1985:77-80). The
Foodandfeastingareincreasinglyrecognizedas hav- investigatorsat Huanacosuggest that Inka provin-
ingplayeda prominentrolein theemergenceof social cial centerstypicallyincorporatedlargeamountsof
hierarchiesand the negotiation of power (Dietler spaceas the settingfor "whatwas essentiallya form
1996;Gero 1992;Goody 1982;Gummerman1997; of hospitalityraisedto the state level" (Morrisand
Hayden1996;WiessnerandShieffenhovel1996).A Thompson1985:91;see also D'Altroy 1981, 2001
numberof recentstudiesfocusing on the commen- on HatunXauxa).The presentstudybuildson Mor-
sal politics of early statesandempireshighlightthe ris andMurra'simportantobservationsregardingthe
potentialof such approaches.Dietler (1990, 1997, role of hospitalityandpublicfeastingin Inkastate-
1998), for instance,illuminatesthe complexitiesof craft,offering an analysis of imperialInka pottery
imperialentanglementin the Mediterraneanworld thatexpandsthegeographicalscope of the argument
throughinnovativeanalysesof drinkingequipment, and extendsit to incorporateconcernswith gender,
wine consumption,andlocal feastingpractices.Pol- agency,andthe meaningof materialculture.
lock (2003) offersnew insightsintothepoliticaleco- In developingthis study,I drawheavilyuponthe
nomic transformations occurring within early theoreticalinsightsof a specific genre of anthropo-
Mesopotamianstatesby focusing on elite banquets logical worksthatfocus on food. The studyof food-
andthedistribution of mass-produced,bevel-rimmed ways has a long historyin anthropology(Douglas
bowls. Nelson (2003), in a studyof funeraryassem- 1966, 1975, 1984; Fortes and Fortes 1936; Levi-
blages from ancient China, demonstrateshow the Strauss 1966, 1968, 1970; Richards 1932, 1939).
Shangeliteendeavoredto createandingratiateances- Foodhas stood at the centerof so manystudiespre-
torsthroughthemediumof food anddrinkto advance cisely becauseit is so fundamentalto the reproduc-
the politicalagendasof the living. I^heseand other tionof society(see Goody 1982).Withinthisoeuvre,
recentworksunderscorethevalueof viewingpottery a number of recent works highlight the political
as culinaryequipmentandtheways in whichsuchan dimensionsof food preparationanddistributionand
approachcan enrich,engender,andadddetailto our the ways in whichculinarypracticesreflect,respond
understanding of earlyimperialpractices. to, and invoke political change (e.g., Adams 1990;
In the Andean context, the importanceof reci- Counihan1999;Dietler 1996;Goody 1982;Hastorf
procity,hospitality,and feastingas key components 1990, 1993; Mintz 1985;Weismantel1988). These
of Inkastatecraftwas firstdiscussedby Murra(1980 studiesserveto underscorethe fact thatfood is one
[1955]). The labor servicesowed the stateby local of thestrongestmarkersof ethnicity,status,andclass.
communities,which could range from cultivating They also suggest thatcooking and cuisine consti-
fieldsto massivepublicworksprojects,weretypically tutefertilegroundfor the materialsymbolizationof
couched in terms of the reciprocalobligations of ideologicalandpoliticaldiscourse.
chiefly generosity.An importantaspectof reciprocal
laborobligationsin theAndeswas theunderstanding Material Symbols
thattheworkpartywouldbe fully provisionedby the Oneof theprincipalcontributionsof post-processual
sponsorin termsof rawmaterials,tools,andfood and approachesto archaeologyhas been theirinsistence
drink(Murra1980:97,121-134). uponthe activenatureof materialculturein the con-

Tamara L. Bray] INKA POTTERYAS CULINARYEQUIPMENT 5
structionof social relationsand identities(Hodder associationsof potterywithwomen,cooking,andthe

1982a,1982b,1987;ShanksandTilley1987).Rather domesticsphereof activity.The unspokenassump-
thansimply reflectingsocial circumstances,mater- tion is that activitiescontrolledby women are not
ial cultureis understoodas actively involvedin the importantto the studyof largersocialprocesses(see
creation,maintenance,andtransformation of social Hastorf 1991; Skibo and Schiffer 1995; Wright
contexts. As various authorshave noted (Graves- 1991).Occasionally,thisunderlyingpremiseis stated
Brown2000; Hebdige 1979;McCracken1988),the outright,as in the followingquote:"[Inka]architec-
ambiguityandinconspicuousnessof materialculture tureis directlysymbolic of the state and the world
gives it certainadvantagesas a mode of communi- thatit represented[while]the distributionof pottery
cation. McCracken(1988) suggests thatthese fea- . . . suggests its relationshipto the more mundane
tures make materialculture an unusuallycunning realmof statehospitality,reciprocity,andlaborman-
devicefortherepresentation of fundamentalcultural agement"(Morris1995:420).
beliefs, principles,and "truths." Thoughthe notionof separatepublicanddomes-
Thecovertqualityof materialcultureallows it to tic spheresmay seem entirelynaturalto us, thispar-
carrymeaningsand messages thatcould not be put ticular form of social organizationhas not been
moreexplicitly"withoutthe dangerof controversy, proven universalacross either time or space (see
protest, or refusal" (McCracken 1988:69). This BrumEiel1991; Wright 1991). As a firmlyembed-
makesmaterialcultureanidealmediumforthecom- dedelementof Westernideology,however,it demon-
municationof politicalmessages,whichcanbe pro- strably pervades our thinking about all other
jected with diminished risk of counterstatement. societies,pastandpresent.Consigningculinarycon-
Hodder (1982c) suggests that material symbols, cerns to the realm of the domestic, which is com-
becauseof theirmultivocal,ambiguous,and value- monly understoodas outsidethe realmof the active
ladennature,areparticularlyimportantin ideologi- andthe political,obscuresthe significanceof cook-
cal and political strategies.As he puts it, "artifacts ing andfood prestationin Inkastatecraft.This great
mean differentthings to differentpeople and carry oversighthas begunto be rectifiedin recentyearsin
contradictory meanings,so theycanbe usedto reveal worksfocusing,for instance,on the significanceof
socialdistinctionsandto hidethematthe sametime, plantremainsandpaleoethnobotanical datafortrack-
to simultaneouslyrepresentandmisrepresent" (Hod- ing sociopoliticalchangein theAndes(Hastorf1990,
der 1982c:214).These commentsoffer insightinto 1991,1993; HastorfandJohannessen1993) andthe
how materialculturecan communicateauthorityin centralityof the kitchenin modernAndeancontexts
sotto voce, objectify social status and social rela- (Vokral1991;Weismantel1988).
tions, and subtly"fix"meaning. The present study continues this trend by
approachingInkacooking andcuisine as a key cul-
Potteryas CulinaryEquipment
tural domain for understanding the Cuzqueno
Potteryfrom archaeologicalcontextshas not often approachto statecraft.By placingcooking, cuisine,
been analyzedeither for its active role in the con- and culinary artifactsat the center of the present
structionof socialrelationsor as culinaryequipment study, I hope to illuminate and engender another
(thoughsee Blitz 1993; Johannessen1993; Pauke- dimensionof Inka statecraft.Contraryto Morris's
tatandEmerson1991;Potter2000, for exceptions). (1995:422)assertionthatInkaceramicscarried"rel-
Studies of archaeologicalceramics have, instead, atively minor and simple meanings [vis-a-vis] the
tendedto focus on aspectsof style (or appearance) overallstylerepertoryof therulinggroupandits sys-
construedas emblematicof ethnicityacross space tem of power,"I believe that the imperialassem-
andtime (Wright1991). While a few scholarshave blage was an integralcomponentof imperialstate
underlinedthe importanceof pots as tools (e.g., strategiesof legitimizationandcontrol.In analyzing
Braun 1983; Skibo and Schiffer 1995), prehistoric Inkapotteryas culinaryequipmentandmaterialsym-
ceramicshavereceivedrelativelylittleattentionfrom bols of the state, I highlight the intimate links
eithera functionalor technologicalstandpointcom- betweenfood,politics,andgender.I developtheidea
paredto, for instance,lithics. thatthe Inkaelaborateda specific elite, or "haute,"
As Wright (1991) has suggested, the dearthof cuisineanda distinctive,anddistinguishing,ensem-
suchtechno-functionalstudiesmay relateto generic ble of ceramiccooking, service,andstoragevessels

6 LATINAMERICAN
as a conscious strategyaimedat creatingvisible dif- (1962 [1553]), one of the earliestand most obser-
ferencesbetween social classes. I also contendthat vantof all the Spanishchroniclers,andFelipe Gua-
the selectionof culinaryequipmentas a mediumfor man Poma de Ayala (1936 [1613]), an indigenous
thematerialexpressionof classdifferencewasdeeply authorwhose letterto the Kingof Spainis filled with
entwinedwith the way genderwas used by the state illustrationsof dailylife thatoffermanyinsightsinto
to model social hierarchy(see Silverblatt1987). In Andeanculture.The ethnohistoricdataare supple-
thenextsection,I outlinetheparametersof sixteenth- mentedwith modernethnographicandethnobotan-
centuryAndean cuisine and cooking practices in ical observationswheretheseofferusefulinsightsor
orderto establisha culinaryand functionalcontext clarifications (i.e., Antunez 1985; Estrella 1988;
for the imperialInkaassemblage. Towle 1961;Vokral1991;Weismantel1988).
Below I reviewtheethnohistoricreferencesrelat-
Andean Foodways and Inka Haute Cuisine ing to Andean culinary practices and habits. The
The importanceand ubiquityof ceramiccontainers informationis arrangedaccordingto the majorfood
in the Andes is attestedboth by the archaeological categoriescomprisingtheindigenousdiet.Eachfood
recordandscatteredreferencesthroughoutthe writ- categoryis consideredwith respect to methods of
ings of early Spanish commentators.Cobo (1964 preparation,modes of servingandeating, and stor-
[1653]:Bk.11, Ch.6:20),for instance,wrotethatthe age practices.The focus throughoutis on habitsand
average Indian's household furnishingsconsisted techniquesthatwould have affectedvessel usage.
primarilyof "pots,largejars,pitchers,andcups."An
The Native Andean Diet
earlierpassagereferringspecificallyto the northern
highlandsdescribesa typicalhouseholdas follows: The basic Andeandiet is summedup in the follow-
"Inthe secondroom of the house they [theIndians] ing passagewrittenbyananonymoussourcein 1573
have their storeroomfull of large and small pots, "Theirusualsustenanceis wine madeof maize ....
some on top of the ground,othersburiedin the earth and some herbswhich they call yuyo and potatoes,
as vats for straining and preparingtheir wines"2 andbeans,andcookedmaize;theirdailybreadis any
(Atienza 1931[1575?]:52-53). of these cooked with a little salt,andwhattheycon-
Despite such useful observations,referencesto sideras a good seasoningto putin theirstewedfoods,
specific vessel forms and associatedfunctionsare is red pepper"(Anonimo 1965 [1573]:226).
decidedly rarein ethnohistoricsources. It is likely Maize.Cornwas by farthemosthighlyesteemed
thatthe very commonplacenatureof these objects, cropin the Andes.Virtuallyevery accountof native
as well as the gender of the chroniclers,rendered subsistencelists maize as one of the main items in
themall butinvisible.Fortunately,however,theculi- the precolumbiandiet (Acosta 1954 [1590]:109;
naryhabitsandsubsistencepracticesof Andeanpeo- Anonimo 1965 [1573]:226;Cobo 1964 [1653]:Bk.
ples were apparentlyof more interest.The patterns 11, Ch. 6:21, Bk. 4, Ch. 3:159; Garcilaso 1945
of food preparation,consumption,and storagethat [1609]:Bk. 2:48; Rodriguez Docampo 1965
can be reconstructedfromthe documentaryrecords [1650]:75).After it was dried,maize could be pre-
offer considerable insight into ceramic vessel paredin a numberof differentways, two of the most
requirementsand use in the precolumbianAndes. commonmethodsbeing boiling andtoasting.Cobo
Oneof theprincipalsourcesI haveusedforinfor- (1964 [1653]:Bk.14, Ch.5:244) notesthatcornker-
mation on nativeAndean culinarypracticesis the nels were toasted in "perforatedclay casseroles."
JesuitscholarBernabeCobo (1964 [1653]),who left Toastedmaize, or cancha, was often ground into
one of the most detailedaccountsof daily life in the flour that was then used in a varietyof ways (Gar-
Andes. Cobo arrivedin Peru in 1599, moving to cilaso 1945 [1609]:Bk.2:177). Cobo (1964
Cuzcoin 1609 andtravelingextensivelyin the high- [1653]:Bk.14,Ch.3:160)mentions,forinstance,that
landsfor the next severaldecades.He is considered maize flourwas used to make tortillas,which were
by many to be amongthe most reliablechroniclers "toastedor cookedin clay casserolesset in the fire.''
of Inka culture(Rowe 1946:194; Urton 1999:31). One of the most importantuses of maize in the
Othersources I rely upon include Fray Martinde Andes was for the productionof chicha (cornbeer;
Murua(1946 [1590]), who provides useful infor- in Quechua,aka).3The elaborationof chicha was
mation on Inka customs, Pedro de Cieza de Leon seen as one of the fundamentalculinary tasks of

Tamara L. Bray] INKAPOTTERY
AS CULINARY
EQUIPMENT 7
Andeanwomen anduniversallyassociatedwith the knownas chunoandcouldbe storedfor manyyears.

female domain(Gomez Huaman1966:35;Sachun Chunowas used for thickeningsoups among other
2001;Silverblatt1987:39;Vokral1991:202).Besides things(CiezadeLeon1959 [1553]:164).Cobo(1964
being the daily beverage of the local population, [1653]:Bk.4, Ch.13:168) also mentions thata very
chichawas an importantelement of social and cer- fine flourcould be madefromrehydratedchunoby
emonial gatheringswhere ritual drunkennesswas toastingand then grindingthe bleachedpotatoes.
often obligatory (Morris 1979; Rowe 1946:292; Quinoa.The othermost importanthigh-altitude
Salomon 1986:75-79). crop,quinoa,providedthe basic grainfor the high-
Native peoples reportedly had more accou- landpopulations.Accordingto Ciezade Leon (1959
trementsfor makingandstoringchichathanfor any [1553]:44, 271; also Rodriguez Docampo 1965
otherpurpose.Accordingto Cobo (1964 [1653]:Bk. [1650]:75),quinoa"producestinyseeds . . . of which
14,Ch.4:242),theyused "clayjars,thelargestbeing they makedrinksandwhich they also eat boiled, as
fourand six arrobas,4as well as othersmallerones we do rice." Quinoawas often cooked with herbs
. . . a largequantityof largeandsmalljugs, andthree andaji orredpepperto makea stewknownaspisqui
or fourtypes of cups and glasses"in the process.In (Cobo 1964 [1653]:Bk.14,Ch.5:244), andwas also
his Aymaradictionary,Bertonio(1879 [1612]) dif- usedto makechicha(Bk.4, Ch.4:162).Otherimpor-
ferentiatesbetween vessels used to hold the masti- tanthigh-altitude grainsoftheAndes includekaniwa
cated pulp used in making chicha, which he andkiwicha,both of which addedhigh-qualitypro-
describedas a small,wide-mouthedolla, andthejars tein to the native diet in similarfashion to quinoa
in whichthefinishedproduct(as well as water)were (NationalResearchCouncil 1989:129-147).
stored.Tschopik(1950:202)reportsthatamongthe Beans. Beans (purutus)of various types were
modernpeasantsof the Chucuitoregion,twojarsare anotherimportantelementin theprecolumbiandiet.
still employed for producingchicha, one for fer- They could be soakedandeatenraw,driedfor stor-
mentationand one for storage.The latterhas a nar- age, stewedor boiled (Cobo 1964 [1653]:Bk.4, Ch.
rower mouth and longer, more restricted neck, 27:174).Theycould also be toastedandgroundinto
featuresthatfacilitateclosureandreducethe rateof a flour and used medicinallyin drinksor poultices.
evaporation. Todayin thecentralPeruvianhighlands, Tarwi(also known as chochos or altramuces)was
threeceramicvessels areinvolvedin the production cultivatedon a small scale for its seeds. Tarwiseeds
process: the hatun manca, which holds some 45 are very similarto beansbut quitebitterand had to
liters,theazuana,in whichthemashis decocted,and be soaked in waterfor severaldays priorto being
the manca,in which waterto be addedto the decoc- eaten (Yacovleffand Herrera1934-35:305).
tion is heated(Antunez1985:94-95). Oncereduced RedPepper.Cobo (1964 [1653]:Bk.4, Ch.25, p.
andcooled,theliquid,knownas upi, is decantedinto 172) statesthat aftermaize, red pepper,or ajf, was
narrow-mouthed jars where it fermentsfor several the most widespreadand highly esteemed cultigen
weeks (ibid). in the Andeanregion. "Ajf,preparedas a delicious
Potatoes and Other Root Crops. Cieza (1959 salsa,is so pleasingto the indiansthatit makesany-
[1553]:44)statesthat"ofthe nativefoodstuffs,there thingedible, even wild andbitterherbs;they eat not
are two which, aside from maize, are the main sta- only the fruitof thisplant,butalso the leaves,which
ples of the Indian'sdiet: the potato. . . and another they add to theirstews like parsleyor yerbabuena;
verygood food theycall quinoa."Potatoesandother they eat the ajf raw and also preserveit in several
tubers,includingoca, ulluco?mashua(or anu), and ways:it canbe pickled. . ., dried,or ground"(Cobo
maca, togetherwith quinoa, are the only cultigens 1964 [1653]:Bk.4, Ch. 25, p. 173).
native to the high altitudesof the Andes. Without Salt. Saltwas a universalandindispensablecom-
thesetubers,humanoccupationof thesezoneswould ponent of the native diet. Atienza (1931
probablyhave been impossible(Murra1975:46). [1575?]:6748) commentsthat"nomatterhow drab
Potatoescould be eaten green, roasted,cooked, andhumbletherestof theirmeal maybe, theyenjoy
or in stews (Cobo 1964 [1653]:Bk.4, Ch. 13:168). it as muchas any luxury,as long as they can season
Those not eaten soon afterharvestwere preserved it with aji, theirprincipalspice, andsaltto cool their
througha process of alternateexposureto sun and body heat,anda littlechichato drink."Accordingto
frost. The tubers dehydratedin this fashion were Cobo(1964 [1653]:Bk.3,Ch.4:112),theIndiansrec-

LATINAMERICAN
ognized threedifferenttypes of salt: sea salt, min- the [sapa] Inca . . . ate selected maize that is
eral salt, and salt collected from springsby boiling capyaatco sara, and papas manay[early pota-
toes], . . . and llama called white cuyro,and
the waterin pots. chiche[tiny fish], white cuy, and much fruit and
Meat. Meatwas apparentlyconsumedon a lim- ducks, and very smooth chicha which took a
ited basis. Cobo (1964 [1653]:Bk. 14, Ch. 5:244) month to mature and was called yamor aca.
states thatit was eaten only rarelyby the common And he ate other things which the Indians were
people, implying that the elite had greateraccess not to touch upon pain of death.
(see also Estrella 1988:313, 319; Guaman Poma Murra(1960) notes that maize was generally
1936 [1613]:55; Gummerman1991; Paz Ponce de accordeda muchhigherstatusby the Inkaandtheir
Leon 1965 [1582]:237; Vokral 1991:76). Modern subjectsthanpotatoesandothertubers,which actu-
ethnographicevidencefromthe southernhighlands ally formedthe staplesof theAndeandiet.A descrip-
indicatesthatcamelidmeatconstitutes10 percentof tionof thefirstInkaqueen,MamaOcllo'sdailyrepast
the campesinodiet (Antunez1985:63);archaeolog- givenby Murua(1962:29)providesfurtherevidence
ical evidence from the centralsierraalso indicates of the elite connotationsof maize in the Inkadiet,
that commonershad some access to meat, though Her daily food was usually maize taken either
they apparentlyconsumedpoorercuts thanthe elite as locrosanca [seagull/hawk(?) stew] or mote
(Sandefur2001). While game animalssuch as deer, [boiled maize kernels], mixed in diverse man-
rabbit,partridge,and water fowl were reportedly ners with other foods, cooked or otherwise pre-
abundant(Anonimo 1965 [1573]:220; Cobo 1964 pared. For us these are coarse and uncouth
foods, but for them they were as excellent and
[1653]:Bk.9;GuamanPoma1936 [1613]:204 207), savory as the softest and most delicate dishes
sources suggest that hunting,and thus game con- put on the tables of the monarchs of Europe.
sumption,was strictlyregulatedby the Inka(Cieza Her drink was a very delicate chicha, which
1962 [1553]:400; Rowe 1946:217). Domesticated among them was as highly esteemed as the Elne
animalsincludeddog, Muscovyduck,camelids,and vintage wines of Spain.
guinea pig (cuy). Camelidsand guineapigs, which In general,the ethnohistoricsourcesconvey the
were by farthe most common,constituteda regular sense that maize was special, desirable,and even
componentof most Indianhouseholds,butthe meat viewed as holidayfood by the highlandpopulations
of these animalswas usuallyreservedfor mealsthat (Murra1960:397).
markedspecialoccasions.Freshanddriedfish were Reportsof royalgifts involvingfood offerfurther
also a common element of the native diet among insightintothesymbolicweightingof Andeandietary
those who lived near the sea, lakes, or rivers(e.g.,
elements.The InkarulerAtahualpa,for instance,is
Estrella1988:332-338). Cobo(1964 [1653]:Bk.14, said to have sent llamas,cooked llama meat, dried
Ch.5:244) notes thatdriedfish was frequentlyused ducks,maizebread,andvessels of chichato Pizarro
as "meat"to make locro. upon his landingat Tumbez(Coe 1994:214).Else-
According to Cobo (1964 [1653]:Bk. 3, Ch. whereit wasreportedthattheroyalfood (tupacocau)
4:113, Bk. 14, Ch. 5:244; also Acosta 1954 givenby the Inka"tothepeoplethathe sentabroad,"
[1590]:136; SalazarVillasante 1965 [1565?]:132) consistedof a smallbag of maizebelievedto be par-
the numberof ways meat was preparedwas fairly ticularlynutritiousbecause it came from the Inka
limited. Generally speaking, it was either stewed himself (GonzalezHolguin 1952 [1608]:369).It is
(typically in locro with aji and other vegetables),apparentfrom vanous sourcesthatmaize and meat
dried (as charqui), or barbecued.Roasting in an were consideredthe food of the gods, andby exten-
earthenpit oven (pachamanca)was also a common sion, of the Inka.Ethnohistoricsourcesclearlystate
methodof preparation. thatthe nobilityate moremeatand maize thantheir
subjectswho dined primanlyon tubersand greens
Inka Haute Cuisine
(GuamanPoma 1936 [1613]:55; Garcilaso 1945
Variouschroniclersof Andeancultureoffer hintsas [1609]:Bk. 2:124; Paz Ponce de Leon 1965
to what may have constitutedInka"hautecuisine," [1582]:237). Though maize was apparentlycon-
though none addressthe matterdirectly.Guaman sumedacrossthe social spectrum,it does not seem
Poma (1936 [1613]:332),for instance,tells us that, to have been an item of everydayfare for the com-

Tamara L. Bray] INKA POTTERY AS CULINARYEQUIPMENT 9
Table 1. Vessels Explicitly Mentionedin EthnohistoricSources.
Vessel Type (Spanish) Vessel Type (English) CulinaryActivity

Olla Pot Stewing;Boiling
Cazuela(Quechua,chua) Casserole Toasting
Cazuelasde barroagujereadas Casseroles, perforated Toasting
Tinajas Jars (large and small) Chichaproduction
Cantaros;Cantarillos Jugs (large and small) Chichaproduction
Vasos y Tazas;Cantaricos Glasses and cups (varioussizes) Chichaconsumption
Platos (Quechua, puco) Plates Serving
moners(Coe 1994:220;Murra1960), while access ing or toastingwas also an importantculinarytech-

to meatseems to havebeen limitedandfairlytightly nique.Anothervessel type listed in Bertonio'sdic-
controlled(Rowe 1946, 1982; Sandefur1988). The tionaryis definedas an "ollafortoastingsomething"
dividebetweentheregularconsumptionof meatver- (cited in Tschopik 1950:203). A wide-mouthed,
sus vegetableshas been theorizedas a fundamental short-walledvessel made specifically for toasting
markerof thedivisionbetweensocialclassesby some was still being manufactured by the modernAymara
scholars(i.e., Goody 1982) and between men and populationin the Chucuitoregionas recentlyas the
womenby others(i.e., Adams 1990). mid-twentiethcentury(Tschopik1950:20S207), as
Inadditionto thetypesof foodsconsumed,another well as in theMantaroregionof thecentralhighlands
aspectof Andeanhautecuisineseemsto haverevolved (Hagstrum1989). Some foods were simply toasted
around the concept of "variety."According to andeaten,butin othercases, parchingconstitutedan
GonzalezHolguin(1952 [1608]:238-239),the abil- intermediatestep in the preparationof specific sta-
ity to prepareand serve eithera varietyof different ples, most notablymaize flour.
dishesina singlemealorto preparea singlemealusing Foodpreparation likely was a verytime consum-
a varietyof ingredientswas key to the notionof "din- ing activity.Many productsrequiredseveralstages
ing splendidly." Thereare also hintsthatthe amount of processing.Dependingon the food, these steps
of time investedin the preparation of foods, as in the mightincludedrying,soaking,rinsing,mixing,parch-
case of the yamor aca mentionedabove, the com- ing orboiling,andreheating.Eachcouldconceivably
plexityof the dishesserved,andthe costlinessof the haverequireddifferenttypes andsizes of vessels.
ingredientsall figuredintothe equationof whatcon-
stitutedaneliterepast.Insum,Inkahautecuisinedoes Food Preparation
not appearto have differedradicallyfrom the base- Vesselsexplicitlynamedin theethnohistoricsources
lineAndeandietintermsof basiccomponents.Rather, in connectionwithcookingandfood preparation are
it seems to havebeen definedon the basis of quality, listedinTable1.Ollasarespecificallyassociatedwith
quantity,anddiversityof foodstuffs,anddifferences stewingand boiling, casserolesare namedin refer-
in modesof preparation, consumption,anddisposal. ence to toasting,andjugs, jars, and glasses in con-
nectionwithchichaproductionandconsumption.As
Andean Culinary Practices notedearlier,thenativepeopleshadmorevessels and
In the reviewof sixteenth-and seventeenth-century equipmentfor producingchicha; i.e., chicha pro-
sourcespresentedabove, boiling clearly standsout duction was the most elaboratedculinary task in
as the most common method of preparingfood. Andeancuisine.
Boiled foods wereusuallyeatenin theformof stews In addition to those vessels specifically men-
or soups.Commentsreferringto guisados,or stews, tioned, it is possible to infer the presenceor addi-
far outnumber any other references to prepared tional functions of several others from the data
dishes. In Bertonio's Aymara dictionary (1879 available on dietary habits and practices. Several
[1612]), one vessel type, chamillku,is specifically foodstuffs,for instance,requiredsoakingandwash-
definedas an "ollaused for cooking stews." ing. We may inferfromthis the need for bothlarg-e-
Roasting was anotherfairly common cooking and medium-sized,unrestrictedcontainerssuch as
technique, and the comments indicate that foods bowls or basins. We also could posit an additional
were typically roasteddirectlyin the coals. Parch- short-termstorage function for the wide-mouthed

10 LATINAMERICAN
cooking ollas. Similarly,the productionof salt may vessels is implied by referenceto certainculinary
haverequiredspecialbasinsorollasto facilitateevap- techniques mentioned above. Soaking beans, for
oration. instance,wouldhaverequiredthe use of a vessel for
a periodof up to severaldays. Productsmade into
Serving preserves, such as ajf and camote, presumably
With respectto the types of vessels thatcomprised requiredlonger term storage containers.The fer-
the nativeAndeantable service, we have this valu- mentingandagingof chicharequiredtheuse of stor-
able description: age jars from one to severalweeks. Standardfood
There are only two or three types of pieces that preparation tasks used large quantities of water,
they use for this purpose: unglazed clay pots implying the presenceof waterstoragecontainersin
(ollas) on which they used to carve various Elg- the house compound.
ures, the same as they did on jars and other ves- The above review of ethnohistoricreferencesto
sels; plates made from dry calabashes,that were Andeanfoodwaysandculinarytechniquessuggests
the size of small china plates, from clay, and
from wood-those of wood are called meca, and the many ways in which potterywas likely used in
those of clay they call pucu; and medium-sized the precolumbianAndes. The diversityof tasks in
ceramic casseroles that they call chuas. The whichceramicvessels wereemployedimpliesa cor-
table service of the noblemen and chiefs were respondingdiversityin the rangeof vessel shapes.
made of silver and gold in former times [Cobo The following passageoffers valuableinsightsinto
1964 (1653):Bk. 14, Ch. 4:243].
the native classification of the domestic pottery
Occasionalremarksaboutthe customarymodes inventory:
of presentingandeatingfoodsprovidefurtherinsight Nor did they make the same distinctions in
intovessel requirements.Cobo [1964 (1653):Bk.14, earthenwarethat we use, but speak only of pots
Ch.5:245]reportsthattheIndianstypicallyatetwice (ollas) andjugs (cantaros),which they differen-
a.day,once in the morningandonce in the lateafter- tiate in terms of size (larger and smaller) and
noon. Husbandsand wives would sit back to back decoration (some have been sculpted with fig-
ures and designs); small, plain plates (platillos);
on theground,withthewife facingthefood andserv- and small shallow plates (patenas). The rest of
ing her husband upon request. Atienza their vessels correspond to the types that the
(1931[1575?]:4143) notes that"themen nevereat Spaniardsusually make from clay, which they
fromone platewith theirwomen,andindeedwould [the Indians] made from silver, gold, wood, and
considerit a disgrace,andtakeit as such,if theywere dried calabashes; not even in their ancient sep-
ulchers, in which they buriedtheir dead with all
forced to do so." At social gatheringsand public forms of food and drink, does one find vessels
feasts, Cobo reportedthat each family broughtits other than the types referredto here [Cobo 1964
own food anddrink,thoughsharingwas apparently (1653):Bk. 3, Ch. 6:114-115].
an institutionalizedpractice.It was customary,for This passage suggests that beyond gross mor-
instance, when drinking chicha either ritually or phological distinctions,the ethno-classificationof
socially to offer a toastto yourcompanionor guest. potteryrevolvedprimarilyaroundvessel size andthe
Thispracticeinvolvedtakingtwo tumblersandoffer- presenceor absenceof decoration.This observation
ing one to thepersonwithwhomyou wishedto share on theemic organizationof potterycorrespondswith
a drink(see Betanzos 1968 [1551]:55). the definitionsof vessel types providedby Bertonio
(1879 [1612]) in his Aymaradictionary.His defini-
Storage tions also rely primarilyon the criteriaof size and
Besides their importancein food preparationand decorationin describinganddifferentiatingbetween
serving,pots andjars were also used as storagecon- vessels. In addition,Bertoniodefines a.few vessels
tainersin Andean households.Regardingthe stor- with respectto the foods with whichthey were gen-
age of food staples,Cobo (1964 [1653]:Bk. 14, Ch. erally associated.Modernethnographicstudies of
4:242) notes thatbasic foods such as maize, chuno, potteryproductionand consumptionin the central
andquinoawere usuallystoredin largeceramicjars Andes yield similarfindingswith regardto indige-
eitherinsidethe houseor in a separateareadesigned nous taxonomiesof ceramiccontainers(e.g., Costin
for storagejust outside. and Hagstrum1995:631-2; Hagstrum1989).
The need for othershort-and long-termstorage These observationsoffer useful guidelines for

Tamara L. Bray] INKA POTTERY AS CULINARYEQUIPMENT
11
interpretingthe significanceof ceramic variability heat retention,rate of evaporation,ability to close

in the archaeologicalrecordand workingtowarda the orifice,andthermalshockresistance.
culturallymeaningfultaxonomy of precolumbian In my discussion of the imperialstate ceramic
pottery.Cobo's statementalso argues for the con- assemblage,I adopttheInkavessel shapecategories
servatismof Andeanculinaryequipmentandthepat- defined by Albert Meyers (1975). In contrast to
terns describedabove. In a sense his observations Rowe's (1944) typologicaland taxonomicclassifi-
offerajustificationforusingtheethnohistoricrecord cation of Inka pottery,which accordedprimacyto
to interpretthe archaeologicalone. surfacetreatmentanddecorativestyle in the fashion
ofthe day(see ColtonandHargrave1937),Meyers's
Functional Analysis of Imperial Inka Pottery classificationscheme focuses principallyon vessel
Withthe ethnohistoricbackdropof Andeancuisine form.LikeRowe,Meyersutilizedtheceramicassem-
in place, I turn to the culinary significanceof the blage from the ceremonial-fortress complex of
imperialInka ceramic ensemble, offering a func- Saqsaywamanto constructhis classificatoryscheme.
tional analysis of the differentvessel forms com- In this, he relies primarilyon the publishedreports
prisingthe statepotteryassemblagethatdrawsupon of archaeologicalmaterialsexcavatedatthesitefrom
boththeethnohistoricdataandgeneralstudiesof the the mid-1930s throughthe early 1970s (Valcarcel
mechanicalperformancecharacteristicsof pottery 1934,1935;Valencia1970,1975;YabarandRamos
(e.g., Braun 1983; Hally 1986; Smith 1985). Each 1970). These reports describe the archaeological
Inkavessel type is analyzedin termsof its morpho- materialsrecoveredin detailandarewell illustrated.
logical attributes,physical properties,and patterns ThecollectionfromSaqsaywamanhastheadvan-
of use wear.The physical features,in conjunction tage of being from the imperialcapital;it also con-
with the culinaryinformationfound in the ethno- tainsthe full rangeof Inkavessel forms,comes from
historicsources,are used to suggest possible func- a well-documentedarchaeologicalcontext,and has
tionalroles for the differentvessel forms.Based on a securechronologicalposition.While it is possible
the informationpresented above, it is likely that thatundecoratedorutilitarianpotterymayhavebeen
ceramicvessels were utilizedin the following culi- under-collectedand/orunder-reported by the origi-
nary activities:cooking, processing,fermentation, nal investigators,it is worthnotingthatat least three
serving,eating, wet and dry storage,transportation of the vessel categories in Meyers's classification
of liquids,andwashing.Thistasklist servesas a base- scheme(Forms9,10, and 12) aredescribedas cook-
linein discussingprobablefunctionsof imperialInka ing vessels lacking in decoration and frequently
vessel forms. exhibitingcarbonon the exteriorsurfaces.Together,
One of the basic assumptionsis thatthe form of these threevessel types comprise 18 percentof the
a ceramic container is strongly influenced by its total assemblage(Meyers 1975:23).
intendedfunction.The functionalnatureof pottery InMeyers'ssystem,theInkaceramicassemblage
can be analyzed along several dimensions. These is dividedinto sevenformalclasses:(a) aribalos;(b)
include shape, physical propertiesdeterminedby narrow-neckedvessels; (c) wide-mouthedvessels;
attributessuch as wall thicknessandpastecomposi- (d) wide-mouthedpots (ollas); (e) vessels with or
tion, patternsof use wear, and patternsof associa- withoutfeet; (f) plates and bowls; and (g) glasses.
tionorcontext.InBraun's(1983) discussionof "pots Eachcategorycontainsone to severalformsto each
as tools," i.e., containers, he suggests that the of whichMeyersassigneda specificnumber.Intotal,
mechanicalperformancecharacteristicsof a pot, as 14 distinctmorphologicaltypesarerecognized(Fig-
withanytool,aredeterminedto a considerableextent ure 1). I use Meyers's numerical designations
by its morphologicaland physical properties.The throughoutthe remainderof this discussion.Figure
"performancecharacteristics"of a vessel, in turn, 2 correlatesMeyers'sterminologywith othernames
help to determinehow well suitedit is for a partic- for these Inkavessel types in the literature.
ularuse (Hally 1986). Specific dimensionsof ves- Meyers's Form 1 is regularlyreferredto as the
sel performanceidentifiedby Hally (1986) include Inkaaribalo, a name first used by nineteenthcen-
vessel stability,volumetriccapacity,overallsize, ease turyscholarsand latermade semi-officialby Bing-
of access to vessel contents,ease of removalof con- ham(1915) withhispublicationofthe MachuPicchu
tents,tendencyto spill,eff1ciencyof heatabsorption, materials.Whilethe termmay notbe entirelyappro-

No.
[Vol.2003
1,14,
ANTIQUITY
AMERICAN
LATIN
12
n --
A
1
2
B
D 8
s
{¢-¢-bE
- -
ll
E 10
c}
12 13
F
G 14
Meyers 1975).
form categories used in this study (after
Figure 1. Inka vessel

Source W 9 l0 g lZ 13 14
9 (f X ; (3 4 5 % 6 C 7 2
Meyers Inca jar Long-necked vase Face neck jar Long-neeki Short-necked Two-iMled One-handli
(19763 bottle bottle vessel vessel
Bingham Type 1 ---- Type 131z, d Type 13h Type 13a Type 6 ---
(19153 Aryballus 3ug Jug Jug Pelike jug
Fernandez Makas Florere --- l:3eposlto Deposit Jarron ---
(1971)
Pardo Matas Florero Puina Atsana Aisana Puchuela 1JCi hjchi
(1957) Tticachuranas Puchuela
Rowe Shape A Shape fiI --- Shape D --- Shape B Shape C
(1944)
= . . .. ....... -
NIeyers C()nical-based Roundbased One-footed olla Two-handled Tnv}-handled Shallow plate/boutl Cup
(l976) olla olla bowl plate
Bingham Wide-mouffi ppes 7-l0 Type 2 Type 4 Type 4d Types ll & 12 Type lSb
(l915) aryballus Bea!er olla l:)eep dish l)rinking ladle
Fernandez hqui Ollas cyliSricos Olla caliz Qocha --- C:huappucu Q'em
(1971)
Pardo Ulpu Manca Chullanchaqui Manca --- lucu Q8ere

(1957) manca
Rowe Shape 13 --- Shape J Shape F --- Shape G Shape I
(19X) lucu
.. . .
Figure 2. Cross-correlationof terms used to describe Inka vessel folms.
priatewith respectto its historicaland descriptive eralhighlandsites(D'AltroyandHastorf1984;Mor-

conIlotations,it is nonethelesswidely used andrec- ris 1967).
ognized.The arlbalonwith its tall flaringneck,high The four vessel types includedin Meyers'ssec-
pronouncedshoulders,and conical base is the best ond category(B), the narrow-necked jar forms,are
known and most characteristicof the Inka vessel not nearly as common in the overall Inka assem-
forms. blage as the arlbaloand severalother forms. The
Most investigatorsassume that it was used as a morphologicalfeaturesof these vessels suggestthat
containerforchicha,theubiquitousandsociallyindis- theyprobablyservedas containersfor liquids.Their
pensablecornbeerof theAndes.This interpretation low centersof gravityand flat bases may indicate
is supportedby variousmorphologicalfeaturesof the theiruse in moreheavilytraffickedareasandlortheir
vessel.Theelongatedshapeindicatesa concernwith regularplacementon prepared(i.e., hard,flat) sur-
theefficientutilizationof spacecharacteristicof stor- faces (Lischka 1978:227; Smith 1985:267, 277).
age vessels. The tall, flaredneck and restrictedves- Giventherelativescarcityof the tall-neckedvessels
sel orificeemphasizecontainmentof vessel contents in this class (the short-necked,flat-bottomedjar
attheexpenseof accessibility.Theflaredrimandcon- [Form5] beingconsiderablymorecommonthanthe
ical base wouldfacilitatethe pouringof liquids.The otherthreetypes),it can be assumedthattheirfunc-
characteristicsidehandlesandlug also suggesta car- tion was restrictedand theiruse perhapslimitedto
ryiIlgfunction.Directevidencein the formof repre- moreuncommonevents.
sentationalarton potteryandmodernusageindicates The thirdclass of vessels, the wide-neckedjars
how these featuresfunctionedfor the transportliq- withflatbasesandone ortwo straphandles,arealso
uids(e.g., KauffmannDoig 1983:726).Theproposed relativelyrare,thoughForm6 is morecommonthan
functionof the arlEaloas a storagecontaineris fur- Form7. Bingham(1979:162)recovereda fairlylarge
thersupportedby contextualinformationfrom sev- numberof (n = 78) two-handledpitchers(Form6)

s .) (
.:\;D,AS'
rr 1 | 2 >*, <' ?0 w C > sotJtZ / > 14 12
Xbeh
1t ss@ -
XCh, w
Pe8 " a X>P
V*y
14 LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY [Vol.14, No. 1, 2003
<jz w t_ 1t
. r I ' $ El Qthche t La C
: l,# _ .e 4 a K
. t F, < 6 T_<1 tt (:JJ V

J, K z IC8 n h vey
;\ j;e 1$ ", XTs
.) $ j$ 31
* * * .
Figure 3. Map indicating locations of Inka sites included in distnbutional analysis of Inka potteryX
fromMachuPicchu.One-thirdof thesewerereport- and B vessels may reflect a greaterconcern with

edly associated with burials while the remainder ease of access to vessel contents,often associated
came from the vicinity of the city. He notes thatin with a higher frequencyof access events (Braun
generalffiis vessel categorywas 44notas elaborately 1980; Smith 1985). The flat base could again be
decorated as the dishes" (Bingham 1979:162). interpretedas evidencefor intendeduse on prepared
Examplesof these wide-neckedInkajarformshave surfaces.The morphologicalattributesof the wide-
alsobeenrecordedatOllantaytanboSaqsaywaman, mouthedjars suggest a possible decantingor serv-
Isla del Sol, and Quito(Figure3). ing function.
These vessels also likely servedas containersfor Meyers'sForm 8 is anotherrelativelyraretype
liquids,but the morphologicaldiSerencesbetween knownprimarilyfrom the Cuzco area,thoughsev-
this class andthe two previouslymentionedsuggest eralexampleshavealso beenreportedfromEcuador
at least some differencein function.The largerrim (Meyers1976). Pardo(1939) refersto these vessels
diametersof the ClassC as comparedto the ClassA by the Quechuaterm urpu, which, accordingto a

Tamara L. Bray] INKAPOTTERY
AS CULINARY
EQUIPMENT 15
modernQuechuadictionary,denotes a large earth- vessel shoulder,anda simpleappliquedesignlocated

enware vessel used for the fermenting of chicha on the shoulderopposite the handle that typically
(Guardia1980). The form is essentially that of a consists of a serpentfigureor a pairof small protu-
large,conical-basedolla. In many ways it recalls a berances.The pedestal-baseolla is often equipped
truncated,wide-mouthedversionof the arlEalo, as with a lid andfrequentlyexhibitscarbonresidueon
it frequentlycarriesthe same types of polychrome its exteriorsurface.Thesevessels arereportedin rel-
decorationand likewise comes equippedwith two ativelyhigh frequenciesat nearlyevery site with an
side handlesand a stylized lug. Inkacomponent.Thesepercentagescouldbe skewed
Mostauthorsattributea food processingfunction by the fact this form may be more readilyidentifi-
to this vessel, acknowledgingits probablerole as a able in a fragmentedstate than others,though the
containerfor upi, or unfermentedchicha,duringthe same caveatwould applyto severalother-Inkaves-
processof chichaproduction(Fernandez1971;Mey- sel types as well. Thefooted ollas arefoundin grave
ers 1975; Pardo1939). The morphologicaltraitsof lots as well as residentialsectors,thoughthosefrom
thisform,whichincludethelargerimdiameter,high, burialssometimeslack evidence of use wear (Bray
slightly convergingvessel walls, and side handles, 1991:361-392). Morphologically, the slightly
do not contradictthis interpretation,but could also restrictedformsuggestsa concernwithcontainment.
suggest use for transportingdry foodstuffssuch as The relativeflatness of the bottom portion of the
maizeor tubers.The transportof liquidsalso is pos- bowl makes the form suitablefor long periods of
sible because the evertedangle of the rim hints at heatingin thefire(Linton1944).Thestronglyeverted
some provisionfor closing or coveringthe vessel. rimandthecommonlyassociatedpotlidscouldindi-
Meyers'sForm9 vessels are likely to have been cate a concernwith spillageor the use of these ves-
Inkautilitarianwares. These round-bottomedollas sels as short-termstoragecontainersfor perishables
lack both decorativetreatmentand standardization (Smith 1985).
of form,uncommoncharacteristicsfor the imperial The contrastsbetween this vessel and the pre-
statepotteryassemblage.Thisvessel typeis also fre- ceding one suggest thatthese two types of cooking
quentlyfound with remnantcarbonon its exterior pots were eitherused for preparingdifferentkinds
surface.While this vessel categoryis recordedby of foods or in differentmethodsof food preparation.
both Binghamand Valcarcelat MachuPicchu and Meandifferencesin the volumetriccapacityof these
Saqsaywaman,respectively,it is not likely thatthe two vessel formsis also significantandlikelyrelates
sherdsof these vessels would be readilyrecogniz- to who the intendedconsumerswere,i.e., a groupor
able as Inkapotteryoutside of the Cuzco area(see an individual(Bray2003). Given thatcooking ves-
Costin 1986 for detaileddiscussionof local utilitar- sels probablyare amongthe most conservativeele-
ian waresfromthe Inkaperiodat Wankasites in the ments of any ceramiccomplex (Linton 1944), the
centralhighlands).The variousreportsof miscella- ubiquityanduniquenessof thefootedolla arehighly
neousorunidentifiedcookingwaresfromprovincial significant.Itsdistribution is suggestiveof theimpor-
Inka sites could refer to either this Inka utilitarian tance attachedto a particularfood categoryandlor
type or local varietiesof cooking vessels. The mor- food preparationtechniquevis-a-vis Inka or elite
phologicalfeaturesof this type of pot reflecta con- identity,and the extent to which the state had suc-
cernwith containment(slightlyrestrictedneck) and ceeded in exportingor imposing its culinaryprac-
the suitabilityof the pot for suspensionabove a fire tices.
for cooking purposes (roundedbase, presence of The fact thatthe footed olla is the only cooking
handles)(Linton1944; Smith 1985). vessel elaboratedin a distinctivestatestyle suggests
In contrastto the nondescriptcharacterof these thatthe viandpreparedin it wouldhavebeen highly
pots, the pedestal-baseolla (Form10), whichis also esteemed.Giventhe importancetheInkaattachedto
considereda cookingvessel, is a commonandhighly maize, it is possible thatthis vessel was associated
diagnosticInkaform.This vessel is knownin the lit- with the preparationof a maize-baseddish. Its typ-
eratureby a variety of names including "chalice" ically small-to-mediumsize, togetherwith certain
(Pardo 1939) and "beaker-shapedolla" (Bingham diagnosticfeatures,such as the large oblique strap
1915). Diagnosticfeaturesincludea flaredpedestal handleandassociatedlid, suggestindividuallysized
base, a large straphandleobliquelyattachedto the portionsand a concernwith portability.The sum of

LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
16 [Vol. 14, No. 1, 2003
its featuressuggest thatthe pedestal-base

olla may this form into five subcategoriesbased on the
have figuredin state obligationsto provide type
corvee of handle.The most commonvarietyhas a
laborerswith a fittingcooked (reheated?)repast. stylized
The two-handleddeep dish or cazuela(Form zoomorphichead(typicallya bird)as a handlewith
11) a pairof protuberanceslocatedon the rim
is anothercommon componentof the Inka opposite.
assem- Almostas commonareplatesthathavesimple
blage. This form usually carriespolychrome oppos-
paint- ing sets of double nubbinson the rim.
ing, thougha few undecoratedexampleswere Verticaland
found horizontalloop handlesare also found,thoughthis
at Saqsaywaman.This was the thirdmost
common varietyis not as common.
vessel form recoveredat MachuPicchuand half
of The largest sample of these plates comes
those found were associatedwith burials. from
Bingham Machu Picchu where they were the second
(1979:156) suggests that they were likely used as most
common vessel form recovered (Bingham
servingcontainersfor soupsandporridges.
Fernan- 1979:132).Binghamreportsthat 60 percentof the
dez(1971:18) believesthese vessels were
manufac- approximately 300 specimenscamefromburialcon-
turedfor ceremonialdrinkingpurposes.He
notes textsin whichtheywerefrequentlyfoundin
thatmodernQuechuaherdsmenin the Cuzco matched
area pairs.He refersto these vessels as "drinking
buyauthenticreproductionsof these forms ladles"
and use andsuggeststhey were probablyused for
themat certainfestivalsfor chicha consum-
consumption. ingsoupsand stews.The morphological
As an unrestrictedform,the morphological featuresof
fea- thisformemphasizeeaseof accessand
turesof the two-handleddeep dish reflect handling,and
concerns reflecta lack of concernwith spilling or
withaccess,visibilityof contents,portability, spoilage.
andsta- Additionally, the height of the vessel, which aver-
bility.
These characteristicsimply a high frequency
ages2.6 cm (Bray 2003), and the low angle
ofaccess, the manipulationof the of the
contents with wallsindicatea lackof suitabilityfor containing
hands orutensils,frequentmovementor liq-
transference uids.Themorphologyanddecorativetreatmentsug-
ofthe vessel, and use in heavily
traffickedareas gestthat they may represent individual
and/orlocations with prepared surfaces serving
(Smith plattersforsolidor semi-solidfoods,possiblymeats.
1985).The form suggeststhatthe vessel may
have The last vessel form in Meyers's
beenusedas a servingcontainer,orpossiblyin food- classification
scheme is the tall cup with flaringwalls commonly
processing tasks,thoughthepresenceof polychrome
known by the Quechuaname kero.This shape is
decoration makesthelattersuggestionless likely.lhe
reminiscent of earlierTiwanakuformsandmay rep-
directness of therim seemsto indicatea lackof con-
resentthe conscioususe of anachronismby the Inka
cernwith pouringpropertiesor vessel closure.
elite.The form was not limited to the
Meyers'ssixthclass of vessel typesincludesboth ceramic
medium and was probablymore commonly pro-
shallowbowls and plates. The flat-bottomedplate
duced in wood and metal.While it appearsto us a
withshort everted walls and two horizontalstrap
naturalform for drinking, its relative rarity and
handles(Form 12) is a relativelyuncommonform
restrictionto specific contexts suggest that it may
known primarilyfromtheimperialheartland,though
have
had a more specializedor limitedfunction.
examples from the Titicaca region and southern
Basedon morphologicalconsiderations,thepres-
Ecuadorhavebeendocumented.Thisvesselcategory
ence
or absenceof decoration,andthe evidence
typically
lacks decorationand probablybelongs to for
use
wear (i.e., carbonand food residues),different
the
localdomesticInkaassemblage.The
unrestricted functions
havebeenpositedforthedifferentInkaves-
form
and low walls suggest a toastingor parching
sel
forms discussed above. These functionalinter-
function,
or possiblyheatingfor evaporation(Smith
pretations
are summarizedin Table2. Briefly,Inka
1985:276).
Forms9, 10, and possibly 12 are belie.vedto repre-
In contrast,the otherunrestrictedvessel in
this sent
cookingvessels. Form8 fits the criteriafor ves-
class,
the shallowplate(Form13), is one ofthe most
sels
used in food-processing tasks, specifically
frequently
occurringcomponentsof theInkaceramic
fermentation,andmayhavealso beenusedfortrans-
assemblage.Theseplatesprobablyexhibitthe great-
porting
dry goods. Forms 1A, 6, and 7 all exhibit
est
freedomof stylisticexpressionseen on any Inka
vessel characteristics
typicalof containersdesignedto hold
form.Decorativedesignsemploybothpainted
liquids.
Form 1 exhibitsfeaturesthat are also well
and
plastic techniques. Meyers (1975:15) divides
adapted
for the transportof liquids,as well as either

Table 2. FunctionalInterpretationof the InkaVessel Assemblage.
Vessel Cooking Serving/Eating Storage Transport

Form Boiling Toasting Process Ferment Solids Liquid Wet Dry (Liquid)
1 X X X
2 X
3 X
4 X
S X
6 X
7 X
8 X X X
9 X
10 X
11 X X
12 X
13 X
14 X
dry or wet storage.Forms 6, 7, and 11 (depending The publicationsexaminedspanmanyyearsand

on size) may representserving vessels. Forms 13, varygreatlywith respectto the types andamountof
14, andpossibly FormsS and 11, are likely to have information imparted. They reflect changes in
been used as individualeating or drinkingvessels. acceptablestandardsof archaeologicalresearch,dif-
While the imperialInkaassemblagedoes appearto ferentdisciplinaryemphases,andthe diverseback-
containseveralvessel types relatedto cooking and groundsof the variousinvestigators.All the reports,
food-processingactivities,it is clearthatthe bulkof however,containedsufficientdetailin eitherthetext,
the distinctivestaterepertoirewas dedicatedto ves- illustrations,or appendicesto assign the Inka pot-
sels intendedto be used in servingandconsumption tery to one of the 14 formal categoriesdiscussed
contexts.This emphasishighlightsthe significance above.Generallyspeaking,only completeor nearly
of commensaleventsin the eyes of the stateandthe completevessels were includedin this study.
contributionof the vessels themselvesto the mate- Table4 presentsavailableinformationon the fre-
rializationof the idea of an Inkahautecuisine. quencies of differentstate vessel forms recovered
fromInkasitesaroundtheempire.All systematically
Distribution of Imperial Inka Vessel Forms excavated sites with adequatelyreportedceramic
The patterneddistributionof specific forms in the data were included. The counts may be taken as
imperialcore (the CuzcoregionandUrubambaVal- approximaterepresentations of the totalassemblage
ley) versus the provincial sectors provides added at each site. As it was impossibleto extractquanti-
insightintotheroleof Inkapotteryin imperialexpan- tativedatafromthepublishedreportsformanysites,
sion. Forthis componentof the study,I utilizedpub- a presence/absencechartof vessel forms was also
lishedreportscontainingquantitativeorquantifiable constructedto check suggestedpatterns(Table5).
dataon Inkapotteryas well as informationderived Figure4 shows the distributionof the differentves-
from the firsthandstudy of several archaeological sel types comprisingthe composite, empire-wide
collections.The dataset, while neithercompletenor assemblage. The graph indicates that the aribalo
fully random,encompassesinformationon imperial (Form1) accountsfor nearlyhalf of the totalvessels
Inka pottery from the length and breadth of the in the sample.The shallow plate, the single footed
empire. The sites included are listed in Table 3 olla, and the two-handledcasserole,Forms 10, 13,
togetherwith the associatedreferences;their loca- and 11, respectively,arethe nextmostcommonves-
tions are indicatedin Figure3. The assembleddata sel types. Overall,these four vessel forms account
are adequateto ascertainwhetherdifferencescould for 92 percentof the tabulatedpots.
be discernedin the distributionof imperialvessel Significantdifferencesare noted in the relative
forms at the gross geopoliticallevel of Inka heart- proportionsof vessel types among the most com-
landversusprovinces. monformsin the imperialcore versusthe provinces

LATINAMERICAN
18
Table 3. List of Sites and PublishedReferences Used in DistributionalAnalysis.
Sector Site Name References

Heartland Saqsaywaman Francoand Llanos 1940; Valcarcel1934-35; Valencia 1970
Cuzco (general) Pardo 1939, 1959 (gravelot);Sawyer 1966 (1 gravelot);Schmidt 1929
Ollantaytambo Llanos 1936
Chinchero Rivera 1976
Machu Picchu Bingham 1915, 1979; Eaton 1916
Choquepukio McEwan Collection, Museo Inka, Cuzco
Cuntisuyu Maucallacta Bauer 1990
Mt. Ampato PereaChavez2001;AmpatoCollection,MuseoSantuarios Andinos,UCSM
Chincha Menzel 1966, 1971; Sandweiss 1992; Uhle 1924b
Ica Menzel 1971, 1976; Uhle 1924a
La Centinela Menzel 1966
Inkawasi Hyslop 1985
Pachacamac Uhle 1903; Uhle Collection, UMPAA
Collasuyu Hatunqolla Hyslop 1976, 1979; Julien 1983
Titicaca BandelierCollection, AMNH
Pallimarca Ryden 1947
Puno Tschopik 1946
Tiquischullpa,so. Titicacaregion Parssinenand Siiriainen 1997
Mt. Llullaillaco Reinhardand Ceruti2000
NW Argentina(NOA) Bennettet al. 1948; Bregante 1926; Calderariand Williams 1991;
Debenedetti 1917; Fock 1961; Outes 1907; von Rosen 1924
Pucarade Lerme, Boman 1908
Prov. de Tucuman
Chicoana,Valle de Lerme, Fock 1961
Prov.de Tucuman
La Paya, Valle Calchaqui,NOA Ambrosetti1902, 1907-08; Boman 1908; Bennett et al. 1948
E1Plomo Figueroa 1958; Medina 1958
La Reina Mostny 1955
PucaraChena Stehberg 1976
Chinchaysuyu HuanacoPampa Morris 1967; Morrisand Thompson 1985
HatunXauxa D'Altroy 1981, 2001
La Plata Dorsey 1901; McEwan and Silva 1989
Quito Jijony Caamanoand Larrea1918;Jijony Caamano1914;Meyers 1976;
Stubel and Reiss 1889
E1Quinche Jijon y Caamano1914; Meyers 1976
Rumicucho Almeida and Jara 1984; Almeida 1999
Tomebamba Bamps 1879; Bray 1996; Idrovo2000; Meyers 1976
Ingapirca
- -
Meyers 1976
-
(Figure5). The arEbalo, for instance,comprises52 the ratiosbetweenthese four vessel types is gener-
percentof the totalnumberof identifiableInkaves- ally morebalanced(100:81:46:61).The biggestdif-
sels in the provincialdistrictsand only 29 percent ference between the two regions is in the relative
in the core region. The only vessels besides the proportionof arlEalosto othervessels and the sig-
arfbalo that occur with any frequency in the nificantlyhigherfrequenciesof shallowplates(Form
provincesare the shallow plate (Form 13) and the 13) and two-handleddeep dishes (Form 11) in the
pedestal-basecooking pot (Form 10). These three heartland.
forms appearto constitutethe minimalassemblage The fact thatthe arlEalois found in higherpro-
for any Inka-affiliatedgroupor individualresiding portionsin the outlying sectors of the empire sug-
in the hinterlands. gests that it was of particularimportanceto some
The overallratioof the four most common ves- aspect of the imperialexpansionprocess.As men-
sel types(arlEalos,shallowplates,pedestalpots,and tioned earlier,this vessel form is generallyassoci-
the two-handled casserole) in the provinces is ated with storage and the transportof chicha,a
roughly100:33:48:7.In the core areaof the empire, productelaboratedby women. The Inka,following

Tamara L. Bray] INKA POTTERY AS CULINARY EQUIPMENT 19
Table4. Frequencyof InkaVessel Forms at Different Sites.
Sector Site Name 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Total

Central Saqsaywaman 3 1 6 4 3 5 4 7 15 22 6 59 10 165
20
Ollantaytambo - - 1 5 1 - 29 1 47
10
Machu Picchu - 2 73 5 78 - 9 30 204 271 7 300 12 1,441
450
Choquepukio 1 1 1 - 2 1 6 7 22
3
HeartlandSub-Total 3 3 79 9 81 6 14 39 224 296 14 394 30 1,674
483
Cuntisuyu Maucallacta 3 - 1
- 2 - s -
- 8 19
(west/SW) Mt.Ampato 8 - 1
- 7 - - 18 34
La Centinela 8 1 6 - - 4 - 1 1 - 6 27
Old Ica 7 2 1 2 1 1 - 4 3 - 13 1 35
Pachacamac 24 1 - 3 3 - 2 - 8 15 - 34 90
Collasuyu Hatunqolla 50 4
1
5 3 1 40 3 107
(south) Pallimarca 60 - 1 10 - 25 - 96
Llullaillaco 3 - 2 - 2 2 - 10 19
Chicoana,LermaValley S - 7 - - 42 1 55
E1Plomo 3 - 2 - - 3 8
La Reina 30 3 5
- 50 - 88
Chinchasuyu HuanacoPampa 376 - 17 - - 26 419
(north) HatunXauxa 237 55 - 111 17 420
La Plata 2 - 2 - - 6 - 10
E1Quinche S 1 - 1 -
- 1 1 - 2 - 12
Rumicucho 577 557 69 - 67 - 1,270
Provincial Sub-Total 1,398 5 S 8 13 4 5 4 - 679 104 1 461 22 2,709

Total
_ _ _ _
1,882 _
8 7 8 87 21 85 11 18 39 903 400 1S 855
_ _ _ _ 52 4,383
Note: Vessel counts obtainedfrom following sources: Heartland:Saqsaywaman(Meyers 1975:23)- Ollantaytambo(Llanos
1936); Machu Picchu (Bingham 1979:117-179); Choquepukio(photo-documentationby T. Bray of G. McEwanCollection,
Museo Inka, Cuzco, 2000); Cuntisuyu:Maucallacta(Bauer 1990); Mt. Ampato (PereaChavez 2001; photo-documentationby
T. Bray of Ampato Collection, Museo SantuariosAndinos, UCSM, Arequipa,2002); La Centinela(Menzel 1966)- Old Ica
(Menzel 1971, 1976; Uhle 1924a); Pachacamac(Uhle 1903:94; photo-documentationby T. Bray of Uhle Collection, UPMAA,
Philadelphia,2001); Collasuyu:Hatunqolla(Julien 1983); Mt. Llullaillaco (Reinhardand Ceruti2001); Pallimarca(Ryden
1947); Chicoana(Fock 1961); El Plomo (Figueroa 1958; Medina 1958); La Reina (Mostny 1955); Chinchasuyu:Huanaco
Pampa(Morris 1967, App. 3); HatfinXauxa (D'Altroy 1981:454); La Plata (Dorsey 1901); El Quinche (Jijon y Caamano
1914); Rumicucho(Almeida and Jara 1984; Almeida 1999).
ancientAndeannorms, assumedthe responsibility liely housedindividualsof somerankwithintheInka

of providingfood anddrinkforcorveelaborers(e.g., politicalhierarchy.At MachuPicchu,thetwo-handled
Mowis 1982; Murra1975,1980; Rowe 1982). The deep dish was equallycommonin bothburialcaves
disproportionatenumberof arlobalosfound in the andresidentialmiddens,andwasoftenfoundin asso-
provinces might indicate that state prestationsof ciationwith the pedestal-basedolla (Form10) in the
chicha was of greaterimportancein the outlying former context (Bingham 1979:156). This fact,
regionsthanin the core of the empire(see also Bray togetherwith the rangeof sizes in which this vessel
2000). Giventhatthe productionof chicha was one was made and its fairlylimiteddistribution,suggest
of theprincipaltasksof Andeanwomen,it linksthem thatit may have constitutedan elementof a higher-
to imperialstrategiesof organizationandcontrolin statusindividual'spersonaldinnerservice.
a fundamentalway. The aboveinformationsuggeststhatthreevessel
The two-handledcasserole (Form 11), while a typesin particular comprisedthecoreof theInkapot-
commonelementin the collectionsfromCuzco and teryassemblage.These areForms1, 10, and 13, the
its vicinity,is relativelyrarein the provincialassem- arlobalo, thepedestal-basepot,andthe shallowplate.
blages.OutsideoftheInkahearfand, examplesofthis Thesethreevessel formsareminimallypresentat all
formhavebeenreportedatHatunqolla,HatunXauxa, LateHorizonsiteswithevidenceof Inkaoccupation.
Pachacamac,Old Ica, La Centinela,Pallimarca,E1 Functionally,thisbasicsetlikelyrepresentstheactiv-
Quinche,andRumicucho(Figure3).All of thesesites ities of chicha storageandtransport,cooking (boil-
were administrativeand/orreligious in natureand ing),andeating(solidfoods).Theensemblesuggests

ANTIQUITY
LATINAMERICAN [Vol. 14, No. 1, 2003
20 Table 5. Presence/AbsenceChartof InkaVessel Forms at Different Sites.
Sector Site Name 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Central Saqsaywaman X X X X X X X X X X X X X X
Cuzco X X X X X X X X X X X X
Ollantaytambo X X X X X X
Choquepukio X X X X X X X X
Chinchero X X X X X X X X X X X X X X
Machu Picchu X X X X X X X X X X X X
Cuntisuyu Maucallacta X X X X X
Mt. Ampato X X X X
ChinchaValley X X X X X
Ica Valley X X X X X X X X X X
LaCentinela X X X X X X X
Pachacamac X X X X X X X X
Inkawasi X X X
Collasuyu Hatunqolla X X X X X X X X X
Titicaca X X X X X X X X
(Islas del Sol, Luna)
Tiquischullpa X X
Pallimarca X X X X X
Puno X X X X
Mt. Llullaillaco X X X X X
NW Argentina X
LaReina X X X X
PucaraChena X X X X
Chinchasuyu HuanacoPampa X X X
HatunXauxa X X X X X
La Plata X X X
Quito X X X X X X X
El Quinche X X X X X X X
Rumicucho X X X X
Ingapirca X X
Tomebamba X X X X X X X X X X X X X X
thattwo, andpossiblythree,differentfood categories functionalinferencesaboutInkavessel formsandto

were involvedas componentsof an elite repast.We outline the features of an imperialhaute cuisine.
also note thatthis basic Inkaceramicsuite contains Meat and maize were, by all accounts, the most
bothcommunalandindividualserviceelements.The highlyesteemedfoodstuffsin theInkadietandlikely
archaeologicalevidence, thus, appearsto correlate comprisedthe basic elementsof Andeanhautecui-
well withtheethnohistoricinformationon Inkahaute sine in the fifteenth century.The sum of the evi-
cuisine insofaras the core suite of Inkavessels may dence, however,indicatesthat elite cuisine did not
be interpretedas functionallyadaptedto the distrib- radically differ from the baseline Andean diet in
ution of chicha(Form 1), the consumptionof meat terms of basic elements. Rather,it seems to have
(Form 13), and the cooking or reheatingof maize been defined on the basis of quality,quantity,and
kernelsor a maize-basedstew (Form 10). diversityof foodstuffs,anddifferencesin modes of
preparation,serving,consumption,anddisposal.
Discussion Food andfeastingin theAndes has been consid-
The intent of this paperhas been to offer a better eredcriticalto theconsolidationof power(see Costin
understandingof Inka pottery and its role in the andEarle1989;Gero1990,1992;Moore1989;Mor-
dynamicprocessesof imperialstatedesign. To this ris 1982;Murra1960;Rostworowski1977:24>244).
end, the Inkaceramicassemblagewas examinedin Duringthe Late Horizon,the relationshipbetween
terms of its functional and culinary significance. food and politics was manifestin the Inkaelabora-
Informationculled primarily from ethnohistoric tionof a distinctiveensembleof ceramicservice,stor-
sourcesand ethnographicreportswas used to draw age, and, to a lesser extent,cooking vessels. While

- -
50
45
40
Q
35
30
25
20
I
-
15
10
5
| - T - - _ - - T
o
F1 F4 F6 F9 F10 F11 F13 F14
Inca Forms
Figure 4. Distribution of Inka vessel forms comprising a composite, empire-wide assemblage (n = 4383). Note: Vesselcate-
gories representingless than one percent of the entire assemblageare omittedfromgraph (these include Forms 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, and
12).
stylisticallydistinct,Inka potteryconformedfunc- standingsof complementarydifferenceintonew sys-

tionallyto widespreadAndeanculinaryand subsis- tems of social hierarchythroughthe idiom of gen-
tence patterns.The productionand distributionof a der.Costin (1996) builds on these insightsinto the
highlyrecognizablestatepotteryensemblesuggests relationbetweenInkastatepoliciesandgenderin her
a consciousstrategyaimedat creatingmaterialsym- analysisof the gendereddivisionof laborin the late
bols of social hierarchyandclass difference. precolumbianAndes. Focusingon the organization
The decision to encode such differencein culi- of textileproduction,she alsodemonstrateshow spe-
naryequipmentis probablynot accidental.Therela- cific statepracticesreinforceda developinggender
tionship between the rulers and the people who ideology based on hierarchyratherthan comple-
servedthem was to an importantextentboth medi- mentarity.
atedandmaterializedthroughthe prestationof food By dividingthe universeinto separategendered
anddrinkwithinthe contextof ritualcommensality. spheres,the Cuzquenosremainedfaithfulto tradi-
In traditionalAndeansociety,cooking and the pro- tionalAndeanconceptswhile simultaneouslyincor-
ductionof chicha,both for everydayconsumption poratingthe new reality of power (as opposed to
and for offeringsto the huacasand ancestors,was prestige)differencesand social classes. The gender
the primaryresponsibilityof women. parallelismof Inkaideology constructedthe queen
In a groundbreakingwork on gendersystems in (coya) as the royaldaughterof the Moon andplaced
the Andes, Silverblatt(1987) argued that women her at the headof the empire'sfemale subjects,mir-
were integralto the constructionof empireand the roringthe role of the sapa Inka,who as the Sun's
creationof social classes in the Inka state. As an son, reignedover the male citizenry(see Pachacuti
Andeanpeople, the Inkawell understoodthe prin- Yamqui's diagram of Inka cosmology, 1968
ciples of sexualcomplementarityandgenderparal- [1613]:158). Given the ideology of sexual comple-
lelism thatstructuredtraditionalsocialorganization. mentarity,theInkaqueenwas as essentialas theking
Inherstudy,Silverblatt(1987:4s108)demonstrates in the social and political configurationof Tawan-
how the Inka,throughthe shrewdmanipulationof tinsuyu. According to historic sources, the queen
Andean orthodoxy, transformedancestral under- paralleledherhusbandthe sapa Inkain nearlyevery

22 LATINAMERICAN
60
@ 50
> 40
zV 30
2 20 E11leartland
Q 10
* Provinces
o
F1 F4 F6 F10 F11 F13 F14
Inca Forms
Figure 5. Relative proportion of Inka vessel forms in imperial heartland versus provinces.
regard,from the size andbeautyof her palacesand ally articulatedthroughthefemaleactivitiesof cook-

temples,to the ritualsshe performedfor specifically ing andbrewing.This is most evidentin the context
female deities, to the feasting of imperialsubjects, of labortributeandthereciprocalobligationsof state
to the venerationof her mummifiedremainsafter hospitality."Whenthe Inkastatepresenteditself as
death(Silverblatt1987:40-66). a benevolentproprietortowardsits conqueredsub-
But women were also essential to the imperial jects, offeringthemfood anddrinkin returnfortrib-
projectin anotherway that involved their simulta- utarylabor,it exercisedpowerin a specificallyfemale
neousvenerationandimprisonmentwithinthe state form "following the gendered logic of mink'a"5
institutionof"chosen women" (aclla). Girls from (Gose 2000:86) It accomplishedthis throughthe
throughoutthe empirewere collected as tributeand mediumof the chosen women, who often servedas
housedin speciallyconstructedbuildingsknownas the state'shosts (Murra1980:164).In the ideologi-
acllawasi whereintheyperformedlaborforthe state cal constructionof state reciprocity,authoritywas
until such time as they might be chosen for sacri- communicatedin the feminine register.This is not
fice or given by the king as wives to imperialsub- to suggest thatwomen and men necessarilyshared
jects. As Silverblatt(1987:91-92; see also Cieza equallyin the materialbenefitsof statelargesse,as
1959:160) notes, the constructionof an acllawasi indicated in Hastorf's (1991) importantstudy on
to house the locally appropriatedwomen was one shifts in consumptionpatternsfollowing imperial
of the first tasks undertakenby the stateupon con- incorporation. Ratherit underscoresthefactthatgen-
quest of a new territory. deredroles and ideology were criticallyimportant
Accordingto thechroniclers,theworkperformed in the calculationof statestrategiesandpolicy.
by theacllakunaincludedspinning,weaving,andthe By placingcooking,cuisine,andculinaryartifacts
preparationof chichaandspecialfoods (Cieza 1959 at the centerof this study,we illuminateandengen-
[1553]:95, 192, 213; Guaman Poma 1936 deranotherdimensionof Inkastatecraft.Whilewar-
[1613]:298-300; Murua1946 [1590]:248-255; Sil- fare and conquest were clearly important (and
verblatt1987:81-108). It was the productsof these stereotypicallymasculine)elementsof Inkaimperi-
women'slabor,specificallycloth andcornbeer,that alism,so too were the female-controlled domainsof
underwrotethe imperialproject.In bestowingthese cooking,serving,andfeasting.AnalyzingInkastate
most highlyvaluedproductsof the chosen women's potteryas culinaryequipmentforces us to consider
hands,the Inkaobligatedand rituallysubordinated thewaysin whichgendersystems,genderedtasks,and
statesubjectsthroughthecomplexweb of socialrela- genderedobjects were implicatedin the imperial
tionsengenderedby thegift (see Mauss1990[1950]). process. Such an approachnecessarilycomplicates
Buttheroleof theaclla, in particular,
andwomen, monolithicevolutionaryexplanationsof the emer-
moregenerally,in Inkastatecraftwent beyondsim- gence of the state and social classes, and promises
ple exploitation.Gose (2000) arguesthatwithinthe more nuancedand contextualunderstandings of the
boundariesof the state, Inkadominationwas actu- workingsof precapitaliststatesandempires.

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Almeida,Eduardo
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1984 El Pucara de Rumichucho.MiscelaneaAntropol6gica
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1902 El sepulcrode La Paya utimamentedescubiertoen los
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INKA POTTERYAS CULINARYEQUIPMENT:

En este artEculose examinael conjuntodistintivode cera'micaInkaica imperialen te'rminosde su significacionfuncional y culi-

The ceramiccomplexassociatedwiththe Inka little systematic comparativeanalysis of imperial

Tamara L. Bray * Departmentof Anthropology,Wayne State University,Detroit, MI 48202

LatinAmericanAntiquity, 14(1), 2003, pp. 3-28

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structionof social relationsand identities(Hodder associationsof potterywithwomen,cooking,andthe

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Andeanwomen anduniversallyassociatedwith the knownas chunoandcouldbe storedfor manyyears.

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Table 1. Vessels Explicitly Mentionedin EthnohistoricSources.

Vessel Type (Spanish) Vessel Type (English) CulinaryActivity

moners(Coe 1994:220;Murra1960), while access ing or toastingwas also an importantculinarytech-

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interpretingthe significanceof ceramic variability heat retention,rate of evaporation,ability to close

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This content downloaded from 181.65.19.41 on Tue, 26 Nov 2013 20:48:33 PM

Tamara L. Bray] INKA POTTERYAS CULINARYEQUIPMENT 13

Pardo Ulpu Manca Chullanchaqui Manca --- lucu Q8ere

Figure 2. Cross-correlationof terms used to describe Inka vessel folms.

priatewith respectto its historicaland descriptive eralhighlandsites(D'AltroyandHastorf1984;Mor-

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. t F, < 6 T_<1 tt (:JJ V

;\ j;e 1$ ", XTs

fromMachuPicchu.One-thirdof thesewerereport- and B vessels may reflect a greaterconcern with

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modernQuechuadictionary,denotes a large earth- vessel shoulder,anda simpleappliquedesignlocated

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its featuressuggest thatthe pedestal-base

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Table 2. FunctionalInterpretationof the InkaVessel Assemblage.

Vessel Cooking Serving/Eating Storage Transport

dry or wet storage.Forms 6, 7, and 11 (depending The publicationsexaminedspanmanyyearsand

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Sector Site Name References

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Table4. Frequencyof InkaVessel Forms at Different Sites.

Sector Site Name 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Total

Provincial Sub-Total 1,398 5 S 8 13 4 5 4 - 679 104 1 461 22 2,709

ancientAndeannorms, assumedthe responsibility liely housedindividualsof somerankwithintheInka

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20 Table 5. Presence/AbsenceChartof InkaVessel Forms at Different Sites.

Sector Site Name 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

thattwo, andpossiblythree,differentfood categories functionalinferencesaboutInkavessel formsandto

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Tamara L. Bray] INKA POTTERYAS CULINARYEQUIPMENT 21

stylisticallydistinct,Inka potteryconformedfunc- standingsof complementarydifferenceintonew sys-

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regard,from the size andbeautyof her palacesand ally articulatedthroughthefemaleactivitiesof cook-

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ViewingtheimperialInkaceramicassemblageas References Cited

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theBasis of Rim andNeck FormalAttributes. In TheNavajo nizationof CeramicProductionin Late PrehispanicHigh-

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LibreriaStudium,Lima. 1991 Gender,Space,andFoodin Prehistory.InEngendering

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1970 TheRawand the Cooked.Harperand

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