ERGALIANISM: THE NEW CIVICS OF

SOCIETY
Horatio Weisel & Manfred Ladehoff

Something foul has shaken the world this year.

The Hestinines, the Sleeping Giant of Saretia, have finally started to stir. They call for all to
come together in a legacy that does not exist. While the poetic waxing of some revival of a
mythical Hestinine kingdom does much to sway the masses, the truth to this congregation is
clear: Galsey is on fire again, and her flames threaten Saretia once more. As we speak, scores
of Saretians are boarding ships bound for the New World, fleeing the conflict that has exploded
in recent times, and the uncertainty that is sure to follow.

But there is another flame, growing under the raging inferno across the Augra. All sides of this
conflict wish to stamp it out, from the iron-handed monarchies to the liberal republicans, from
the Warzyniecs to the Manauses, all look at this candle in revulsion. It is because this flame, the
flame of Ergalianism, threatens to engulf them all. How can these great powers be so afraid of a
little flicker of light?

1: Masters and Workers

The story of our world is one of power. The power of one man over his fellow man. It has
manifested itself in many pairs, from prince to pauper, lord to vassal, foreman to laborer. Master
to Worker. These forces have been in conflict since the beginning of time, and will continue into
the future. At times it has resulted in revolution, upending of the status quo as seen in Galsey
1794. At other times, men are squashed like in the Sassonic-Barthenian Union. But the arc of
history has bent in favor of the subjugated. When things have come to a point, when their
tolerance wears too thin, the powerful have to give way to them. The Worker holds the key to
the Master’s survival, and understanding that power is the key to salvation.

In modern times, this dynamic has manifested itself to fit the industrial reality of our society. The
master in our epoch is the manageria, sprung up from the ruins of base feudalism. Having
removed the shackles that had bound them before, the manageria has constructed new ones to
bind the masses. In doing so they become the very thing they sprung free from in the previous
ages.

Even so, the manageria have done a favor to the masses. Their recodifying of the ageless
​ nd the
power structure of man has allowed two distinct factions to be created: the ​manageria a
dimofile​.
The manageria was born from the serfdom of the middle ages. The former subjugated, these
communities chose to congregate, create new communities where their lineages would be the
ones to shape society. If only they knew how much they would be shaped themselves.

The discovery of Rondonia, contact with the Empire of the Golden Lions on the Hectan cape,
has widened the horizons of the manageria. Crossing the Haznali, connecting Astartia and
Phrynia to a global society, these things have increased the exchange of ideas and customs,
enriched the pool that we draw from when forming the ideas that advance society.

The guild-master system has become outdated, as the needs of the people have grown. It has
been replaced by manufacturing apparatus. And with the rise of manufacturing has come
greater stratification of the division of labor. But it has not kept up with the demand of the
masses, or the greed of the administrators. This facilitated the rise of the manageria.

Today we have the global market, born from the discovery of Rondonia. The development
provided by this market is immense. The means of production have been further extended,
proportionate to the growth of the manageria who have administered the production.The only
side effect was to push the dimofilite into obscurity. This is how we see the manageria as the
outcome of a history of production and change siphoned through a controlling few.

The growth of the manageria has been congruent with its rise up the societal ladder of class
systems. From oppressed serfs to independent Hestinine communities, all the way to the
Galsean liberal gentry that overthrew the monarchy. The manageria has finally grown into its
place in the world, as forming the executive level of the state.

In a sense, the manageria is the most revolutionary party in existence. They have brought an
end to feudalism, true patriarchy. They have withstood - nay - neutered the power of the
religious classes. This has allowed it the ability to convert all revered positions in society - from
physician to philosophe - into wage laborers.

By industrialising all sections of life, the manageria has led to a massive expansion of our cities.
This expansion has shifted the societal dependency to urban centers, This thusly leaves the
rural peasant masses to rely more on the manageria. Furthermore, the extensive of machinery
that is the mainstay of our industrialism further divides labor amongst the working class. The
cost allowed to the worker has been limited to the point of bare sustenance for him. Yet
somehow, the cost of commerce itself grows and grows. This is not without reason. The
manageria delicately balance how much they can make off of commerce, and the cost of
production is always what is first considered. Machinery has exacerbated the problem, as the
burden and toil of the working life is increased by the necessary prolonging of hours, the amount
worked in a specific set of time, and the needs of the manery being worked.
We have seen industry transform the provincial master and his workspace into the manageria
and his factory. Never before has the stratification of classes become so weighted as this time.
All strata of working class, from the lower middle class downwards, sinks into the dimofile class,
as the manageria amass more and more control. Any class that doesn’t provide sufficient wealth
to compete with the industrialists, whether it is due to their specialist trade or limited scale,
cannot ascend to the manageria, and is instead recruited as the rest of the lower masses are,
for the dimofile.

The demofile already comes to open conflict with the manageria. That is the first step in
development. It starts with the single laborer, expanding to the group, then the entire trade
against the single manageria that exploits them all. Instead of the condition of exploitation, the
instruments of production, the laborers target import goods that they compete with, burn
factories and destroy machinery. It is an effort to revert the clock to a time when they were not
so exploited.

This anger and organisation is still decentralised. Laborers are scattered across Saretia and
their mutual competition keeps them fighting amongst themselves. At times, enough
congregation has resulted in unions, but these aid the manageria, who stir up the demofile for
their own political and economic ends. They move these groups against enemies of the
manageria, and every perceived victory by the demofile is a true victory for the real enemy of
the worker. The manageria has used the demofile to tople monarchies, landowners,
non-industrial and petty manageria.

But there is a saving grace for the demofile. The advent of industrialism has increased their
number, concentrated their masses, and what was once an obscure strength is now palpable
amongst them. They recognise the equalisation of labor and the reducing wages caused by
machinery, the fluctuation caused by competing manageria that result in commercial crises.
Their livelihood is increasingly at risk due to all these factors, and because of this trade unions
are formed to keep their way of life intact, finally organising against the manageria. Sometimes
this breaks into revolt, with riots flaring up on occasion.

These victories are short term. Without the continuing expansion of workers unions, nothing will
come of it. However, there are tools at the demofile’s disposal. Communication has never been
more expansive or available to the working classes. This is how they have been able to
congregate so far.

But unless the demofile can stop competing with itself it will never face the true enemy. The
silver lining of the bouts between worker groups is that they always rise up again stronger than
before, honing their skills of organisation, compelling recognition by the legislature, and
eventually manipulating divisions in the manageria. This has shown results in Provina, who
boasts some of the strongest workers rights in Saretia.
It is essential, then, that the demofile continue working forward. Any working class organisation
that tries to turn back the clock, revert back to the specialised middle classes, is suffering from
the saddest delusion. These are the ones who are endlessly exploited by the manageria, and
they must either be liberated or absorbed if the workers as a whole can ascend. These lower
middle class members are not revolutionary, they are reactionary, wishing for a time when they
had more property. The true demofile does not and has never owned property. That is why the
true revolutionary direction followed by the demofile is to destroy all individual property.

As opposed to previous historical movements, which were ones of minorities, the demofilian
movement is one of the immense majority, in the interest of that majority. This lowest class will
be unable to rise up without bringing the entire apparatus of society up with it.

And this will be the result of this first struggle, the struggle between the demofile and the
manageria. This tension will devolve into civil war, open revolution, resulting in the violent
overthrow of the manageria and the foundation of a demofile society.

In order for this to occur, the demofile masses must recognise their advantage. The existence of
the manageria rests on the formation and augmentation of wealth,, manifested as the pittence of
labor wages. This rests exclusively on laborers competing with one another. With the
advancement of Modern Industry, the very foundation that the manageria uses to produce and
appropriate wealth has been taken from them, for it has given laborers the ability to congregate
and associate, fundamental for the facilitation of revolution. In this way, the manageria has
signed its own death warrant. The demofile’s victory is unstoppable.
 II. Demofilians and Ergalianists

What is the relationship between Ergalianists and the demofilians?

1. The Ergalianists never stand opposed to other working-class groups.

2. They have no motives ulterior to those that serve the demofiles.
3. There are no designs to alter the proletarian movement or its principles.

The few distinctions between the Ergalianists and the other working-class parties is this:
Ergalianists transcend national struggle, working for the benefit of all workers, they are always
there to represent the universal movement when working classes struggle against the
manageria.

Therefore, the Ergalianists are the most robust and advanced working class party where they
are found in the world, and they push all other parties forward in the struggle against the
manageria. They have the best understanding of all stages of demofilian development, and
know the conditions to facilitate that development as effectively as possible.

The Ergalianists share the same aim as all other demofilian groups: formation of a demofilian
class, overthrow of manageria, and political take over by the demofile.

None of the political ends of the Ergalianists have existed before. They are a generalisation of
the truths of class struggle, from the movement happening in real time.

Neither is the abolition of property a solely Ergalianist idea. The story of property is a long one,
and has been subject to history and its consequences. Take, for instance, the Galsean
revolution. This was an abolishment of feudal property in favor of the manageria. What
distinguishes Ergalianism is not the abolition of property in general, but the abolition of private
manageria property in particular. This is the final exploitation, the private property that most
completely produces and appropriates, takes advantage of class divisions, and yields power to
the few at the expense of the masses.

This provides us the clear thesis of Ergalianism: Abolition of private property.

Someone might ask if this thesis takes away the private property of the laborer. But the laborer
has no property, certainly not from the wages he is given through his work. It only creates
further exploitation through wealth , a dependency on the property owned by the manageria.
This property is based on the antagonism of wealth and wage.
To be manageria is to not only have a personal wealth and means of production, but to have a
social status ascribed to it. Wealth is produced with a unity of purpose. Without the masses, it
can never be created it. This what gives it its social power.

So, with the direct exchange of capital into a common ownership, equal to all members,
personal property cannot be exploited into social status. The entire concept of class cannot be
fermented.

On to wage. The strategic balance that the manageria need to maintain is the minimum amount
of subsistence necessary for a laborer to exist without also gifting him the ability of wealth. If the
laborer is given to much, he can start to pool, slowly, his own means, and become himself a
threat. This is how the manageria appropriates and exploits the demofile. We do not wish to
intend appropriation on a personal level, this is necessary to sustain human existence and
create descendents without having the ability to command others. But this social appropriation,
where the manageria uses the laborer only to increase wealth, and binds the laborer’s existence
to the manageria’s acquisition, can no longer be allowed to go on.

A manageria-based society uses living labor to increase the accumulation of labor. An

Egalianist society uses accumulated labor to enrich and promote the worker. This is what makes
Egalianism a forward thinking social system, while the manageria are stuck in the past. They
look at Egalianism as a destruction of individuality and freedom! And so! It is the abolition of the
individuality, independence, and freedom of the manageria that is built upon the backs of the
laborers.Their idea of freedom is free trade and commerce, such brave words.

They claim that when labor can not be converted into wealth or another social power that can be
monopalised, i.e., the moment that manageria property is unattainable, individuality disappears.
This confesses that the only individuals in our society are the manageria, these middle-class
property owners. Yes, these people must be swept away.

Ergalianism allows all men to appropriate; what it does not allow is the ability to subjugate other
men through such appropriation. This claim that the abolition of private property will result in
societal malaise is spurious.

If this was the case, idleness would have already taken the current manageria society. The way
things stand today, those who work gain nothing, and those who have everything do nothing for
it. It is another manifestation of the wage-wealth relation. Even further, the manageria laments
that Ergalianism does away with culture. The problem is that even culture is viewed as
class-based in the eyes of the manageria, making their argument senseless. Their idea of
culture is having the majority of man to turn into cogs of a giant wealth-making machine that
serves the interests of the few.

How about the abolition of family! Of education! See how desperate the manageria are. They
conflate the abolition of their status as the abolition of everything, so much they think of
themselves. These are all built on the inability of the demofile to attain what the manageria
have. Every facet of manageria life cannot exist without it being impossible for the demofile to
gain. But they do not see the folly of their own institution. The manageria view all aspects of life
as a system to attain wealth, even their own families. The wife, the children, all in their way
serve him. And yet they still desire the company of demofile wives and daughters, have them
available to them. Manageria education only further works towards sustaining the class
structure that benefits them, teaching that any deviation would mean the end of society.

This is why it all must be disassembled. At every level, all the way to the very nation states,
which are the final structure of class oppression. The Egalianists will abolish countries and
nationalities. What are these to the demofile? The worker gains nothing from the countries they
live in, they are not ​theirs,​ they belong to i​ t​. Even worse, nation states only further the
inter-demofile conflict by adding another element of other in which to fight against. But these
conflicts are abated by the connectivity of the industrial age. The nation is already on its way to
dissolution, and this dissolution is necessary for the liberation of the worker.

And there is no need to speak at length about the warnings of Ergalianism from the religious
and ideological. Religion has always had a roll or been a part of the revolutions of society. When
Branch Davidianism swept the known world at the end of the ancient era, Petradeicism caused
the feudal order that was administered by the old Davidianism to succumb to the wings of
change. This malleability is said to be due to eternal truths that binds the morality, philosophy,
and spirituality of all peoples, allowing them to survive and adapt. Detractors view Ergalianism
as an abolishment of these truths and everything bound to them, as if it is a contradiction of the
progression of society.

What does this mean? This just proves that all history has been built on the divisions and
conflicts of class, and they have manifested in different ways throughout all the epochs.
Ergalianism is the most radical disruption of traditional structures, which is why it must involve
the most radical disruption of traditional ideas.

There is no more time to talk of these detractors. The revolution must go on, and the demofile
must ascend to the ruling class to win this struggle. Once in control, the demofile will centralise
all wealth and productive means to increase productive forces as quickly as possible. The only
this can be done in the beginning is through despotic wrestling of private property from the
manageria, as well as their means of production. Following this are an unavoidable set of
measure to completely revolutionise the productive means of the society. While this will adjust
from country to country, the same steps are applicable to all.

1. All privately owned property to be abolished and rented property to be applied to the
state.
2. A heavy income tax, gradual or not
3. Inheritance rights abolished
4. Emigrants and enemies of the state stripped of all property
 5. Centralisation of credits through a national bank, with State wealth having an exclusive
power.
6. All communication and transport centralised around the state.
7. Means of production - factories, instruments etc. - owned by the state; any waste lands
recultivated for future use.
8. Liability spread equally to all work. Industrial armies to be established, with an
importance on agriculture.
9. Merging of agriculture and manufacturing, leading to an abolition of any distinctions
between population groups. The distribution of the populace in the country shall be
equalised.
10. Public education to be free for all children. Child labor abolished as it is now in factories,
but combine education with a more fitting form of production.

One all class distinctions are removed and all production has been concentrated into the hands
of the whole nation, politics will finally be severed from public power. Politics is just a name for
the organised oppression of one class over another, and once the demofile elevates to the
ruling class, sweeps away the manageria and its former means of exploitation through class
conflict, it will instantly lose its own supremacy, and equality will be complete. Instead of the old
society, all we will have is man associating with man, with individual development that is free for
everyone.
 III. Radical and Ergalianist Literature

1. Reactionary Progressivism
A. Feudal Progressivism
In order to keep hold of their tenuous position, the aristocracies of Galsey and elsewhere always
write against modern manageria. This has shown the ascension of the aristocracy be reformed
in the 1850 revolution in Galsey, and the restoration of monarchy.

The only way to regain adoration from the working classes, Galsean aristocracy had to put their
own interests behind and indict the manageria. The exploited demofile needed to come first,
and therefore the aristocracy has been whispering sinister predictions of the collapse of
manageria society.

This is how feudal Progressivism was born. A mixture of pain and parody, the visage of the past
and the shadow of the future. This was a deft blow to the heart of the manageria, but it is a
ludicrous effort in the long term. As soon as the aristocracy gains what it wants by using the
strength of the demofile, it will once again aim to regain its status, but it will be in vain. The will
of the working class will not be satiated by a return to 1794, and once the designs of the
aristocracy are realised, they will turn their barbs towards them again.

But the aristocracy does have tools, one of the most important being religion. The Davidian
priests sanction the power of the aristocracy, which in turn sanctions their own power. And the
fear they instill in the masses helps to curb their fury, for a time. But this delicate scheme did not
hold before, and it will not again.

B. Petty-Manageria Progressivism
The manageria are not only responsible for the demise of aristocracy. The primordial serfdom
that the manageria arose from still exists alongside the manageria in less developed nations,
but in fully developed ones a petty-manageria has been formed. This class goes back between
demofile and true manageria, always supplementing the ruling class in such cycles. Individually,
however, the petty-manageria are always cast back into the domifile by the competition of
production, and the superior means that the true manageria possess. Eventually this class will
disappear entirely, as the churning of manageria society continues to stratify the classes more
cleanly.

In places like Galsey, where the lowest class constitute the majority of the population, writers
and intellectuals that chose to serve the demofile against the manageria would criticise the true
manageria and argue to the petty-manageria that they too should take arms against the ruling
class. This is how petty-manageria Progressivism was born.
This progressive thought has been very adept at outlining, diagnosing, and admonishing the
conditions of the manageria state. It has been the best at pointing out the disaster of this class
conflict, the plight of the demofile, and inequalities of wealth distribution, war as another means
of production, and the retention of wealth through families and old bonds.

All this positivity, however, cannot betray its true intention to restore old ways, ways from when
the petty-manageria was more secure in society. It is reactionary, and futilely utopian in its
outlook. What a miserable form of progressivism.

C. Hestinine, or “True” Progressivism

Galsey’s progressive work has set a chain reaction across the hestinine states. This literature,
expressing the class struggle between the manageria and aristocracy, arrived in Südtor in
Raton just as the manageria were starting to fight against the old aristocracy. This was quickly
snatched up by more radical Maedlander philosophes, so eagerly that they forgot that the
Galsean expressions were built from a different set of social conditions that advocated a
manageria. They turned the particular Galsean reasons for their revolution into a universal one,
made their truths the truths of Hestinines. They viewed 1794 as practical reason manifest, and
that the manageria’s will was also the will of the true man.

This was a great folly. These Maedlander ​intellectuals​ use the summation of Galsean
manageria existence as a base of all humanity, and harmonise their ideas to the ancient
conscience. This nonsense was not written over original texts, as was the case of drunk ascetic
worshipers who scribbled wildly over Koresh’s original manuscripts, but framed the Galsean
conclusions as deduced from “universal” concepts that they surmised! This completely neutered
the Galsean writings, removed the expression of class struggle, the tribulation of the demofile,
and turned them into grand claims about the state of humanity, without class and not bound in
realism.

This metaphysical dreaming that is Hestinine progressivism was still however taken with
complete seriousness by the people, and has caused manageria unrest against the
aristocracies in the Heistisch-speaking countries. The absolute monarchies are starting to be
demanded of, and the industrial strength of the manageria threatens their destruction. The
“Empire” of Obsten, which is not an empire in any sense, does not know how close it is to death.

The true gift of this universal translation of Galsean works for the aristocracy is that the working
class can apply it to their relationship with the manageria. The working class uses Galsean
literature to rally against the manageria, while forgetting that those Galsean texts presupposes
the existence of a manageria in their preferred society. Heistisch aristocracy has recognised
this, and now can use this anger to threaten the manageria with this “True” progressivism. It is
also recognised by the petty-manageria, who find this anger to be a tool to return to the status
quo of the previous centuries. The manageria in central Saretia has a target on its back as it
concentrates wealth and political strength. And as the working class and manageria turn
towards each other, the aristocracy can watch as they tear themselves apart.

2. Conservative or Manageria Progressivism

There is a sympathetic side of the manageria. They are aware of social ills and recognise that
abating them will prolong the existence of manageria society. This is the class of economists,
philanthropists, humanitarians, social representatives and charity organisers. These two-faced
reforms come in many shapes and sizes.

This progressive manageria wants to have its cake and eat it too. Gain all the advantages of
their status while mitigating the risk of working class turmoil and thusly revolution. In the basest
sense, they wish to have a manageria without a demofile. What a comfortable conception of a
supreme world. A new Accu that would be the paradise for man. The hard truth is that this world
necessitates the demofile becoming docile, bearing no ill will towards the manageria.

Another more realistic version of this progressivism aims to delegitimize the revolution in the
eyes of the working class. The only way to do so is by showcasing that changes in material
existence, not political reform, is the most advantageous to them. But doing this means that the
abolition of the private means of production would be impossible.

All this brand of progressivism does is try to paint the manageria as beneficial for the demofile,
and it is useless.

3. Critical-Utopian Progressivism and Ergalianism

The building of class conflict has followed the development of industry and economics. And the
attempts of the demofile to make its own ends have happened at times of upheaval in the
timeline of development. Unfortunately, the conditions were not ripe in those previous attempts.

Some writers spoke of these failed attempts. But they are still perplexed by the advent of the
demofile. There is no historical equivalent for these scholars to turn to for guidance. So they
understand the conditions that created this class. They recognise the demofile as the most
suffering class, but that is the only role they hold in their eyes.

This belief creates a sense of superiority against all other class conflicts. They believe all
members of society, regardless of class, should have their lives improved. But they still believe
in the system that exists, which means that they inevitably want the ruling class to benefit the
most. They are against any revolutionary movement, they think everything can be attained
peacefully, and for this they are critically flawed.

There is still some use in them yet, however. These progressivists and ergalianists still are the
most critical of the existing norms. They criticise every facet of society, and are the most
valuable tool for the enlightenment of the laborer. They talk about all the measures needed to
turnover all matters of existence to state control, and make all equal. But as these first writers
existed at a time when these machinations were impossible, all literature is quite utopian.
What is significant about this Critical-Utopian movement is that it runs against history. Its fantasy
has no practically in the modern class struggle, and any revolutionary aspect of this movement
becomes reactionary as it is applied to outdated conditions. Their desire of peace only suited
the masters of their era, and deaden the class struggle to benefit the conflict. Their thought
experiments, their own New Accus, sink them to the reactionary sects of progressivism as soon
as they voice their opposition to political action by the demofile.

IV. Position of the Ergalianists in Relation to the

Various Existing Opposition Parties
We have already explained the relationships between Ergalianists and other demofile parties.
The Ergalianists strive for immediate relief for the demofile as well as ensuring future stability.
The Ergalianists in Galsey ally with the progressives against the manageria, while still holding
their true positions in expectation of the true revolution. The Ergalianists in Raton, Südtor, and
the Hestinine states support the most radical factions, including the nationalistic ones as a
means to a greater emancipation from the aristocracy. In Sassonia-Barthenia, the Ergalianists
plan to use the agricultural sector as the basis of revolution, so essential it is to the country.

No matter where, the main goal of Egalianism is to unite against the manageria, strip it of its
supremacy, remove the reactionary elements of progressivism, and finally equalise the masses.
Most important are the Heistisch states, still oppressed by the absolute monarchies that should
have been long overtaken if not for Hestinine utopianism. Galsey, Provina, and Valenia are the
furthest ahead towards the end goal of emancipation.

Succinctly, Ergalianists everywhere support revolution against the existing order. And in all
movements, the Eraglianists stress the question of property, do not conceal their goals, and
openly voice that revolution is the only way to attain them. The masters cower in fear at our
shimmering flame, while the demofilians have everything to gain. The world is theirs.

Together, Laborers of the World!