Offprint 1 Social Work Through the Life Course 3

Offprint 1
Social Work Through the Life
Course
By Lena Robinson
From: Adams, Dominelli and Payne (2003) Social Work: Themes, Issues and Critical
Debates (2nd edn), Basingstoke, Palgrave.

Introduction
During the late 1980s, social work education ‘became increasingly
aware of the impact of oppression and discrimination on clients
and communities’ (Thompson, 1993: 1). For example, CCETSW
requirements for the DipSW award attached a high priority to an
anti-discriminatory approach in college and placement teaching and
assessment (see CCETSW Paper 30, 1991). The CCETSW document
which outlined the guidance notes for the teaching of childcare in the
DipSW course stressed that:

all social work students should have a sound knowledge of human

growth and development, [and] the significance of race, culture and
language in development must be understood. (CCETSW, 1991: 14)

The Children Act 1989 states that the race, culture, language and
religion of children and young people must be addressed in the
provision of services. In order to meet the needs of and help the
development of any child, black or white, it is essential that social
workers operate with adequate knowledge, understanding and
sensitivity.
Life course study may draw on different theoretical perspectives –
sociological, economic, political, biological, anthropological and
psychological. Social work has turned to the social sciences, particularly
psychology, for accounts of human behaviour which can be applied in
practice. This chapter will focus mainly on the psychological
perspective. It argues that traditional psychological theories have not
had sufficient explanatory power to account for the behaviour of
black people. The term ‘black’ in this chapter has been used to describe
people from Asian and African-Caribbean backgrounds.
As British society has become more heterogeneous, cross-cultural
effectiveness has emerged as an essential skill for all social workers
who work with children and young people. Over the last two decades,
social scientists (mainly in the USA) have become increasingly aware of
the contributions that cross-cultural research findings, can make to our
understanding of human development (for example Segall et al., 1998).
Little of the current social work literature in the UK has addressed the
issue of cross-cultural development.
The issues discussed in this chapter are offered as the initial steps
towards an understanding of some concepts covered in the literature on
the life course from a cross-cultural and black perspective: attachment
theory, black identity development, the family and older people. These
perspectives have been widely researched and developed in the USA
(Cross, 1971, 1980; Greenfield and Cocking, 1994).
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Inadequacies of Western psychology

The conventionally accepted paradigms and discoveries of Western
psychology do not provide an understanding of black children,
adolescents and older people. Even a casual observation of the history
of psychology will demonstrate that psychological literature from the
past 100 years has been based on observations primarily on Europeans,
predominantly male and overwhelmingly middle class. A model of
white middle-class personality has been ‘utilized as a measuring stick
against which all other psychological development is assessed’ (Sinha,
1983: 7), ‘the standard against which others must measure up’ (Segall
et al., 1990: 93).
The formulations of such notable thinkers who have shaped the
thought of Eurocentric psychology, such as Sigmund Freud
([1913]1950) and Carl Jung (1950), have all directly or indirectly
asserted the superiority of European races over non-European races.
Despite the diversity of the various schools of Western psychology, they
seem to merge unequivocally in their assumption of the Eurocentric
point of view and the superiority of people of European descent. It is
not surprising, therefore, that the conclusions reached from the
application of their concepts and methods are invariably of the
inferiority of non-European peoples (Robinson, 1995).
A main feature of Eurocentric psychology is the assumption among
psychologists that people are alike in all important respects. In order to
explain ‘universal human phenomena’, white psychologists established
a normative standard against which all other cultural groups were to be
measured. What appeared as normal or abnormal was always in
comparison to how closely a specific thought or behaviour
corresponded to that of white people. Hence, normality is established on
a model of the middle-class, Caucasian male of European descent. The
more one approximates this model in appearance, values and behaviour,
the more ‘normal’ one is considered to be. The obvious advantage for
Europeans (whites) is that such norms confirm their reality as the reality
and flaunt statements of their supremacy as scientifically based ‘fact’.
The major problem with such normative assumptions for non-European
people is the inevitable conclusion of deviance on the part of anyone
unlike this model. In fact, the more distinct you are from this model, the
more pathological you are considered to be (Robinson, 1995).
Social workers in Britain and the USA have been influenced greatly by
the psychoanalytic approach in psychology. This approach is based on
Sigmund Freud’s work but has been developed by neo-Freudians (for
example Erikson, Melanie Klein and Jung). In contrast to the critiques
of Freud for sexism (Mitchell, 1974; Frosh, 1987), the racism of the
psychoanalytic approach is relatively unknown. Mama criticises
Freudian psychoanalysis for:

its universalism and ethnocentrism ... A theory which takes sexual

repression and taboo as the bedrock of ‘civilisation’ is also highly culture-
bound. (1995: 127)

Fernando (1991) notes that Freud (1930) envisaged the development

of civilisation being dependent on suppressing instinctual behaviour
under the guidance of the super-ego, elaborated into a ‘cultural
Offprint 1 Social Work Through the Life Course 5

super-ego’; it was natural for him that the ‘leadership of the human
species’ should be taken up by ‘white nations’ (Freud, 1915, 1930) and
that ‘primitives’ have a lower form of culture’ (Fernando, 1991: 41). In
his book Totem and Taboo, Freud ([1913]1950) refers to the practices and
behaviours of African peoples as ‘savage’ or ‘primitive’. However,
‘although Freud adhered to racist thinking, it was Jung who integrated
racist ideas more fully into psychological theories’ (Fernando, 1991: 42).
Carl Jung (at one time Freud’s star pupil) has been referred to as the
father of ‘transpersonal psychology’. He believed that certain
psychological disorders found among Americans were due to the
presence of black people in America. He noted that:

The causes for the American energetic sexual repression can be found in
the specific American complex, namely to living together with ‘lower
races, especially with Negroes’. (Jung, 1950: 29)

Jung identified the modern African as ‘primitive’ in every sense of the

word. Dalal (1988) maintains that Jung considered black people to be
inferior rather than just different.
Erikson’s (1968) psychoanalytical theory focuses on one distinctive
feature of adolescence: the development of a sense of identity. He
proposed a process whereby adolescents begin with an unclear sense of
their identity, experience a ‘crisis’ and achieve a clear sense of their
identity. He felt that ‘identity crisis’ was normative to adolescence and
young adulthood. Erikson (1964) spoke of ethnic self-doubt and a
pathological denial of one’s roots as being seminal to Negro identity.
He could not conceive that, for some individuals, their colour might
actually be a source of pride. In an article ‘Memorandum on identity
and Negro youth’, he states:

A lack of familiarity with the problem of Negro youth and with the actions
by which Negro youth hopes to solve these [identity] problems is a
marked deficiency in my life and work which cannot be accounted for by
theoretical speculation. (Erikson, 1964: 41)

Towards a black perspective in psychology

There is a consensus among most black psychologists and professionals
that explanations of black behaviour which are alternative to white
European perspectives must be developed. A black perspective in
psychology is concerned with combating (negative) racist and
stereotypic, weakness-dominated and inferiority-oriented conclusions
about black people. This perspective is interested in the psychological
well-being of black people and is critical of research paradigms and
theoretical formulations that have a potentially oppressive effect on
black people. Black psychologists (mainly in the USA) have presented
alternative perspectives on black child development. However, the
research of black scholars, who have unique insights into the problems
of minority children and adolescents, has largely been neglected by
mainstream developmental psychology (Spencer, 1988).
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Cross-cultural considerations
How can a cross-cultural perspective contribute to our understanding
of human development? Gardiner (1994) has pointed to a number of
important benefits. First, looking at behaviour from this perspective
compels researchers to reflect seriously on the variety of ways in which
their cultural beliefs and values affect the development of their theories
and research designs. Second, increased awareness of cross-cultural
findings provides an opportunity to extend or restrict the implications
of research conducted in a single cultural group, most notably the USA
and similar Western societies. Third, this perspective reduces
ethnocentrism – by looking at behaviours as they occur in another
culture. Although it is essential for social workers to have a basic
understanding of black people’s cultural values, there is the ever-
present danger of overgeneralising and stereotyping. Information
about Asian and African-Caribbean cultural values should act as
guidelines rather than absolutes. Members of every group are shaped
by culture, but also by acculturation, gender, roles, age, income,
education and so on. Recognising intra-group differences is critical and
helps avoid stereotyping. Race, gender and class-inequalities all play a
part in shaping dominant and minority groups’ cultures, defining
opportunities and moulding traditions (Mirza, 1992).

Attachment
An example of a developmental theory criticised for its assumptions of
universality is attachment theory, as described by Bowlby (1969). In this
section, I will briefly examine the concept of attachment. This concept
refers to the special bond that develops between the infant and the
care-giver. Attachment provides the child with emotional security.
Once attachment is established, babies are distressed by separation
from their mothers (called separation distress or anxiety). Ainsworth
et al. (1978) have delineated three different styles of attachment: secure,
avoidant (children who shun their mothers) and ambivalent (children
who are uncertain in their response to their mothers). One of the
assumptions about the nature of attachment in the USA and Britain is
that secure attachment is the ideal. Cultures differ, however, on their
notion of ‘ideal’ attachment. For example, German mothers value
and promote early independence and regard avoidant attachment as
the ideal, seeing the ‘securely’ attached child as ‘spoiled’ (Grossman
et al., 1985).
Some cross-cultural studies (for example, Tronick et al., 1992) also
challenge the notion that closeness to the mother is necessary for secure
and healthy attachment. Indeed, this notion is prevalent in traditional
theories of attachment based on research in the USA. Tronick et al.
(1992) found the children in their study to be emotionally healthy
despite having multiple care-givers.
Theories of attachment appear to be central to social work practice with
children and families. However, most of the social work literature on
attachment is Eurocentric and does not address issues of working with
black children and families. A recent text for social workers, Howe’s
(1995) Attachment Theory for Social Work Practice, refers briefly to
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‘cultural variations in the distribution of the different types of

attachment patterns’ (Howe, 1995: 78) but takes no account of Britain’s
black population. Recently, Howe et al. (1999: 33) note that:

cross-cultural and intercountry comparisons of attachment patterns

confirm that the modal type is that of the secure attachment, typically
around 55-60 per cent infant-mother dyads showing the pattern.

Gambe et al. (1992: 30) argue that:

the processes of colonization, migration, refuge-seeking and the effect of

immigration controls have led to black families developing the capacity to
maintain relationships and attachments over vast distances and time.

Attachment theory fails to take into account such issues and fails to
appreciate the strengths of black families. Thus, the Eurocentric bias
of attachment theory ‘can contribute to inappropriate and racist
assessments, [and] inappropriate interventions’ (Gambe et al., 1992: 30).
There is still much to be done to understand the attachment patterns
in other cultures. The studies that do exist, however, are clear in
suggesting that we cannot assume that what is seen most in Euro-
American culture is best or most descriptive for all. Notions concerning
the quality of attachment and the processes by which it occurs are
qualitative judgements made from the perspective of each culture. Each
culture has values different from but not necessarily better than those
of others.

Black identity development

This section argues that the model of psychological nigrescence (a Latin
word that means the ‘process of becoming black’) is more relevant to
the psychological life experiences of black adolescents in Britain than
are the more traditional psychological theories. It will enable us to gain
a better understanding of the difficulties experienced by black
adolescents in Britain.
Black identity has been discussed extensively in the social science
literature using various terms and measures. According to Looney
(1988: 41), ‘Black identity deals specifically with an individual’s
awareness, values, attitudes, and beliefs about being Black’. It can also
be viewed as ‘an active developmental process which is exposed to
various influences within and without, and [which] can be selective
and/or adaptive’ (Maxime, 1986: 101). These definitions will be used as
the ‘operating definition’ in the discussion of black identity
development.
A perspective that has largely been ignored by traditional Eurocentric
psychology is the research on the psychology of nigrescence.
Nigrescence models tend to have four or five stages, the common point
of departure being not the change process per se but an analysis of the
identity to be changed. These models are useful as they enable us to
understand the problems of black identity confusion and to examine, at
a detailed level, what happens to a person during identity change.
Perhaps the best known and most widely researched model of black
identity development is Cross’s (1971, 1980, 1991) model of the
conversion from ‘Negro’ to ‘black’.
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Cross suggests that the development of a black person’s racial identity

is often characterised by his or her movement through a five-stage
process, the transformation from pre-encounter to internalisation-
commitment. Briefly, the five stages are:
1. Pre-encounter. In this stage, the individual’s racial identity attitudes
are primarily pro-white and anti-black. That is, the individual
devalues his or her ascribed racial group in favour of Euro-
American culture.
2. Encounter. Encounter attitudes describe the awakening process
experienced by black people. This awakening is often the result of a
critical incident in one’s life that leads the individual to
reconceptualise issues of race in society and reorganise racial
feelings in one’s personal feelings. For example, a white individual
with racist attitudes and practices may act as a catalyst to racial
identity attitude change.
3. Immersion-Emersion. This stage involves learning and experiencing
the meaning and value of one’s racial group and unique culture.
Immersion attitudes are pro-black.
4. Internalisation. This is the stage of racial identity in which the
individual achieves pride in his or her racial group and identity.
5. Internalisation-Commitment. In this stage, the person finds activities
and commitments to express his or her new identity.
The internalisation and internalisation-commitment stages are
characterised by positive self-esteem, ideological flexibility and
openness about one’s blackness.
There is an extensive empirical literature that confirms Cross’s model
of black identity development (see Cross, 1971, 1991). Although Cross’
identity development model has been developed with African-
American samples in the USA, it is argued by various authors (for
example, Maxime, 1986; Sue and Sue, 1990) that other minority groups
share similar processes of development. In Britain, Maxime (1986) has
used Cross’s model in the understanding of identity confusion in black
adolescents.
Parham has expanded Cross’s nigrescence model. Parham considers
that:

The process of psychological Nigrescence ... is a lifelong process, which

begins with the late-adolescence/early-adulthood period in an
individual’s life’. (1989: 194–5)

More recent developments in nigrescence theory and research have

both added to the expansion of specific stages (see Cross et al., 1998 for
a detailed description) as well as opened the model up to renewed
criticisms (Constantine et al., 1998). Emphasis on stage theories for
capturing racial/ethnic identity formation has fallen under heavy
criticism by some researchers as being too linear and not recognising
the multidimensional nature of ethnic identity (Phinney, 1990; Yeh and
Huang, 1996). Work continues on advancing the nigrescence construct
(Cross et al., 1998).
An understanding of Cross’s model should sensitise social workers to
the role that oppression plays in a black individual’s development.
Maxime (1993) has used Cross’s model in the understanding of identity
Offprint 1 Social Work Through the Life Course 9

confusion in black children and adolescents in residential, transracially

fostered and adoptive care settings. It was clearly apparent from
Robinson’s study of racial identity development and self-esteem
among African-Caribbean adolescents in residential care in a city in the
West Midlands that residential care staff found Cross’s model
extremely useful in therapeutic work with African-Caribbean
youngsters (Robinson, 2000).
Cross’s model serves as a useful assessment tool for social workers to
gain a greater understanding of black youth. Pre-encounter attitudes
have been linked to high levels of anxiety, psychological dysfunction
and depression (Parham and Helms, 1985; Carter, 1991), and low self-
regard and self-esteem (Parham and Helms, 1985). Young people’s
perceptions of the social worker are likely to be influenced by their
racial identity development. Thus, young people at the pre-encounter
stage are more likely to show a preference for a white social worker
over a black worker.
Finally, social workers need to be aware that raising children in a
white-dominated society places special pressures on the black parent.
Although the basic mechanisms for socialisation are the same for black
and white children – reinforcement, modelling, identification and so
forth – the transmittal sources and content may exhibit some subtle and
some obvious differences for black children. The need for adaptive
responses to social, economic and political barriers helps to shape the
socialisation of black children (Harrison et al., 1990). Peters (1985)
indicated that many black parents focused on racial barrier messages
and emphasised learning to cope with and survive prejudice in a
white-dominated society. Hill (1999) noted that racial socialisation was
nearly universal among black parents, ‘who can scarcely escape talking
about racism and racial pride and who engage in myriad subtle
strategics to challenge the denigration of blackness’ (Hill, 1999: 102).

Social work with black families

This section will focus on the dominance of pathology models of black
family functioning – with reference to models of African-Caribbean
and Asian family structures in social science and social work literature
and practice.
Many social work texts paint crude cultural stereotypes of black
families. The ‘norm’ against which black families are, implicitly or
explicitly, judged is white. The norm presents a myth of the normal
family as nuclear, middle class and heterosexual. Black families are
seen as strange, different and inferior. The pathological approach to
black family life is evident in the British research on black people. It is
also evident in social workers’ perception of black families. Barn notes
that social workers’ ‘negative perceptions of black families led them to
develop a ‘‘rescue mentality’’ which came into force very quickly when
dealing with these families’ (Barn, 1993: 120). Various studies (for
example, Barn, 1993) have indicated the high presence of black children
in the care system. Social workers tend to rely on Eurocentric theory
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and practice that devalues the strength of black families (Ahmad, 1990).
For example, Stubbs observed:

the ease with which negative models of Afro-Caribbean culture and

family functioning, already prevalent within the social work literature ...
fit into the frameworks of knowledge held by social workers to be relevant
to their task. (1988:103)

Asian families have also been described in terms of cultural

stereotypes. Parmar (1981:21) notes that:

the traditional Asian household organised through the extended family

kinship systems is held out to be responsible for a number of problems
that Asians face in the context of British society.

It is argued that the ‘rebellion’ that

Asian parents face from sons and daughters is ... to be expected and
deserved particularly if they [Asian parents] insist on practising such
‘uncivilised’ and ‘backward’ customs as arranged marriages. (Parmar,
1981: 21)

Young people, particularly young women, are said to be torn between

two cultures (Anwar, 1976), unable to tolerate strict rules, particularly
arranged marriages, and ill-equipped to integrate into British society.
Complex family situations tend to be reduced to simplistic, catch-all
explanations such as ‘endemic culture conflict’, which offer no real
understanding and fail to give any positive regard to the client’s
cultural roots (Ahmed, 1986). Implicit in the idea of ‘culture conflict’ is
the assumption that the values of the British family are modern and
superior while the Asian culture is in some way backward and inferior.
White social workers are more likely to tolerate intergenerational
conflict between parents and adolescents in white homes than in black
homes. However, the little research that exists suggests that young
Asians, for example, are no more alienated from their parents than are
any other group of young people (Westwood and Bhachu, 1988).
Dwivedi (1996) argues that if social work perceptions and practice are
largely Eurocentric, the Children Act 1989 can easily work against the
best interest and protection of the black child. Thus:

The instrument of ‘race, culture, religion and language’ can be easily

abused to perpetuate the dominance of professional control as a
manifestation of their perception of ethnic minority families as culturally
deficient, dysfunctional or pathological from whom the children need to
be rescued on the one hand, to a justification of non-intervention even
when a child desperately needs intervention and protection, so that the
professional could appear to be culturally sensitive in case abuse is
culturally acceptable! (Dwivedi, 1996: 9)

According to O’Hagan (2001) social work has ‘no roots in cultural

sensitivity or cultural competence’ (p. 116). He argues that ‘even today
its literature adopts a distinctly anti-cultural stance, compatible with its
monocultural theories and practices’ (p. 116).
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Social work with older black people

Older people, both black and white, face discrimination on the
grounds of age or ‘ageism’. Fennell et al. define ageism as follows:
‘ageism means unwarranted application of negative stereotypes to
older people’ (1988: 97). Unlike other older people, black elders face
additional problems arising from racial, cultural and economic
differences and disadvantages.
The comparative literature on black and white elders is dominated by
the theme of ‘double jeopardy’. This concept, first popularised in the
USA (National Urban League, 1964), asserts that the adverse living
conditions of black elderly in America is compounded by the social fact
of their overall treatment as minority group members (Jackson et al.,
1982). In Britain, the term has been applied to ‘emphasise the double
disadvantage of being poor (in income, housing, health, status and
role) and a member of a minority group which suffers racial
discrimination’ (Patel, 1990: 5). In addition to ‘race’ and age, gender
and social class are also important dimensions to inequality (Patel,
1990). Thus, older blacks could face triple jeopardy, which is defined as
the combined impact of race, age and social class on the lives of people
in disadvantaged minorities (see Jackson et al., 1982).
British research has suggested that the service needs of elderly people
from black groups may be considerable as a result of low incomes, poor
housing, isolation and comparatively poor health (Askham et al., 1993).
However, older black people ‘have been virtually neglected by
statutory bodies and have seldom found provisions addressing their
specific needs (Farrah, 1986; Holland, 1986)’ (Dominelli, 1988: 117). In a
recent study of the housing and care needs of black elders in Tower
Hamlets, London, Bowes (1998: 41) concludes that ‘existing provision ...
is not appropriate and is not meeting their needs’. Despite earlier
research studies, the housing and care needs of black elders remain
unmet (Bowes, 1998).

Dominelli notes that myths about the support of the extended family in
caring for its older members have been used by white social workers and
their institutions to deny the need for making appropriate provisions
available. (Dominelli, 1988: 117)

This approach ignores the fact that ‘immigration controls since 1962
have made it virtually impossible for black family units to exist in their
totality in Britain’ (Dominelli, 1988: 96). Therefore, not all older Asians
live with family members and, even when they do, they may still have
problems of isolation and lack of daytime support. The strains on the
extended Asian families, partly as a consequence of cramped
accommodation, have been mentioned in many of the reports
presenting the need for Asian day centres (for example, Rochdale
County Council, 1986). Older black people, especially older Asians, are
ill-informed about their welfare rights and the social services. Positive
action is, therefore, required by social services departments and other
organisations to increase awareness (Askham et al., 1993). However,
social work practice in this area is largely ethnocentric, if not
colour blind.
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The dominant psychological theories on ageing do not provide

an adequate understanding of older black people. For example,
disengagement theory (see Cumming and Henry, 1961) claims to be
universal, but the theory is based on a model of middle-class, white,
older people living in the US Mid-west (Hochschild, 1975). Blakemore
and Boneham (1994: 138) suggest that:

ethnicity and race do make a difference to the experience of ageing,

whether this is in connection with ... roles in the family ... culture-specific
needs for care by voluntary and statutory services, or problems of racism
and stereotyping.

Thus, the main theories on ageing ‘need to be reconsidered with ethnic

and racial diversity in mind’ (Blakemore and Boneham, 1994:137).

Conclusion
The issues discussed in this chapter indicate that black and white
people have different experiences at different stages of the life course.
Social work training and practice must question whether theories
which have originated in Euro-American settings have relevance in
working with black clients in Britain. A Eurocentric perspective in
psychology has meant certain theoretical deficits when social workers
attempt to apply it in practice. Traditional psychology perpetuates a
notion of deviance with respect to black people. Social workers need an
understanding of the black perspective in psychology and social work
theory in order to be able to deliver effective services to black clients
and communities.
Research which focuses on attachment theory, identity development,
the black family and black elders from a black perspective will
enable social workers to gain a better understanding of the difficulties
experienced by black children, teenagers and adults in Britain.

Further reading
Blakemore, K. and Boneham, M. (1994) Age, Race and Ethnicity (Buckingham,
Open University Press).This is an important reference book for social workers
who want to gain an understanding of ageing among black people in Britain.
Cross.W.E. (1992) Black Identity: Theory and Research (Philadelphia, Temple
University Press). This book provides a detailed discussion of racial identity
development models.
Cross, W., Parham, T. and Helms, J. (1998) ‘Nigrescence revisited: theory and
research’, in Jones, R.L. (ed.) African American Identity Development (Hampton,
VA, Cobb & Henry). This chapter provides a detailed discussion of
nigrescence models and directions of future theorising and research.
Dwivedi. K.N. and Varma, V.P. (eds) (1996) Meeting the Needs of Ethnic Minority
Children: A Handbook for Professionals (London, Jessica Kingsley). This book
provides social workers with theoretical and practical information on the
health, education and social care of black children.
Phinney, J.S. and Rotheram, M.J. (eds) (1987) Children’s Ethnic Socialization:
Pluralism and Development (London, Sage). This comprehensive book discusses
black children’s development.
Offprint 1 Social Work Through the Life Course 13

Robinson, L. (1995) Psychology for Social Workers: Black Perspectives (London,

Routledge). An essential introductory text for all social workers in training
and practice.
Robinson, L. (1998) ‘Race’, Communication and the Caring Professions
(Buckingham, Open University Press). This book aims to provide social
workers with a precise framework in which to view and define the diverse
factors at work during inter-ethnic communication.