To Be Quechua: The Symbolism of Coca Chewing in Highland Peru

Author(s): Catherine J. Allen

Source: American Ethnologist, Vol. 8, No. 1 (Feb., 1981), pp. 157-171
Published by: Wiley on behalf of the American Anthropological Association
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/644493
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 to be Quechua: the symbolism of
coca chewing in highland Peru

CATHERINE J. ALLEN-George Washington University

In many Quechua communities of the high Andes it is customary to take a mid-afternoon

break to chew coca leaves. During one such break, as I sat with Don Cipriano, a man of 45,
his children surreptitiously took a few coca leaves and began to chew them.' "Do children
chew coca?" I asked in surprise. "No," he answered, "children don't chew coca." Then he
added indulgently, "Oh, they play at chewing coca, but they don't understand it."
This paper explores what coca chewing means to Quechua people. Coca is an integral
part of Quechua life in Peru and Bolivia and is a powerful symbol of cultural identity. A
better understanding of the cultural and biological aspects of coca consumption in the
Andes is urgently needed at this time, as Andean nations increasingly find themselves
under international pressure to eradicate coca cultivation. It is an inescapable fact that
native consumers of the coca leaf-as opposed to cocaine-would be profoundly affected
by such a development.
The act of chewing coca leaves is an unequivocal statement of cultural loyalties. Coca
chewing identifies one as a Runa (Quechua person). It is not enough simply to chew the
leaves, however; one must chew them properly. The handling, sharing, and consumption of
coca leaves is governed by clearly defined rules of etiquette. As this etiquette is prescribed
by Quechua cultural tradition, adherence to it implies the presentation of oneself as a par-
ticipant in this tradition.

Coca chewing plays a crucial role in maintaining basic cultural principles

in the minds of individuals living in a Quechua-speaking community in
southern Peru (Province of Paucartambo, Department of Cuzco). This
paper explores the ceremonial uses of the coca leaf, focusing particularly
on the etiquette for hallpay (coca chewing) during the daily routine. The
hallpay ceremony involves reciprocal sharing of coca leaves among two
or more individuals, accompanied by prescribed phrases of invitation and
thanks, and by invocation to three classes of spiritual beings. The rules for
performing the ceremony express the fundamental Quechua concept of
ayllu, which is community rooted in a sense of common origin in, and
orientation toward, certain sacred places. Ceremonial uses of coca in-
volve standardized forms of behavior, the observance of which orients the
actors spatially, socially, and religiously, and in so doing integrates them
into a larger cultural framework. [ayllu, coca leaf, symbolic interaction,
Quechua culture, ritual]

Copyright ? 1981 by the American Ethnological Society

0094-0496/81/010157-15$2.00/1

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 Goffman (1967:50) observes that "when an individual becomes involved in the
maintenance of a rule, he tends also to become committed to a particular image of self."
By focusing on coca-chewing etiquette as a set of collectively held rules of conduct, we
focus on a process of self-definition on the part of Quechua people.
In the following pages I explore the semantic structure of the actions and words pre-
scribed by the etiquette for coca chewing. These actions and words function as sign
vehicles for a complex message about Quechua culture, operating simultaneously through
"ritual condensation" (Turner 1977:184) in cognitive, emotional, and social dimensions of
experience. While the act of chewing coca communicates one's cultural loyalties, the
structure of the etiquette itself conveys a more detailed message about what these
loyalties are. For the participants, to chew coca in the "proper" manner is to summarize
their cultural experience. Thus (following Geertz 1966 and Turner 1977) the ceremony of
coca chewing serves to create, maintain, and transmit a structuring framework for the ex-
perience of Quechua individuals.2
My conclusions are based on fieldwork carried out in 1975-76, and the summer of 1978,
in the community of Sonqo, located 70 km. northeast of Cuzco in the district of Qolqepata,
Province of Paucartambo. Sonqo is a small, dispersed community of 84 households located
at a height of approximately 3900 m. on the steep and barren slopes of a small river valley.
The inhabitants are subsistence farmers and herders, subsisting mainly on potatoes, which
they supplement with other tubers, broad beans, and barley. The harsh climate precludes
the cultivation of maize. Llamas, alpacas, and sheep are raised for their meat and wool,
along with other animals such as pigs and a few cattle. Sonquenos govern themselves in an
assembly consisting of all heads of households; the traditional system of varas coexists with
the Consejos de Administracion y Vigilencia, instituted by the national government in 1970.

coca's physiological effects

No discussion of coca can neglect the question of its physiological effects on its users.
The green, lanceolate-shaped leaves of the bush Erythroxylon coca act, when mixed with
lime, as a mild stimulant, slightly dulling pangs of hunger, thirst, and fatigue. Quechua peo-
ple in the region of Cuzco describe coca as a balm for the pain of living. The custom of
coca chewing is said to have begun when a Mamacha ("Little Mother," manifestation of the
Virgin) lost her child. Sunk in grief, she absentmindedly pulled some leaves off a coca bush
and chewed them. Ever since then, Runa have chewed coca to alleviate grief and pain.
In spite of its mild effects, coca was until recently viewed by Westernized observers as a
kind of drug, the source of cocaine. It was assumed that coca chewing could be equated
with cocaine use and was the cause and symptom of social and economic problems (e.g.,
Gutierrez-Noriega 1949,1952; UNESCO 1950), an opinion still held by most members of the
Latin American middle and upper classes.
With recent research a different picture is beginning to emerge. It is clear from the work
of Hanna (1971a, 1971b, 1974), Burchard (1975, 1978), Bolton (1976), Carter (1978), and
Carter and Mamani P. (1978) that the biological and psychological effects of long-term
coca chewing are innocuous. Moreover, current research indicates that coca chewing may
form part of an overall adaptation to the high altitude Andean environment (Picon-
Reategui 1968; Burchard 1979; Vitti 1979; Bolton 1979; Duke, Aulik, and Plowman 1975;
Fuchs 1978; Bastien 1979).
Other research on economic (Burchard 1974; Albo 1978), historical (Rostorowski 1970;
Caceres 1978), semantic (Von Glascoe, Metzger, Palomino, Vargas, and Wilson 1976), and
ceremonial (Wagner 1978; Gifford and Hoggarth 1976) aspects of coca are beginning to

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provide an account of its complex social, cultural, and economic roles. It is increasingly
clear that coca use is, at the least, harmless; at the most, it is adaptive to the Andean en-
vironment and without question an integral part of Andean culture. As Bolton (1976:633)
writes:

The scientific evidence against coca chewing (as opposed to cocaine use) is weak at best; the evi-
dence in favor of the positive functions of coca chewing is mounting. Past campaigns to abolish
coca have always failed in Peru and Bolivia, to be sure, but if current or future projects prove suc-
cessful, the cultural and biological consequences could be devastating.

This paper intends to support Bolton's statement by demonstrating the crucial cultural role
of coca chewing.

the right way to chew coca

Throughout the Andes, virtually all aspects of coca use are highly ceremonialized. There
is, however, a certain amount of regional variation in the customs involved. The particular
etiquette I learned is typical of the sierra of Paucartambo and much of the rest of the
Department of Cuzco.3
Runa place great emphasis on ceremony. Virtually all personal interactions are governed
by highly stylized forms of etiquette; conversations are "framed" by elaborate greetings,
thank-yous, farewells, and expressions of mutual esteem. In coca chewing, interpersonal
ceremony blends into religious ritual. Hallpay, the act of chewing coca, is on the one hand
a relaxing break in the routine; on the other hand, it is a ritual act. Most Quechua rituals
can be understood as extensions of coca-chewing etiquette, a simple bit of good manners
which every Runa observes many times each day.
This paper is not concerned with the more elaborate rituals and ceremonies, but focuses
specifically on routine hallpay etiquette, forms of behavior that express essential principles
of Andean culture yet are, for the anthropologist's purposes, "as public as marriage and as
observable as agriculture" (Geertz 1966:3).
To describe the etiquette I give an account of a coca-chewing session that took place in
the house compound where I lived in mid-May of 1975. Dona Juana stopped by to visit her
sister Dofa Maria, as she had agreed to pasture Maria's cow. The two sat down to visit for a
while and, because Juana was doing her a service, Maria offered her a small handful of
coca saying, Hallpakuy Mamay, "Please chew, Mama." Juana accepted with both hands;
accepting with one hand would have been rude. Yusulpayki Urpillay, "Thank you, dear,"
she answered. The two settled down to chew together, spreading their coca cloths on the
ground in front of them and settling down for a good visit.
Hallpay is no hurried affair. It is a meditative interlude, a time for quiet conversation, an
opportunity to settle one's thoughts and feelings and prepare for the task ahead. The two
women talked quietly as they searched the contents of their bundles or gazed out over the
hills that surrounded them. People never continue working during hallpay, nor do they in-
terrupt their hallpay until ready to return to their mundane activities.
Reciprocity is the essence of the ceremony that surrounds coca chewing. Although Juana
and Maria shared with each other, first each of them shared with the Earth and Mountains,
spiritual beings who surround them and are continually felt. They searched for their best
leaves-dark, shiny green, sweet-tasting, unblemished by ragged edges, unspoiled by mold.
Taking three or more leaves, Juana placed one on top of the other, holding them between
the thumb and the forefinger of her right hand. This small bundle is the k'intu. She waved
the k'intu in front of her mouth, blowing on it and invoking the "powers that be," adding a

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prayer at the end. This act is pukuy (blowing the k'intu). Then she put the k'intu into her
mouth and chewed it.

The next step was to share with her companion. Once again she made a k'intu, extending
it toward Maria, shiny side up. On a more formal occasion she might have extended it with
both hands. Hallpakusunchis, "Let us chew together," she said. Maria answered with thanks
and blew the k'intu before she chewed it. Meanwhile she had offered Juana a k'intu, with
similar invitation and thanks; Juana blew on it for the spiritual beings and chewed it. Little
by little each of them added leaves from their bundles to the wads in their mouths, pausing
from time to time to offer each other another k'intu.
At this point they were ready to add some Ilipta, a lump of compressed ash resembling a
charcoal briquette, each taking a small bite and chewing it into her coca wad. This sweet-
ened the leaves and activated the stimulating alkaloids. With a fine quid of coca and Ilipta
in her cheek, Juana was ready to work hard for another two or three hours.
Juana soon tied up her coca bundle; after a few more minutes of quiet conversation she
took the cow and left, calling out words of thanks and farewell. The hallpay lasted between
15 and 30 minutes. As experienced coca chewers, they swallowed the juices from the coca
quid but almost nothing of the quid itself. When the quid was exhausted, about an hour
later, it was taken carefully from the mouth and gently tossed away. Spitting coca is con-
sidered to be extremely bad manners. Coca is sacred (santu) and, chewed or unchewed, it
must be treated respectfully. If a Runa happens to drop some in the dirt, he/she carefully
sweeps it up and burns it in the fireplace rather than leaving it to deteriorate or to be
trampled.
Coca is a chronically scarce commodity in high-altitude communities. Probably Maria
and Juana obtained their coca in the district market, buying it with money received from
selling potatoes or chunio (dehydrated potatoes). Possibly Juana's husband had recently
gone to work in a coca plantation and brought some back with him, a money-making
scheme he often employed. Before chewing from a new purchase, Runa burn a few leaves
in the fireplace for the spiritual beings. This done, they fill their unkhutnas (coca cloths) and
ch'uspas (coca bags, used only by men) which, like all good Runa, they are never without.4
If Maria and Juana had been part of a larger group they would have offered k'intus to
men before women, and to older people before younger ones (a respected old lady may
take precedence over a young unproven man). They would have tried to reciprocate all the
k'intus they received, keeping a reckoning in their heads. If the group had consisted of
more than five or six people, they would not have tried to share with everyone, confining
themselves to those nearest them and persons of high status (e.g., community officials,
elders, honored visitors). There are seldom more than three exchanges per person and,
especially in a large group, a failure to reciprocate every k'intu is not held against one. The
"score" will even out in future hallpays.
This brief description contains the whole paradigm for coca chewing:
1. the unhurried respectful use;
2. the sharing of k'intus accompanied by
3. prescribed phrases of invitation and thanks; and
4. the invocation of spiritual beings through pukuy.
I have described hallpay in the context of a routine interpersonal "visit," and it is in such
contexts that coca is usually chewed. Friends meet on the road and sit down to chat and
chew; men gather to work in a field and settle down to chew for a while beforehand. Coca
is chewed by every adult approximately five times daily: after breakfast, mid-morning
(about 10 a.m.), after the midday meal, mid-afternoon (about 3 p.m.), and after dinner. The
mid-morning and mid-afternoon breaks are called hallpay (literally, "coca chewing") and
function like the North American coffee break.

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 For analytical purposes we can distinguish two aspects of hallpay. It involves, first of all,
an interaction between the individual chewer and the deities, which is expressed through
pukuy. This points to coca's structural role as a mediator between human beings and
spiritual beings. Also, hallpay involves reciprocities between two or more individuals who
chew together; this interaction must be understood within the greater framework of An-
dean reciprocity. The two aspects-mediation and reciprocity-are inseparable. To
demonstrate this, it is necessary to provide some background information about Quechua
culture.

ethnographic background: space and the sacred

the Quechua organization of space Runa consider themselves descendents of the In-
cas, who, they say, were driven by the Spanish out of Cuzco and into the tropical forest.
These Incas, it is said, had a close personal relationship with their physical environment.
They could talk directly to the Earth and Mountains, and could literally herd gigantic
boulders into fortresses. People now must move the rocks and can communicate with the
Earth and Mountains only indirectly through the medium of coca.
The Incas commanded an extremely complex social, political, and religious organiza-
tion which was grounded in a sophisticated organization of space, both in the vertical
and horizontal dimensions (Zuidema 1964, 1977, 1978; Murra 1975; Duviols 1971; Wachtel
1973; Urbano 1974; Earls 1969, 1972). In the vertical dimension, the ecological zones at
various altitudes were integrated as interdependent parts of a system, each producing
products necessary for the existence of the whole (Murra 1975:59-116). In the horizontal
dimension, low valleys and high tundra alike were integrated into a complex system of
ceques, which are straight lines radiating like spokes of a wheel from the city of Cuzco.
Each ceque was associated with sacred places through which it passed, as well as with
specific social groups (Zuidema 1964).
Presumably, Sonquenos and other Runa are descendents of the rural class of Incaic
society who participated in the empire but were never at the centers of power and intellec-
tual life. Nevertheless, these rural Incas, as participants in a more general Incaic thought
structure, would have shared the basic conceptualization of space and time. These con-
cepts have, in large part, survived the centuries of conquest. Contemporary Quechua still
integrate space, time, kinship, and social organization into a cosmological framework built
essentially along Incaic lines.
Quechua spatial organization is partially a product of the mountainous Andean environ-
ment, where the space around one is punctuated on all sides by landmarks. In such an en-
vironment, "nearer and farther," "up and down," tend to be expressed through reference to
specific places -usually mountain peaks-rather than in kilometers or degrees of space.
Moreover, these reference points shift when one moves even a short distance. As one's
location changes, new mountains and valleys come into view while others recede behind
nearer hills and ridges, now interposed at a new angle. Each locality thus has a specific and
unique spatial orientation.
These two points are essential to Quechua conceptions of space: every place has (1) a
unique spatial orientation, as well as (2) an ever-expanding regional orientation, defined by
ever-higher mountain peaks. This organization of space originates in the physical nature of
the Andean environment but has far-reaching effects in Quechua religion.

Tirakuna: the persons of places The closest, omnipresent deity in Quechua religion is
Pachamama (Mother Earth). She is "undifferentiated ground," not localized in any one

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place. The Tirakuna (sacred places; also called Apus, Lords, or Aukis) are plural subdivi-
sions imposed on this "undifferentiated ground." They are said to form a community and in
general have a male aspect, being organized through formal, hierarchical principles.
Along with Pachamama, the Tirakuna are the most important deities in indigenous
Quechua thought (see also J. Nunez del Prado Bejar 1970; M. Marzal 1971a; Garr 1972).
Called runa michiq (pastors of men), they observe the life of the community below them,
overseeing group harmony. They also guard the health of people and animals and control
the weather. In their system of hierarchy, the regional Tirakuna have highest rank and the
most power, while the local Tirakuna have less rank and power according to their height.
They also have occupational specializations, genealogical relationships, and even compete
among themselves.
In a given community every place-every hillside, ridge, ravine, or flat spot-has its
name and sacred personality. All are included in the generic term Tirakuna. The local
places of Sonqo, lorded over by a hill named Antaqaqa, guide, protect, and punish
Sonquenos throughout their lives. This local hierarchy of sacred person/places is integrated
into progressively larger regional units, governed by ever higher and more powerful
Tirakuna. Regional Tirakuna have an "absolute value," while local ones vary in importance
relative to a given community (cf. Morissette and Racine 1973; Earls 1969).5
Quechua spatial and religious domains are both organized in accordance with a single
set of principles. The sacred is expressed spatially, while space is given a sacred organiza-
tion. Coca pukuy expresses these principles; it provides the individual Runa with a spatial
orientation to the places around him; it also orients him religiously by invoking his relation-
ship to the Beings that animate these places. Let us examine how this orientation is accom-
plished.

the grammar of coca chewing: what makes a good pukuy?

rules for the Invocation Here are a few examples of pukuys I heard in Sonqo.
A. "Santa Tira, Tirakuna, Sonqo."
B. "Santa Tira, Kinsa Qocha, Antaqaqa chiripata, Machukuna."
C. "Pachatira Mama, Machula Aulanchis, Aukikuna. Manan para paranmanchu tarpunay-
paq."
Example A illustrates a minimal discharging of good hallpay manners. The actor simply calls
on (1) the Mother Earth (who may be called Santa Tira, Pachamama, or Pachatira Mama); (2)
the sacred places (Tirakuna, Urqokuna, Apukuna, Aukikuna); and (3) his ayllu (community;
see below). These basic rules for doing pukuy were articulated by Don Cipriano. Within the
rules the individual has quite a bit of leeway, however, as examples B and C illustrate.
Example B shows a different way of expressing rules 2 and 3 (above). Instead of using
a generic name for the sacred places (rule 2), the speaker calls on specific places-
Kinsa Qocha and Antaqaqa chiripata (Antaqaqa the cold place). In rule 2, sacred places
may be called upon either as a group of individually. Kinsa Qocha refers to three lakes in
another community. Antaqaqa is the most prominent and sacred mountain within the con-
fines of Sonqo. Thus, calling on Antaqaqa discharges both rules 2 and 3. Antaqaqa is a
sacred place which can stand for Sonqo itself. When invoking Sonqo in pukuy, Runa usual-
ly turn their eyes toward Antaqaqa. However, it is not satisfactory to call on Antaqaqa
alone; thus the speaker has called on another sacred place outside Sonqo.
Example B also invokes the Machus, quasi-demonic ancestral beings who live on Antaqa-
qa. This is an expression of rule 3, since the Machus are closely identified with their locali-
ty. Example C calls on the Machula Aulanchis, the benevolent aspect of the Machus.

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 Example C also illustrates a fluidity in the order of invocation. The Earth (rule 1) is in-
voked first; then the locality of Sonqo (rule 3) (as Machula Aulanchis); then the sacred
places (rule 2). This change in the order is not uncommon. The Earth is usually invoked first,
but even this is variable.
The prayer included in Example C gives a clue as to how the order of invocation is deter-
mined. Don Eusevio is worried about his potato planting; thus the ancestral Machula Aulan-
chis, who help the potatoes grow, are particularly important to him at the moment. He calls
on the sacred places third, using a generic title; moreover, this title, Aukikuna, is occa-
sionally applied to ancestors as well as to places. Pachatira (the Earth in a malevolent
aspect) expresses his awareness that the Earth may be in a hostile mood during planting,
and he placates her with the addition of Mama. Thus the whole invocation expresses
Eusevio's current preoccupation with planting, down to the specific request he includes,
i.e., that it not rain.
Pukuy defines a relationship between the human actor and spiritual beings who animate
local and regional geography and who are inseparable from Quechua concepts of space
and time. Therefore, pukuy provides the actor with an orientation in space and time. It
orients him to his own activities and mediates his personal relationship with the deities.

orientation In space Pukuy involves calling upon the Earth in general and calling upon
places on the Earth, both the more distant, regional ones and the local ones. Thus, the rules
for pukuy express the nested concept of space described earlier, beginning on the most im-
mediate level with an orientation toward local places. The localities are integrated within
progressively larger regional units, which are oriented to the highest hills overlooking that
region. Both local and regional places must be involved in pukuy. One's own sacred place,
or ayllu, must be invoked, along with more distant places.
When Runa travel, they look with interest and apprehension to the local Tirakuna they
are passing. They know that Tirakuna are likely to look upon them, as outsiders to the
locality, at worst with hostility or at best with indifference. They assiduously blow their
k'intus to introduce themselves to the Tirakuna. When I first entered Sonqo I was warned to
blow my k'intus to Antaqaqa. In Cuzco, however, Don Cipriano instructed me to blow my
k'intus to Calle Sapphi, the street where my lodging was located. He said it was all right to
continue blowing to Sonqo, but Calle Sapphi was of more immediate importance. During a
trip over the high puna (tundra), my companions spent an especially long time doing pukuy
in preparation for crossing the pass over a range of "nasty mountains." They became ex-
tremely disturbed when I wandered off before they had finished chewing. I was disregard-
ing the placation of important and hostile deities.
The grammar of pukuy provides a paradigm for both religious and spatial organization.
When Runa orient themselves in space, they enter into a personal relationship with places.

orientation In time As with space, we can distinguish two aspects of temporal organiza-
tion that are analogous to the local and regional aspects of spatial organization and that I
call "local (or immediate) time" and "distant time." Coca chewing is a time to prepare
one's thoughts for the work ahead; Runa seldom begin a major task without sitting down to
chew, even if alone or briefly. Runa, then, orient themselves to their activities through the
hallpay ceremony. As there are prescribed times during the day for hallpay, coca chewing
marks off the passing of time. Intervals of time can be expressed by the amount of time it
takes to exhaust a coca quid; Mortimer (1974 [1901]:204) reported that a chew of coca
equaled about 40 minutes, which he said was equivalent to three-quarters of a league in
space. Hallpay marks the day into intervals and, on an even more immediate scale, articu-
lates one's current preoccupations to one's activities.

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 On a more "distant," "greater" dimension of time, we see that rule 3-the prescription to
include one's ayllu community in pukuy-draws the speaker to call on ancestral and
parental-type figures, like the Machula Aulanchis and Antaqaqa. As I will explain below,
the ayllu itself is thought of by the Runa as an eternal entity, drawing the speaker into both
past and future. The obligatory invocation of Pacha, who envelopes both time and space,
also draws one into time on this cosmic scale. Moreover, the very act of chewing coca
declares to the world one's identification with traditions handed down from the Incas. The
Incas, who are hidden from the present, are beings of the past and, in millenarian thought,
of the future (Ortiz 1973).
In pukuy, Runa first orient themselves to Earth as a whole and then to the overlapping
subdivisions of space and time imposed on her, in both local and more distant dimensions.
This analysis still leaves out another essential dimension: the ayllu, which integrates human
beings and sacred places into a single community.

ayllu: the concept of community

Much has been written about the Andean ayllu, a subtle and difficult concept (e.g.,
Zuidema 1977; Isbell 1977, 1978; Mayer 1977). Here I discuss the ayllu in Sonqo as it relates
to the ceremony of coca chewing. Ultimately, the manifestation of ayllu which I found in
Sonqo should be understood within the general theoretical framework of Andean social
organization, but such an undertaking is beyond the scope of this paper (see Wagner 1978).
Sonqo is a dispersed puna ayllu (high tundra community). There is no subdivision into
moieties. The term ayllu refers to the community as a whole and is not used in reference to
a kin group (the term for close kin, up to or including second cousins is p"amilia).
Sonquenos explain the concept of ayllu in terms of locality. For them, any place in the
community is a potential ayllu. To be an ayllu a place must have houses on it, with people
living in them. Any place where Runa live is an ayllu. Wasi (house) and tiyana (seat, living
place) are synonyms for this neighborhood-level ayllu. Fellow members of an ayllu need
not be related through blood or marriage (though they usually are); they are ayllu masis
(ayllu mates) by virtue of common residence.
Logically, then, the concept of ayllu begins with the home, its "boundaries to the out-
side" (Zuidema 1977:257) defined by the natural physiognomy of the locality. Within Son-
qo's territory there are many local ayllus and countless potential ones.
The next logical extension is to the community as a whole. Climbing above the communi-
ty into the puna no-man's-land, one views Sonqo as a many-armed ridge, extending from
the high pass of Pana Punku down to the Qolqepata Mayu (river). The adjoining com-
munities, each also an ayllu, are geographically defined by the valleys to either side of this
ridge. The community ayllus together form a basically endogamous unit. Sonquenos go on
to explain that Qolqepata Ayllu is part of Paucartambo Ayllu (the province), which is part
of Cuzco Ayllu (the department).6 The logic of ayllu follows the logic of spatial and
religious hierarchy described previously, giving each individual a very specific local orien-
tation by higher and higher landmarks-to a large-scale regional orientation.
According to Sonqo's origin myth, the ayllu came into being in the distant past when
three ancestors emerged from three places in Sonqo's territory. The myth thus emphasizes
the identification of the people of Sonqo with the places of Sonqo, as the origin of the ayllu
lies in a bond of kinship between people and territory. All living members of Sonqo Ayllu
are therefore considered at least distant relatives.7
In the minds of Sonqo Runa, however, ayllu membership consists not so much in com-
mon descent as in common allegiance to sacred places. This sense of intrinsic group

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solidarity is remarkable for its persistence in the face of tensions, jealousies, and bickering
that characterize community life. The ayllu is a major source of self-identification and
emotional stability (see Montgomery 1971). This relationship to places is compared to the
relationship of parents and children. "They're the ones who nurture us" (uywaqninchis), ex-
plained a middle-aged man, his face lighting up at the thought. The essence of Quechua
social organization lies in this relationship, close and continually felt, of Runa with
Tirakuna.

the structural position of coca

In Quechua thought the manipulation of coca has far-reaching practical effects; it is im-
perative to one's well-being (allinkawsay) to maintain a good relationship with the Tirakuna,
from whom spring one's social and spiritual identity. A Runa monitors his relationship with
the Tirakuna through the vicissitudes of his fortune; stumbling, losing a sheep, and getting
caught in the rain are signs of something amiss. To avoid such an imbalance, a Runa blows
his k'intus and, if need be, makes other offerings. For example, one morning I was caught in
a dense fog that caused me to lose my way. When I asked Don Cipriano why this had hap-
pened, he replied that the Tirakuna were angry with me; obviously, he said, I hadn't been
blowing my k'intus properly. He proceeded to give me my most careful lesson in pukuy.
"To me you will blow your k'intus" is one of the Pachamama's primary injunctions to
mankind (Gow and Condori 1976:9). This is the most basic of religious duties. In elaborate
religious rituals of the home or of the community, the ideas expressed are the same as in
routine hallpay: that the deities who control human, plant, and animal welfare must be
drawn into the ongoing reciprocal interaction which is the basis for Quechua community.8
Coca leaves also are used in divination, the Tirakuna speaking through configurations of
leaves (e.g., Bastien 1978).
In structural terms, coca mediates between the human and the supernatural. Since well-
being depends on close communication between human beings and sacred places, the use
of coca maintains an orienting sense of cognitive and emotional stability in a spatial, tem-
poral, and moral universe. Coca, in its mediating position, facilitates a relationship of de-
layed, asymmetrical reciprocity between Runa and Tirakuna. While the deities provide
well-being, humans, in pukuy or in libations of alcohol (ch'allay), provide the samincha
which denotes spiritual essence of the substance. "Of all the nourishment that you eat or
drink, before consuming it you have to blow its scent to the earth and to the machu aukis,
since they nourish themselves by savoring the fragrant samincha" (Valderrama and
Escalante 1977:55).

the k'intu exchange The reciprocal exchange in pukuy between humans and super-
naturals is one of two types of exchange that occur in coca chewing. The other relationship
of reciprocity is between the human actors in the ceremony and is expressed through the
exchange of k'intus. I turn now to a closer analysis of this aspect of hallpay etiquette.
Reciprocity has been described as the "ethos" of Andean culture (D. Nufez del Prado
Bejar 1972). During the last two decades a great deal of attention has been turned to the
modes of reciprocity that govern Andean economic and social life, to demonstrate that
traditional economic forms are inextricably involved with kinship and the ritual life of the
community (Alberti and Mayer 1974a, 1974b; Isbell 1977; Fonseca 1974; Mayer 1974, 1977).
In southern Peru the dominant mode of reciprocity is ayni, a symmetrical exchange of de-
layed reciprocity between equals, usually manifest in labor exchanges. Another important
mode of reciprocity is mink'a, an asymmetrical hierarchical relationship in which ser-

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vices are repaid in food or goods. In hallpay, reciprocity between humans and deities may
be termed mink'a, while the exchange of k'intus is an expression of ayni (e.g., Gonzalez
Holguin 1952 [1608]).
Mink'a and ayni are both institutionalized forms of a give-and-take which permeate An-
dean social existence. "The ayni is a subtle thread in the fabric of life, coloring the most
basic human activities .... It is said 'Life is an ayni' meaning all activities are interwoven
through this medium" (0. Nunez del Prado 1973:30). Reciprocity has a strong symbolic
aspect when the exchanges involved serve to define relationships between people (Mauss
1954 [1925]; Mayer 1974:40).
In hallpay the symbolic aspect of reciprocal exchange is maximized, while the economic
aspect is minimized. The economic value of the coca leaves exchanged in hallpay is
negligible. However, each prestation of leaves is accompanied by an invitation to the
social activity of chewing together. Sharing the leaves and sharing the activity are implicit-
ly equated. The reciprocal k'intu exchange, then, symbolizes a social relationship of shar-
ing among the participants.
The social uses of coca illustrate this point. Coca is used to seal contracts. A request to
do ayni is accompanied by a handful of coca; once the coca is accepted there can be no
backing out of the contractual obligation. A man chosen for a community office signifies
his acceptance or rejection of this cargo by accepting or rejecting a bundle of coca offered
him by the mayor of the community (also see Gifford and Hoggarth 1976:5). Requests to
community officials may be accompanied by coca, although they are more often accom-
panied by gifts of alcohol, which is also used to seal contracts. The fate of the request is
clearly revealed by the acceptance or rejection of the prestation.
Although coca which is offered to seal a formal contract may be politely refused, refusal
is impossible in routine hallpay among Runa. The rejection of coca denotes a refusal to par-
ticipate in Quechua society and defines one as a misti (Mestizo). Like the adoption of West-
ern dress and the Spanish language, the rejection of coca signifies a transfer of loyalties
from the Quechua to the Hispanic cultural traditions. Most mistis are viewed with distrust.
Similarly, when some North American acquaintances refused coca k'intus, the Runa in-
volved quietly stopped associating with them.
Among Runa the social contract is continually resealed as adults chew coca together
many times a day in various contexts. Because it involves sharing a material substance, the
social bond is made tangible. Since the deities receive part of what is shared, they too par-
ticipate in the human interaction. Sonqo Runa themselves refer to coca as t'anta (bread) or
hostia (the Host), in an explicit analogy with Christian communion ritual. The analogy is
precise in many respects, for in hallpay Runa are brought together, chewing with and for
each other in the presence of the deity. Being a sacred substance, coca sanctifies reciproci-
ty as a fundamental part of the world order.

conclusion: the meaning of hallpay

I have explored three aspects of coca chewing in a Peruvian community:

1. Pukuy: blowing on the k'intu while invoking deities according to prescribed rules. This
creates a relationship of delayed asymmetrical reciprocity between human and super-
natural. The internal grammar of the invocation defines: (a) spatial orientation in both local
and regional dimensions; (b) temporal orientation in immediate and distant dimensions (i.e.,
to present activities and times of day, and to ancestral figures); and (c) religious or moral
orientation with respect to the sacred, including the ayllu.

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 2. K'intu exchanges: these express one-to-one relationships of symmetrical reciprocity
among hallpay participants. If there are three or more participants, these exchanges also ex-
press a hierarchical organization of the group through the order in which k'intus are
presented.
3. Finally, as the human participants invoke the deities with each others' k'intus before
consuming them, spiritual beings are integrated into human society, expressing the concept
of ayllu. The ayllu-community created through mutual ties to sacred places-is consid-
ered to be omnipresent and eternal, beginning on an immediate local level and expanding
through time and space to include all groups adhering to Incaic traditions (i.e., all Runa).
This includes the ancestors, invoked in pukuy, as well as the Incas themselves, who will
return to reinstate their reign and revalidate their culture.
"How can we know the dancer from the dance?" (Yeats 1963). This question, differently
phrased, has occupied many anthropologists over the last century. Recently, Goffman
(1967:84) answered Yeats unequivocally: "For a complete man to be expressed, individuals
must hold hands in a chain of ceremony, each giving deferentially with proper demeanor to
the one on the right what will be received deferentially from the one on the left." The self,
in Goffman's view, exists through and in social interaction. The dancer cannot be ab-
stracted from the dance.
I have explored the formulation of a Quechua self through the "dance" of hallpay. The
symbolism of this dance defines a very large-scale abstraction (Langer 1962:63)-that of
cultural structure-through metaphoric condensation of diverse dimensions of physical,
mental, and emotional experience. Inasmuch as the hallpay symbols are themselves "ac-
tions," the individual literally "acts out" basic cultural principles. Participation in this
cultural dance puts the Runa into a sacred contract to participate in Quechua tradition
with his fellows and with spiritual beings. When an individual stops chewing coca, he or she
seeks new cultural dances and a new definition of self.

notes

Acknowledgments. I wish to thank the institutions that supported my research: the Henry and Grace
Doherty Charitable Foundation (in 1975) and the National Science Foundation (June-August 1978;
# BNS 77-11319). I also owe a great debt of gratitude to many individuals who helped me, both in Peru
and in the United States. I wish particularly to thank the people of Sonqo and Qolqepata for accepting
me and teaching me; Dr. R. T. Zuidema of the University of Illinois for guidance and moral support;
and Richard M. Wagner, who was my husband and fellow traveler. Portions of this paper have been
published in Spanish, contained within "Coca y estructura cultural en los Andes peruanos"(Allpanchis
9:193-223, 1976; America Indigena 38(4):877-902, 1978).
1 Personal names have been changed to protect individual privacy.
2 I am using the word "ceremony" in Goffman's (1967:476-477) sense:

A ceremonial rule is one which guides conduct for matters felt to have secondary or no significance
in their own right, having their primary importance-officially anyway-as a conventionalized
means of communication by which the individual expresses his character or conveys his apprecia-
tion of the other participants in the situation.... The code which governs ceremonial rules and
ceremonial expressions is incorporated in what we call etiquette.

3 As examples of regional variation in coca etiquette we find that in Cuzco the lime that is chewed
with coca takes the form of hard lumps of compressed ash called Ilipta. In Ayacucho it is called toqra
(J. Earls 1975: personal communication). In Huanuco (Burchard 1975:465), powdered lime called ishku
is carried in a small gourd (ishkupuru) fitted with a spatula (chupadero) and cap. In many parts of Cuz-
co divination with coca is a serious act, performed by qualified people in private; in Ayacucho and
Huanuco (Burchard 1975:465) divining is part of routine coca-chewing etiquette. In Cuzco coca is
shared through exchanges of k'intus, a custom not found in Ayacucho (J. Earls 1975: personal commu-
nication) or Huancavalica (R. Gamarra 1978: personal communication), though k'intus have other
ritual uses in those areas. While in Cuzco the word k'intu refers to an offering of three or more coca

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leaves placed one on top of the other, in Ayacucho and Huancavalica the word refers to small, perfect
coca leaves (Zuidema 1977: personal communication; R. Gamarra 1978: personal communication). In
Bolivia (Bastien 1978:34), men exchange coca bags when they chew together, a custom which I did not
observe in Peru. The extent to which women participate in coca chewing varies considerably. For ex-
ample, women in Sonqo chew equally with men; Gary Urton (1977: personal communication) observed
that women in Misminay, in the neighboring province of Urubamba, chew far less and ideally are said
not to chew at all. The term for "chewing coca" also varies: in Cuzco it is hallpayj; in Puno, p'inchay.
4 In Sonqo women only carry their coca in cloths called unkhuflas; men use unkhunas or ch'uspas
(coca bags). Coca bags made from baby alpaca skins (paqos) are the prerogative of mature men and
are worn hanging down from the belt over the groin. There is an overlay of symbolism: alpacas are a
sign of wealth; coca possesses spiritual potency; and the phallic-looking bag implies male potency.
s Regarding the influence of Christianity upon this system (and vice versa) see J. Niuez del Prado
(1970), Marzal (1971a, 1971b), Garr (1972), and Gow (1974, 1976).
6 Although informants described Cuzco Ayllu as being the next level after Paucartambo Ayllu, I
think that originally the ultimate ayllu would have been composed of all the communities which look
to Ausangate as chief Apu and which participate in the annual pilgrimage to Qoyllur Rit'i, which draws
10,000 Runa from hundreds of communities to the slopes of Ausangate.
7 One of the most difficult theoretical problems posed by the Andean ayllu is that the term may
refer to apparently contradictory types of social phenomena. It may refer to a lineage (Zuidema 1964,
1977; Zuidema and Quispe 1968), to a bilateral kindred (Isbell 1977,1978; Mayer 1977), to moieties of a
community (Palomino 1971; Isbell 1978), and to an endogamous community, like Sonqo. It is par-
ticularly difficult to reconcile the ayllu as an exogamous kin group (lineage or kindred) with the ayllu
as an endogamous community.
However, Isbell also reports a very general definition of ayllu, verbalized by a native informant as
"any group with a head." This definition indicates that in order to understand any given manifestation
of ayllu we must identify the "head" and analyze the relationship of the head to the ayllu's member-
ship.
Zuidema (1977) describes the Inca ayllu as a descent group consisting of an apical male ancestor
and four generations of descendents, males in a patriline and females in a matriline. The "head" in this
case is the apical ancestor. Zuidema reconciles this lineage-type ayllu with the community-type ayllu
by observing that within the lineage marriage was proscribed until the fourth generation, making the
nearest marriageable relative a third cross cousin (FFFZddd). He points out (1977:258) that if everyone
in a community were to marry a third cross cousin, the community would become an endogamic
group. Thus the ayllu as a local group would have originated, conceptually, in the ayllu as a kin group.
To allow for endogamy, ayllu membership would be defined as it is in Sonqo, by residence rather than
kinship.
But what of the apical ancestor who, according to this explanation, should still be the "head" of this
community-type ayllu? It is common in the Andes for the members of a community to consider them-
selves descendents of a local sacred place or places, as I have described for Sonqo. Thus the sacred
place is the "head" or ancestor, and allegiance to this sacred place, which provides the emotional
basis for ayllu membership, has its ideological basis in a common ancestry. This closes the gap among
the various contradictory usages of the term ayllu.
a Alcohol, cooked food, and music may play a similar mediating role between humans and the
spiritual realm. In religious festivals, coca is consumed in conjunction with alcohol to produce a state
of intoxication thought to facilitate communication with the Tirakuna (see Wagner 1978). In this con-
text coca and alcohol play a role similar to that of hallucinogens in Amazonian societies (e.g., Harner
1973).

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Submitted 7 September 1979

Revised version received 25 April 1980
Accepted 7 May 1980
Final revisions received 15 October 1980

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