Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
Cátia Antunes
DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199379187.003.0006
Keywords: cross-religious, commerce, notarial contracts, Jews, Christians, Amsterdam, early modern
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Cross-Cultural Business Cooperation in the Dutch Trading World, 1580–1776
However suggestive, this body of literature neglects two key issues. First,
historians assume but rarely demonstrate that an intrinsic inclination to
cooperate reigned among members of the same family or religious group.4
Second, historians overlook the fact that businessmen faced considerable
limitations when working only with relatives and religious counterparts.
Entrepreneurs ran into the problem of accessing production outlets and
consumption markets in places where their affiliates were not represented. In
most cases, they were also limited in the capital they could raise from friends
and family. In order to solve these problems, early modern businessmen often
looked beyond their kin and ethno-religious communities and ventured into
business with partners from different religious, linguistic, or ethnic
backgrounds. Business contracts between such parties are the basis of my
definition of cross-cultural trade.
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Cross-Cultural Business Cooperation in the Dutch Trading World, 1580–1776
The study of private commercial activities during the early modern period relies
primarily on three types of sources, namely, administrative and institutional
records (such as taxation lists), personal papers (including merchants’
correspondence and account books), and notarial deeds that recorded
commercial and financial transactions between different parties. In the context
of Amsterdam commercial (p.152) history, historians use all three types of
sources either individually or in multiple permutations.5
I will begin by looking into the typology of the notarial deeds and exploring the
possibility that differences in the type of contracts reflect different levels of
cross-cultural engagement. For instance, a freight contract and an insurance
agreement entailed a different intensity of cross-cultural linkage between the
social actors. The nature and duration of commercial and financial contracts also
reflect different spans of cross-cultural interconnectedness, as defined by David
Held, Anthony McGrew, Jonathan Perraton, and David Goldblatt in their
explanation of the process of globalization in historical perspective. For these
authors, interconnectedness is a measure of the intensity, range, frequency, and
impact of relations between individuals, communities, regions, and continents.
This approach is commonly known as transformationalist and stands for the
understanding of historical processes according to the principle that
globalization existed before the twentieth century and as such took up different
forms and intensities throughout history.8
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Cross-Cultural Business Cooperation in the Dutch Trading World, 1580–1776
Obviously, this distinction is partially artificial. Bills of exchange were used both
to remit payments for goods purchased abroad and as speculative financial tools.
Similarly, commercial credit and powers of attorney could be connected with
commercial activities or used in short- to medium-term financial transactions.
They could be drafted for the purchase or sale of products or for the financing of
shipping activities in the short run, but they could also record medium-term
personal loans for the procurement of houses, landed assets, shares in
commercial companies, or state bonds. This complexity notwithstanding, the
analysis of my sample shows that most powers of attorney were indeed directly
or indirectly linked to commercial activities, as were contracts of commercial
credit. By contrast, especially after the (p.154) late seventeenth century, bills
of exchange became primarily instruments of financial transactions divorced
from commodity trade. Therefore, in what follows, I consider powers of attorney
and commercial credit as commercial contracts, and notarized bills of exchange
as financial contracts.
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Cross-Cultural Business Cooperation in the Dutch Trading World, 1580–1776
But some freight contracts were sealed by multiple freighters. In those cases we
detect a clear trend toward a well-informed business selection. Christian and
Sephardic merchants joined forces to ensure that their cooperation would result
in the most effective transport and commercialization of the cargo. The Christian
partners often knew the production outlets of the transported products and the
skipper (or had worked with him before), while the Sephardic merchants seem
to have possessed the knowledge and information needed to place the products
in the appropriate consumption markets at specific times of the year.9 This
pattern is particularly (p.155) visible along the Atlantic, where Sephardic
freighters had knowledge and information of the colonial production outlets. By
contrast, the Christian partners knew not only the skippers, but also the
European destination markets for sugar, tobacco, tropical woods, ivory, or
African spices.10 We can thus argue that the cross-cultural collaboration among
freighters improved the management of a large flow of knowledge and
information about products, markets, and transport routes, and simultaneously
spread the risk of the journey among a religiously diverse body of business
associates.
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Cross-Cultural Business Cooperation in the Dutch Trading World, 1580–1776
A similar pattern applies to insurance policies, which more often than not were
part and parcel of the freighting activities. Insurance policies bound together
two (often collective) parties.11 A group of merchants would insure ships, crews,
and cargos belonging to a second group of merchants for a certain venture or a
certain period of time. In the Amsterdam sample, the contracting parties usually
remained within their business community of origin. That is to say, insurers were
often Christian financiers, while the insured were often Sephardic merchants.12
Only in very few instances do we see members of one or the other group cross
lines, as it were, to assume the inverse function. Therefore, although insurance
policies may reflect a cross-cultural contractual agreement (insurers were
normally Christian and insured were normally Jewish), the role that the two
groups played in the agreement was circumscribed to their respective
specialized role.13 Moreover, in almost all (p.156) the instances in which
Christian insurers backed the Sephardim’s commercial endeavors, those
endeavors were directly connected to commercial activities in areas of the globe
in which the Dutch did not hold a firm commercial or territorial supremacy, as
was the case in the South Atlantic, the Caribbean, and certain Mediterranean
routes.14 What these routes have in common is that they connected territories
often disputed by the Dutch and the Spanish (or the Spanish and the
Portuguese) and where numerous members of the Sephardic diaspora operated
as merchants, agents, or representatives of families, companies, states, or cross-
cultural firms located in cities like Antwerp, Hamburg, Bordeaux, London, or
Amsterdam.
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Cross-Cultural Business Cooperation in the Dutch Trading World, 1580–1776
(p.157) Freight contracts and insurance policies were highly specific in time
and content. They bound together parties from different religious groups into
temporary commercial endeavors. However, sometimes these casual
relationships developed into long-standing business associations that lasted
several years; in those cases, the cross-cultural relationship was charted by a
multitude of powers of attorney that served numerous goals. Powers of attorney
cemented the association between cross-cultural partners by establishing a
relationship of agency, according to which one of the partners would represent
the other in various regions of the world. Powers of attorney thus served the
overall purpose of bringing cross-cultural partners economically and socially
closer together.
Return payments implied even higher risks. Cross-cultural partners would agree
to buy a certain product in one place and sell it elsewhere. Assuming they would
make a profit from the transaction, they would use the profit to ask the skipper
or their local representative to buy a new cargo, which they would then sell
upon arrival in Amsterdam. Only then would they settle their profits (or losses),
and use them to honor the delayed and the return payment.20
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Cross-Cultural Business Cooperation in the Dutch Trading World, 1580–1776
The complexity of commercial capital loans made them a viable resource only for
cross-cultural networks built on long-standing relationships between groups
with strong family and religious ties. Strong family and religious ties functioned
as insurance for the partner outside the group. A group’s collective business
reputation would force its members to honor or renegotiate any bills of
exchange between the “outsider” and the “insider” in an attempt to maintain
personal and collective business repute. According to Abraham Ledesma and
Joseph Abraham de Parra, leaders of the Portuguese Jewish Nation in Suriname
in 1750, the community was there to “respect and honor contracts and
arrangements between honorable men of business [. . .] and make sure that our
brother[s] and fellow merchants will keep their names, families, and reputation
intact.”23 However, the Amsterdam notarial archives also document innumerable
instances in which commercial capital loans were not honored. In those
instances, protracted legal conflicts usually followed.
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Cross-Cultural Business Cooperation in the Dutch Trading World, 1580–1776
The use of bills of exchange as means of capital transfer and of credit between
cross-cultural parties within the orbit of the Amsterdam market does not seem to
have been different from the use of the same instruments by parties belonging to
the same group. The use of bills of exchange was widespread among Christian
and Jewish, Dutch and foreign businessmen residing in Amsterdam, a city known
for its liquidity and the policing of businessmen’s reputation. The extensive use
of bills of exchange was facilitated by the existence and orderly operations of the
Wisselbank, created in 1609 as a deposit bank where merchants could liquidate
their bills. For bills of exchange amounting to 600 guilders or more, the
Wisselbank was the only institution that could legally discount those commercial
papers. Most businessmen accepted and even welcomed this financial and
regulatory body because it sustained the money market by standardizing the
process of bills’ liquidation, especially in the cases of large bills.26 Therefore, the
abundance of bills of exchange in the notarial archives does not arise from the
need to notarize them as legal instruments. They appear in the notarial
collection when parties protested the clauses of the bill, either by default of one
of the parties or by common agreement in the renegotiation of the bill. In both
cases, bills and protests had to be notarized.
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Bloom’s findings for the early seventeenth century can be explained in light of a
trend identified by Antonio Dias. Dias contends that only older, well-established
Sephardic businessmen of the Portuguese Nation of Amsterdam, who had dealt
successfully for several years with Christian partners and agents, were able to
recur to bills of exchange in order to purchase shares in the VOC and the WIC.29
By contrast, younger and less experienced Sephardim, who were also less well-
versed in cross-cultural transactions, were bound to deal in the semi-legal and
morally condemned investments in futures pertaining to the companies they so
much wished to participate in, but whose access was made difficult by members
of the community and by the lack of cross-cultural contacts outside the Nation.30
The cross-cultural networks and community circuits that were used to transfer
funds to be invested in the EIC also allowed Dutch merchants to purchase
English state bonds. With the rise of warfare costs during most of the eighteenth
century, England was forced to borrow large sums of domestic and foreign
capital to finance its military enterprises in Europe and overseas. This rising
English public debt coincided with a time when options for profitable investment
in Amsterdam were declining consistently. Again, Christian and Jewish
businessmen in Amsterdam pooled their capital together, issued bills of
exchange to be withdrawn by Portuguese Sephardic merchants in London, and
used the sums to purchase bonds issued by the Bank of England or to trade in
the London Stock Exchange.34
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To a smaller extent, the Amsterdam business elite also turned to the French
financial markets. Although the French public debt was less opened to
foreigners than the (p.163) English one, many cross-cultural contracts signed
in Amsterdam aimed to purchase French bonds. Here too, Portuguese Jews
acted as intermediaries by transferring bills of exchange from Amsterdam to
their family members and business representatives in Rouen and Bordeaux, who
bought the bonds and paid their interests back to Amsterdam. However, the
status of the Portuguese Jewish communities in France was far more precarious
than in England. To be safe, some Amsterdam businessmen chose to channel
their business through the Portuguese or Dutch ambassadors or their French
business representatives in Paris, even if the latter generally charged a higher
commission than the Portuguese merchants living and operating outside Paris.35
In sum, bills of exchange sustained the transfer of personal loans as well as the
purchase of shares and bonds among cross-cultural associates. These three
financial operations forced businessmen into long-term commitments that were
only possible among businessmen who had cemented their relationship over
many years of collaboration in regions near and far. Yet, no other financial
instrument demanded a greater commitment from parties of different religious
background than mortgages.
During the eighteenth century, the Dutch commercial sector slowed down after
the loss of several European, Atlantic, and Asian routes to the British. Although
this commercial decline brought the Golden Age of Amsterdam and the Dutch
Republic to an end, it gave way to new forms of financial investments.36 One of
the new financial investment possibilities that developed in this context of
economic decline was the issuing of mortgages.
Mortgages were often used for the purchase of plantations in the Caribbean
islands (both Dutch and non-Dutch) and in Suriname. Settlers often borrowed
from Amsterdam financiers the capital to acquire large plots of land. The land
itself was used as collateral to finance these mortgages. At the beginning of the
eighteenth century, most mortgages were issued by Christian and Jewish
investors alike and were handed to settlers regardless of their religious
background or even country of origin.
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The negotiaties presented two serious problems. First, the collateral that was
meant to cover the mortgage for the plot of land also hid personal loans. This
bundling would not have posed a problem if the value of the collateral (the plot
of land turned into plantation) increased proportionally to cover the personal
loans. That was, in fact, not the case, although the system survived for more
than 50 years because investors assumed that the value ascribed to the
plantations was real and not grossly overstated by borrowers and lenders (as
appears to have been the case). Close to the stock exchange crash of the 1770s,
the value of some plantations was indexed at more than 200 percent of their real
value (taking into account the plot of land, slaves, houses, and prospects for the
output of next year’s crop). The second problem of the negotiaties was their
accessibility. They were sold and resold for large and small amounts of money
and therefore made available to ordinary people, at least in the major Dutch
towns. The ever growing belief that the value of the plantation complex in
Suriname was accurately assessed by the market encouraged many to invest
considerable portions of their savings in this venture.
The negotiaties provided borrowers in the Atlantic colonies with enough capital
to maintain, extend, and optimize the plantation system, and lenders in
Amsterdam with new investment opportunities that were opened to all social
strata. Even though the negotiaties worked well for most of the eighteenth
century, the collateral’s over-valuation, together with a series of bad crops due
to weather conditions, brought the negotiatie scheme to a dangerous zone and
contributed to the crash of the Amsterdam stock exchange in the early 1770s
and the bankruptcy of some (p.165) planters.39 For cross-cultural businesses
operating in the Amsterdam market, negotiaties served to compensate for the
increasingly less profitable commercial enterprises. They also contributed to tie
metropolitan and colonial interests and to strengthen the cooperation of
merchants from different religious groups in Amsterdam and the colonies.40
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The evidence presented in this chapter demonstrates the willingness and ability
of Christians and Sephardim to contract with partners and acquaintances who
belonged neither to their kinship networks nor to their ethno-religious
community. Contrary to the business environments of the medieval
Mediterranean and the Armenian diaspora analyzed by Greif and McCabe, that
of early modern Amsterdam was characterized by a high degree of cross-cultural
economic cooperation. This cross-cultural economic cooperation was rooted in a
multiplicity of contractual relations between individuals and communities that
prospered together economically, but remained socially divided.
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Notes:
(1) Ina Baghdiantz McCabe, “Introduction,” in Diaspora Entrepreneurial
Networks: Four Centuries of History, ed. Ina Baghdiantz McCabe, Gelina
Harlafits, and Ioanna Pepelasis Minoglau (Oxford: Berg, 2005), iv–xxxii, xx
(2) Avner Greif, “Cultural Beliefs and the Organization of Society: A Historical
and Theoretical Reflection on Collectivist and Individualist Societies,” Journal of
Political Economy, 102.5 (1994): 912–950; Avner Greif, “Impersonal Exchange
and the Origins of Markets: From the Community Responsibility System to
Individual Legal Responsibility in Pre-modern Europe,” in Communities and
Markets in Economic Development, ed. Masahiko Aoki and Yujiro Hayami
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 3–41.
(3) Jacob M. Price, Capital and Credit in British Overseas Trade: The View from
the Chesapeake, 1700–1776 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1980);
Michel Aghassian and Keram Kevonian, “The Armenian Merchant Network:
Overall Autonomy and Local Integration,” in Companies and Trade: Europe and
Asia in Early Modern Era, ed. Sushil Chaudhury and Michel Morineau (New
York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 74–94; Jonathan Israel, Diaspora
within a Diaspora: Jews, Crypto-Jews and the World Maritime Empires (1540–
1740) (Leiden: Brill, 2002); Steve Murdoch, Network North: Scottish Kin,
Commercial and Covert Associations in Northern Europe, 1603–1746 (Leiden:
Brill, 2005); Leo Suryadinata, ed., Chinese Diaspora since Admiral Zheng He
with Special Reference to Maritime Asia (Singapore: Chinese Heritage Centre,
2007).
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Cross-Cultural Business Cooperation in the Dutch Trading World, 1580–1776
(6) I chose March and September because of the seasonality of the use of the
harbor and of the annual business cycle.
(7) After the Reformation and the outbreak of the Dutch Revolt, Catholics
experienced periods of relative peace and tolerance and periods of persecution
and discrimination. In Amsterdam, they were allowed freedom of conscience but
not freedom of worship. In this respect, they were in a lesser position than the
Jews, who enjoyed freedom of both conscience and congregation. For this
reason, elsewhere in my work I treat Catholics as a separate group from the
other Christians. On the status of the Catholics in the Dutch Republic, see Judith
Pollmann, “From Freedom of Conscience to Confessional Segregation?:
Religious Choice and Toleration in the Dutch Republic,” in Persecution and
Pluralism: Calvinists and Religious Minorities in Early Modern Europe, 1550–
1700, ed. Richard Booney and D. J. B. Trim (Oxford: Lang, 2006), 123–148;
Benjamin Kaplan et al., eds., Catholic Communities in Protestant States: Britain
and the Netherlands, 1520–1635 (Manchester: Manchester University Press,
2009); Judith Pollmann, Catholic Identity and the Revolt of the Netherlands,
1520–1635 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011). Specifically on Amsterdam,
see Joke Spaans, “Stad van Vele Geloven,” in Geschiedenis van Amsterdam,
1578–1650: Centrum van de Wereld, ed. Willem Frijhoff and Maarten Prak
(Amsterdam: SUN, 2004), 385–467, esp. 402 and 404; S. A. C. Dudok van Heel,
“Amsterdamse Schuil- of Huiskerken?” Holland, 25 (1993): 1–10; S. A. C. Dudok
van Heel, “Waar Waren de Amsterdamse Katholieken in de Zomer van 1585?”
Jaarboek Amstelodamum, 77 (1985): 13–53.
(8) David Held, Anthony McGrew, Jonathan Perraton, and David Goldblatt, Global
Transformations: Politics, Economics and Culture (Stanford, CA: Stanford
University Press, 1999), 16–17
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Cross-Cultural Business Cooperation in the Dutch Trading World, 1580–1776
(11) J. P. van Niekerk, The Development of the Principles of Insurance Law in the
Netherlands from 1500–1800 (Johannesburg: Kenwyn, 1998); C. F. Trenerry, The
Origin and Early History of Insurance, Including the Contract of Bottomry
(Clark, NJ: Lawbook Exchange, 2009); Sabine Go, Marine Insurance in the
Netherlands, 1600–1870: A Comparative Institutional Approach (Amsterdam:
Aksant, 2009).
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(13) In December 1613, Jan Jansen Smit & Co. and Barent Sweerts & Co.,
merchants in Amsterdam, provided Antonio Lopes Pereira, a Sephardic Jew, with
an insurance for the sugar he was to import from Brazil, via Lisbon. The clauses
of the insurance included coverage for any accident at sea due to weather,
piracy, privateering, and confiscation by the Inquisition. (In a later protest it is
clear that the sugar was confiscated by the Inquisition in Lisbon and that the
Christian insurers refused to pay the insurance before Pereira presented them
with a copy of the confiscation sentence.) SAA, NA, 113, fols. 112v–113.
(15) On June 20, 1704, a witness (whose name is not mentioned in the contract)
claimed to have found in the business papers of Philip de Flines, who had passed
away recently, many maritime insurance contracts, including several ones sealed
with members of the Portuguese Nation of Amsterdam, whose names are not
mentioned. These insurance contracts concerned the following maritime routes:
Goa-Lisbon, West Indies (probably Spanish West Indies)–Lisbon, Cartagena de
las Indias–Lisbon, Coast of America (North America)–Amsterdam, Africa-
Amsterdam, St. Thomas–Copenhagen, Buenos Aires–Cadiz, and Livorno-
Amsterdam. For all these routes the witness saw lists of insurance premiums
that still had to be partially paid for. SAA, NA, 5672/1455. This example
illustrates a somehow different reality from the one portrayed by Jonathan Israel
concerning the role of Sephardic merchants as brokers between the Dutch
Republic and the Iberian worlds. It is plausible that this function of brokerage
was only made possible by deep and long-term cross-cultural engagement with
Christian merchants and fellow investors. Jonathan I. Israel, Empires and
Entrepots: The Dutch, the Spanish Monarchy and the Jews, 1585–1713 (London:
Hambledon, 1990); Jonathan I. Israel, Conflicts of Empires: Spain, the Low
Countries and the Struggle for World Supremacy, 1585–1713 (London:
Hambledon, 1997).
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(16) On October 4, 1605, Manuel Lopes and Francisco Nunes Homem, Sephardic
merchants in Amsterdam, gave power of attorney to Pieter Marcus, Matheus de
la Palma, and Balthasar van der Voorde, merchants in Middelburg, to claim in
their name the sugar taken by privateers from Zealand when the latter took hold
of a Portuguese caravela, which was sailing from Bahia (in Brazil) to Portugal
under the command of skipper Antonio Nunes. Lopes and Homem hoped that
their representatives in Middelburg would be as successful as they had been
seven months before, when they had rescued ten boxes of sugar and brazil wood
from those same privateers. SAA, NA, 101, fols. 110–110v. Manuel Lopes and
Francisco Nunes Homem will use these agents in Middelburg for the coming 12
years for the purpose of salvaging and reclaiming lost cargoes, ships, and papers
to different Zealand’s privateers.
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Cross-Cultural Business Cooperation in the Dutch Trading World, 1580–1776
(22) Ana Crespo Solana, Mercaderes Atlánticos: Redes del Comercio Flamenco y
Holandés entre Europa y el Caribe (Córdoba: CajaSur, 2009), 58–61 and 84–89
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Cross-Cultural Business Cooperation in the Dutch Trading World, 1580–1776
(27) On January 28, 1764, Gerrit Blaauw declared to have borrowed 10,000
guilders from Joseph de la Penha, a Sephardic merchant in Amsterdam, in order
to start a new life in Suriname. The loan had a maturity date of 12 months and a
4 percent annual interest rate. Before leaving Amsterdam, Blaauw provided
1,000 pound sterling in English state bonds as collateral. SAA, NA, 11543, fol.
100.
(28) Herbert I. Bloom, The Economic Activities of the Jews of Amsterdam in the
Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Port Washington, NY: Kennikat, 1969
[1937]), 118; Jonathan I. Israel, “The Economic Contribution of Dutch Sephardi
Jewry to Holland’s Golden Age, 1595–1713,” Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis, 96
(1983): 505–535.
(30) Lodewijk Petram, The World’s First Stock Exchange: How the Amsterdam
Market for Dutch East India Company Shares Became a Modern Securities
Market, 1602–1700, Ph.D. thesis, University of Amsterdam, 2011, 128.
(33) Larry Neal, The Rise of Financial Capitalism: International Capital Markets
in the Age of Reason (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 20–43 and
141–165
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Cross-Cultural Business Cooperation in the Dutch Trading World, 1580–1776
(34) On May 30, 1741, Charles de Dieu, magistrate in the town of Purmerend,
gave power of attorney to Moses and Jacob Pereira, Sephardic merchants in
London, to buy 2,000 pound sterling worth of English state bonds on his behalf.
SAA, NA, 8654, fol. 598.
(35) On April 20, 1763, David Pereira, Jr., a Sephardic merchant living in the
Keizersgracht in Amsterdam, gave power of attorney to Jean Cottin and Louis
Cottin, bankers in Paris, in his own name and on behalf of unspecified Dutch
partners, so that the Cottins could demand the already delayed payment of their
investments in the French East India Company and the French public debt.
Pereira proposed that if the Crown was unable to satisfy the payments, the firm
would accept in their place a tax farming contract, which would, in turn, rent out
to the Cottins. SAA, NA, 11426, fol. 92.
(36) Jan de Vries and Ad van der Woude, The First Modern Economy: Success,
Failure, and Perseverance of the Dutch Economy, 1500–1815 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1997), 207–208
(37) Philip Curtin, The Rise and Fall of the Plantation Complex: Essays in Atlantic
History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); David Eltis, The Rise of
African Slavery in the Americas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).
(40) On March 15, 1760, Maria Catharina van Tuijll, widow of the Baron Van
Lockhorst, gave the management of the mortgage taken by David Moses
Cardoso Baeça on February 24, 1752, on his plantation, called Mahanaim, in
Suriname, to Jan and Theodore van Marselis, directors of the negotiatie fund for
the planters of Suriname. Baroness Isabella Agneta van Lockhorst, daughter of
Maria Catharina and the Baron Van Lockhorst, approved of this transference.
SAA, NA, 10512, fol. 526. Little is known about the social and economic
consequences of the negotiaties and the crash of the stock exchange in 1773.
Further research is needed to illuminate their impact on Dutch credit markets
and on cross-cultural economic relations more specifically.
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(41) See, in particular, the following essays by Jonathan I. Israel: “The Economic
Contribution of Dutch Sephardi Jewry”; “The Changing Role of the Dutch
Sephardim in International Trade, 1595–1715,” in Dutch Jewish History:
Proceedings of the Symposium on the History of the Jews in the Netherlands
(November 28–December 3, 1982, Tel-Aviv–Jerusalem), ed. Jozeph Michman
(Jerusalem: Tel-Aviv University, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, The Institute
for Research on Dutch Jewry, 1984), 31–53; and “The Final Suppression of
Crypto-Judaism in Spain and the End of the Sephardi World Maritime Networks
(1714–40),” in his Diaspora within a Diaspora, 567–584. See also Yosef Kaplan,
“Gente Politica: The Portuguese Jews of Amsterdam vis-à-vis Dutch Society,” in
Dutch Jews as Perceived by Themselves and by Others: Proceedings of the
Eighth International Symposium on the History of the Jews in the Netherlands,
ed. Chaya Brasz and Yosef Kaplan (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 21–40; Odette Vlessing,
“The Jewish Community in Transition: From Acceptance to Emancipation,”
Studia Rosenthaliana, 30.1 (1996): 195–211.
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