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155
5In what follows I shall, largely to avoid cumbersomeness, confine myself to literatureonly.
What I have to say about literatureis generally applicable to art as well.
Age, althoughits motifs and themes may be far, far older of course. In any
case, by the time we can see any Greek myths, they have left their traditional
oral uses. If classicists were to use the word myth as it is used by an-
thropologistsstudyingmost cultures, we would limit it to this first stage. The
other stages that I mention really belong to a study of the uses of the myths,
although we will no doubt continue to use the simpler label. The confusion
which results will be less if we rememberthat we use the word in the two
differing ways.
The second stage (the first thatwe can see) is the long one when the Greeks
themselves self-consciously used their myths for all sorts of purposesin their
literature;andit is this subjectthatwe normallycall "Greekmythology," even
though the term would properlyapply to the former period by analogy with
other peoples. From Homer and Hesiod, throughthe Archaic Age, into the
greatperiod of Attic drama,and on into the Hellenistic Age, the Greek myths
again andagainprovedtheirvitalityto inspire, as well as to adaptto new social
and literarycircumstancesand needs. What is unfortunateaboutour study of
this subjectis that we confuse myth and literatureand end up doing justice to
neither. Too many textbooks turn out to be dreary, mindless paraphrasesof
glorious Greek literature(in the deadly mannerof those outline study guides
that keep students from confronting, say, the genius of Homer directly) or
snippets of various authorspasted together to form a continuous whole that
never existed for the Greeks. Occasional texts do try to give longer Greek
passages, but they generally forget to make explicit that such literaryuses of
myths should not normallybe confused with the myths themselves. When we
use texts thatworkfromGreekliteraryuses of the myths(and some of themare
both excellent and indispensable), we need to remindourselves from time to
time that the Electra of Greek myth is not the Electra of Aeschylus or of
Sophocles or of Euripides. We also need to rememberthat any detail which
cannotbe independentlydocumentedmay well have been createdby the author
in question and thus not really be a part of the folk traditionat all.
The third stage which I distinguish is that of Italian or Latin uses of the
myths, a studyof considerableinterest,althoughit often gets submergedin our
minds as if there were no difference from the Greek uses or as if they were
identical. But Ovid is not Greek, nor is Vergil or Plautusor Livy. Italianuses
and versions of the Greek myths speak to Italiansocial and literaryneeds and
ought not be buriedwithin Greek uses, and Latin literaryreflections of native
Italian traditionsalso deserve more careful and separatetreatmentthan they
usually receive. It is a shame that so many of our texts sometimes find
themselvesunableto sortout the GreeksandRomansin referenceto the myths,
a problem to which we shall return.
The last stage thatI will distinguishis thatof later, post-classicaluses of the
earlier mythical material;and it is quite clear that this entire later tradition
(which could be divided into any number of sections) makes little if any
distinctionbetween myth and literature,between Hesiod and Ovid, although
Ovid often seems to serve as the only source of importance.It is partlybecause
we are heirs to this last stage that we have failed to see the three earlier and
differentones on which it is founded. And this latterlong stage stretchingfrom
late antiquitythroughthe MiddleAges andRenaissanceandthroughto ourown
It may, however, be mentioned that our sources in Greek are firstly the
poets, of all dates from Homer and Hesiod down; and of these, especially
those up to and including the great Attic dramatistsof the fifth century
B.C. Next in importance to these are the Alexandrianpoets, such as
Kallimachos,from the fourthcenturyonwards, who often give us curious
informationnot to be had elsewhere, but who must be used with caution,
as they often of set purpose confine themselves to very out-of-the-way
"I saw the motherof Oedipodes, fair Epicaste, who wroughta monstrous
deed in ignoranceof mind, in thatshe weddedher own son, and he, when
he had slain his own father, wedded her, and straightwaythe gods made
these things known among men. Howbeit he abode as lord of the Cad-
meansin lovely Thebe, sufferingwoes throughthe banefulcounsels of the
gods, but she went down to the house of Hades, the strong warder. She
madefast a noose on high from a lofty beam, overpoweredby her sorrow,
but for him she left behindwoes full many, even all thatthe Avengers of a
motherbring to pass." (trans. A.T. Murray,Loeb Classical Library.)
When Laius was king and marriedto locasta, an oracle came from
Delphi that, if locasta bore a child, Laius would meet his deathat his son's
hands. WhereuponOedipuswas exposed, who was fatedwhenhe grew up
to kill his father;he also marriedhis mother. But I do not thinkthathe had
childrenby her; my witness is Homer, who says in the Odyssey ... [he
here quotes 11.271 ff.]. How could they have "made it known forth-
with," if Epicastehad bornefour childrento Oedipus? But the motherof
these childrenwas Euryganeia,daughterof Hyperphas.Among the proofs
of this are the words of the authorof the poem called the Oedipodia;and
moreover,Onasiaspainteda pictureat Plataeaof Euryganeiabowed with
grief becauseof the fight betweenherchildren. (9.5.10-11, trans.W.H.S.
Jones, Loeb Classical Library.)
Much of the story of Oedipusis clearly a partof the ancientfolk tradition-
the oracle given to Laius, the exposure and subsequentdiscovery of Oedipus,
and the patricide, as well as the riddle of the Sphinx and the incestuous
marriage;but a numberof strikingincidentsare surely laterinventionand thus
pseudo-mythicalin a way that the earlierdetails are not. But the Greeks very
quickly seized upon these details (as in Euripides' Phoenissae) and thus
followed the Sophoclean tradition. A more detailed discussion, however,
belongs to literarycriticism ratherthan to mythology (cf. OCD2, s.vv. An-
tigone and Oedipus).
Anothersplendidexample of myths and theiruses is Helen. Throughoutthe
Iliad andthe OdysseyHomerplaces herfirmly at Troyduringthe war, andthere
is no reasonto assume thatthe ancientfolk traditionwas any different. Literary
creation steps in with the sixth-centurypoet Stesichorus, who wrote a poem
following the standardaccountbut speakingdisparaginglyof Helen's willing-
ness to abandonher husband. Having thereafterbeen struckblind, he wrote a
second poem denying that Helen was ever at Troy and placing the blame on
Homer. He regainedhis sight, and literaryhistory gained a new pseudo-myth
(that did not ever completely oust the Homeric account). Stesichorus'inven-
tion had Helen takenfrom Pariswhen they reachedEgypt, whereshe remained
in the safekeepingof the Egyptiansuntil Menelauscould retrieveher at the end
of the war. Helen, if it was she who was responsible for the two miracles,
evidently failed to notice that her virtue remained rathertarnishedeven in
Stesichorus' new version, since she had still voluntarilyabandonedMenelaus
for Paris, even though she was no longer the latter's spouse in Troy for ten
years.
It is Euripides who again alters the literary history of Helen and finally
purifies her reputationcompletely in his romantic Helen. In his plot Helen
never leaves Spartawith Parisandis neverunfaithfulto Menelaus. By giving to
Helen a motif that was ancient though not previously attachedto her-she is
transportedto Egypt by Hermes, while Paris returns to Troy with only a
phantom-the poet can preservehercomplete maritalfidelity. WhenMenelaus
reaches Egypt after the war, the phantom vanishes; and Euripides paints a
tender reunion of husbandand wife after long separation.
Herodotus, we may note in leaving Helen, did not realize the nature of
Stesichorus'inventionand triedto considerthe two versions criticallyin order
to ascertainthe "true" one (2.113-116). He made the mistake, undoubtedly
with the encouragementof the Egyptianpriestswho functionedas his guides, of
deciding that the Egyptian version was the historically correct one and that
Homer had intentionallyignoredit because of its unsuitabilityfor epic poetry.
The Romans, of course, continuedto use the Greekmythsjust as the Greeks
had done; andI will end my discussion of literaryuses with one furtherwordof
caution aboutOvid. His narrativebrilliancehas given him a remarkablepower
over his posterity, and the difficulties of trackingdown sources and varying
versions have helped us to forget that he is not a good handbook. It is worth
repeatingthatOvid shouldneverbe used as the sourcefor a Greekmythwithout
independent,Greekconfirmation.9Ovid is normallyused as the sourcefor our
standardaccountsof Arachne, althoughthere is some reasonto believe thathe
9So beguilingis Ovid thatRose could not resistretellingin eitherof his books on Greekmythsthe
story of Baucis and Philemon, a folk tale that Ovid evidently met in Phrygiaand retold in Met.
8.618-724. Thereis no reasonwhy the Greekscould not have known a versionof the tale; we have
no evidence that they did.