The Socialist of

Popularization
Science in America, 1901 to the
First World War

GEORGE COTKIN

THROUGHOUT MUCH OF THE nineteenth century the ascendent star

of science was closely tied to the rise of the middle class. Science reflected their
optimism and aided them in understanding a world and society in constant
motion. The middle class embraced science in a hearty manner and as a labor
of love they sought to popularize it in America. By the turn of the century, the
middle class enthusiasm for popularization had abated somewhat, but science
was still being pursued and popularized with great ardor by others. Only now
the group most enamored of science, and certain that its rise was tied to the
prestige and power of science, was the socialist movement, the self-appointed
sentinel of the working class. No less than the middle class, the socialist
intellectuals sought to ground their discourse in scientific language and to
make the fruits of science readily available to a wide audience. The great
revolutions in science-the Copernican, Newtonian, and Darwinian-
became the subject matter for socialist popularizers of science. Their tale was
simple: Marxism was a science, a scientific revolution in social thought, that
would usher in not only a new world-view, but a new society, a new age.
Science served as a powerful symbol and "attitude of mind" for nineteenth-
century Americans. As the handmaiden of technology, science was changing
the physical landscape of America in the era of the railroad, telegraph, steam,
and electricity. For most Americans, science was a symbol easily reconciled
with the prevalent assumptions of societal progress.1 A scientific knowledge,
according to geologist Clarence King in his Catastrophism and the Evolution
of Environment (1877), would be "a means of clearing away the endless
rubbish of false ideas from the human intellect, for the lifting of man out of
the dominion of ignorance."2
Yet science was more than an object of veneration or a description for new
technologies; it was a explanatory and normative concept as well. While
science could be blamed for inaugurating an era of bewildering change
and chaos, it could at the same time organize apparent chaos into a

Mr. Cotkin is a member of the Department of History, California Polytechnic State University
comprehensible and progressive doctrine. Faced
comprehensible Faced with a confusing
confusing reality,
Americans hoped that the synthesis offered by science might might lead them out of
the morass. The The powerful
powerful appeal of Herbert Spencer to a generation of
Americans was precisely in his promise of a method and synthesis that would would
calm the seemingly
seemingly turbulent waters of change.3 change. 3 Either through Spencer or
other apostles of science, Americans hoped that the method of science would would
allow
allow them "to put the universe into into [their] pockets," a metaphor at once
both reassuring
both reassuring and
and possessive.
possessive.4 4
served as a normative concept for nineteenth-century
Science served nineteenth-century Americans; it
became the intellectual
intellectual coin of the realm.5 Whereas Henry James, Sr.
realm. 5 Whereas Sr. as a
young man in 1842
young 1842 could ask Emerson whether he should Hlearn science and
should "learn
bring myself into men's respect",
respect", by the second half of the century-and
century-and for at
sons-the domination
least one of James' sons-the domination of science had rendered
rendered the question
question
obsolete.6
obsolete. 6 No educated man could could afford, both professionally
professionally and personally,
personally,
to be without
without the scientific
scientific "attitude
Hattitude of mind." As John M. M. Coulter told the
graduates of the University of Michigan Michigan in 1900, scientific training "is
1900, scientific training His
essential in every well-balanced education."7 In addition,
every well-balanced addition, science had come to
define the norms of society: a scientific
scientific way of viewing
viewing the world, of regulating
regulating
one's personal habits, of deciding
deciding truth and value, these were the common common
themes in the style and thought
thought patterns of middle-class, educated Americans
in the late nineteenth
nineteenth century.8
century.8
The confident strut of science was in perfect stride with the optimism
The confident optimism and
power of middle-class America. The The equation
equation was simple: science equalledequalled
power. This
This perspective was grasped by by the ambitious
ambitious university presidents of
the nineteenth
nineteenth century who incorporated it into into their college
college curricula.
Science became a fitting fitting subject for for the academies and was, in turn,
professionalized. The
professionalized. The university curriculum opened up and developed the
social sciences along
along a scientific
scientific model. Professionally
Professionally trained social scientists
employing
employing the scientific
scientific methods of research, it was imagined,
research, imagined, would
would
dominate the nation's
dominate nation's intellectual
intellectual and social life. Science came "to Hto
epitomize,"
epitomize," in Thomas
Thomas Haskell's
Haskell's precise formulation,
formulation, Hthe
"the very
very essence of the
professional idea-expert
professional idea-expert authority, institutionally
institutionally cultivated and certified."
In short, the university would, would, through scientific
scientific expertise, engage
engage in the
construction of normative values for
construction public. 9
for the American public.9
The
The entry of science into into the domain
domain of the professional academy came only
after it has already
already achieved an exalted place in the public public sphere. Throughout
Throughout
the nineteenth
nineteenth century, the American public public had flocked to lyceums to hear
lecturers explicate the wonders of modern science. As demanded by
lecturers explicate by their
pu blic, lyceum lecturers
public, lecturers transformed science into into entertainment. '1010 In lyceums

and lecture halls around the country, serious scientists and pretenders pretenders
demonstrated the practical, and most appealingly, appealingly, the curious effects of
The lyceum lecturer who offered the public
science. The public a brief scientific
scientific
education appealed to what historian Margaret
education Margaret Rossiter has called the "cult of
self-improvement." In the Jacksonian
self-improvement." Jacksonian days of the common
common man, science was a
leveling tool of the democratic spirit; it promised equality
leveling equality and progress. TheThe
popular lecture, then, was entertainment,
popular entertainment, education, ideology com-
education, and ideology
bined. II
bined.1'
While the lecture remained a compellingcompelling method for diffusion of
for the diffusion
science, its efficacy was undermined
undermined by by the rise of Darwinian Unlike a
Darwinian science. Unlike
which might
discussion of electricity which
discussion include numerous mechanical
might include mechanical devices to
entertain the crowd, the explication evolutionary science was more
explication of evolutionary
conducive to the printed word. After the Civil War,
conducive War, a veritable "obsession with
disseminating the printed page," as Barton Bledstein phrases it, through a
disseminating
publications, afforded a new means to communicate
plethora of new publications, communicate science
to a burgeoning
burgeoning American reading public.'2 public.I 2
The popularization of science and its concomitant
The crucial chapter in the popularization concomitant
development
development as a normative symbol for for middle-class America was written in
1872
1872 when Edward Livingston
Livingston Youmans published published the firstfirst issue of his
Popular Science Monthly (PSM). Originally
Popular Originally conceived as a platform for for
Youmans to bring Herbert Herbert Spencer's The Study of Sociology Sociology before the
American public-"what
public-"what we want," he wrote Spencer, are are your "large,
organizing ideas"-the
organizing ideas" -the journal
journal soon came to speak for for the autonomy
autonomy and
cultural credibility of science.
science.'3 13 Youmans set no limitslimits for
for science: its scope
inclusive and breathtaking. The
was all inclusive The goal of diffusing scientific knowledge
diffusing scientific knowledge
was "the next great task task of civilization." keeping with the republican
civilization." In keeping
tradition of self-improvement education, the PSM appealed "not to
self-improvement through education,
the illiterate, but to the generally educated classes" who wished to achieve
"self-instruction
"self-instruction in science."14 The success of Youman's effort and the
science." '14 The
middle-class' hunger for for scientific knowledge was reflected in the magazine's
scientific knowledge
circulation
circulation figures. In 1886, Youmans could
1886, Youmans could boast of 18,000 copies in
18,000 copies
circulation, high figures for
circulation, high for an expensive
expensive and, at times, sophisticated
sophisticated
journal. 15
journal.15
1900, now under the editorial direction of the distinguished
By 1900, distinguished psychologist
psychologist
J. subscription list of the PSM had dwindled,
McKeen Cattell, the subscription
J. McKeen dwindled, until in
1915 the magazine was reporting yearly losses of $10,000. The
1915 The format of the
PSM changed and now featured featured articles on how-to-build-it-yourself
how-to-build-it-yourself gadgets
and eschewed discussions science.'66 Numerous
discussions of theoretical science.I Numerous historians have
connected the decline of the PSM with a diminution diminution of middle-class
enthusiasm
enthusiasm for for scientific
scientific information.
information. The The explanations
explanations for for this presumed
decline are
are legion: professional
professional disdain for for scientic popularizing; ever-
popularizing; the ever-
increasing
increasing specialization sophistication of the sciences;
specialization and sophistication sciences; the decline of
cosmic syntheses such as Spencer's;
Spencer's; a waning
waning interest in nature study as
urbanization increased;
increased; and, finally, the increasing
increasing tempo of religious
religious doubts
concerning
concerning the direction of science.
science.'7I7

Despite all of these explanations,

explanations, science was not a dead issue in the
American mind. Noting Noting this apparent paradox, Ronald Ronald Tobey finds that
while popular science was supposed
while popular supposed to be in decline, the best known theorists
of the progressive era basing their exegeses on scientistic
era were basing scientistic premises, as
revealed by Herbert Croly's The Promise
by a cursory glance at Herbert Promise of American Life
(1909) and Walter Lippmann's
(1909) Lippmann's Drift and MasteryMastery (1914).18
(1914).18
The paradox dissolves once one accepts the view that science remained a
The
powerful rhetorical and explanatoryexplanatory device for intellectuals. However, no
for intellectuals.
would the accolades paid to science come only from
longer would from the middle class:
class:
the prestige of science would would now be appropriated by the working working class.
As the socialist
socialist movement adopted science, they also established an
institutional
institutional and literary framework for
literary framework for the propagation scientific ideas.
propagation of scientific
The
The continued dissemination of aa "culture of science" after
continued dissemination 1900 was made
after 1900
possible by
possible by the meteoric rise of an American socialist Dominated
socialist movement. Dominated
intellectuals conversant with science and convinced
by intellectuals convinced of its value for for their
comrades, the Socialist
Socialist Party
Party of America (SPA) offered an institutional
institutional
framework through which which science could communicated to American
could be communicated
workers. 19 After more than thirty years
workers.19 isolation and sectarian squabbles,
years of isolation
American radicals found some common common ground and formed the Socialist Socialist
party in 1901.
party 1912, party membership was over 118,000
1901. By 1912, 118,000 strong. In that
same year, party presidential candidate Eugene V.
year, party V. Debs polled
polled nearly 900,000
votes and over 1,200 1,200 socialists
socialists were voted into offices around the country. The The
party's electoral successes were mirrored mirrored by by their propaganda victories.
Socialism was communicated
Socialism communicated to the faithful through over 300 party- party..
publications; the Appeal
sponsored publications; published out of Girard,
Appeal to Reason, published Girard,
Kansas, boasted 761,747
Kansas, subscribers in 1913.
761,747 paid subscribers 20
1913.20
The collected by historians purportedly tracing the party's
The mass of statistics collected party's
electoral growth and decline have tended to obscure James Green's fine
socialism "was an educational
observation that socialism educational as well as a political force."'21
political force."21
American socialist
socialist intellectuals educational work as aa solemn
intellectuals perceived their educational
duty, one no less important
important than electoral or trade trade union
union agitation; in fact,
fact,
they permitted no such division division of labor. The popular
labor. The socialist lecturer
popular socialist lecturer
Arthur M. M. Lewis went so far far as to argue that "the chief avenue to the
realization of their [socialist]
[socialist] ideals must be through proper education."22
education."22
Knowledge helped to enlighten worker, it was generally acknowledged,
enlighten the worker, acknowledged, so
that he or she would socialist or learn how to organize a trade
would vote socialist union.
trade union.
Writing in the premiere issue of The Agitator, Jay Fox announced announced that
"Knowledge is the most dangerous thing
"Knowledge world."23 Lena Morrow
thing in the world."23
socialist agitator, in an essay "The Materialist Basis of
well ..known socialist
Lewis, a well-known
Education," shortened Fox's equation Power."24For
read: "Knowledge is Power."24
equation to read: For
socialists the most powerful form
many socialists form of modern knowledge
knowledge was scientific.
In words which which few radicals would would question,
question, an editorial writer in the
popular theoretical journal International
popular exclaimed that
International Socialist Review exclaimed
"scientific discoveries are
"scientific are weapons
weapons in the working
working class' arsenal." Further-
Further·
more, he contended that "There is no work that will yield such rich returns returns in
information for
valuable information for the Socialist
Socialist worker as the study of natural
science. ' '25
science."25
American socialists' love affair with science had its roots in the tradition of
European Marxism and within within American culture. A positivepositive view towards
 predominant within
science was early predominant within European Marxism. After all, Marx Marx and
Engles labeled their socialism
socialism "scientific" both to set it off from from opposing
opposing
varieties of socialism
socialism and to give to their theorytheory aa naturalistic identity. 26 As
naturalistic identity.26
confirmed believers in the enlightening
enlightening power of knowledge, education and
knowledge, education
science, Marx
Marx and Engels welcomed welcomed Darwinism
Darwinism and sought sought to use it to
validate socialism. Thus did Marx
socialism. Thus Marx write Lasalle in 1861: 1861: "Darwin's book is
very im
very portant and serves
important serves me as a basis in natural science for for the class struggle
history."27 In this same vein, American socialist
in history."27 socialist publisher
publisher Gaylord
Wilshire was quite serious when he stated, stated, "To be called unscientific
unscientific is about
the greatest insult
insult that can be hurled at a socialist.
socialist."28
"28
The presumed connection
The connection between Darwin's natural science and Marx's Marx's
science of society became ubiquitous
ubiquitous and went nearly unquestioned within
unquestioned within
Socialist circles. In his biography of Karl
European and American Socialist Karl Marx,
Marx, John
Spargo, a well-known
well-known socialist
socialist writer, reference to Marx and
writer, made frequent reference
Darwin as paired scientists: "Darwin explained explained man's being being and Marx Marx
explained his social institutions."29
explained stressed, in his popular
institutions. "29 Joseph Cohen stressed, popular
Socialism for Students, that "proletarian science, evolution
Socialism evolution and revolution
revolution
are twin forces."
are forces." In short, Cohen found that "Science and socialism socialism belong
belong
together.
together."30
"30

The
The sense that "science and socialism
socialism belong
belong together" grew out of the
environment. American socialists
American "culture of science" environment. socialists naturally
environment to science as the mode and subject of their
turned in this environment
turned
discourse. At the same time they hoped to appropriate the tradition and
cultural prestige of science for socialists did not simply
for their cause. American socialists simply
well-known and respected names of scientists or "scientific
cite the well-known "scientific
philosophers" such as Darwin, Wallace, DeVries and Spencer;
philosophers" Spencer; they invoked
The argument from
them. The from authority, heavily dependent upon upon analogy, was
assumed to make socialism's
socialism's premises scientific. Thus,
Thus, when at the turn of the
century the Dutch botanist Hugo mutationstheorie questioned
Hugo DeVries' mutationstheorie questioned the
gradualistic assumptions central to Darwinism
gradualistic assumptions Darwinism withoutwithout undermining
undermining
Darwinism's general outlines,
Darwinism's socialists immediately
outlines, American socialists immediately flooded their
periodicals with arguments based upon analogy that jjust
upon the analogy ust as new species of
plants were literally born overnight,
overnight, so too could new societies quickly quickly be
instituted revolution.31
instituted through revolution. "Evolution by Mutation,"
31 In his article, "Evolution

Algie M.M. Simons

Simons asked American socialists
socialists to note "how closely" DeVries'
mutationstheorie "fits in with the socialists' doctrine of the class struggle,
mutationstheorie
according to which there is long
which there long period of slow growth with slight slight variations
(or
(or reforms) followed by a sudden change of social character
reforms) followed character (called
revolution)
revolution) brought about by the accession of a new social class to power."32 power. "32
While analogy
analogy and authority gave to socialist
socialist discourse a sense of
confidence,
confidence, the individual socialist
individual socialist who turned to science often encountered
a blissful transcendence. As Irving Howe Howe and David Hollinger Hollinger have
working-class Jews embraced socialism
immigrant working-class
demonstrated, immigrant socialism and science
because these concepts lifted them from from the confining
confining ghetto of tradition and
transported them into a cosmopolitan world.33
cosmopolitan world. 33 The
The human experience,
through socialism
through socialism or science,
science, was universalized. Though
was universalized. Though not
not a socialist-
socialist-
although he was
although was reared in
in that
that milieu-philosopher
milieu-philosopher Morris
Morris R. Cohen
Cohen sought
sought
to escape
escape the prison
prison of
of the Lower
Lower East Side
Side by absorbing
absorbing the tradition
tradition of of
science.
science. According
According to David
David Hollinger,
Hollinger, for Cohen
Cohen
science aimed, by definition, dialogue with the most universal and
definition, to enter a dialogue
timeless segments of experience. Science sought
sought truth of a sort that would
would
command assent from persons of any national, religious,
command ethnic background,
religious, or ethnic
it was concerned with propositions
propositions that were in no way culture-bound. 34
culture-bound.34
The
The same
same view
view could proffered from
could be proffered from a Marxian perspective. Class
Marxian perspective. Class and
and
ethnic
ethnic divisions
divisions obscured
obscured reality but an understanding
reality but understanding ofof science
science and
and its laws
laws
brought an individual
brought individual into
into the proper
proper consciousness
consciousness while
while allowing
allowing him
him to
identify with
identify with the forces of historical
forces of progress. This
historical progress. This identification took on
identification took on
millennial connotations,
millennial connotations, as when
when Arthur
Arthur Lewis
Lewis stated:
stated:
There is every for believing
every ground for scientific knowledge
believing that if the scientific knowledge already
already
achieved could be made the common
common property of the mass of men, it would
would amply
solution of the great majority on our social problems and launch
for the solution
suffice for
the human race
race in a society which would in some measure correspond to the
which would
millenial dreams of poets and prophets, who have had visions of the golden
millenial [sic] dreams
age and the brotherhood of man.
man.35
35

The socialist
The socialist faith
faith in
in science
science andand its power
power to liberate
liberate andand dominate
dominate
discourse was
discourse was sincere;
sincere; nono less
less real was
was their communicate their
their zeal to communicate their find-
find-
ings to the working
ings working class.
class. NoNo matter
matter howhow deep
deep and
and abiding
abiding the socialist
socialist
commitment to education
commitment might be, the success
education might of their
success of their endeavor
endeavor hadhad to await
await
the development
the development of an institutional
institutional apparatus capable of disseminating
apparatus capable disseminating such such
information. Desire
information. Desire andand possibility
possibility were joined by the
were joined the rise to preeminence
preeminence
of
of the Charles
Charles H. Kerr Publishing
Publishing CompanyCompany of Chicago. Now
of Chicago. Now socialist
socialist
interpreters
interpreters and popularizers of
and popularizers of science
science hadhad a forum.
forum.
Originally founded
Originally founded in 1886, the Kerr Company Company had long been
had long been associated
associated
with radical
with causes such
radical causes such as free thought
thought and
and the People's Party.
People's Party. By 1899 the
company
company had
had become
become connected
connected with
with the Social
Social Democracy
Democracy led
led by Eugene
Eugene
Debs and
Debs Victor Berger.
and Victor Berger. From
From this
this point on,
point on, and
and especially
especially after the founding
founding
of
of the SPA
SPA in 1901, the Kerr CompanyCompany published
published books
books considered
considered to be useful
useful
to the socialist cause. The
socialist cause. The company
company at this
this time
time was
was transformed
transformed into
into a
cooperative,
cooperative, and
and socialists
socialists around
around the country
country were
were urged
urged to become
become
shareholders.
shareholders. Of course, as the
Of course, the company
company admitted,
admitted, "no"no dividends
dividends were
were paid
paid or
promised."
promised." The
The money
money raised
raised in
in this
this manner
manner was
was used
used to finance
finance the
influential theoretical
influential theoretical journal International Socialist
journal International Socialist Review
Review and publish
and to publish
books and
books pamphlets on
and pamphlets on socialism.
socialism.3636
In the first few years of of affiliation
affiliation with socialist movement,
with the socialist movement, the Kerr
Company published
Company published rather predictable titles
rather predictable titles by such
such socialist stalwarts as
socialist stalwarts
Engels, Karl Kautsky,
Engels, Kautsky, andand Wilhelm
Wilhelm Liebknecht.
Liebknecht.3737 As earlyearly as 1903, however,
however,
the chairman
the chairman of of the
the company
company expressed
expressed dissatisfaction
dissatisfaction with with the narrow
narrow range
range
of
of the firm's
firm's offerings.
offerings. Rather
Rather thanthan publishing
publishing new new andand daring
daring works
works on on
socialism adapted for
socialism for an American audience and written by by American
theoreticians, the the firm
firm was simply making the classics of socialismsocialism available
in cheap editions for for American readers.
readers. While the company never never negated the
the
importance of this venture, they they clearly wished to to expand the scope of their
their
pu blications. But the
publications. the board
board of directors
directors realized
realized that
that experiments in
publishing
publishing were were both risky
risky and costly. Before
Before the Kerr
KerrCompany could branch
out, it had to raiseraise additional
additional operating
operating capital.
In 1904, after two thirds
1904, after thirds of the stockholders voted to issue an additional
additional
4,000 shares of stock which increased
4,000 shares increased the company's capital from from $10,000
to $50,000,
to $50,000, the Kerr Kerr Company could at at last "make the most important
announcement since the organization" of the firm.
announcement firm. With financing
financing secured,
secured,
the company now went ahead with plans to publish publish aa "Library
"Library of Science forfor
Workers." Such aa series
Workers." series written in aa clear manner, the Company
Company concluded,
would have aa high propaganda
would value: once aa worker learned how science
propaganda value:
explained
explained the world's development,
development, he wouldwould then be "ready
"ready to become aa
socialis
socialist."38
t." 38
The first volume
The first volume published
published in the series was Wilhelm Wilhelm Boelsche's The The
Evolution
Evolution of of Man (1905). The
Man (1905). The choice was aa wise one. A successful popularizer
of Darwin and Germany, Boelsche wrote in an elegant manner, and his work
translated by
was ably translated socialist theoretician and apostle of
by the American socialist
Untermann. Like many of the volumes
science, Ernest Untermann. volumes in the new series,
series,
Boelsche's was not overtly socialistic
socialistic or even materialistic-a
materialistic-a testament to the
socialist faith in the importance
socialist importance of science. While Boelsche admitted that he
directed his volume
volume towards the common common man, he rejectedrejected any class spirit in
science; followed was a straightforward account of man's evolution.
science; what followed evolution.
struck a familiar note to socialist
Boelsche struck socialist ears
ears when he said that to be
considered educated one must acquire a knowledge knowledge of science and especially
especially of
the "theories concerning
concerning the descent of man."39 man."39
Boelsche's slim volume sought to be comprehensive; he managed to include
volume sought include
discussions of the missing
discussions link-which he argued was closely related to
missing link-which
Pithecanthropus-Haeckel's recapitulationist theory of embryonic
Pithecanthropus-Haeckel's recapitulationist embryonic develop-
ment, and the inheritance
inheritance of acquired characteristics, which which Boelsche
Boelsche and
most European theorists of social democracy still defended. Boelsche and the
other socialist
socialist and materialist writers whose works appeared in the series
considered the idea of divine divine creation to be specious,
specious, accepted natural
selection
selection while
while stressing man's ethical ethical and cooperative
cooperative spirit in directing
directing
adaptation, and cited the positive
adaptation, positive role played by man's intelligence
intelligence in the
existence. 4o
struggle for existence.40
struggle
In common
common with with Boelsche's
Boelsche's TheThe Evolution
Evolution of Man, the other translated
of Man,
volumes in the "Library of the Science for Workers"
volumes Workers" did not develop
develop explicit
explicit
Marxian arguments. According According to its advertisements, R.H. France's Germs Germs of of
Mind in
Mind Plants (1905) was considered worthy of recommendation
in Plants recommendation to workers
because it undermined
undermined the ruling-class
ruling-class notion
notion "that the mind mind of man is
something
something uniqueunique in the universe, governed by laws of its own that have no
own
particular connection
connection with physical laws." However, "modern science" had
France's work, that
proven, as illustrated in France's that man, plants, and animals all
receive
receive sense impressions, act upon them, and modify their their environment.
environment.4' 41
The above appeared
appeared only in advertisements;
advertisements; in the book itself the only explicit
explicit
socialist message was aa profession from from thethe volume's translator
translator Algie M. M.
Simons to the effect effect that science must be be popularized because
because it was of
an "essentially revol utionary character."
revolutionary remainder of Simons'
character." The remainder Simons' brief
brief
introductory note recounted his boyhood boyhood love of nature and early early experiences
forest."42
"with the field and forest. "42
Not all of the science volumes published
published by by Kerr were translations of works
Kerrwere works
by
by European popularizers of materialist science. Chicago technical high-
teacher ].
school teacher J. Howard Moore published
published The Law of Biogenesis (1914) in
Biogenesis (1914)
which he analyzed physical and mental recapitulationist
recapitulationist theory.
theory. The essence
of the volume
volume was captured in Moore's Moore's definition
definition of biogenesis: {{Every
"Every
individual development
organism in its individual development repeats
repeats the life history of the racerace to
which it belongs."43
belongs."43 In herher introduction
introduction to the volume, socialist Mary Mary Marcy
Marcy
strained to find political Moore's thesis. She thought
political content in Moore's thought Moore's
definition of biogenesis
definition biogenesis useful for for solving
solving "unexplained
"unexplained mysteries,"
mysteries," and
hoped that the volume
volume would individuals to recognize and redirect
would help individuals redirect old
instincts in ways that would would help them adapt better better to "the environment
environment of
today."44
today."44
One did not have to strain much to grasp the radical intent behind Ernest
Untermann's contribution to the series,
Untermann's contribution series, Science and Revolution
Revolution (1905).
(1905).
In simple,
simple, direct,
direct, and exhortatory language,
language, Untermann
Untermann drew drew out the
revolutionary implications
implications of modern science. As interpreted by by Untermann,
Untermann,
socialism. What is worth noting
modern science supported socialism. noting is that,his volume
that his volume
alone, of the seven first first published
published in the "Library
"Library of Science for Workers"
for Workers"
collection, lived up to the series editors' intentions: to produce works that
collection,
would
would prove that "science and socialism socialism belong
belong together." Such a message
was present in the other volumes read from an already
volumes only if read already well-informed
well-informed
and
anld rigid Marxian perspective. Without
Without explicit introductions to the volumes
explicit introductions volumes
drawing out the radical implications
drawing implications of each work, one can only only wonder at the
success of these works in converting
converting readers
readers to a socialist
socialist position,
position, though
though the
volumes
volumes certainly succeeded in providing providing clear and concise
concise expositions
expositions of
SCIence.
science.
The
The Kerr
Kerr Company,
Company, though
though clearly the leader,
leader, was not alone
alone in supporting
supporting
the dissemination
dissemination of science for a working-class
working-class audience. The The Comrade
Company in 1905,
Publishing Company
Publishing 1905, in addition
addition to offering
offering copies
copies of Marx's Capital
and Critique of Political Economy and Morris Hillquit's
Political Economy Hillquit's standard History of
Socialism
Socialism in the United States, advertised inexpensiveinexpensive editions
editions of Darwin's
Descent of Man and Origin of Species.45 Species. 45 An advertisement in the Chicago Chicago
Weekly Socialist
Weekly Socialist headlined
headlined "Bargain Books" told readers readers that they could
could
obtain cloth
obtain copies of both of Darwin's
cloth copies Darwin's volumes
volumes forfor only $.50. 46 Even the
only $.50.46
Masses got into
into the habit of pushing
pushing books on science when its initial initial editor
Thomas Wilhelm Ostwald's important
Seltzer translated Wilhelm
Thomas Seltzer important work, Natural
Philosophy.47
The national
The socialist interest in popularizing
national scope of socialist popularizing and interpreting
interpreting
further suggested by the career
science may be further career of Walter Thomas Mills. A
Walter Thomas
popular orator
popular orator at socialist encampments in the southwest, Mills was described
socialist encampments
as a "brilliant teacher" speaker" by Oscar Ameringer, who also
"brilliant speaker"
teacher" and "brilliant
remembered him as "one of the last Victorians of the Spencer, Tyndall,Tyndall, and
Huxley breed."48 Mills' textbook The Struggle for Existence (1904)
Huxley breed."'48 (1904) went
million copies. His
editions and reputedly sold over half aa million
through many editions
work was heavily dependent on Darwin, Wallace, Haeckel, Romanes Romanes and the
leading day. Organized in the genetic manner common
evolutionists of his day.
leading evolutionists common to
the scientific
scientific historians of that era, era, Mills showed how the course of
evolutionary
evolutionary development pointed inevitably in the direction of socialism.
development pointed socialism. In
this accessible and easily understood volume, followed by
volume, each chapter was followed
study questions; it no doubt brought many southwestern radicals into contact
with currents
currents then swelling
swelling in science, history, and sociology.49 An
journal the Miners'
advertisement in the radical journal described The
Miners} Magazine described
Struggle for Existence as "the most complete readable application
complete and readable application of the
scientific
scientific discoveries
discoveries of Darwin, Huxley,
of Darwin, Huxley, Spencer,
Spencer, Morgan,
Morgan, and Marx .
and Marx . .. .. to
the modern labor problem yet written." Any member of the Western Western
Federation of Miners who who submitted fifteen paid subscriptions
subscriptions to the Miners'
Magazine would
would receive a freefree copy of Mills book.50
book. 50
Of course not all workers
workers and socialists sufficiently literate to take
socialists were sufficiently take
advantage of the numerous works on science and socialism socialism issuing
issuing forth from
presses. But literacy was not aa prerequisite for
printing presses.
printing for coming
coming into contact
with science. There existed within
within the socialist
socialist movement something
something akin to
the "movement culture" that Lawrence Goodwyn Goodwyn has found central to
populism: aa network of lectures, debates,
populism: discussion groups, and
debates, readings, discussion
meetings designed to educate the faithfu1.
faithful.5' The socialist
51 The socialist "movement culture"
included a healthy dose of scientific
included scientific information.
information.
Socialist
Socialist lecturers
lecturers criss-crossed speaking to anyone who
criss-crossed the United States speaking
would
would listen to them in theaters,
theaters, open-air meetings and on street street corners in an
attempt to convince
convince those present that they shouldshould be socialists. 52
socialists.52 Or, if those
assembled
assem already confirmed in the creed,
bled were already creed, then the lecturers
lecturers tried
tried to
deepen their understanding
understanding of the finer points socialism and science.
points of socialism
Obviously the physical
Obviously physical setting sophistication of the audience often
setting and sophistication
determined the content of the talk. As Arthur M. M. Lewis noted in his manualmanual
for socialist
for socialist orators, The Art
A rt of Lecturing
Lecturing (1907),
(1907), street-corner
street-corner meetings were
hardly conducive
conducive to the development
development of a complex
complex theme such as the
relationship
relationship between socialism
socialism and modern science.53
science. 53
But, as Lewis loved to
recall, a speaker might
might on occasion situation and win a
occasion take advantage of a situation
telling victory by invoking
telling knowledge of science. Debating
invoking his knowledge Debating before a picnic
picnic
crowd in Tillamook
Tillamook City, Oregon, Lewis' opponent opponent Judge Hardy contended
that science refuted socialism. The judge cited Darwin's struggle for
socialism. The for existence
existence
as fundamentally opposed to the socialist
fundamentally opposed conception of cooperation.
socialist conception cooperation. ToTo drive
home his thesis, the judge pointed to the surrounding
judge pointed surrounding grass and stated that
each blade of grass, in order to reach perfection, must struggle with other. other
blades of grass.
grass. Lewis remembered that the judge's argument from science
created "a great impression
impression on the crowd." Not to be outdone, especiallyespecially when
scientific interpretation was involved, Lewis singled
scientific singled out the ubiquity
ubiquity of
yellow weeds in the area
yellow area as an indication
indication that the best did not survive in an
undirected, noncooperative
noncooperative struggle for for existence. His interpretation of aa
collectivist view of Darwinism,
collectivist Darwinism, based upon upon his reading of Peter Kropotkin's
Mutual Aid, won the debate;debate; its effect upon
upon the crowd "was electrical and the
applause spontaneous.
applause spontaneous."54 "54
Scheduled debates and lectures were central to the socialists' "movement
culture" and agitational
agitational activity. Eugene Debs thought thought that lectures on
science were "an incalculable
incalculable good
good to the party and movement."55
movement."55 If Chicago
Chicago
is taken as an example,
example, then one can gain a sense of the popularity
popularity of lectures
on science. Large crowds attended the Garrick Garrick Theater on Sunday mornings mornings
to hear socialist
socialist orators.
orators. It was here that over 3,000 heard
heard Arthur M. Lewis de- de·
bate "Darwinism versus versus Socialism"
Socialism" with M.M. M.M. Mangasarian. Lewis
contended, not atypically, that "Darwinism
"Darwinism is not opposed
opposed to socialism.
socialism. All
students of the socialist
socialist philosophy
philosophy rely upon upon Darwinian
Darwinian theory for for support
doctrine."56 While the topics covered by
of their doctrine."56 by lecturers
lecturers spanned a wide· wide-
range of subjects, lectures such as Dr. Dr. S.A. Knopfnagel's on "The Origin Origin of
Science and Philosophy" were far far from uncommon.
uncommon.57 57 In fact,
fact, overflow crowds
were reported when Arthur Lewis devoted his 1906 1906 lecture series to science
lecturing on Darwinian
topics, lecturing Darwinian natural selection,
selection, Weismann's rejection of the
theory of the inheritance
inheritance of acquired characteristics, and DeVries' muta-
tionstheorie. If the reports featured in the Chicago
reports featured Chicago socialist
socialist press were
accurate, then socialist
accurate, socialist lectures on science commanded
commanded large and enthusiastic
enthusiastic
audiences.
audiences.5858
Just how large and enthusiastic
enthusiastic the working-class
working-class audience was for for socialist
socialist
science is not easily discerned.
discerned. Circulation
Circulation figures for for the Kerr
Kerr Publications
Publications
are simply
are simply unavailable,
unavailable, although
although the volumes
volumes did go through numerous
editions and did make a profit for
editions for the company. As noted earlier, Mills' The
Struggle for Existence sold nearly half a millionmillion copies. In addition, socialist
socialist
and workers' lending libraries carried
workers' lending carried books on science that were regularly
workers. 59
loaned out to workers.59
The books on science did, perhaps, satiate what historians of the immigrant
The immigrant
experience have called the newcomers' "hunger for
experience for knowledge."60
knowledge."60 Nowhere
Nowhere
was this hunger greater
greater than among
among the radical Jewish immigrantsimmigrants who
populated New York's
populated York's Lower East Side. And, not surprisingly,
surprisingly, they showed a
great enthusiasm
enthusiasm for for science and philosophy.
philosophy. Later a leading socialist and
leading socialist
editor of the Jewish Daily Forward,
Forward, Abraham Cahan as a poor and hungry
young man "scraped
young "scraped together the money" and bought bought a copy of HerbertHerbert
Principles which
Spencer's First Principles which gave him a scientific
scientific understanding
understanding of all
phenomena. 61 When he published
phenomena.6' first issue of Di tsukunft
published the first tsukunft (The Future)
in 1892,
1892, Cahan triedtried to convince
convince his readers
readers that Darwinian
Darwinian theory held
revolutionary implications
revolutionary implications for all science, philosophy,
philosophy, and life in genera1. 62 A
general.62
young Rumanian
young Rumanian immigrant,
immigrant, Marcus Ravage, remembered sweatshop sweatshop
discussions of Spencer and philosophy;
discussions philosophy; he was immediately
immediately "impressed by the
books workers read read and the lectures they attended."63
attended."63
Working-class interest in science was not confined confined to the heady and
precocious
precocious atmosphere of the Lower East Side; Side; in the miswest as well workers
encountered science. Coal miner Louis Louis Duchez, who died at twenty-seven, was
remembered
remembered as an inveterate
inveterate reader who "before
reader who "before he waswas twelve
twelve . . . was
was
delving into Darwin and Huxley
delving Huxley and Wallace."64
Wallace."64 As a young
young autoworker in
Lorain, Ohio
Ohio in 1908, 1908, Wyndham Mortimer recalled reading Ernest
Untermann
Untermann and Mills' Struggle for Existence as part of his life-long life-long process of
self-education. 65 In Chicago,
self-education.65 Chicago, the songwriter of the Wobblies, Ralph Chaplin, Chaplin,
switched from devouring
devouring "weekly penny-dreadfuls"
penny-dreadfuls" to the works of "Darwin,
Huxley,
Huxley, Spencer and other scientists and philosophers."'66
philosophers."66
Unfortunately, while
Unfortunately, while references
references to such encounters abound in the
reminiscences
reminiscences of workers, the discussions rarely reveal the excitement
discussions rarely excitement and
initial confrontation
depth of their initial confrontation with with science. For some, the results were, no
doubt, staggering.
staggering. "By"By the time I was bar bar mizvah," journalist
journalist I.F. Stone
remembered, "I had read Herbert Spencer's First Principles Principles and become an
atheist."67 According
atheist."67 According to Jack London's London's daughter, her father "gobbled"
Darwin and Spencer "in one excited reading."6B London recreated
reading."68 Jack London recreated the
fervor of his encounter with Spencer through his fictional
fervor fictional alter-ego Martin
Eden. After failing
failing miserably to understand Spencer, Martin, now well
grounded in algebra and physics, tries tries him once again. He reads reads First
Principles all night,
Principles night, through the morningrhorning and the entire afternoon. Martin
finds illumination
illumination as Spencer gives unity to the universe; "there was no
universe; "there
caprice, no chance. All was law." Martin begins immediately immediately to draw up lists
"incongruous things" and seeks
of "incongruous seeks to uncover their essential unity. In the end,
"the
Hthe more he [Martin] knew, the more passionatelypassionately he admired the universe,
and life, and his own life in the midst of it a11."69 all."69
Such excitement
excitement and a general socialist socialist desire to disseminate
disseminate scientific
scientific
information
information declined precipitously in the 1920s.
declined precipitously This may be due to a general
1920s. This
waning of American interest in science but the reasons may lie elsewhere.
waning
Certainly American Marxists had trouble incorporating incorporating the discoveries of
modern physics into a dialectical
dialectical materialist philosophy.70 But the need to
popularize science and to base Marxism upon
popularize upon a language
language of science had
diminished, because after
diminished, after the Bolshevik
Bolshevik seizure
seizure of power in 1917 1917 American
finally had a model of a successful revolution.
theorists finally revolution. The revolution
The revolution
allowed
allowed Americans to jettisonjettison their analogies
analogies between Marxist theory and
natural science and to replace them with the more powerful and current
example of a "scientific" revolution
example revolution led by that scientist of revolution,
revolution, as they
liked to say, the practical engineer
engineer Lenin.
Lenin.7171 Even with the revival of radicalism
1930s America, the Marxist and working-class
in 1930s working-class interest in science was only only a
mute echo of the tones heard earlier. The The practical experiment
experiment of the Soviet
Union was the
Union the main subject forfor Marxist discourse along
along with the practical
for engineering
means for engineering aa similar revolution
revolution in America.
America. In effect
effect the impetus
to disseminate the
to the scientific discoveries of the 'age
age had vanished and with it
desire to educate aa working-class
declined the desire working-class audience to aa literature outside
the scope of Marxist canons of revolutionary theory
the theory and practice.

NOTES

1. On the American idea of progress and how it subsumed science within its embrace,
l. embrace, see
see Arthur
Arthur Ekirch,
Ekirch,
Idea of Progress
The Idea 1815-1860 (New York,
Progress in America, 1815-1860 1972,) p.
York, 1972,) 106 passim; Rush Welter,
p. 106 Welter, "The Idea
Idea of
Progress in America,"
Progress America," Journal of the History of Ideas Ideas 41
41 (June, 1955):401-15.
1955):401-15.
2. Quoted in ].C.
2. J.C. Levenson, "Henry Adams and the Culture of Science," in Studies in American Culture: Culture:
Dominant Ideas
Dominant Ideas and Images, ed. ed. by
by Joseph]. Kwiat and Mary
Joseph J. Kwiat Mary C. C. Turpie
Turpie (Minneapolis,
(Minneapolis, MN, 1960),
1960), pp.
123-138.
123-138.
3. On the popularity
3. popularity of Spencer and his doctrines, Richard Hofstadter remains useful. See Social
Darwinsim in American ThoughtThought (rev.
(rev. ed., Boston, 1962),
1962), pp. 31-50.
31-50.
4. Oliver Wendell Holmes to Morris
4. Morris R.R. Cohen, Feb.
Feb. 5, 1919 in Leonora Cohen Rosenfield, Portrait
5, 1919 Portrait of a
Philosopher: Morris R.
Philosopher: Morris R. Cohen in Life and Letters
Letters (New York, 1962), p.
York, 1962), 321.
p. 321.
5. On science as normative, see Edward Edward Lurie, "Science in American Thought," Thought," Journal of of World
World History
History
8 (1965):641,638-65. Also, David A. A. Hollinger,
Hollinger, Morris
Morris R. Cohen and the Scientific
Scientific Ideal (Cambridge,
(Cambridge,
58.
1975), p. 58.
1975),
6. Reproduced in F.O. Matthiessen, The James Family (NY, 1947),
6. 1947), p. 42.
42.
7.
7. John M. M. Coulter, Mission of Science in Education (Ann Arbor, 1900), p. 14.
Arbor, 1900), 14.
8. Charles Rosenberg, No Other Gods (Baltimore, 1976), 1976), pp. 1-21.
Thomas L. Haskell.
9. Thomas Haskell, The Emergence of Professional
Professional Social Science (Urbana, 1977), 73; Barton J.
1977), p. 73;
Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism
Professionalism7 (NY, 1976).
1976).
10. Donald M.
10. Popular Lecture and the Creation of a Public
M. Scott, "The Popular Public in Mid-Nineteenth-Century
Mid-Nineteenth-Century
America," JAH 66 (March,
(March, 1980):791-809.
1980):791-809.
11. Margaret
II. Margaret W. W. Rossiter, "Benjamin Silliman
Silliman and the Lowell Institute: The The Popularization
Popularization of Science in
Nineteenth-Century America," New England
Nineteenth-Century England Quarterly 44 (Dec. 1971):602,602-26; Daniels,
1971):602,602-26; George Daniels,
Science in American History: A Social History (NY, 1971),
Sciensce pp. 153-162. Hyman Kuriu,
1971), pp. Kuritz, "The
"'The Populariza-
tion of Science in Nineteenth-Century-America,"
Nineteenth-Century-America," History of Education Quarterly Quarterly 2121 (Fall, 1981):259-274.
1981):259-274.
12. Bledstein, 77-79.
12.
13.
13. Charles M. M. Haar, "E.L. Youmans: A Chapter in the Diffusion Diffusion of Science in America," Journal of of His-
tory of Ideas 9 (April, 1948):
tory 1948):193-213; William
William E. Leverette, Jr., "E.L.
Leverette, Jr., HE.L. Youmans' Crusade for Scientific
Scientific
Autonomy Respectability," American Quarterly
Autonomy and Respectability," Quarterly 12 12 (Spring, 1965):12-32.
1965).12-32. Youmans' quote quote is in
Hofstadter, p. 31.
Hlofstadter,
14. Youmans, "Purpose and Plan of Our Enterprise,"
14. Popular Science Monthly
Enterprise,OJ Popular Monthly I1 (May,
(May, 1872):113-15.
1872): 13-15.
15.
15. Haar, 200.
200.
16.
16. Ronald C. Tobey,
Tobey, The American Ideology
Ideology of of Natural Science, 1919-1930 (Pittsburgh,
(Pittsburgh, PA 1971),
1971), p. 12;
12;
Daniel
Daniel J. Kevles,
KevJes, The Physicists (N.Y.,
(N.Y.• 1978),
1978), pp. 96-97.
17.
17. Tobey, 3-11; Charles W.
Tobey, 3-11; Haywood, "Scientists and Society in the United
W. Haywood, United States,
States. 1900-1940. Changing
1900-1940. Changing
Concepts of Social Responsibility,"
Responsibility," (Ph.D.
(Ph.D. diss., The
The University of Pennsylvania,
Pennsylvania, 1954),
1954), pp. 6-12.
18. Tobey, 3. The
18. Tobey, The best examination
examination of Lippmann's
Lippmann's scientism
scientism is presented by David Hollinger,
Hollinger, "Drift
HDdft and
Mastery," American Quarterly 29 (Winter, 1977):463-475.
Mastery,"
19.
19. The influence of SPA intellectuals
The influence intellectuals is discussed by Paul Buhle, "Intellectuals
"Intellectuals in the Debsian Socialist
Socialist
Party," Radical
Radical America 4 (April, 1970):35-61. Also, William William I. Gleberzon, "Intellectuals
"Intellectuals and the
American Socialist
Socialist Party, 1901-1917," Canadian Journal
1901-1917," Canndian Journal of of History 11 11 (April, 1976):43-68.
20. For the mass appeal of the SPA, see the standard treatments: Ambiguous Legacy
treatments: James Weinstein, Ambiguous Legacy (NY,
1975), p. 7;
1975), Decline of
7; The Decline of Socialism
Socialism in America, 1912-25
1912-25 (NY, 1967); Shannon, The
1967); David A. Shannon, The Socialist
Socialist
Party of America (Chicago,
(Chicago, 1967); Socialist Movement,
Kipnis. The American Socialist
1967); Ira Kipnis, IHovement, 1897-1912
1897-1912 (NY, 1952);
1952);
and James R. Green, Grass-Roots Socialism:Socialism: Radical
Radical Movements in the Southwest, 1895-1943 (Baton
Rouge, 1978).
Rouge, 1978).
21. Green, xi.
Lewis. An Introduction
22. Lewis, Introduction to Sociology
Sociology (Chicago,
(Chicago, 1912),
1912). p. 191.
23. Agitntor
Agitator I (Nov. 1910): 2.
(Nov. 15, 1910):
24. Masses
Masses 3 (March, 1912):18.
1912):18.
25. The editorial was probably written by
25. Algie M.
by Algie International Socialist Review 6 (Sept., 1905):
M. Simons. International 1905):
176, 178.
176, 178.
26.
26. An excellent
excellent discussion Marx's and Engels' views on science will be
discussion of Marx's be found in Loren Graham, Science
Philosophy in the Soviet Union (NY, 1972),
and Philosophy 24-68.
1972), pp. 24-68.
27. Marx and Engles, Selected Correspondence, 1846-1895,
27. Marx trans. Dona Torr (NY, 1942),
1846-1895, trans. 1942), p. 125. Gaylord
p. 125.
Wilshire, "The Mutation Theory Applied Applied to Socialism,"
Socialism," Wilshire's Magazine 8 (Sept., 1905):304.
1905):304.
28. Wilshire, "The Mutation Theory," 304.
28. 304.
29.
29. John
John Spargo,
Spargo, KarlKarl Marx:
Marx: His Life and Work Work (NY, 1910),
1910), p. 323.
323.
30. Joseph E.
30. Joseph E. Cohen, Socialism
Socialism of Students (Chicago, 1912),1912), pp. 88-89.
88-89.
31. The
The general
general socialist
socialist response to DeVries is covered by by Diane B.B. Paul, "Marxism, Darwinism
Darwinism and The The
Theory
Theory of Two Two Sciences," Marxist
Marxist Perspectives no. 5 (Spring, 1979):125-126.
1979):125-126. Typical
Typical of such analyses
were Gaylord
were Gaylord Wilshire, "The Mutation Theory," 304; William J.
304; William J. Ghent, Socialism
Socialism and Success (NY,
1910),
1910), p. 48.48.
32. Simons, "Evolution
32. "Evolution by by Mutation," International
International Socialist Review 6 (Sept.
(Sept. 1905): 175.
1905):175.
33.
33. Irving Howe, World Fathers (NY, 1976),
World of Our Fathers 1976), p. 246; Hollinger, Morris
246; David Hollinger, Morris R. Cohen, p. 58. 58.
34.
34. Hollinger, Morris R. Cohen, p. 58.
Hollinger, Morris 58.
35. Introduction, p. 126.
35. Lewis, Introduction, 126.
36. See "Publisher's Reports"
36. Reports" in the International
International Socialist Review, esp. 12 12 (Feb., 1912):440-41;
1912):440-41; 4 (Feb.
(Feb.
1904):509-12; 1903):188-91; 4 (Dec. 1903):382-84.
1904):509-12; 4 (Sept., 1903):188-91; 1903):382-84.
37.
37. Engels, Socialism: Utopian and Scientific (1900);
Engels, Socialism: Kautsky, The Social Revolution
(1900); Kautsky, Revolution (1902);
(1902); Liebknecht,
Karl
Karl Marx: Biographical Memoirs (1901).
Marx: Biographical (1901).
38. International Socialist Review 5 (May
38. International (May 1905):638-39.
1905):638-39.
39.
39. Boelsche, The Evolution
Evolution of ManMan (Chicago, 1905),
1905), pp. 5-7.
5-7. On Boelsche, see Alfred Kelly, The Descent of
Darwin: The Popularization
Popularization of Darwinism 1860-1914 (Chapel Hill,
D)arwinism in Germany, 1860-1914 Hill, 1981).
1981). The other
initial
initial works in the series, published in Chicago
series, all published Chicago by by Herr, were Boelsche, The Triumph of Life (1906);
Herr, were (1906);
M.
M. Wilhelm Meyer, Meyer, The End of the World Ernest Untermann, Science and Revolution
(1906); Ernest
World (1906); Revolution (1905);
(1905);
E.
E. Teichman,
Teichman, Life and Death (1906); (1906); R.H. France, Germs of Mind in Plants (1905).
France, Germs (1905).
40. Boelsche, Evolution,
40. Evolution, pp. 48-50,
48-50, 54, 152.
54, 152.
41.
41. "Books on Socialism, Modern Science, etc." Supplement
Socialism, Modern Supplement to France, 6.
Germs, p. 6.
France, Germs,
42.
42. Simons, Translator's PrefacePreface to France, Germs, pp. 5-6.
France, Germs,
43.
43. Moore, The Law of Biogenesis
Biogenesis (Chicago, 1914), 17.
1914), p. 17.
44. Marcy,
44. Marcy, "Introduction," 11-13.
45. Comrade 4 (Jan. 1905):19.
45. 1905):19.
46. Chicago
46. Chicago Weekly
Weekly Socialist 6 (Dec. 15, 15, 1906):2..
1906):2..
47. Masses I1 (Jan.
47. Masses (Jan. 1911): 14.
1911):14.
Oscar Ameringer, If You
48. Oscar
48. You Don't Weaken:
Weaken: The Autobiography Oscar Ameringer. (NY, 1940),
Autobiography of Oscar 268.
1940), p. 268.
49.
49. Mills is discussed in Green, Grass-Roots Socialism, Socialism, pp. 41-2.
50. Miners'
50. Miners' Magazine 6 (Jan. 5, 1905):1. 1905):1.
51. Lawrence Goodwyn,
51. Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Movement in America (NY, 1976).
Populist MO'vement 1976).
street-corner meetings
52. The spirit of street-corner
52. meetings is captured by by Charles Leinenweber, "Socialists in the Streets:
Streets: The
The
New York Socialist Party
York City Socialist Party in Working Class Neighborhoods, 1908-1918," Science and Society 41
Neighborhoods, 1908-1918," 41
(Summer, 1977):152-71.
1977):152-71.
53. Lewis, The Art
53. Art of Lecturing
Lecturing (Chicago, 1907),1907), pp. 77-78.
54. Lewis, "The Yellow Weed
54. Weed of Sleepy Hollow," Chicago Daily Socialist I1 (April 23,
Hollow," Chicago 23, 1907):4.
1907):4.
55. Chicago
55. Chicago Daily Socialist 2 (Jan. 3, 1908):2. 1908):2.
56. Ibid., 1I (June 4, 1907):3.
56. 1907):3.
57. Ibid., 1I (March
57. (March 22, 1907):2.
1907):2.
58. Ibid., I1 (Feb.
58. (Feb. 4,4, 1907):3. lectutreson science were collected
1907):3. Lewis' lectures collected and published
published as Evolution:
Evolution: Social and
Organic (1906).
(1906).
59. International
59. International Socialist Review 7 (July, 1906):61; 1906):61; 6 (Feb.
(Feb. 1906):510-11.
1906):510-11.
60. Howe, p. 225.
60. Timothy Smith, "Immigrant Social Aspirations and American Education,"
225. Also, Timothy
Quarterly 21
American Quarterly 21 (Fall, 1969):523-43.
1969):523-43.
61. Cahan, The Education of A
61. Abraham
braham Cahan trans. trans. Leon Stein, Abraham
Abraham P. Conan, Lynn Davison Davison
(Philadelphia,
(Philadelphia, 1967),1967), pp. 369-70.
369-70. Cohan probably captured his own excitement excitement in reading through
characters such as
fictional characters as David Levinsky. See Cahan, The Rise of David Le'vinsky Lezvinsky (NY, 1960),
1960), pp.
282-83.
62. Theodore M.
62. Theodore M. Pollack, "The Solitary Clarinetist: A Critical Biography of Abraham Cahan, 1860-1917," 1860-1917,"
Columbia University, 1959),
(Ph.D. Diss., Columbia 163.
1959), p. 163.
63. Marcus E.
63. Marcus E. Ravage, An American in the Making (NY, 1917), 1917), pp. 144-147.
64. Robert
Robert Johnstone
Johnstone Wheeler, International Socialist Review 12
Wheeler, "Louis Duchez, A Tribute," International 12 (Oct., 1911):
1911):
231-34.
65. Wyndham Mortimer, Organize!: My Life as a Union Man
Organize!: My Man ed. Leo Fenster
Fenster (Boston, 1971),
1971), p. 33.
66. Ralph Chaplin,
Chaplin, Wobbly:
Wobbly: The Rough-and-Tumble
Rough-and-Tumble StoryStory of an American Radical (Chicago, 1948),1948), pp.
46,51
46,51
67. Quoted in Philip Nobile, Intellectual
Philip Nobile, Intellectual Skywriting: Literary Politics and the New York
Literary Politics York Review of Books
(NY, 1974), 162. Max Eastman had a similar reaction after
1974), p. 162. after reading Spencer. See Milton Cantor, MaxMax
Eastman (NY, 1970),
1970), p. 22.
68. Joan London,
London, Jack London
London and His Times (Seattle, Wash., 1968), 206-09.
1968), pp. 206-09.
London, Martin
69. London, Martin Eden (NY, 1909), 106-109.
1909), pp. 106- 109.
70. See Will Herberg's series of articles on this problem which appeared in Revoluntionary
70. Revoluntionary Age 2 (Dec. 13, 13,
1930):3;
1930):3; (December 2, 1930):3;
1930):3; (December 27, 1930):3;
1930):3; (April 4, further critique of the
4, 1931):3-4. For a further
earlier socialist apotheosis
apotheosis of Darwinism, Herberg's "Darwinism and Marxism," Workers
Darwinism, see Herberg's WorkersAge 1 (May
(May 7,
7,
1932):3.
1932):3.
The fullest expression of this point
71. The
71. point of view is to be found in Max Eastman, "A "A Statesman of the New
Order,"
Order," Liberator 1 (Sept. 1918):10. continued this line of argument in Since Lenin
1918):10. He continued Lenin Died (London,
(London,
1925) and Marx
1925) Marx and Lenin: The Science of Revolution
Revolution (New York,
York, 1927).
1927).