Kano Emirs

Some Anthropologists may regard Kano as a ranked society during its ancient and modern
periods. This is because, it was organised largely along kinship lines, there was recognition of
prestige amongst individuals and groups, no one was denied access to essential resources for
survival and the ruling classes maintained their positions largely by distributing resources
extensively within the society[1] “rather than through force” (Nanda 1984: 266). The Kano
society was ranked into two groups in the 19th century (Emirate period) based on access and
exercise of power. The aristocracy controlled the resources because they have power while the
talakawa (or commoners) relied on the aristocracy since they had no power. Prestige was
afforded to the aristocracy in relation to their access to power and the potential of exercising it.
Yahya (1999: 4) has noted that “the most gifted” aristocrats “succeed their fathers in the
hierarchy of the Sarakuna and the rest are released to the society where they become in spirit,
the representatives of the Sarakuna in the lower of Kano society”.The three groups of aristocracy
are presented according to their status. Kano has modernized social status is now by ascription
only and there is sufficient social mobility. The society is gradually becoming more democratic
such that ascriptions are merely historical and even at the palace the Sarauta has been very
accommodative by recognizing talents and several people who did not inherit and also do not
belong to any of the 19th century Jihad families and groups have been givern very high titles.
There was precedence even in the 19th century when Ibrahim Bazzazagi was appointed Galadima
the most important title which was only next to the Emir.Although it is difficult to classify Kano
society according social or economic status nevertheless attempt is made. Olderogge and other
Marxist scholars described the pre-colonial Sokoto Caliphate and “other Western Sudan states”
as “feudal states resembling medieval states of Europe”[2]. The problem of Marxist interpretaion
is that it is too Eurocentric as observed below:Unless it can be shown that any of the above
mentioned or other types of social stratification in traditional African envince the same
characteristic traits as the units of social stratification in European societies, the argument of
class division in traditional Africa cannot be sustained. The belief in the existence of social classes
in the African past, simply by analogy to European history is indicative of an Eurocentric
propensity. Class labels applied to castes or to other social rankings and hierarchies obliterate
the meaning both of the social stratification of a different type than the constituted by social
classes[3].It was also argued that even though “the advocates of the application of the class
concept in the analysis of traditional African societies mostly tend to imply the use of Marxist
theory”. But “this does not seem to be,- hardly congruent with the spirit of Marxist tradition”.
This is because “one can not speak of the existence of private ownership of the means of
production in traditional Africa”. In some traditional “African societies rulers and aristocrats were
regarded as titular owners of land” but “even in such cases, one can at most speak of control
over large areas of land held in trust of the communities”. It was further argued that land was
not a commodity and its control “was not tantamount to Marx’s understanding of ownership”.
And even though “slaves were a commodity in some traditional African societies”. But the
abundant literature on slavery has shown “that slave labor was not a source of surplus production
to the extent that it was in the ancient Mediterranean Coast”[4].The Weberian model of analysis
is also problematic this is because Weber assumed that status groups have common life style.
And moreover “in many African societies chiefs and nobles did even work in the fields, and did
other kind of work as commoners”[5].It is more convenient to assume that pre-colonial African
societies were in various stages of historical transformation and those traits “resembling class
structure”[6] were found only in exceptional cases such as the Sokoto Caliphate.ARISTOCRACYThe
aristocracy controlled power and wealth; they were also the most prestigious members of the
society. Those with sarauta titles were the office holding aristocracy and the non-office holding
aristocracy and the commoners held them with higher esteem. The Kano aristocracy could be
divided into three groups based on kinship and prestige. ROYALTYThey were the most powerful
and throughout the pre-jihad period members of this group were descendants of
Bagauda[7]. The head of the royalty and polity was the Sarki (King) and some other members of
his family were given sarauta titles[8]. The jihad movement in Kano overthrew the Kutumbi
dynasty and that was the end of their royal status. During the reign of the first Emir, Sarkin Kano
Sulaiman (1807-1819), the society was not ranked hence there was no royal family. His successor
Sarkin Kano Ibrahim Dabo restored the sarauta titles and aristocracy. His family thereafter
known as Sullubawan Dabo became the royal family and his descendents remained the royalty
and they were respected as the most prestigious family in Kano especially the lineage of his
grandson Sarkin Kano Abbas. NOBILITYThe second sub-group of the aristocracy were the
nobility. Bagauda came to Kano with other “men of the princely clan”[9] who formed the core of
the nobility. Their descendants retained the noble status and the heads of the various families
were given titles derived from the names of their progenitors with prefix of Dan. For example
Dan Buran, Dan Isa, Dan Akasan, Dan Kududufi, Dan Darman and Dan Goriba [10]. When Sarkin
Kano Ibrahim Dabo restored the pre-jihad titles and the aristocratic hierarchy he relegated all the
descendants of the jama’ah (community) who fought the jihad to the status of nobility thus they
could not aspire for the highest office of Emir which he tactfully reserved for his descendants. He
compensated the heads of their families with titles[11]. VASSALAGEThe third sub-group were the
vassals called as such for lack of alternatives, because they controlled the territories, which were
not the fiefs of the royalty or nobility. The ancestors of the vassals were chiefs before the
imposition of central government by the Bagauda and his descendants[12]. From the reign of
sarkin Kano Ibrahim Dabo Manyan Dagatai (Territorial Chiefs)[13] and their families were the
vassals because they controlled territories, which were not fiefs and they were responsible to the
Sarki and not to any member of the nobility. The forefathers of the vassals also participated in
local jihad camps in their territories.ULAMAThey were the Islamic Scholars and they have been a
distinct group since the reign of Sarkin Kano Yaji (750-787AH/1349-1385) when the Wangarawa
Ulama first arrived in Kano from Mali[14]. Another set of Fulani Ulama from Mali came to
Hausaland including Kano during the rign of Sarkin Kano Yakubu (856-867AH/1452-1463)[15]. The
Ulama remained influential and earned prestige because of Islamic knowledge and piety[16] and
they assisted the aristocracy by offering prayers for success[17]. Even though some families were
associated with scholarship especially the Madabawa who were the descendants of the
Wangarawa, but unlike aristocracy mere descent cannot earn Ilm (knowledge) for an
individual. Likewise anybody could be an‘alim (scholar) and member of the Ulama group by
acquiring knowledge even if his ancestors were not Ulama.All the Jihad leaders in Kano were
ulama but after about twenty-five years most of the descendants were not ulama, but members
of the nobility. Most of the Mosques and schools established by the jihad leaders were taken
over by scholars who were not their descendants[18]. During the early colonial period, Sarkin
Kano Abbas involved the Ulama in Emirate administration and he created the offce of Babban
Mallami (Senior Scholar), which he conferred on Mallam Suyudi of Madabo, although he was not
from the Wangarawa clan of Madabo. His student Mallam Salga had the largest number of
followers and students who became the most influential Ulama in the history of modern
Kano.COMMONERSBelow are the commoner’s sub-groups arranged in descending order of
status-honour in the society.MERCHANTSThe pre-capitalist Kano society afforded atajirai
(merchants) the opportunity to accumulate capital by trading. Majority of the merchants were
migrants most of them were Agalawa, Tokarawa and some were Arabs. In one century these
migrants “transformed their status from the lowest-born to the most prosperous
commoners”[19] which they attained through perseverance and determination to improve their
status “within a social order which permitted[20] such mobility[21]”. In the 19th and 20th
centuries C.E. wealthy merchants acquired status through aligning themselves with aristocratic
families[22]. During the Kano civil war of the 19th century some wealthy Arab merchants helped
the Yusufawa faction. The same group influenced Lugard’s choice of Sarkin Kano Abbas.Some of
the ingenious merchants shifted to groundnut trade during the colonial rule this helped them to
maintain their wealth and consequently their prestige in the society. Their descendants also
modernised and ventured into manufacturing through joint venture companies with Europeans
and Levantines thus maintaining their social status[23]. Recently some members of the merchant
class have acquired more seats in the Emirate Council as well as the Majilisar Sarki (Emir’s Court)
the most socially prestigious body in Kano tradition.The Ulama have assisted merchants in their
efforts to gain prestige in the society by encouraging them to spend more on religious activities
such as building mosques and Islamiyya schools. Previously the aristocracy who relied on Islam
for legitimacy exclusively did these[24]. CRAFTSMENThis group includes all specialises
professions such as blacksmiths, tailors, dyers and leather workers. They were the core of the
economic middle class of the pre-colonial period. The economy of the period encouraged the
traditional industry and Kano was a booming centre of leather and textile products. The
craftsmen were the skilled workers of the pre-colonial period although most of them were self-
employed. Their social status was higher than that of the peasantry, other members of the
society looked down upon some craftsmen such as the butchers. Some members of the
aristocracy engaged in tailoring hence the profession was regarded as prestigious in pre-colonial
Kano. PEASANTSThe manoma (peasants) were the basic producers of Kano society. Most of them
were rural dwellers who engage in subsistence agriculture. During the pre-colocial period they
paid their tax in the form of the Islamically sanctioned Zakat to the aristocratic fief holders. They
engaged in crafts production in form of ci rani (seasonal trade) during the dry seasons of the pre-
colonial period. They were the lowest in the social hierarchy of freeborn Kanawa. The colonial
system pauperised them through monetary taxation, which forced them to produce groundnut
and less food crops. Thus they became victims of famine and poverty. Their situation was
aggravated by exploitation through extortion by the agents of the ruling class. Many of them
joined the NEPU (Northern Elements Progressive Union), which promised social
emancipation. POSITION OF WOMENPolitical roles of elite women in Kano have been
documented. And from available sources they seem to have had political influence before and
after the jihad of Shehu Usman Danfodio.The Institution of mai babban daki (literarily owner of
the big room) or queen mother perhaps came into existence during the reign of Sarkin Kano
Abdullahi (1499-1509 CE/973-980 AH) who bestowed the title on his mother Hauwa and also
built a house for her at Dausayi in the walled city of Kano. He was Rumfa’s son and successor. Her
influence was acknowledged when she prevented Dagachi from succeeding in his sedition against
the Kano Kingdom while Sarkin Kano was absent. Dagachi had connived with his native Bornoans
to take Kano but fortunately Sarkin Kano Abdullahi through diplomacy persuaded Sarkin Borno
and a truce was reached.Mai babban daki Hauwa was also the mother of another successfull
King, Sarkin Kano Abubakar Kado (1565-1573 CE/973-980 AH). It should also be noted that her
husband was the most celebrated King of Kano, Muhammadu Rumfa (1463-1499 CE/867-904
AH). She might have gained influence because of the status of her husband. People sang praises
in her honour and one of the popular songs during the reign of her grandson Sarkin Kano Kisoki
(1509-1565 CE/914-972 AH) was:“Mother ! Kano is your country.Mother ! Kano is your town.Old
lady with the swaggering gait, Old lady of the royal blood, guarded by men at arms”.Mai babban
daki Lamis was also another influential queen mother of the pre-jihad period. She was the mother
of Kisoki (1509-1565 CE/914-972 AH), who was also the grandson of the first mai babban daki
and a very innovative King. He instituted the title of Dan Iya to commemorate her status and he
bestowed it on his full brother. SLAVESThere were two sources of slaves in pre-colonial
Kano[25]. The original sources were warfare and kidnap. Some prisoners taken during warfare
in Hausaland were forced into slavery as farm or domestic labourers and some others were
sold. Individuals kidnapped from enemy territories were also made slaves. The soldiers and the
kidnappers were members of the aristocracy who were the largest slave owners. It has been
suggested that the spiritual inducement of waging Jihad against pagans converged with the
aristocratic material interest of acquiring slaves[26] from amongst the pagan Niger-Congo
speakers[27]. This may have also been the reason for the reluctancy of the aristocrats in the
Islamising the pagans.The second source of slaves was procreation through marriage of male and
female slaves. They were regarded as inferior human beings[28] hence there was rarely any
marriage between freeborn and slaves. If one person owned a slave couple, their children
became his slaves, but if different persons owned them they became the slaves of the owner of
the wife[29]. These second generation slaves were called Cucanawa[30] and they not
sold[31]. Many slave owners took their concubines from their Cucanawa.Islamic law and
traditions regulated slavery in pre-colonial Kano. Slave owners were allowed to punish their
erring slaves by imprisonment or any other corporal punishment. But Imam Umaru has reported
that: “people have nothing but contempt for slaves in Hausaland. The slaves suffer: people look
at slaves as worthless creatures; they do not consider them human beings; and they treat then
harshly”[32]. This contradicts Yeld’s observation that there is ample evidence that even farming
slaves were well treated, a fact which is supported by the very small percentage of desertions
after Lugard’s abolition of slaves”[33]. Freeing of slaves was greatly encouraged by Islamic law
and moral teachings. For example atonement for accidentally killing Muslim or deliberating
breaking the fast of Ramadan at the wrong time was freeing of a slave [34]. Some slaves were
allowed by their masters to engage in any craft or trade while they paid an agreed amount in
cash or kind as tax, this system was called murgo. Some slaves were also allowed to purchase
their freedom (fansar kai)[35] unlike in other slaving societies.Slavery and wage labour co-existed
in pre-colonial Kano[36]. The slaves who worked on plantations were the lowest in status. The
aristocrats[37] and few merchants owned the plantations whose settlements were called
gandaye (singular gandu)[38]. Merchants who accumulated capital from long distance trading
acquired slave estates in the countryside of Kano city towards the end of the 19th century CE. This
was a strategy of diversifying their investments; the plantations were also used in large-scale
subsistence food production because most of the merchants had many dependents [39]. Many
merchants used slave labour for producing or processing commodities for long distance
trade[40].Apart from economic gains which the aristocrats derived from slavery they also
benefited biologically by copulating[41] with their slaves. The Kano Chronicle has reported that
Sarkin Kano Muhammadu Rumfa “was the first Sarki who practice “Kame”[42] this was the order
of taking slaves as concubines from royal slave quarters such as Indabawa. Rumfa “appointed
Durman to go round the dwellings of the Indabawa and take every first born virgin for him [43]”.
Enslaving Muslims was illegal under Islamic law. It has even been suggested that the enslaving
of Muslims was one of the causes of the Jihad of Shaykh Uthman [44]. All the jihad leaders wrote
against the enslaving of Muslims. Shaykh Uthman was reluctant to allow the enslavement of
Muslims under whatever grevious conditions. For example in Wathiqat ahl al-Sudan he wrote:
“You are obliged to make war upon oppressors, but their enslavement is unlawful; you are
obliged to make war upon apostates, but in the matter of their enslavement there are two
opinions, the widespread one being its prohibition, and the other that the perpetrator of this act
does not disobey the law if he is following an authority which asserts its
lawfulness”[45]Likewise Muhammad Bello wrote in his Infaq al Maisur that:“The people from
Yorubaland catch slaves from our land and sell them to the Christians, so we are told. I mention
this to stop people selling Muslim slaves to them, because of those who buy them. Harm will
result from this”[46]True to his missionary calling and also in his effort to maintain the legacy of
Miller, Kukah has consistently promoted anti-Fulani propaganda and condemned the Jihadists for
pursuing political and economic motives. He quotes his missionary brother Trimingham, who
wrote:It might not appear to be in slave raider's interest to narrow his field of conversions, but the Fulani
of Northern Nigeria regarded conquered territory, whether the inhabitants were Muslims or pagans, as
reservoir of slaves[47]. Kukah quoted his missionary brother who based his assumption on
speculation but refused to quote a traveler and an eyewitness who visited nineteenth century
Sokoto Caliphate and wrote about slavery thus:In the northern provinces there is no longer any
opportunity to catch slaves, in fact the Hausa must consider themselves lucky if this fate does not overtake
them at the hands of the Kebbi, Gobirawa or Maradi. So here slave raids are no longer made: the pagan
tribes who live in Zaria itself have gained protection by paying tribute. On the other hand, small slave
raids are still undertaken in the suzerain states of Keffi and Nasarawa, and also in Nupe, Bauchi, Gombe,
and Muri. Large numbers of slaves to be sold abroad come from Adamawa but these are mostly
obtained from the pagan tribes themselves[48].Kukah did not even mention this journal in his
bibliography because his aim was to indict the Fulani and one of such ways was to falsely accuse
them of enslaving Muslim. Staudinger’s observation is clear evidence that they neither carried out
nor sanctioned such activities. A missionary will certainly not accept such evidence even from a
fellow Christian. Similarly another missionary Reverend Father Kenny of the Dominican Order of
Priests[49] rather than use Humphrey Fisher’s paper of 1983 or quote Staudinger, he referred to a
publication of 1970[50] and Colvin’s paper[51] which was on commerce generally. He also
refused to quote or cite Meyers whose paper[52] was specifically on slavery and both are in the
same book. The reason for Kenny’s selectivity is to indict the Fulani and Muslims. Meyers unlike
Colvin at least acknowledged some form of Muslim reluctance in this observation:Two
considerations, however, would, seem to limit the frequency of wartime slave raids. The first is a
religiously motivated reluctance to enslave free people, or at least free Muslims. Of those available to
us, many documents of the Fulani jihad express mild opposition to the enslavement of free people – a thing
distinct from hereditary slavery. One interpretation of the origins of the jihad suggests that the Fulani
reacted to the excesses of Hausa kings, among which was the enslavement of free Muslims. Thus, religious
considerations may have curtailed the slave – taking of at least the more zealous
soldiers[53].Although SOAS has been accused of academic racism[54] and hostility towards
Islam[55], at least its PhD should not be blindly anti-Islamic, because in the same school during a
seminar on Islam in West Africa Dr. Fisher presented a paper in which he proposed "a simple
hypothesis: that a major cause of the jihad in Hausaland in 1804 was the increasing enslavement
of free Muslims". The paper documented beyond reasonable doubt the objection of the Jihad
leaders to the enslavement of free Muslims[56]. The Oyo Alafinate was a perpetrator of this illegal
act hence its destruction by the jihadists. The Kingdoms of Yauri and Kebbi (Argungu) were closer
to Sokoto but they were left intact since they were not engaged in that illegal trade. And there
was also an informal truce with Borno when it stopped collaborating with the Oyo in enslaving
Muslims.Labour mobilization was among the major causes of slavery in Africa. Some historians
have arguied that ‘without slavery there were really few effective means of mobilizing labour for
the economic and political needs of the state’[57]. Others have also suggested that the slaves
were “from small tribes on the highlands where the topography could not support large
population. The excess population, which was ejected to the lowlands, became slaves who were
used as soldiers or workforce”[58]. But this idea of labour mobilisation was critized as “half-
truth” because there were always in black Africa alternative, non-violent ‘means of mobilizing
labour’. For example Shaykh Uthman’s highly developed doctrine of hijrah (emigration) was an
‘outstanding example of non-violent mobilization” but he was so successful that violent
repercussions were virtually inevitable”[59]

[1] The marxists believe that the ruling classes controlled the producers (commoners) by extracing surpluses from
them sometimes by force.
[2] Chodak, S. 1973 ‘Social stratification in Sub – Saharan Africa’ Canadian Journal of African Studies VII: 3: 404
[3] Ibid p. 406
[4] Ibid pp. 407- 408
[5] Ibid p. 407
[6] Ibid p. 408 emphasis mine.
[7] Some writers such as Dokaji, A. Kano Ta Dabo Cigari have suggested that there were three clans, the
Bagaudawa, Rumfawa and the Kutumbawa. This may not be correct because the ‘Kano Chronicle’ connected all the
Kings of Kano from Bagauda to Alwali, see Appendix and Palmer 1929 ‘The Kano Chronicle’ pp.41.
[8]Such as Ciroma and later Dan Iya and others.
[9] Palmer, 1929: 100
[10] Ibid p.100
[11] See Ado-Kurawa 1989:
[12] See Palmer 1929:100 where it is stated that “the Sarkis of Gano, Dab and Debbi came to Hausaland nine years
before Bagauda”.
[13] Such as the following in order of precedence: Sarkin Rano, Sarkin dutse, Sarkin Gaya, Sarkin Kudu, Sarkin
Karaye, Sarkin Bebeji, Sarkin Fulanin Sankara, Sarkin Fulanin Jahun, Sarkin Kunchi and others.
[14] Palmer 1929:104 where it is stated that “the Wangarawa came from Melle, bringing the Muhammadan
Religion” but according to Asl-al-Wangariyun they came to Kano during the reign of Sarkin Kano Muhammadu
Rumfa see Al-Hajj, M.A. 1968 ‘A Seventeenth Century Chronicle on the origins and Missionary Activities of the
Wangarawa’ Kano Studies 1:4:8
[15] Palmer 1929:111
[16] Yeld, E. R. 1960 ‘Islam and Social Stratification in Northern Nigeria’ The British Journal of Sociology, p.119
[17] The Ulama had considerable influence on the society because they were the custodians of its moral
values. They “determined the acceptability or otherwise of any form of change in Kano” see Yahya, Dahiru
1999:5. The support of the Ulama was required by the ruling classes especially before implementing controversial
policies thus enhancing their social prestige. See Lubeck, Paul 1986 Islam and Urban Labour in Northern Nigeria
p.23
[18] Lovejoy, Paul E. 1980 Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade 1700-1900 p.95
[19] This is an evidence that Kano was a ranked society and not a stratified one since there was social mobility.
[20] Lovejoy P. E. 1980:96 and 141
[21] Lubeck P. 1986:41-87
[22]
[23] Lubeck, Paul 1986 Islam and Urban Labour in Northern Nigeria pp. 24 and 36. The Kano society afforded
education and religious piety equal or more respectful than commercial success. See Lovejoy, Paul E. 1980
Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade, 1700-1900, pp. 41 and 95
[24]
[25] Ferguson, D. E. 1973: 229
[26] Lubeck 1986:16 and Hill 1977:204
[27] Kiffe, John 1995 Africans: The History of a Continent Cambridge. P.74
[28] Ferguson, D. E. 1973
[29] where the wife was freeborn and the husband a slave, the offsprint were free and where the wife was a
concubine the children were free and she became free after the death of the father
[30] Ferguson, 1973: 230
[31] Lubeck 1986:16
[32] Ferguson 1973: 230
[33] Yeld p. 116 cf Orr p. 201
[34] Al-Qayrawani 1992 Risala an annotated translation by Kenny, Joseph, p.81
[35] Ferguson 1973:232 and Hill 1977:204
[36] Lubeck 1986:26 and Hill 1977:204
[37] Some owned up to 1,000 slaves while the commoners such as merchants rarely owned up to that number
[38] Iliffe 1995: 171 see also Hill, P. 1977 Population, Prosperity and Poverty: Rural Kano 1900 and 1970, pp.200
- 220
[39] Lovejoy 1980:92-93
[40] Lubeck 1986:24
[41] Yahya, D. 1999 “Aristocracy as a Factor in Social Change in the First Millenium of Kano History” pp. 4-5.
[42] literally means to seize, it may also mean kidnap.
[43] Palmer, H. R. 1928 “The Kano Chronicle” p.112
[44] Fisher, H. J. 1985
[45] Hodgin, T. 1975 Nigeria Perspectives 2nd Edition Oxford 247 - 9 or Bivar, A.D.H. 1961, The Watuqat Ahl al-
Sudan: a Manifesto of the Fulani Jihad, Journal of African History 2: cf Fisher J. J. 1985:11
[46] Arnett, E. J. 1922 The Rise of the Sokoto Fulani, Kano. Contains an English version of the Infaq, 16 cf Fisher
H. J. 1985:11
[47] Kukah 1993: 2 where he cited Trimingham explanatory note 11
[48] Moody, J. 1990 In the Heart of the Hausa States Volume 2 Paul Staudinger translated by; Athens pp. 73- 74
emphasis mine.
[49] See Kenny, J. 2000 The Spread of Islam through North to West Africa 7 th to 19th Centuries Lagos p. 217 note
79
[50] Ibid p. 217 note 79 where he included Fisher, A. and Fisher, H 1970 Slavery and Muslim Society in West
Africa London as one of his references.
[51] Kenny, op. cit. p. 217 note 79 included Colvin, L. 1971 ‘The Commerce of Hausaland, 1780-1833’ in McCall,
D. and Bennett (eds) Aspects of West African Islam Boston.
[52] Meyers, A. 1971 ‘Slavery in the Hausa-Fulani Emirates’ in McCall, D. and Bennett (eds) Aspects of West
African Islam Boston.
[53] Meyers, op. cit. p. 178
[54] See Troche, U. Y. 2000 ‘The lies my teacher told me’ New African February 2000 pp. 38-39,
[55] Professor W. B. Sergeant informed Professor Abdullahi Smith that SOAS “is well-known for its policy of
“shaking the faith” of Muslim students from abroad”. Smith, A. ‘Islam in Contemporary’ p. 8
[56] Fisher, H. J. 'A Muslim William Wilberforce? The Fulani Jihad as anti-slavery crusade: an enquiry into
historical causes'
[57] Fisher, H. J. 1985……….
[58] Yahya, D. 1999……………………..
 [59] Fisher, H. J. 1985:13

Kano Emirs - Sarkin Kano Bello (d.1893)

Sarkin Musulmi Umar Dan Aliyu appointed him Sarkin Kano in Dhi al-Qa’da 1299 AH
(September 1882) (Last 1966) to succeed his elder brother. He was very pious and generous
scholar before he was appointed Sarki but after that he implemented very unpopular policies,
which culminated in the devastating Kano civil war (Paden 1973: 261-264). He wrote Kitab fi
dhikr ba’d alamat al-sa’a (Hunwick 1995: 259).

When Sarkin Kano Muhammadu Bello assumed the Emirship he decided to alter the
status quo established by his predecessor who had appointed his sons, in-laws and clients in
powerful political offices. This was in pursuance of his determination to make his eldest son
Tukur to succeed him which could not be possible with chiefs loyal to Majekarofi’s
descendants. He dismissed Galadima Ibrahim Bazazagi a loyalist of his predecessor and
appointed his eldest son Tukur as the Galadima. And his Waziri who supervised the affairs of
the Emirate was his close friend Sarkin Fada Nagytum (Palmer 1928: 132 and Fika 1978: 51-
52). He deposed Qadi Sulaiman Bajobe (Fika 1978: 54) who was a favourite of his predecessor
and appointed his own loyalist Baffa Bagyane (Palmer 1928: 131).

Sarki Bello deprived the successful Dan Waire of his title of Sarkin Yaki, and exiled him
because according to some sources he was jealous of Dan Waire’s miltary exploits. The Sarkin
Musulmi requested Sarkin Katsina to appoint Dan Waire Sarkin Ruma. Sarkin Gwaram Ado
and Sarkin Tudun Wada Aliyu, both Manyan Dagatai and Salama Barka, Jakadan Garko
Dankumatu and Lifidi Yiga-Allah who were the prominent cucanawa were either deposed or
killed for various reasons (Fika 1978: 57).

Sarkin Kano Bello ordered all the Emirate titleholders marrying the daughters of his
predecessor to divorce them or relinquish their titles. Prominent among them were, Madakin
Makama Hamza, Sarkin Rano Jibril, Sarkin Dutse Irema and Sarkin Fulanin Jahun Modibo.
Sarkin Rano Jibril and Sarkin Dutse Irema divorced their wives and later lost their titles. Sarkin
Fulanin Jahun Modibo refused to divorce his wife, Rabi and maintained his title because of the
strategic importance of his town (Fika 1978: 52 and Jahun 1986: 9-12). While Madakin
Makama Hamza relinquished his title rather than divorce his wife Daje, mother of Muhammad
Dahiru who later became Makaman Kano and the greatgrandmother of the present Makaman
Kano Sarki Ibrahim.

Sarkin Kano Bello was able to curtail the incursions of the Ningawa and their allies
despite these unpopular policies. He rebuilt the fortress town of Tudun Wada that was
destroyed by the Ningawa in the 1870’s (Fika 1978: 55 and Dantiye 1985). He also defeated
Dan Yaya of Ningi at a battle near Kachako. One of his braviest miltary commanders Sarkin
Gaya Abubakar defeated Gajigi son of the notorious Dan Maje with much booty which the
Sarki shared according to the injunctions of the Shari’a (Said 1978: 365-369).
 Sarkin Kano Bello was very generous to his loyalists as expected of any wise ruler
Mallam Muhammad Amin and Alkali Baffa Bagyane were among the major beneficiaries of
this generosity (Paden 1978: 262). He morally and materially supported many Islamic schools
and Scholars (Said 1978: 365-369). His generousity was not limited to Kano because he made
more contributions to Sokoto than his predecessors. He was also more submissive to the
Sokoto central government he even consulted them on trivial issues. He was subservient to
Sokoto because of his desire to be succeeded by his eldest son Galadima Tukur (Ubah 1979:
309).

He died on Saturday 16th Jumada Awwal 1311 AH (25th November 1893) (Last 1966)
in Kano and was buried at the cemetery of Gidan Rumfa where his father Ibrahim Dabo was
also buried.

Kano Emirs - Sarkin Kano Tukur (d. 1895)

Tukur the son of Sarkin Kano Bello was the Galadiman Kano and hero of the battle of
Arugungu in which he saved the Sarkin Musulmi Abdurrahman who later appointed him Sarkin
Kano in December 1893 (Last 1966: 468). This was the reward for his bravery at that the
Arugungu encounter in which the Sokoto army was nearly defeated. Waziri Bukhari advised
against Tukur’s appointment because of the latter’s unpopularity and the fact that the Sarkin
Musulmi had earlier promised to appoint Yusuf who was more popular in Kano (Hogben 1967:
211).

The majority of the apolitical Kano Jama’a pledged their allegiance to Tukur but only
two sons Sarkin Kano Abdullahi Majekarofi pledged their allegiance to him because they were
the only ones not dismissed by Tukur’s father. It was in the presence of one of them, Wambai
Shehu that Tukur’s brother, Sarkin Shanu Datti made this statement: “today only five of us
have conquered one hundred” (Fika 1978: 61). This statement angered Tukur and he
reprimanded his younger brother but the damage had been done. Wambai Shehu was so
furious that he went straight to Yusuf’s residence were his brothers were meeting and planning
the next line of action.

Most of the territorial chiefs and Emirate titleholders were Tukurawa (supporters of
Tukur). For example Madaki Ibrahim Mallam, Makama Iliyasu, Sarkin Bai Bashari (Alhaji),
Alkalin Kano Modibo Salihu, Sarkin Gaya Ibrahim Dabo and Sarkin Fulanin Dambatta were all
staunch supporters of Sarki Tukur. He directed Chiroma Musa, Turaki Zakari and Sarkin
Fulanin Dambatta to defend Gano, Gogel and Garko respectively against the Yusufawa
(supporters of Yusuf) who have already left Kano for Takai. He also instructed them to secure
the support of the inhabitants of these towns against the rebels (Said 1978: 365-369 and
Fika 1978: 74).

Sarkin Kano Tukur was late in mobilizing his supporters for the inevitable Kano civil
war campaigns. He executed all those who were accused of sympathizing with Yusuf or made
attempt to join the Yusufawa (Fika 1978: 68 and Robinson 1896: 82-3). Tukur’s cruelty in
executing his opponents was reported by Temple who noted that: “Tukur is said to have killed
100 of his (Yusuf’s) followers at each gate after he left (Magatakarda Aminu is said to have
set him to do this; the man is now Katsena)” (Lovejoy, Mahadi and Mukhtar 1993: 66). Even
those who were accused of attempting to follow Yusuf to Takai were killed one of them was a
scholar Mallam Shehu Usman a cousin of the Tukur’s incumbent Alkalin Kano Modibo Salih
(Ado 1988: 13). These actions of Tukur made him to loose the support of many people who
later joined the Yusufawa at Takai.

The Yusufawa drove Sarkin Kano Tukur out of Kano in Safar 1312 AH (August 1894).
He set up a rival court at Kamri but Aliyu who assumed the leadership of Yusufawa after the
death of Yusuf pursued him. A serious battle between the two parties took place at Tafashiya
Tukur was seriously wounded after a brave attempt to strike at Alu. As the bravest fighter of
the Sullubawa dynasty he had wanted face-to-face battle with Alu knowing fully well that he
was stronger and more skilful than the later. He charged his horse but slipped on perhaps a
stone and he fell. Barde Abdu Nagwangwazo took advantage and attacked him with a spare
to dispatch him (Smith 1997: 355). He later died on Saturday 19th Ramadan 1312 (16th
March 1895) at Gurin and he was buried there.

Kano Emirs - Sarkin Kano Alu (Aliyu Babba)

He was the Waziri and closiest associate of the leader of the Yusufawa, Yusuf Dan
Abdullahi. When the later died the Cucanawa skillfully stage-managed the ascension of Aliyu
to the leadership of the group. He was the most knowledgeable and charismatic of the
surviving sons of Abdullahi Majekarofi. It was also believed that Yusuf recommended him as
his successor becuse he was a grandson of Sarkin Musulmi Aliyu Babba Dan Muhammad Bello
thus making it difficult for Sokoto to attack the Yusufawa (Last 1977: 135-136). The two
contenders to the leadership of the Yusufawa, Sarkin Dawakin Tsakar Gida Abbas and Dan
Makwayo Shehu had no option other than to pledge allegience to their younger brother.

Aliyu triumphantly entered Kano on Wednesday 16th Safar 1312 AH (19th August
1894) after the defeat of Sarki Tukur who was forced into exile. Sarkin Musulmi
Abdulrahman’s effort to reinstate Tukur failed while Aliyu consolidated his position as the new
Sarkin Kano. He made many appointments the most prominent was his elder brother Ahmadu
who was appointed Waziri, which was the highest title (East and Mani 1979: 52). He also
appointed Mahmud, Kwairanga, Sulaiman, Hamza, Abdussalam as Galadima, Madaki, Alkali,
Makama and Sarkin Bai respectively.

Aliyu was a brave and industrious warior he invented the sango (explosive), which he
used in his miltary engagements. The Damagarawa seriously threatened his authority. They
invaded Kano twice in the first instance in 1313 AH (1896) they were heavily defeated but
later in 1313 AH (1898) they retaliated and inflicted heavy casualty and defeat on Kano.
Eventually Kano was relieved of their nuisance in 1316 (1899) when the French imperialist
subjugated them. He was also able withstand Ningi’s aggressiveness, the Ningawa were
defeated several times during his reign. The other external threats to his reign were Maradi
and Hadejia when they took the advantage of the uneasiness caused by the Kano civil war
(Fika 1978: 75-76).

In 1312 AH (29th January 1903), the British imperial expeditionary force left Zaria for
Kano. They crushed the brave oppositions mounted by various towns and villages along their
way to Kano with all brutality and barbarism. For example they burnt the bodies of Sarkin
Bebeji Jibril and seven others after murdering them to show example to resistant ‘natives’.
When they reached Kano on 3rd February 1903, an unorganized but courageous resistance
confronted them. Sarkin Kano Alu had gone to Sokoto but he was aware of the impending
British imperialist invasion. He opted for Hijra (exodus) to avoid bloodshed (Yahya 1986: 3).
His exodus was to east where he intended to perform the Hajj (Holy pilgrimage to Makkah).
Waziri Ahmadu who was the next in the Emirate hierarchy decided to resist. A decisive battle
took place at Kotorkoshi near Gasau where the invaders met the returning Kano army from
Sokoto who went with the Sarki to pay homage to Sarkin Musulmi. Waziri Ahmadu and many
others were martyred (Fika 1978: 84-100). The British later captured Alu in Niger with the
collaboration of their allies the French colonialists of Niger.

Alu was first exiled to Yola where he stayed for a while but was transferred to Lokoja
because the Emir of Yola felt intimidated by his presence. Alu had many fadawa (courtiers)
who were very charismatic compared to chiefs of other emirates because of the nature of
Kano sarauta, which is still usually more glamorous than the sarauata of other Hausa states.
When the Yola Mosque was damaged by rains and there was need to repair it Alu ordered his
courtiers to participate and the people were surprised to see those better dressed than some
of their chiefs were made to engage in manual labor, according to this story the Emir of
Adamawa informed the British that he cannot withstand such an Emir (Sulaiman 1999: 5).
Alu was thus exiled to Lokoja on the Niger-Benue confluence, where he died in 1345 AH
(1926).

Sarkin Kano Alu will be remembered in the history of Kano as an excellent military commander
and the most knowledgeable pre-colonial Sarkin Kano. He was well versed in Islamic
Jurisprudence he also had a profound understanding of the advanced science of Tasawwuf
(Islamic mystism). His book Rad al-Jahla is a clear testimony of his intellectual disposition
(Paden 1973).

Kano Emirs - Sarkin Kano Abbas

He was the titleholder of Wamban Kano when the British imperialists conquered Kano. He
opted for Taqiya (Prudent consciuosness) and surroundered to the invaders. This choice is
according to some historians supported by the Quranic verse << Let not the believers take
those who deny the truth for their allies in preference to the believers- since he who does this
cuts himself off from Allah in everything- unless it be to protect yourself against them
in this way >> (Yahya 1986). This was because according to those who opted for this action,
the British overpowered the Muslims.

Recent study on the record of Sarki Abbas's court has justified the suggestion that he was
prudently councious when he surroundered to the British and that he was deeply committed to
maintaining the Islamic tradition of his community. He refused to apply siyasa (politics) in hukm
(judgment) as encouraged by the British who had wanted to abrogate the Shari’ah through that
strategy (Abun-Nasr 1996). He also defended the rights of Muslim women and orphans who
brought their grievances before his judicial council as observed by Christelow: “The Council’s
defense of widow’s property rights was closely connected to its consistent defense of orphan’s
rights” (Christelow 1991: 139).

Chiroma Lele, the son of Sarki Tukur joined the British contingent that captured Kano
and solicited them to appoint him as the next Sarkin Kano. Consequently he started
ransacking the houses vacated by his enemies because he assumed that he would be
appointed. The resident Arab merchants convinced Lugard that Lele had no support and
therefore he was rejected. Abbas negotiated the terms of surrounder with the British. And he
was appointed the Sarki but will not be installed untill after a period of probation during which
he shall not live in the Sarki’s palace and shall not fill the vacant titles (Fika 1978: 95-97). He
was later installed on the 5th of Muharram 1312 (3rd April 1903) (Last 1966: 468) after over
a month of probation.

Sarkin Kano Abbas made some prominent appointments to fill vacant positions. He
appointed Abdu Sarki, Umaru, Shehu Usman, Abdullahi Bayero his eldest son, as Waziri,
Galadima, Wambai and Ciroma respectively (Lovejoy, Mahadi and Mukhtar 1993:73). They
all succeeded their blood relatives, who were descendants of Sarkin Kano Ibrahim Dabo. He
appointed Hussaini a brother of the previous Madaki Kwairanga to succeed the later, this
made the Yolawa to continue to play prominent role in the affairs of Kano Emirate. While
Mallam Gidado was appointed Qadi to succeed Sulaiman <!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[1]<!--
[endif]--> who returned from Burmi but declined to continue as the Qadi because of ideological
reasons. Sulaiman was not related to Gidado, thus his family was marginalised in the affairs
of Kano Emirate for almost forty years even though he was married to a sister of Abbas.

Waziri Abdu Sarki a nephew of Sarki Abbas was later deposed for insurbodination. And
Abdullahi Bayero was promoted to Waziri while Abd al-Qadir the second son of Abbas was
appointed Chiroma. During one of rutine display of authority the colonial Resident of Kano,
Dr. Cargill demoted Abdullahi Bayero to his previous title of Chiroma and Abdulkadir was sent
to school at Nasarawa. Dan Rimi Allah Bar Sarki who was an intermediary between the colonial
authorites and the Sarki was promoted to title of Waziri (Kwaru 1991 and Lovejoy, Mahadi
and Mukhtar 1993). Sarki Abbas exercised patience over this elevation and humialation most
of his close associates deserted him and joined Allah Bar Sarki except his younger brother
Galadima Umaru. When Mr. C. L. Temple a sympathizer of the Sullubawan Dabo and a major

adherent of the indirect rule assumed the residency of Kano, he deposed Allah Bar
Sarki and Alkali Gidado was appointed Waziri.

During the reign of Sarki Abbas the British reorganised the Emirate administrative
structure in accordance with their colonial objectives. They created districts and the Hakimai
(Emirate title holders) were deployed to the headquartes of the districts as the District Heads.
The principal responsibility of the Hakimai was to collect poll tax and other sources of revenue
from the rural areas. Many were later deposed because of tax mismanagement.

Sarkin Kano Abbas will be remembered for generosity and patience, which has remained a
quality of some his descendants. He was very generous to Islamic schools and Shariffs
(descendants of the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him). He died on Thursday 30th
Rajab 1337 AH (1st May 1919) (Last 1966).
 Kano Emirs - Sarkin Kano Shehu Usman
Shehu Usman participated actively in the civil war between the Yusufawa and the
Tukurawa when he negotiated an alliance with the Ningawa (Fika 1978: 66). Sarkin Kano
Abbas appointed him Wambai at the beginning of the British colonial rule (Lovejoy, Mahadi
and Mukhtar 1993: 71). The British first appointed him regent after the death of his younger
brother Sarki Abbas, later they confirmed him substantive Sarki in May 1919.

Sarkin Kano Shehu Usman appointed his sons, Abdullahi Maibindiga, Abubakar and
Muhammad as Wambai, Turaki and Tafida respectively. Wambai Abdullahi Maibindiga died in
1343 AH (September 1924) this had a devastating effect on his father who was hoping that
Abdullahi Maibinga will succeed him. Turaki Abubakar was promoted to Wambai, and District
Head of Kura, while Tafida Muhammadu was promoted to Turaki and Mahmud his younger
brother was appointed Tafida and District Head of Ringim.

The aeroplane first landed at the present Kano Race Course during his reign. Prince
Edward of England also visited Kano during this period. And a grand Durbar in which all the
Northern Nigerian Emirs participated was held in his honour (East and Mani 1932: 57). The
Emirate council chaired by Sarkin Kano Shehu Usman initiated many development projects.

The British colonial administration appointed a regency council to preside over the affairs of
the Kano Emirate towards the end of his reign because of his ailing health. The members of
the regency council were Waziri, Madaki and Sarkin Bai. He died on the 26 th of April 1926
(1344 AH) (1978: 274).

Kano Emirs - Sarkin Kano Alhaji Abdullahi Bayero

He was born in 1299 AH (1881). He had his early Islamic education at the
Sarki’s palace and he was guided by the prominent Islamic Scholars of his time.
While he was the Chiroma of Kano and District Head of Bichi he became very
closely associated with the prominent Ulama of his time.

When the British colonial administrators decided to introduce the new district
administrative structure Abdullahi Bayero who was then Chiroma was
appointed the Head of the Home Districts with Headquarters at Dawakin Kudu
and later Panisau in 1914. He was appointed Sarkin Kano in April 1926 and
was formally installed on 14th February 1927 (Fika 1978: 227). He was the most
experienced contender for the Emirship he had also proved to everyone that he
was honest, efficient, dedicated and upright.

Sarkin Kano Abdullahi Bayero made several appointments during his long and
highly respected reign. Among those he appointed were his sons Muhammad
Sanusi whom he appointed Ciroma and District Head of Bichi the position he
held before his appointment as the Sarki and Aminu who was appointed Dan
Iya and District Head of Dawakin Kudu. After the deposition of Muhammad
son of Sarkin Kano Shehu Usman from Turaki and District Head of Ungogo he
appointed his brothers Abdulkadir and Muhammad Inuwa as Galadima and
Turaki respectively in 1927. He reduced the influence of the Cucanawa and also
freed all other royal slaves, which was in line with the British anti slavery policy.
He also delegated some of his executive responsibilities to his councilors (Fika
1978: 226).

Sarkin Kano Abdullahi Bayero showed keen interest on Islamic Education and
he contributed morally and materially towards its development as a result of
this Kano had many prominent Islamic Scholars during his reign. Some of these
scholars include Shehu Muhammad Salga and his students Abubakar
Mijinyawa and Umar Falke. He established the Shahuchi Judicial School in
1348 AH (1929), the first of its kind in Nigeria with Shaikh Sulaiman his long
term colleague, who initiated the idea as its first Headmaster. The Kano Law
School which later became the School for Arabic Studies grew from the
Shahuchi Judicial School through the efforts of Waziri Gidado (Yahya 1986)
who was then the Chief Islamic and Legal Adviser of the Sarki. He was also
encouraged to show respect to the Shariffs by Shaikh Sulaiman (Paden 1973)
his initiator into the Tijaniyya (a mystic brothehood founded by Shaikh Ahmad
Tijani of Algeria).

Sarkin Kano Abdullahi Bayero was the first Sarki to perform the Hajj hence
he is popularly known as Sarki Alhaji. He was accompanied in this journey by
his younger brother Galadima Abdulkadir and Ma’aji Mallam Sulaiman who
later became the first Walin Kano. It was during this Hajj trip that they first
met Shaikh Ibrahim Niass of Senegal and they accepted him as their Shaykh.
After the Hajj, Sarki Abdullahi visited Egypt where he saw many magnificent
mosques. When he returned he began the building of the new Kano Mosque,
the first of its kind in northern Nigeria and it is still one of the most beautiful
Mosques in the area.

Sarkin Kano Bayero was committed to the commercial and industrial

development of Kano thus he encouraged geniune industrial undertakings for
example the Gwamaja Textile Mills, which was the first modern textile in
Nigeria. He also encouraged indigineous individual enterprenuers such as the
highly successful Alhaji Alhassan Dantata. The social service sector was
accorded the necessary attention by his Emirate Council.
Towards the end of his reign NEPU was formed by the following Kano
politicians: Abba Maikwaru, Bello Ijumu, Babaliya Manaja, Musa Kaula,
Abdulkadir Danjaji, Musa Bida, Magaji Dambatta and Mudi Spikin (Abba
2000: ix). It was a radical political party that questioned the colonial rule and
the traditional establishment. But Sarkin Kano Abdullahi Bayero was very
cautious. When the NEPU stalwarts were brought to his court for alleged
sedition and the palace officials including Ulama advised the Emir that they
were not Muslims and that they deserved death he refused to accept the advice
and stated that we must have done something wrong for this young men to
challenge us.

Sarkin Kano Alhaji Abdullahi Bayero never compromised his Islamic

convictions despite his progressive ideas (Yahya 1986). He will be remembered
in the history of Kano as a sincere, honest, pious and patient Sarki. He was a
man of great simplicity who used to sew his clothes and was very caring for his
junior staff a good example was the case of Inuwa Wali in which the Sarki
directed one of the ward heads against the wish of the courtiers to ensure that
he was given a house and he was eventually given a house at Mandawari
quarters where he lived for more than fifty years. He died on Thursday 13th
Rabi al-Thani 1373 (23rd December 1953).

Kano Emirs - Sarkin Kano Alhaji Sir Muhammadu Sanusi

He was born in 1905. He had his early Islamic education while he was very young and
he was educationally ahead of most of his colleagues, he also attended the provincial school.
Muhammad Sanusi was the Chiroma and District Head of Bichi and he was given the
responsibilty of coordinating the rural districts. His office was very influential in the Native
Authority Administration. He became a member of the Northern Region House of Assembly in
1947 he was a member of the Regional Joint Council. He was also the first to be appointed
Regional Minister without Portifolio in 1952 (Paden 1973: 233). Muhammad Sanusi was
appointed Sarkin Kano in December 1953. He was very exprienced because his father had
delegated most of the Native Authority affairs to him.

Politically Sarki Sanusi was instrumental in the formation of the NPC. He brought many
groups into the NPC, especially traders and young western educated elites. He had earlier
helped the Sardauna when the later had problems with the Sultan of Sokoto Sir Abubakar III.
He also ensured Sardauna’s election as the President General of the NPC. Sarkin Kano
Muhammad Sanusi was in fact the strongest supporter of the NPC and they relied heavily on
him (Paden 1986: 145-154 and 457).

Sarkin Kano Sanusi was re-appointed Regional Minister without Portifolio in 1956. He
also acted as the Governor of Northern Region from May to July 1961. Most of the senior
members the NPC in Kaduna resented Sarki Sanusi’s influence. This resentment culminated
in the instuting of a commission of inquiry into the finances of the Kano Native Authority with
D. J. M. Muffet as the sole commissioner. The Sarki and other members of the Native Authority
testified before the commissioner.

According to family sources one of the main reasons for the Muffet inquiry and forced
resignation of Sarkin Kano Sanusi was the sarki’s commitment to the economic development
of Kano. The Native Authority administration under Sarki Sanusi according to these sources
took a loan of 600000 pounds and used it to establish the Bompai Industrial Estate the first
in the province. As a result of this foresight Kano now has the largest concentration of
privately owned industrial establishments in northern Nigersia and this was without the
encouragement of the regional government and later the federal government of Nigeria.
Meanwhile there was no love lost between the regional politicians and Sarki Sanusi. They felt
he was too independent and he regarded them as his subordinates or subjects. Political
intrigues were mounted to eliminate him. The northern regional government deliberately
precipitated the financial crisis of the Kano Native Authority by refusing to release funds even
though it approved the loan and was aware that it was taken for the Bompai Industrial Estate.
This refusal was designed to ensure that the lending bank called the guarantee of the
government and then precipitate a financial crisis that would give the regional government
the opportunity to remove the Sarkin Kano who was the head of NA. The regional government
was disappointed that the Kano NA had papers to show what it did with money.

After completing his investigation Muffet advised the Regional Government that the
Sarki Sanusi should resign. He tendered his resignation to the Governor of the Northern
Region Sir Kashim Ibrahim on the 28th of March 1963 (Paden 1973: 266). There were
reactions in Kano against the NPC government because of this resignation. Since the people
were aware of the political machinations that led to the crisis. The Kano Peoples Party, which
was loyal to Sir Muhammad Sanusi, was formed (Paden 1973: 270-271).

Sir Alhaji Muhammad Sanusi was retired to Azare where he remained the Khalifa (successor)
of Shaikh Ibrahim Niass and he was regarded as the leader of the Shaykh’s branch of
Tijaniyya. Later during the second Republic, he was moved to Wudil near Kano where he lived
until his death in 1990 and he was buried in Nassarawa Palace where his grandfather, father
and uncle were buried (Zawiya and Sadauki 1991).

Kano Emirs - Sarkin Alhaji Ado Bayero

The story of Sarkin Kano Alhaji Ado Bayero is indeed the story of the transformation
of the Emirate from its control of the society to that of community leadership that
has earned Islamic legitimacy through service to the people and commitment to the
ideals of the Faith. He has become a leader of Muslims of all shades of opinions not
only in Kano but in many parts of Nigeria. Various groups seek his blessings in their
activites largely because of his influence and the fact that he is one of the most
respected Nigerians. Both at the National and International arena he is regarded as a
wise counselor because of his experience and diverse cultural linkages that make
him a bridge and an asset in promoting mutual understanding and resolving conflicts.
 He was born on Sunday 17th Muharram 1349 (15th June 1930) in Gidan Rumfa
while his father Sarkin Kano Alhaji Abdullahi Bayero was the Emir. He was the
eleventh and second son of his father and mother respectively. He was named after
the first son of Sarkin Kano Abdullahi Bayero who had died when he was only five
years during the reign of Sarkin Kano Abbas. He grew up in the palace as well as in
the house of Maikano Zage as it was the tradition in those days for every prince to
be put under the care of one of the leading Cucunawa (Royal Slave) title holders. At
that time Maikano Zage held sway as the leading Cucunawa officials – Shamaki,
Dan Rimi and Sallama were under suspension (Khalil 2007). He studied Qur’an
along with his brothers under the guidance of Hajiya Mallama Umma wife of Walin
Kano Sulaiman. He later attended Kano Middle School and School for Arabic
Studies Kano.
He started his working career at the Bank of British West Africa which is now
First Bank in 1947 and in 1949 he left the Bank to join the services of Kano Native
Authority. During his service at the NA he attended courses in Nigeria at Clerical
Training Center Zaria and Local Government Course at the United Kingdom. He
was the Chief Clerk of the Kano Town Council. He joined partisan politics and he
contested and won elections into the Northern Region House of Assembly under the
banner of Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) in 1954. He made his inaugural speech
in the House on 3rd March 1955. He resigned members of the House in 1957 and
took up appointed as Wakilin Doka Chief of Kano Native Authority Police and after
five years in 1962 he was appointed Ambassador of Nigeria to Senegal. He was
summoned to Nigeria to become the 13th Emir of Kano while on studying French in
Switzerland in the second week of October 1963 (Adamu 2007: viii-ix).
Since assuming the position of Emir of Kano Sarkin Kano Alhaji Ado Bayero
has served Nigeria in various capacities but most prominently as Chancellor of
Universities including University of Nigeria Nsukka, University of Ibadan and
University of Maiduguri. He has also served in various councils and has played
several mediatory roles. He is a patron of several organizations in Nigeria. In Kano
he has spareheaded the construction of many Mosques and Islamiyya Schools more
than any other Emir in the history of Kano being the longest serving Emir whose
reign has been characterized by prosperity.
As a leader who believes in inclusiveness he has restored many titles to the
original holders and has also co-opted many deserving people into the Emirate
hierarchy. He has turbaned more Hakimai than any other Emir. Several new titles
have been introduced to cope with the rising demand because of the creation of more
Districts and the need for new District Heads. He has been patient whenever there
was any adversity and despite his humane disposition the radical Peoples
Redemption Party Kano State Government of 1979 to 1983 was very rude to his
person and the institution (Rufa’i 1995: 31). His patience remains a lesson to any
leader as those who steered that sad chapter of Kano social relations lived and
regretted their behavior because they now (2008) want to identify with the Emirate
since it is the most prestigious source of recognition in the State.
Sarkin Kano Alhaji Ado Bayero celebrated his fortieth anniversary with a
reflection in his characteristic dignified manner in form of a National Conference on
Chieftiancy and Security in Nigeria Past, Present and Future in October 2003 rather
in pomp and pageantry because the period was more in need of scholarly and
professional discourse on security. The conference was declared opened by His
Excellency Chief Olusegun Obasanjo President and Commander in Chief of the
Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The book of proceedings of that
National Conference has been published by Kano State Government under the
leadership of Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau.

There are many biographies of Sarkin Alhaji Ado Bayero but the official biography
is The Prince of Times by Dr. Omar Faruk Ibrahim published in 2001 and it has been
reviewed in Africa (Journal of International Institute of African Studies) by Ado-
Kurawa (2003). Similarly, many books on the political and social histories of Kano
have discussed extensively on the impact of the reign of Sarkin Kano Alhaji Ado
Bayero.