The Influence of Authoritative Parenting

During Adolescence on Depressive

Symptoms in Young Adulthood: Examining
the Mediating Roles of Self-Development
and Peer Support
Joan H. Liem,Emily Cohen Cavell &Kara Lustig
Pages 73-92 | Received 24 Sep 2008, Accepted 17 Jul 2009, Published online: 07 Aug 2010

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 https://doi.org/10.1080/00221320903300379

In this article

 ABSTRACT
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 Method
 Results
 Discussion
 AUTHOR NOTES
 References

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ABSTRACT

A diverse sample of 1,143 high school seniors and 182 students who were part of the
same cohort but who left high school without graduating were interviewed during late
adolescence (Time 1 [T1]) as well as 2 (Time 2 [T2]) and 4 years later (Time 3 [T3]).
Perceived self-development, peer support, and prior levels of depressive symptoms
(T2) were hypothesized to mediate the relationship between authoritative parenting
during adolescence (T1) and depressive symptoms during young adulthood (T3). T2
sense of self as worthy and efficacious and depressive symptoms, but not peer support,
fully mediated the effect of authoritative parenting on T3 depressive symptoms. The
authors discuss the importance of parenting for healthy, emerging adult self-
development and the continuing influence of parenting styles during adolescence on
young adult depressive symptoms.

Keywords: depression, parenting style, peer support, self-development

Researchers have consistently found an association between parenting style during

adolescence and the development of depressive symptoms (Jones, Forehand, &
Beach, 2000Jones, D. J., Forehand, R. and Beach, S. R. H. 2000. Maternal and
paternal parenting during adolescence: Forecasting early adult psychosocial
adjustment. Adolescence, 35: 513–530.[PubMed], [Web of Science ®], , [Google
Scholar]; Milevsky, Schlechter, Netter, & Keehn,
2007Milevsky, A., Schlechter, M., Netter, S. and Keehn, D.2007. Maternal and paternal
parenting styles in adolescents: Associations with self-esteem, depression and life-
satisfaction. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 16: 39–47.[Crossref], , [Google
Scholar]; Roberts & Bengston, 1993Roberts, R. E. L. and Bengston, V.
L. 1993. Relationships with parents, self-esteem, and psychological well-being in young
adulthood. Social Psychology Quarterly, 56: 263–277.[Crossref], [Web of Science
®], , [Google Scholar]). The literature suggests that parents who adopt an authoritative
style (Maccoby & Martin, 1983Maccoby, E. and Martin, J. 1983. “Socialization in the
context of family: Parent–child interaction”. In Handbook of child psychology:
Socialization, personality, and social development , Series Ed., Edited
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have children who are less depressed (Ge, Best, Conger, & Simons,
1996Ge, X., Best, K., Conger, R. D. and Simons, R. L. 1996. Parenting behaviors and
the occurrence and co-occurrence of adolescent symptoms and conduct
problems. Developmental Psychology, 32: 717–731.[Crossref], [Web of Science
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D., Mounts, N. S., Steinberg, L. and Dornbusch, S. M. 1991. Patterns of competence
and adjustment among adolescents from authoritative, authoritarian, indulgent, and
neglectful families. Child Development, 62: 1049–1065.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of
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1994Steinberg, L., Lamborn, S. D., Darling, N. and Mounts, N. S. 1994. Over-time
changes in adjustment and competence among adolescents from authoritative,
authoritarian, indulgent, and neglectful families. Child Development, 65: 754–
770.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], , [Google Scholar]). Baumrind
(1971Baumrind, D. 1971. Current patterns of parental authority. Developmental
Psychology, 4: 1–103.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®], , [Google
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competence and substance use. Journal of Early Adolescence, 11: 56–
95.[Crossref], , [Google Scholar]) and Steinberg et al. contended that it is this balance
between warmth and the provision of structure that yields more positive outcomes for
children with authoritative parents, including a variety of positive behavioral and
emotional outcomes (Lamborn et al.; Milevsky et al.; Steinberg et al.). Authoritative
parenting may be especially important during adolescence, when teenagers may test
limits while simultaneously being in need of support, acceptance, and supervision
(Baumrind, 1991Baumrind, D. 1991. The influence of parenting style on adolescent
competence and substance use. Journal of Early Adolescence, 11: 56–
95.[Crossref], , [Google Scholar]). For example, authoritative parenting stands in
contrast to authoritarian parenting that is low on warmth and high on structure and
strictness, indulgent parenting that is high on warmth and low on structure, and
neglectful parenting that is low on both warmth and the provision of structure. In the
present study, we chose to focus on authoritative parenting due to its consistent links
with positive outcomes.

Although the relationships between parenting styles and adolescent depression and a
variety of other positive outcomes are well established, there have been few attempts to
extend these findings to young adulthood (Jones et al., 2000Jones, D.
J., Forehand, R. and Beach, S. R. H. 2000. Maternal and paternal parenting during
adolescence: Forecasting early adult psychosocial adjustment. Adolescence, 35: 513–
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2003Slicker, E. and Thornberry, I. 2003. Older adolescent well-being and authoritative
parenting. Adolescent & Family Health, 3(1): 9–19. [Google Scholar]) or to uncover
possible intervening mechanisms that help explain this connection. As seen in the
following literature review, much of the research on parenting style has focused on
adolescence. In contrast, in the present study, we examined emerging adults’
perceptions of self-development, peer support, and depressive symptoms (Time 2 [T2])
as possible mediators of the relationship between authoritative parenting during
adolescence (Time 1 [T1]) and depressive symptoms during young adulthood (Time 3
[T3]). We use the terms adolescence, emerging adulthood, and young adulthood to
differentiate the T1, T2, and T3 measures in this study. Emerging adulthood, a term
coined by Arnett (2000)Arnett, J. J. 2000. Emerging adulthood: A theory of development
from late teens through the twenties. American Psychologist, 55: 469–
480.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], , [Google Scholar], typically refers to the
ages of 18–25 years, when young adults are no longer adolescents, but have not yet
obtained the independence and self-sufficiency associated with adulthood. This is a
period of continuing self-definition and a time when major role transitions are occurring.
Although most of our T3 participants may still be considered emerging adults, we refer
to them as young adults to signify the changes that may take place later in emerging
adulthood and help the reader distinguish between the T2 and T3 assessment periods.

Adolescence and emerging adulthood are developmental stages characterized in part

by the process of forming an independent identity or sense of self (Arnett, 2000Arnett, J.
J. 2000. Emerging adulthood: A theory of development from late teens through the
twenties. American Psychologist, 55: 469–480.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science
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crisis., New York: Norton. [Google Scholar]). Within the framework of an ecological–
developmental model (Bronfenbrenner, 1979Bronfenbrenner, U. 1979. The ecology of
human development, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. [Google
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nested within multiple spheres of influence, including the surrounding parenting climate,
thereby making adolescent and emerging adult self-development inextricably linked to
parenting behaviors. Establishing a stable and positive sense of self is the
developmental backdrop to myriad other tasks adolescents and emerging adults
negotiate, and it is directly related to psychological well-being (Archer, 1989Archer, S.
L. 1989. The status of identity: Reflections on the need for intervention. Journal of
Adolescence, 12: 345–359.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], , [Google
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the importance of developing a positive and stable sense of self during adolescence
and emerging adulthood, and its connection to emotional well-being and parenting, the
process of self-development may serve as a vehicle through which an authoritative
parenting style influences depression during young adulthood. In this study, we consider
how two aspects of establishing a positive sense of self during emerging adulthood—
developing self-esteem and self-efficacy or a sense of mastery—relate to authoritative
parenting during late adolescence and to depressive symptoms during young
adulthood.

Developing a sense of self as worthy (self-esteem) is an essential component of

adolescent and emerging adult self-development. Through various cues, such as
acceptance, praise, and admonishment, parents create a barometer by which children
gauge their own feelings of self-worth (Rosenberg, 1965Rosenberg, M. 1965. Society
and the adolescent self-image, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
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by: Leahy, R. L. New York: Academic Press. (pp. 205–246) [Google Scholar]). Evidence
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esteem (Milevsky et al.,
2007Milevsky, A., Schlechter, M., Netter, S. and Keehn, D.2007. Maternal and paternal
parenting styles in adolescents: Associations with self-esteem, depression and life-
satisfaction. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 16: 39–47.[Crossref], , [Google
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L. 1993. Relationships with parents, self-esteem, and psychological well-being in young
adulthood. Social Psychology Quarterly, 56: 263–277.[Crossref], [Web of Science
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C. 1996. The relationship between parenting types and older adolescents’ personality,
academic achievement, adjustment, and substance abuse. Child Development,
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associated with self-esteem (DeHart, Pelham, & Tennen, 2006DeHart, T., Pelham, B.
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(Martínez & García, 2007Martínez, I. and García, J. P. 2007. Impact of parenting styles
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The sense of self as efficacious or as having personal agency (mastery) is a marker of

an adolescent or emerging adult's self-regard as someone who can fulfill personal
needs and accomplish self-defined goals. Evidence suggests that adolescents who
have authoritative parents exhibit greater mastery across academic and social domains
(Glasgow, Dornbusch, Troyer, Steinberg, & Ritter, 1997Glasgow, K. L., Dornbusch, S.
M., Troyer, L., Steinberg, L.and Ritter, P. L. 1997. Parenting styles, adolescents’
attributions, and educational outcomes in nine heterogeneous high schools. Child
Development, 68: 507–529.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], , [Google
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2004Ingoldsby, B., Schvaneveldt, P., Supple, A. and Bush, K.2004. The relationship
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development: their development of self-worth and sense of agency. However, these
relationships have not been examined during emerging adulthood.

The nature of the parent–child relationship (Hastings, McShane, Parker, & Ladha,
2007Hastings, P. D., McShane, K. E., Parker, R. and Ladha, F.2007. Ready to make
nice: Parental socialization of young sons’ and daughters’ prosocial behavior with
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home, and remaining financially dependent on parents longer (Furstenburg & Benson,
2007Furstenburg, F. F. and Benson, J. 2007. “Entry into adulthood: Are adult role
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Furnham, 2003Cheng, H. and Furnham, A. 2003. Personality, self-esteem, and
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self-development may mediate the relationship between authoritative parenting style
during adolescence and later young adult depression. In fact, there is preliminary
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parenting behaviors and depression among adolescents and children, in the United
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emerging adulthood, as the time spent with parents decreases and is replaced by time
spent with peers or alone (Larson, Richards, Moneta, Holmbeck, & Duckett,
1996Larson, R. W., Richards, M.
H., Moneta, G., Holmbeck, G.and Duckett, E. 1996. Changes in adolescents’ daily
interactions with their families from ages 10 to 18: Disengagement and
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friends, and the persisting influence of peers from adolescence into young adulthood,
peer support may be another mediating mechanism by which adolescent parenting
styles continue to have an effect on young adults’ depressive symptoms. This possibility
has yet to be adequately explored in the research literature.

Furthermore, due to the changing nature of the parent–child relationship during

emerging adulthood, we hypothesized that any direct effect of authoritative parenting
style on depressive symptoms would likely occur at an earlier developmental stage than
young adulthood. Therefore, we included T2 depressive symptoms in our mediation
analyses as a proxy for the earlier effect of parenting on depression. Any effect that is
found between authoritative parenting and T2 depressive symptoms likely occurred
earlier in adolescence. Although it would have been ideal to have a measure of
depressive symptoms in childhood before the assessment of authoritative parenting
during adolescence, examining the influence of authoritative parenting on T2
depression and its influence in turn on T3 depression allowed us to model causation.

In the present investigation, we examined whether an authoritative parenting style

during adolescence (T1) has an effect on young adult depressive symptoms 4 years
later (T3), and whether that effect is mediated by emerging adults’ processes of self-
development, as reflected in their sense of self as worthy and efficacious, their
perceptions of positive peer support, and their experience of depressive symptoms at
T2. It is hypothesized that authoritative parenting during adolescence (T1) creates the
appropriate climate in which the emerging adult may negotiate the process of positive
self-development and the establishment of supportive peer relationships. Having a
positive sense of self and supportive peer relationships at T2 is expected to reduce the
likelihood of experiencing depressive symptoms at T3. Furthermore, we hypothesized
that authoritative parenting is associated with lower levels of depressive symptoms at
T1 and T2, which would decrease the risk of young adults reporting depressive
symptoms at T3.

Depressive symptoms were chosen as the outcome variable of interest due to their
prevalence during adolescence and young adulthood. Recent estimates suggest that
between 15–20% of adolescents have experienced a clinical episode of depression,
with even higher estimates for those with subclinical symptoms (Cichetti & Toth,
1998Cichetti, D. and Toth, S. L. 1998. The development of depression in children and
adolescents. American Psychologist, 53: 221–241. [Google Scholar]). Researchers
studying depression across the lifespan find that individuals between the ages of 15–24
years experience the highest rates of depression of any age group (Kessler et al.,
1994Kessler, R. C., McGonagle, K. A., Zhao, S., Nelson, C.
B., Hughes, M.Eshleman, S. 1994. Lifetime and 12 month prevalence of DSM-III-R
psychiatric disorders in the United States: Results from the U.S. National Comorbidity
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impairments in individuals 18 years and older (Kessler et al., 2003Kessler, R.
C., Berglund, P., Demler, O., Jin, R., Koretz, D.Merikangas, K. R. 2003. The
epidemiology of major depressive disorder. Results from the National comorbidity
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model would need to include additional biological, psychological, social, and cultural
variables.

Method

Sample

The sample for this study was drawn as part of a longitudinal study of mental health
functioning during the adolescent to young adult transition (Dillon, Liem, & Gore,
2003Dillon, C. O., Liem, J. H. and Gore, S. 2003. Navigating disrupted transitions:
Getting back on track after dropping out of high school. American Journal of
Orthopsychiatry, 73: 429–440. [Google Scholar]) funded by an National Institute of
Mental Health grant to Gore (1996) and an associated William T. Grant Foundation
grant to Aseltine and Liem (Liem, 2000Liem, J. H. 2000. Disrupted transitions: A study
of high school dropouts and school completers. Massachusetts Psychological Quarterly,
44(4): 13–14. [Google Scholar]). The sample included 1,325 participants: 1,143 high
school seniors from nine public schools in the greater Boston area, and 182 students
that were part of the same cohort (i.e., would have been seniors in 1998), but dropped
out of high school between their Grades 9–12 (13.7% of the sample). Participants were
surveyed in person during the 1997–1998 school year, and by telephone 2 (2000) and 4
years later (2002) by trained interviewers from the Center for Survey Research at the
University of Massachusetts Boston. Interviewers read structured survey questions to
participants and indicated their responses in a survey booklet. The study was funded by
grants from the National Institute of Mental Health and the William T. Grant Foundation.

At T2 and T3, 1,093 (82.5%) and 905 (68.2%) of the original T1 young adults were
interviewed, respectively. Compared with those who participated at T1, young adults
who were not interviewed at T2 and T3 were more likely to be male, χ2(1, N = 1,325) =
9.571, p <.01, be an ethnic minority, χ2(16, N = 1,325) = 53.83, p<.05, have parents with
a high school degree or less, χ2(4, N = 1,264) = 33.69, p <.05, have dropped out of
school, χ2(1, N = 1,325) = 10.17, p <.05, and live in one- or no-parent households,
χ2(4, N = 1,325) = 41.51, p<.05. They also reported lower peer support, t(1,316) = –
4.47, p <.05, than did young adults who continued in the study. No significant
differences in authoritative parenting style, sense of self as worthy, sense of self as
efficacious, or depressive symptoms were found. These results suggest that we have
lost young adults with fewer support resources and thus are limited in our ability to
generalize our findings to these more challenged young people.

A majority of the adolescents (n = 1,212, 91.5%) were 17–19 years of age when first
interviewed at T1 with ages ranging from 16–25 years. They were 2 years older at T2
and 4 years older at T3. In all, 682 (51.5%) of participants were women; 643 (48.5%) of
participants were men. In terms of ethnicity, 648 (48.9%) were White, 248 (18.7%) were
African American, 147 (11.1%) were Latino/a, 93 (7%) were Asian or Asian American,
68 (5.1%) were multiracial, and 108 (8.2%) were defined as other. In total, 805 (60.8%)
lived with two parents at T1, 391 (29.5%) lived with one parent, and 129 (9.7%) lived
with no parent. Parental education, used as a proxy for socioeconomic status, was
broken down into three categories: 201 participants (15.9%) had neither parent
graduate from high school; 360 (28.5%) had at least one parent who completed high
school; and 703 (55.6%) had at least one parent who had achieved more than a high
school degree.

Measures

Authoritative parenting style was assessed using three scales developed by Steinberg
and his colleagues (Lamborn et al., 1991Lamborn, S. D., Mounts, N.
S., Steinberg, L. and Dornbusch, S. M. 1991. Patterns of competence and adjustment
among adolescents from authoritative, authoritarian, indulgent, and neglectful
families. Child Development, 62: 1049–1065.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science
®], , [Google Scholar]): acceptance–involvement, strictness–supervision, and autonomy
granting. The acceptance–involvement scale (6 items) assesses the extent to which
participants perceived their parent(s) as loving, responsive, and involved. Sample items
include, “You can count on your parent/s to help you out when you have some kind of
problem” and “Your parent/s encourage you to think independently.” The strictness–
supervision scale (12 items) assesses participants’ perceptions of parental monitoring
and limit setting. Sample items include, “How often do your parent/s know where you go
at night” and “How often do your parent/s ask who your friends are.” The autonomy-
granting scale (9 items) assesses participants’ perceptions of their parents as
noncoercive, democratic in discipline, and encouraging of individuality within the family.
Sample items include, “Your parent/s think you shouldn't argue with adults” and “Your
parent/s act cold and unfriendly when you do something they don't like.” For all three
measures, adolescents assessed their parents as a unit or their single parent if they
lived in a single-parent household. Several studies have provided support for the validity
of these measures (Lamborn et al.; Steinberg, Lamborn, Dornbusch, & Darling,
1992Steinberg, L., Lamborn, S. D., Dornbusch, S. M. and Darling, N. 1992. Impact of
parenting practices on adolescent achievement: Authoritative parenting, school
involvement, and encouragement to succeed. Child Development, 63: 1266–
1281.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], , [Google Scholar]). Cronbach's alphas
for the three components of authoritative parenting and other study variables can be
found in Table 1.

TABLE 1 Means, Standard Deviations, Alphas, and Pearson Correlations for

all Study Variables
CSVDisplay Table

To create a composite score for authoritative parenting, the scores for each of the three
scales were standardized so that 0 indicated a score equal to or below the median and
1 indicated a score above the median. Authoritative parenting was the sum of the
scores received on all three scales. Thus, parents who scored above the median on all
three scales, and can thus be thought of as the most authoritative parents, received a
score of 3 (16% of the sample), whereas parents who scored below the median on all
three scales received a score of 0 (20%). The remaining parents (64%) fell between
these two extremes. This method of coding authoritative parenting was recommended
by Fletcher and Shaw (2000)Fletcher, A. C. and Shaw, R. A. 2000. Sex differences in
association between parental behaviors and characteristics and adolescent social
integration. Social Development, 9: 133–148. [Google Scholar]. Descriptive statistics for
all study variables can be found in Table 1.

Peer support was measured at T2. This 6-item measure assesses support functions
provided by peers as identified by Cutrona (1989)Cutrona, C. E. 1989. Ratings of social
support by adolescents and adult informants: Degree of correspondence and prediction
of depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 57: 723–
730.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], , [Google Scholar]. These include social
integration, reliable alliance, attachment, assurance of self-worth, guidance, and
opportunity for nurturance. The measure used in this study was drawn from two sources
(Gore, Aseltine & Colten, 1992Gore, S., Aseltine, R. H. and Colten, M. E. 1992. Social
structure, life stress, and depressive symptoms in a high school age population. Journal
of Health and Social Behavior, 33: 97–113.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science
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C. and Aseltine, R. H. 1990. Supportive interactions, negative interactions, and
depressed mood. American Journal of Community Psychology, 18: 423–
438.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], , [Google Scholar]). It includes
responses to questions rated on a 4-point Likert-type scale (ranging from a lot = 4 to not
at all = 1), such as, “Can you open up to friends if you have serious worries?”

Self-development was assessed using two measures. Sense of self as worthy was
assessed using an abbreviated version of the Rosenberg Scale (1965, 1985) at T2. The
total score is a measure of global feelings of self-respect and self-acceptance. The
Rosenberg scale is considered well constructed with high internal reliability (Cronbach α
coefficients range from .72 to .87). T2 sense of self as efficacious was assessed using
Pearlin's Mastery Scale (Pearlin, Lieberman, Menaghan, & Mullan, 1981Pearlin, L.
I., Lieberman, M. A., Menaghan, E. G. and Mullan, J. T. 1981. The stress
process. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 22: 337–
356.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], , [Google Scholar]), a 7-item scale that
addresses issues of personal agency. The measure was designed to assess the extent
of agreement or disagreement with a series of statements regarding the perceived
ability to bring about desired outcomes through an individual's own efforts. For example,
respondents are asked how much they agree on a 4-point Likert-type scale (4 = strongly
agree to 1 = strongly disagree) with the statement, “What happens to me in the future
depends mostly on me.” The instrument has been shown to have good validity and
reliability (Pearlin et al.).

Depressive symptoms were assessed during all three waves using the Center for
Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale (CES-D; Radloff, 1977Radloff, L.
S. 1977. The CES-D scale: A self-report depression scale for research in the general
population. Applied Psychological Measurement, 1(3): 385–401.[Crossref], [Web of
Science ®], , [Google Scholar]). The 12-item version was used in this study to assess
young adults’ symptoms of depression across four dimensions: depressed affect,
enervation, positive affect, and interpersonal relations. Respondents indicate symptoms
of depression experienced within the last week using four frequency-based response
categories. Radloff reported internal consistency reliabilities of .85–.90.

Control variables

Gender, socioeconomic status, household composition, ethnicity, and dropout status

were selected as control variables due to their potential influence on the outcomes of
interest. First, substantial research supports that gender (2 = woman, 1 = man in the
present study) is significantly related to depression in adolescence (Cichetti & Toth,
1998Cichetti, D. and Toth, S. L. 1998. The development of depression in children and
adolescents. American Psychologist, 53: 221–241. [Google Scholar]; Ge, Natsuaki, &
Conger, 2006Ge, X., Natsuaki, M. N. and Conger, R. D. 2006. Trajectories of
depressive symptoms and stressful life events among male and female adolescents in
divorced and nondivorced families. Development and Psychopathology, 18: 253–
273.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], , [Google Scholar]; Reinherz, Giaconia,
Huaf, Wasserman, & Silverman, 1999Reinherz, H. Z., Giaconia, R. M., Hauf, A. M.
C., Wasserman, M. S. and Silverman, A. B. 1999. Major depression in the transition to
adulthood: Risks and impairments. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 108: 500–
510.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], , [Google Scholar]). Second,
socioeconomic status was selected as a control variable due to its overarching influence
on development and its relationship to depression during adolescence (Cichetti &
Toth; Haan & Macdermid, 1999Haan, D. and Macdermid, S. M. 1999. Identity
development as a mediating factor between urban poverty and behavioral outcomes for
junior high school students. Journal of Family and Economic Issues, 20: 123–
148.[Crossref], , [Google Scholar]). Parental education was included as a proxy for
family socioeconomic status. It is an ordinal variable measuring the highest level of
education attained by either parent. Respondents with at least one parent who received
a degree higher than high school were coded as 2. Respondents with at least one
parent who graduated high school were coded as 1. Respondents with neither parent
who graduated high school were coded as 0. Household composition was measured at
T1. Respondents were asked with whom they presently lived. Two-parent households
were coded as 2. One-parent households were coded as 1. No-parent households were
coded as 0. Self-identified race and ethnic identity were obtained at T1 using the two-
pronged approach used in the 2000 Census. Dummy variables for Black or African
American and Hispanic or Latino origin were created. Ethnic makeup was employed as
a control variable because ethnic differences appear to exert a large influence across a
variety of adolescent outcomes including depression and self-perceptions (Kenny et al.,
2002Kenny, M. E., Gallagher, L. A., Alvarez-Salvat, R. and Silsby, J. 2002. Sources of
support and psychological distress among academically successful inner-city
youth. Adolescence, 37: 161–182. [Google Scholar], Radziszewska, Richardson, Dent,
& Flay, 1996Radziszewska, B., Richardson, R., Dent, C. W. and Flay, B.
R. 1996. Parenting style and adolescent depressive symptoms, smoking, and academic
achievement: Ethnic, gender and SES differences. Journal of Behavioral Medicine,
19: 289–305.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], , [Google Scholar]). Finally,
dropout status was included as a control variable (1 = dropout, 0 = graduate) because
the decision to leave high school is related to numerous psychological outcomes during
adolescence including depression (Dillon et al., 2003Dillon, C. O., Liem, J.
H. and Gore, S. 2003. Navigating disrupted transitions: Getting back on track after
dropping out of high school. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 73: 429–440. [Google
Scholar]; Liem, Dillon, & Gore, 2002Liem, J. H, Dillon, C. O. and Gore, S. 2002, August.
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Results

Analyses

Ordinal least square (OLS) linear regressions with hierarchical modeling were
conducted to determine the influence of authoritative parenting on adolescent self-
development and perceived peer support at T2 and on young adult depressive
symptoms at T1, T2, and T3. Hierarchical linear regressions were also employed to
assess the influence of self-development, peer support, and depressive symptoms at T2
on depressive symptoms at T3. Regression analyses were employed to test for
mediation in the manner suggested by Baron and Kenny (1986)Baron, R.
M. and Kenny, D. A. 1986. The moderator–mediator variable distinction in social
psychological research: Conceptual, strategic, and statistical considerations. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 51: 1173–1182.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of
Science ®], , [Google Scholar]. According to Baron and Kenny, a significant relationship
between authoritative parenting at T1 and depressive symptoms at T3, between
authoritative parenting at T1 and self-development, peer support, and depressive
symptoms at T2, and between self-development, peer support, and depressive
symptoms at T2 and depressive symptoms at T3, combined with the occurrence of
reduced beta weights for authoritative parenting on depressive symptoms at T3 when
T2 self-development, peer support, and depressive symptoms are added to the
regression model, signals the presence of a mediating effect of those variables.

Preliminary Analyses

First, the relations among the independent and dependent variables, including
depressive symptoms at T1, T2, and T3, were examined using bivariate correlations. As
displayed in Table 1, all relationships were significant and ranged from .09–.56. No
potential problems with multicollinearity were observed. All correlations were in the
expected direction.

Second, the relations between T3 depressive symptoms and each of the control
variables were examined. Independent sample t tests demonstrated that there were no
significant differences between men and women and high school graduates and
dropouts in T3 depressive symptoms. Analyses of variance (ANOVAs) with post hoc
tests demonstrated that there were significant differences in T3 depressive symptoms
between households with two parents (M = 7.17, SD = 5.75) and households with one
parent (M = 8.73, SD = 6.14), F(2, 905) = 6.18, p <.05. In addition, participants who
identified as White reported fewer depressive symptoms (M = 7.08, SD = 5.79) than
other ethnic-racial groups, including those who identified as Black (M = 8.86, SD = 6.38)
and Latino (M = 9.09, SD = 6.49), F(8, 899) = 2.45, p <.05. There were no significant
differences in T3 depressive symptoms between participants from families of different
educational backgrounds.
Effect of Authoritative Parenting on Depressive Symptoms at T1, T2,
and T3

Consistent with previous research on parenting styles, hierarchical linear regression

analyses revealed that after controlling for demographic variables, authoritative
parenting was associated with fewer depressive symptoms during adolescence (T1; B =
–.18, p <.05), F(7, 1,251) = 13.51, p <.05, and continued to be associated with fewer
depressive symptoms 2 and 4 years later, (T2; B = –.13, p <.05), F(7, 1,040) =
8.50, p<.05 (see Table 2); (T3; B = –.11, p <.05), F(7, 866) = 4.88, p <.05 (see Table 3),
respectively. Authoritative parenting accounted for 2.9%, 1.6%, and 1.2% of the
variance in depressive symptoms at T1, T2, and T3, respectively.

TABLE 2 T2 Mediators Regressed on T1 Authoritative Parenting

CSVDisplay Table

TABLE 3 T3 Depression Regressed on T1 Authoritative Parenting, T2

Mediators, and Mediators With Authoritative Parenting
CSVDisplay Table

Mediation Analyses

Also consistent with previous research on parenting styles, hierarchical linear

regression analyses revealed that after controlling for demographic variables,
authoritative parenting during adolescence was associated with indices of healthy self-
development, including sense of self as worthy (B = .14, p <.05), F(7, 1,041) =
6.33, p <.05, and efficacious (B = .17, p <.05), F(7, 1,041) = 8.95, p <.05, 2 years later.
Authoritative parenting accounted for 1.9% of the variance in sense of self as worthy
and 2.6% of the variance in sense of self as efficacious. In addition, as mentioned in the
previous section, authoritative parenting was also associated with fewer depressive
symptoms at T2 (B = –.13, p <.05), F(7, 1,040) = 8.50, p <.05). In each case, this
represented a small but significant increase in the variance accounted for by the control
variables alone. Contrary to expectations, the relationship between authoritative
parenting and peer support was not significant (B = .06, p >.05), F(7, 1,040) =
9.35, p <.05 (see Table 2).

We next tested the relations between indices of healthy self-development, peer support,
and depressive symptoms at T2 and depressive symptoms at T3 in one regression. T2
sense of self as worthy (B = –.14, p<.05) and efficacious (B = –.08, p <.05), and lower
levels of T2 depressive symptoms (B = .35, p <.05), but not T2 peer support (B = –
.05, p >.05), were significant predictors of fewer T3 depressive symptoms. Together,
these variables accounted for 24.2% of the variance in T3 depressive symptoms, F(10,
863) = 31.54, p <.05 (see Table 3). Furthermore, as previously mentioned, and also
displayed in Table 3, authoritative parenting is a significant predictor of depression at T3
(B = –.11, p <.05), F(7, 866) = 4.88, p <.05). However, its predictive value is small,
accounting for only 1.2% of the variance in T3 depression.

Last, to test mediation, authoritative parenting was added to the regression model as an
independent variable, together with three of the four T2 mediator variables (self-esteem,
mastery, and T2 depressive symptoms). Because peer support at T2 was not
associated with authoritative parenting at T1 or depressive symptoms at T3, it was not
considered as a potential mediator of the relationship between authoritative parenting
and T3 depressive symptoms.

As predicted, in contrast with the model without T2 mediator variables, the beta weight
for authoritative parenting decreased and became insignificant in the final model (B = –
.03, p >.05). On the other hand, sense of self as worthy (B = –.15, p <.05) and
efficacious (B = –.09, p <.05) and T2 depressive symptoms (B = .35, p<.05) remained
significant predictors of T3 depressive symptoms, F(10, 863) = 31.41, p <.05.

Three separate regressions were then run to determine which of three potential
mediators (T2 sense of self as worthy and efficacious and depressive symptoms)
decreased the predictive value of authoritative parenting. Therefore, in each regression,
the control variables were entered in the first step. In the second step, authoritative
parenting was entered along with one of the three potential mediator variables. The
results indicated that T2 sense of self as efficacious and depressive symptoms
mediated the relationship between authoritative parenting and T3 depressive
symptoms, in that the beta weight for authoritative parenting dropped to nonsignificance
(B = –.05, p >.05 and B = –.05, p >.05, respectively). In contrast, T2 sense of self as
worthy only partially mediated the relationship between authoritative parenting and T3
depression. The beta weight for authoritative parenting dropped, but was still significant
(B = –.06, p <.05). However, the difference between the drop in beta weight when
depression and mastery versus self-esteem were included in the regression along with
authoritative parenting is marginal. Corresponding, the results of Sobel tests for sense
of self as worthy (Sobel statistic = –4.10, p <.05) and efficacious (Sobel statistic = –
4.73, p <.05) and T2 depressive symptoms (Sobel statistic = –8.39, p <.05) supported
mediation for all three variables.

These results demonstrate that the effect of authoritative parenting on depressive

symptoms was mediated by an individual's sense of self as worthy and efficacious and
by depressive symptoms at T2. Authoritative parenting seemed to facilitate a positive
perception of self as worthy and masterful and lower levels of depressive symptoms at
T2, which in turn reduced the likelihood of developing later depressive symptoms. The
full model accounted for 26.7% of the variance in T3 depressive symptoms (see Table
3).

Final regression analyses (Table 3) also demonstrated that, after controlling for other
demographic variables, Black (B = .10, p <.05) and Latino (B = .08, p <.05) racial and
ethnic identities were associated with more depressive symptoms at T3.
Discussion

The primary goal of this study was to investigate the relations between authoritative
parenting during adolescence (T1), and self-development, peer support, and depressive
symptoms during emerging adulthood (T2) to better understand the potential
mechanisms through which young adult depression (T3) develops. Our hypothesis, that
an authoritative parenting style assessed during adolescence would predict depressive
symptoms concurrently and during young adulthood 2 and 4 years later, was supported.
However, the effect sizes were small. More authoritative parenting was only modestly
associated with lower levels of depressive symptoms at T1, T2, and T3, with parenting
style having a decreasing level of influence as young people aged. Although small,
these results are consistent with previous findings with adolescents as well as young
adults (Ge et al.,1996Ge, X., Best, K., Conger, R. D. and Simons, R. L. 1996. Parenting
behaviors and the occurrence and co-occurrence of adolescent symptoms and conduct
problems. Developmental Psychology, 32: 717–731.[Crossref], [Web of Science
®], , [Google Scholar]; Lamborn et al., 1991Lamborn, S. D., Mounts, N.
S., Steinberg, L. and Dornbusch, S. M. 1991. Patterns of competence and adjustment
among adolescents from authoritative, authoritarian, indulgent, and neglectful
families. Child Development, 62: 1049–1065.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science
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2003Slicker, E. and Thornberry, I. 2003. Older adolescent well-being and authoritative
parenting. Adolescent & Family Health, 3(1): 9–19. [Google Scholar]; Steinberg et al.,
1994Steinberg, L., Lamborn, S. D., Darling, N. and Mounts, N. S. 1994. Over-time
changes in adjustment and competence among adolescents from authoritative,
authoritarian, indulgent, and neglectful families. Child Development, 65: 754–
770.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], , [Google Scholar]) and extend the
relationship further into young adulthood.

Furthermore, T2 depressive symptoms also functioned as a significant mediator of the

effects of authoritative parenting on T3 depression. In fact, in the full model, the
strongest predictor of depressive symptoms at T3 was depressive symptoms at T2. In
addition, Sobel tests demonstrated that T2 depressive symptoms had the strongest
effect as a mediator of the relationship between T1 authoritative parenting and T3
depressive symptoms. Therefore, our results suggest that depressive symptoms are
fairly continuous from adolescence through young adulthood.

Our findings also suggest that the process of self-development occurs within a specific
parenting context. As hypothesized, adolescents who described their parents as more
authoritative were also more likely to perceive themselves as more worthy and
efficacious during emerging adulthood although the relationship is modest. These
findings are consistent with those of Lamborn et al. (1991)Lamborn, S. D., Mounts, N.
S., Steinberg, L. and Dornbusch, S. M. 1991. Patterns of competence and adjustment
among adolescents from authoritative, authoritarian, indulgent, and neglectful
families. Child Development, 62: 1049–1065.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science
®], , [Google Scholar] and Steinberg et al. (1994)Steinberg, L., Lamborn, S.
D., Darling, N. and Mounts, N. S. 1994. Over-time changes in adjustment and
competence among adolescents from authoritative, authoritarian, indulgent, and
neglectful families. Child Development, 65: 754–770.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of
Science ®], , [Google Scholar] in which parents classified as authoritative had
adolescents who scored the highest on measures of psychosocial competence. Overall,
the results of this study also support Roberts and Bengston's (1993)Roberts, R. E.
L. and Bengston, V. L. 1993. Relationships with parents, self-esteem, and psychological
well-being in young adulthood. Social Psychology Quarterly, 56: 263–
277.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®], , [Google Scholar]suggestion that the family serves
as a critical context in which the adolescent negotiates a sense of self and extends that
relationship into emerging adulthood. Authoritative parenting might be thought of as an
ecological niche (Bronfenbrenner, 1979Bronfenbrenner, U. 1979. The ecology of human
development, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. [Google
Scholar], 1986Bronfenbrenner, U. 1986. Ecology of the family as a context for human
development. Developmental Psychology, 22: 723–742.[Crossref], [Web of Science
®], , [Google Scholar]) within which a young person's self-development is nested. By
providing a balance between warmth and structure, authoritative parents are better at
creating niches in which positive self-perceptions are developed and sustained.

Our hypothesis that indices of self-development would predict depressive symptoms 2

years later was also confirmed. Emerging adults’ perceptions of themselves as worthy
and efficacious predicted depressive symptoms in young adulthood. These results
mirror those of Haan and MacDermid (1999)Haan, D. and Macdermid, S.
M. 1999. Identity development as a mediating factor between urban poverty and
behavioral outcomes for junior high school students. Journal of Family and Economic
Issues, 20: 123–148.[Crossref], , [Google Scholar], which showed that positive identity
development served as a protective factor that reduced the likelihood of depression
among adolescents living in an urban setting, and extend those findings to young
adulthood.

Similarly, our hypothesis that self-development (self-esteem and mastery) would serve
as a vehicle through which authoritative parenting affected young adult depressive
symptoms was also supported by the data. This mediating role suggests a multifactoral
model of developmental psychopathology. Such a model captures the reciprocal
interaction among multiple environmental forces and individual factors that contribute to
symptoms of depression. An authoritative parenting style during adolescence may be
viewed as one force that protects against the development of depression in
adolescence and emerging adulthood. The development of a sense of worthiness and
efficaciousness may be viewed as another force that positively affects the development
of depression during young adulthood. However, our analyses suggest that authoritative
parenting during adolescence does not have a direct effect on depression during young
adulthood, but rather has its effect by influencing experiences of depression earlier in an
offspring's development. Indeed, had we been able to look at authoritative parenting
and depression before adolescence, we may have found that the effect was even
stronger and established earlier in the developmental process.
Also consistent with previous findings (Cutrona, 1989Cutrona, C. E. 1989. Ratings of
social support by adolescents and adult informants: Degree of correspondence and
prediction of depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,
57: 723–730.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], , [Google Scholar]),
correlational analyses indicated that adolescents who perceived themselves as having
greater peer support reported significantly fewer depressive symptoms at T1, T2, and
T3. However, contrary to our hypotheses, authoritative parenting style was not
significantly related to peer support, and peer support did not mediate the relationship
between authoritative parenting and later depressive symptoms. Furthermore, although
correlational analyses indicated a strong, positive association between the two self-
development indices and peer support, the cross-sectional nature of these data make it
impossible to determine whether peer support influences self-development or
perceptions of self as worthy and efficacious affect perceptions of peer support. In
analyses not reported in this article, perceived peer support did not account for
additional variance in T3 depressive symptoms once the variance accounted for by self-
perceptions (as worthy and efficacious) was taken into account. Future researchers
should examine further the role of peer relationships in conjunction with other
psychosocial indices during emerging adulthood.

Although style of parenting was the primary contextual component of this investigation,
identifying as either Black or Latino also had an effect on young adult experiences of
depressive symptoms. These findings are consistent with the literature on adolescent
development. Teenagers from families with fewer economic resources have been found
to rate themselves lower on a variety of well-being indicators than their more
advantaged peers (Haan & MacDermid, 1999Haan, D. and Macdermid, S.
M. 1999. Identity development as a mediating factor between urban poverty and
behavioral outcomes for junior high school students. Journal of Family and Economic
Issues, 20: 123–148.[Crossref], , [Google Scholar]; Radziszewska et al.,
1996Radziszewska, B., Richardson, R., Dent, C. W. and Flay, B. R. 1996. Parenting
style and adolescent depressive symptoms, smoking, and academic achievement:
Ethnic, gender and SES differences. Journal of Behavioral Medicine, 19: 289–
305.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], , [Google Scholar]), and minority racial
and ethnic identity has also been found to be positively associated with depressive
symptoms (Brown, Meadows, & Elder, 2007Brown, J. S., Meadows, S. O. and Elder, G.
H. 2007. Race–ethnic inequality and psychological distress: Depressive symptoms from
adolescence to young adulthood. Developmental Psychology, 43: 1295–
1311.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], , [Google Scholar]). Future researchers
should consider how contextual factors, such as racial and ethnic background,
moderate the associations between parenting styles, self-development, and depressive
symptoms. Other contextual factors need to be examined as well, given the limited
amount of variance in young adult depression accounted for by our model. A biological
predisposition for depression also needs to be considered in a fuller explanatory model.

In summary, this study helps to clarify how authoritative parenting during adolescence
influences the development of depressive symptoms during young adulthood. Findings
from this study affirm and extend the well-documented role that authoritative parenting
plays in adolescent depression and extend it to young adulthood. More importantly, the
results suggest that authoritative parenting helps shape emerging adults’ perceptions of
themselves as worthy and efficacious and this development of positive self-perceptions
influences in modest ways the development of later young adult depressive symptoms.
Furthermore, our study points to considerable continuity in depressive symptoms across
young adulthood and suggests how this may relate to authoritative parenting during
adolescence. However, several of the effect sizes in our analyses were small.
Therefore, they should be further explored in future studies.

Although helpful in the ways just described, this study also has several limitations that
should be addressed in future research. First, as described previously, sample attrition
limited our ability to generalize our findings to the most disadvantaged young people in
our sample. Another primary limitation was the single-source, self-report nature of the
data. When conducting a study that addresses parenting styles or parenting behaviors,
a more complete (and perhaps different) picture may be obtained by also collecting
descriptions of parenting behaviors directly from parents and from each parent
independently. Although the self-report nature of the data was a limitation, there is still
inherent value in a study based on adolescents’ perceptions of the ways in which they
are parented. Internalized conceptualizations of the way in which adolescents are
nurtured, guided, supported, supervised, and disciplined are ultimately the
representations that motivate adolescents’ feeling states and actions in multiple
contexts.

In addition, our approach to measuring parenting styles (i.e., asking participants about
their parents’ parenting style as a single unit) assumed that parenting style was
consistent among parents in two-parent families. This approach neither allowed us to
examine individual parents’ relationships with their children nor did it allow for an
examination of the effects of incongruent parenting styles among parents. Future
researchers should focus on the multiple ways in which parenting behaviors during
adolescence may continue to influence young adult development.

Our findings are also limited in terms of suggesting causality. By using a three-wave
longitudinal design, we tried to model causation as well as mediation. However, it
remains impossible to be sure about the direction of causation. More depressed
adolescents could have had negatively biased views of the parenting they received, and
their adolescent mood states and negatively biased perceptions may together be
accounting for their greater depressive symptoms reported in young adulthood.

Knowledge of the predictors of depression, such as an individual's sense of self as

worthy and efficacious as well as an individual's perceptions of peer support, specific
parenting styles, and prior levels of depressive symptoms, is important so that
researchers can identify those young adults at risk for developing depression. In
addition, we can use this knowledge to develop interventions that decrease this risk.
Furthermore, this study provides important information for the families of young adults
with depression. Parents have become increasingly responsible for their young adult
children as the function and nature of young adulthood have changed. Arnett
(2000)Arnett, J. J. 2000. Emerging adulthood: A theory of development from late teens
through the twenties. American Psychologist, 55: 469–480.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web
of Science ®], , [Google Scholar] argued that adolescence has lengthened and
adulthood as we previously have understood it now comes later, as the ages at which
young adults marry and become parents have increased and larger numbers of young
adults are seeking higher education and are staying in school longer. The lives of young
adults are increasingly unstable in terms of employment, residential, educational, and
relationship status. As a result, young adults are more frequently living with and
financially depending on parents, many of whom are struggling themselves (Osgood,
Foster, Flanagan, & Ruth, 2005Osgood, D. W., Foster, E.
M., Flanagan, C. and Ruth, G. R.2005. “Introduction: Why focus on the transition to
adulthood for vulnerable populations?”. In On your own without a net: The transition to
adulthood for vulnerable populations, Edited by: Osgood, D. W., Foster, E.
M., Flanagan, C. and Ruth, G. R. 1–26. Chicago: The University of Chicago
Press.[Crossref], , [Google Scholar]). Furthermore, this instability may put young adults
at greater risk for depression, which may hinder their ability to undertake adult
responsibilities to secure their future. Parents may, as a result, be responsible for caring
for a depressed young adult child. Knowing more about how to parent to foster positive
self-development and positive peer relationships during adolescence, as well as ways in
which these processes may influence depression, can empower parents to help their
children avoid or more quickly recover from depression.

AUTHOR NOTES

Joan H. Liem is a professor of psychology and Dean of Graduate Studies at the

University of Massachusetts Boston. Her research focuses on the adolescent to young
adult transition among at risk adolescents. Her most recent publications focus on the
influence of parent and peer support on the well-being of emerging adults who have
dropped out of high school. Emily Cohen Cavell is a graduate of the PhD program in
Clinical Psychology at the University of Massachusetts Boston. Her research focuses on
parenting styles and self-development and on bereavement during the adolescent to
young adult transition. Kara Lustig is a graduate student in the PhD program in Clinical
Psychology at the University of Massachusetts Boston. Her research focuses on the
role of employment in changing delinquent trajectories during emerging adulthood and
on self-objectification and sexual feelings and behaviors among women.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to acknowledge the helpful feedback provided on earlier
versions of this paper by Susan Gore, PhD, Professor, Sociology Department,
University of Massachusetts, Boston and Alice Carter, PhD, Professor, Psychology
Department, University of Massachusetts, Boston. Data for this project came from a
study supported by grants from the National Institute of Mental Health to Susan Gore
(RO1-MH55626), Karen Bourdon, Project Officer, and the William T. Grant Foundation
to Robert Aseltine and Joan Liem (98190598).
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