UNIVERSAL

LIBRARY

OU 160925
LIBRARY
UNIVERSAL
 UNIVERSITY OP MYSORE

STUDIES IN DRAVIDIAN PHILOLOGY—No 1.

A GRAMMAR
OF THE

OLDEST KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS

BY

A. N. NABASIMHIA, M.A.,L.T., Ph.D. (London)

Uni vers it y Librarian
and
Part-time Professor of Philology, Maharaja's College, Mysore

PUBLISHED BY
THE UNIVERSITY OP MYSORE
MYSORE
1941
A Grammar of the Oldest Kanarese Inscriptions,
including a Study of the Sanskrit and
Prakrit Loan Words.
 Volume I

THESIS

Presented to the Faculty of Arts of the University

of London, June 1933, in partial fulfilment of
the requirements for the Degree of Doctor
of Philosophy.
 PREFACE.

T HIS is an attempt to give a descriptive account of

the grammar of the oldest Kanarese inscriptions
from the linguistic material available in the Inscrip¬
tions of the sixth and the seventh centuries A. D.
Every effort is made to explain the forms, wherever
possible, in the light of those in Tamil, Malayalam,
Telugu and Tulu; and also the developments of some
of the old Kanarese forms into the modern Kanarese.
I take this opportunity to express my sincere
gratitude to Professor R. L. Turner, Director, the
School of Oriental Studies, London, who, as my
supervisor, opened my eyes to the western methods
of scientific research. He has been kind enough not
only to go through the whole of this thesis, but also
to help me constantly with his most valuable and
enlightening criticisms and suggestions for improve¬
ment.
The fact that it is published as the first volume
of the series—“ Studies in Dravidian Philology ” is
due to the kindness and active sympathy of Dr. E. P.
Metcalfe, D.sc., f.-inst.-p., and jRajakaryapravina N. S.
Subba Rao, Esq., m.a. (Cantab.), Bar.-at-law., the
former and the present Vice-Chancellors of the
University of Mysore. I would be failing in my duty
if I did not acknowledge these obligations and express
my sincere gratefulness to them and the University
of Mysore.

The University Library,'

Mysore, A. N. NARASIMHIA,
27th November 1941.
 CONTENTS.

Subject PAGE.
Preface i
An Abstract of the Thesis iii
Chief Abbreviations, etc. v-viii
Introduction xi-xxi

PART I.

A. Consonants and Consonant Groups.

1. History of p 1-22
2. History of r ... 23-51
3. History of v 52-60
4. History of L 61-85
5. Consonant Groups 86-95
6. Long Consonants ... 96-105

B. Grammar,

1x • Nouns ... 109-163

2. Adjectives ... 164-174
3. Pronouns ... 175-181
4. Numerals ... 181-184
5. Derivative Nouns ... 184-185
6. Composition ... 186-192
7. Verbs ... 193-215
8. Substantives derived from verbal roots ... 217-219
9. Adverbs ... 220-222
10. Conjunctions ... 223-227
11. Word-order ... 227-245

PART II.

The Text of the Inscriptions ... ... ... 249-264

G. O. I. B
 11

PAKT III.

PAGE

A. The Index 271-349

B. Appendix I. Proper names 353-357
Appendix II. Verse Inscriptions 358-360
Appendix III. Figures of Speech in Inscriptions 361
Appendix IV. Sanskrit verses in Kanarese Inscrip¬
tions 362-363
APPENDIX V- Indo-Aryan Loan words 364-365
C. Bibliography 366-375
 Ill

THE ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS.

The title of the Thesis : A Grammar of the Oldest

Kanarese Inscriptions, with a study of the Sanskrit
and Prakrt lostn-words.
The thesis is an attempt to give a descriptive
account of the grammar of the oldest Kanarese inscrip¬
tions from the linguistic material available in the
inscriptions of the sixth " and seventh centuries A. D.
It consists of three parts :
Part 1 : The Grammar: Consisting of short
chapters on the history of certain consonants and
consonant groups, substantives, adjectives, pronouns,
numerals, verbs, adverbs and conjunctions. An
attempt is made to explain the forms, wherever
possible, in the light of those in Tamil, Malayalam,
Telugu and Tulu ; and developments of some of the
old Kanarese forms into the modern Kanarese are
noted" The last Chapter is devoted to remarks on
the word-order.
Part II: The Inscriptions : Text of the Inscrip¬
tions studied.
Part III: The Index : Index of all words in the
Inscriptions studied, with etymological notes.

* Recently an inscription of the second quarter of the fifth

century A. D. (circa 450 A. D.) has been discovered at Halmidi, a
village about five miles to the north-west of Belur, Hassan
District, Mysore State, S. India. (Vide M. A. R. 1936. pp. 73-
80). The conclusions reached in this Part of the thesis are not
affected by the discovery of this new inscription.
B 2
 IV

anukulapavananim ji-
van istadiih nabhimuladol kahaleya pain-1
gina vol sabdadravyarh
janiyisuguiii svetam adara karyaih
Sa’bdaiii11

tanu vadyam nalige va-

datia dandarii kartrv atrnan
avana manovr-*
ttinimittam agi sabclaiii
janiyisuguiii dhavalavarnam aksara-
rupaiiiM

vyakaranadiiiide padam a
vyakaranada padadin arthani
' arthade tattva-1
lokam tattvalokadin
akariiksipa muktiy akkum
ade budharge phalarid1

—KES’IRAJA.
 V

CHIEF ABBREVIATIONS, ETC.

(a) Titles of Books, Journals, Periodicals, etc.

A.J.P. American Journal of Philology.

A.S.I. Archaelogical Survey of India.
C.D.G. A Comparative Grammar of the
Dravidian or the South Indian
Family of Languages by R. Cald¬
well.
D.K.D. The Dynasties of the Kanarese Dis¬
tricts by J. F. Fleet.
D.l). Dravidian Developments by E. H.
Tuttle.
D.R. Dravidian Researches by E. H. Tuttle.
D.S. Dravidic Studies (Madras University)
E.C. Epigraphia Carnatica.
E.I. Epigraphia Indica.
I.Ant. Indian Antiquary.
J.R.A.S. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,
London.
J.Bora.Br. Journal of the Bombay Branch of the
R.A.S. Royal Asiatic Society.
Kan. Kanarese.
K.B.B. Karnataka Bkasa Bhusana.
K.G. Kittel’s Grammar of the Kannada
Language.
K.K.C. KarnatakakavicaritebyR.Narasimha-
car.
K.L.I.S.I. Kiel horn’s List of Inscriptions in
Southern India.
K.R.M. Kaviraja Marga by Nrpatuhga.
K.S.S. Karnataka S’abdanus’asani
by Bhattakajanka.
K. Y.V. Karnataka Kavyavalokana by Naga-
varma.
L. S.L Linguistic Survey of India. Yol. IV.
N.D. The Nepali Dictionary.
P.K. Prabuddha Karnataka.
P. S.O.C.I. Pali, Sanskrit and Old Canarese
Inscriptions by J. P. fleet.
Q. J.M.S. Quarterly Journal of the Mythic
Society, Bangalore.
S.M.D. S’abdamanidarpana by Kes’iraja.
S.S.D.I. Some S’aka Dates in Inscriptions by
A, Venkatasubbiah.
T.H. Tamil Handbook by G. II. Pope.
N.B.—1. For the Editions of the different works used, see
Bibliography at the'end of the thesis.
2. The abbreviations for the Names of Taluks in
E.O.L are used throughout.
3. The numbers after K.B.B., K.V.V., K.S.S. and
S.M.P. refer to the Sutras and not to pages
In K.R.M. the numbers refer to verses.

(b) Grammatical Terms.

1. acc. - accusative.
‘2. act. - active.
3. adj. - adjective.
4. adj.s. - adjectival substantive.
5. adv. - adverb or adverbial.
6. adv. pp. - adverbial past participle.
7. conj. - conjunction, conjunctive.
9. dat. - dative.
10. dem. - demonstrative.
11. D.P.P. - declinable past participle.
12. f., fern. - feminine.
13. fut., ft. - future.
 vu

14. gen. - genitive.

15. imp. - imperative.
16. inf. - infinitive.
17. instr. -instrumental.
18. intr. - intransitive.
18a. inter., - inter - interrogative.
19. loc. - locative.
20. m. masc. - masculine.
‘21. n.^ neuter.
22. nom. - nominative.
23. num. - numeral.
24. num. adj. - numeral adj.
25. opt. - optative.
26. p., part. - participle.
27. pers. - person.
28. pi. - plural.
29. pi. (bon.) - honorific plural.
30. pp. - past participle.
31. pr. - present.
32. pr. Drn. - primitive Dravidian (hypo¬
thetical).
33. pr. Kan. - primitive Kanarese (hypo¬
thetical).
34. pr. p. - present participle.
35. pron. - pronoun.
35a. ref. - reflexive.
36. rt. - root.
37. s. - substantive.
38. s. pr. - proper noun.
39. sg. - singular.
39a. tab. - tadbhava.
40. tr. - transitive.
41. vb. - verb.
42. vbal. - verbal.
43. voc. - vocative.
 Vlll

(c) MISCELLANEOUS.

colloq. - colloquial
contd. - continued,
e.g. - for example,
i.c. - that is.
Kan. - Kanarese.
Lw. - loan-word.
M. - Malayalam.
M. K. - Medieval Kanarese.
N. K. - Modern Kanarese.
N. W. - native word.
O. K. - Old Kanarese.
Pkt. - Prakrit.
Plw. - Prakrt loan-word.
Skt. - Sanskrt.
Slw. - Sanskrt loan-word.
T. - Tamil, O. T. - Old Tamil.
N.T. - New Tamil.

Tel.’-}Telugw-
Tu. - Tulu.
Other abbreviations will be easily recognised.
Matter In [ j is deleted.

The system of the Royal Asiatic Society is

followed for transliteration, except r, l and t where r
is used for O.K. ® T. pTe. ®; l for O.K. “ and T. and
M. ^ ; and -t- for alveolar -t-.
 IX

avagunarn idarolag ena-

nuvullodam nimma gunaman ure
mcreyal ti-
rduvudu bahus’rutar en i sida
kavigal budhar oldu, gunake
purudipar ojare11

- KAVI-SALVA.
 INTRODUCTION.

The present thesis is an attempt to deal, in some

detail, with the grammar of the Old Kanarese inscrip¬
tions of the 6th and the 7th centuries A.D.
There ara. four grammatical treatises1 on Old
Kanarese, based on the ancient literary works.
Occasional references to grammatical points are found
in a work on rhetoric, 44 Kavirajamarga ” by
Nrpatunga (877 A.D.). Western scholars have
written grammars in English on Kanarese. John
McKerrell of the Madras Civil Service dedicated his
grammar of Kanarese language to King George IV,
in 1820. Caldwell wrote in 1856 44 A Comparative
Grammar of the Dravidian or the South Indian
Family of Languages ” and a second revised edition of
it was published in 1875. In this comparative
study, Caldwell refers to the general tendencies of the
Kanarese language, old and new, as compared with
Tamil, Malayalam, Telugu and Tulu. It is Dr.
F. Kittel who wrote the most systematic and complete

1. (a) Karnataka kavyavaldkana by Nagavarmma—C. 1045

in 96 Kanda verses with illustrations in verse—given as the first
chapter of his work on rhetoric.
(b) Karnataka Bhdsa Bhusana by Nagavarmma, C. 1045
in 269 Sutras in Sanskrit with a Sanskrit vrtti or gloss and
illustrations.
(c) S’abdamanidarpana by Kes’irdja, 1260 A. I). in 320
kanda verses in old Kanarese with his own gloss on each verse
and is ** the fullest exposition of the language of his period
(d) Karnataka S’abddnus'asana by Bhattakalanka (1604)
in 592 Sanskrit Sutras with illustrations from ancient literary
works.
XI
 xii

grammar on the Kanarese language in English

in 1903.
McKerrell deals with New Kanarese, but Caldwell
deals with the old as well as the new. Kittel has
given a thorough exposition in English of all the
Kan. grammars and also of O.K., M.K. and N.K. with
occasional references1 to the grammatical forms in
the old Kanarese inscriptions.
Such references to the old Kanarese inscriptions
are very few compared with those to old kavyas. In the
introduction to his “ Kannada-English Dictionary ”,
Kittel says that he has not been able to include all
the words occurring in the inscriptions, published
so far.
The four grammars on O.K. referred to above, as
we now have it, are the originals, as modified by
“ the endless blunders of drivelling and hireling
transcribers, the paucity of (good) duplicates of MSS.
for collation and the comparatively very small number
of men to be found among the natives possessing
appropriate philological information, soundness of
judgment or zeal for literary research and general
improvement.”2. Further, the texts of these grammars
are altered by the pandits vs ho hoped to add to the
dignity of Kanarese by the free use of the terminology
and principles of Skt. grammar. The Kanarese
kavyas have not suffered less in this manner.
But the Old Kan. inscriptions are, fortunately,
not liable to alterations of this kind. Hence a study
of the O.K. inscriptions will give reliable infor¬
mation about the grammar of O.K. from the earliest
times up to the present.

1. K.G. pp. 42, 43, 48, 51, 67, 139, etc.

2. Reeve in the preface to his Dictionary P. II (1832).
 The oldest specimen of O.K. is found in the
inscription of 578 A.D. (No. 1 in Part II). But
some scholars1 think that specimens of Old Kan. are
found in the Oxyrhyncus papyri No. 413 of the 2nd
century A.D. The language of the passages under
reference has not been accepted as Kanarese,
in spite of Dr. R. Shamasastri’s attempts. Dr.
Shamasastri has not convinced us that the words are
old Kanarese.
The inscriptions, given in the Epigraphia
Carnatica; the Epigraphia Indica; “ The Pali,
Sanskrit and Old Canarese Inscriptions (Fleet) the
Inscriptions of Mysore and Coorg (B. L. Rice); The
Archaeological Reports, issued by the Government of
India and other Provincial and States Governments ;
the “Historical Inscriptions of Southern India”
(Madras University 1932), and the inscriptions,
published in the following Journals, have been
consulted:—
1. The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
of Great Britain and Ireland;
2. The Indian Antiquary;
3. The Journal of the Bombay Branch of the
R.A.S.;
4. The Journal of the Mythic Society;
5. The Mysore University Magazine (Kan.);
6. The Karnataka Sahitya Parisat Patrike.

1. S. Levi. I. Anfc. XXXIII, p. 12; Hultzsch, J. E.

A. S. 1904; p. 601. Grierson and Sten Konow. L. S. I.
Yol. IY, p. 365; Dr. L. D. Barnett: Journal of Egyptian
Archaeology, April 1926; Dr. R. Shamasastri: M. A. R.
1926, pp. 10—J 4 ; S. Srikantaiya: Mythic Society Journal,
July 1928; M. Govinda Pai: Prabuddhakarnataka, Yinayakana
saneike, 1929.
 XIV

The following inscriptions claim to be more

ancient than that of Badarni, on account of the
8’aka dates given in them : —
EC. III. (1) NJ. HO - 103 A.D. (S’aka - 25);
(2) NJ. 199 - 189 A.D. (S’aka - 111);
(3) NJ. 122 - 266 A.D. (S’aka - 188);
EC VII. (4) SK. 52 - 357 A.D. (S’aka - 279);
EC I. (5) CG 1 - 466 A.D. (S’aka - 388);
But these are all spurious:—
(1) NJ. 110. (Kudlapura). Rice suspects it to
be later in origin.
See EC. III. Introd. p.l.
Fleet thinks it spuriousDKD. p. 301.
Kielhorn thinks it to be one of about 1148
(K.L.I.S.I.P.)
(2) NJ. 199 (Gattavadi). Rice says the date
is incorrect, probably 8th century. See E C. III.
Introd. P.2, probably S’711 and not S’lll. Fleet
thinks it spurious. (D.K.D. p. 301.) He says the
Characters are of 9th oV 10th century.
(3) NJ. 122 (Tagadiir). Rice thinks that the
date is incorrect: EC. III. Introd. p.2. Fleet says it
is spurious, cf. Tanjure grant of 248 A.D. (spurious.)
belongs to 10th century. (El. III. 174, 1 Ant. VII,
212.) Kielhorn says the date is irregular, and it is
spurious. No. 109.
N.B. Dr. A. V. Subbiah says the date is irregular,
(p.142. S.S.D.I.)
(4) SK. 52 (Tagarti agrahara). Rice says in
E.C. VII. Introd. p. 12 that it is an extraordinary
mixture of As’oka, halakannada and nagari characters,
and later in origin, cf. Sh. 4. No. J10. Kielhorn says
that the date is irregular (I. Ant. VII. 173), and it is
spurious.
 XV

(5). Cg. 1. Rice thinks this to be genuine.

(1) EC. I. Introd. p.4. (2) EC. IV. Introd. p.6 in
reply to Fleet; (3) EC. VI. Introd. p. 30, 466 A.D.
replying to Fleet. N.B. (1) Dr. R. Shamasastri in
MAR. 1926 states Avinita may have been a boy king
n 475 A.D. (2) Sewell and Dr. S. K. Iyengar state
that the date is irregular and cannot be safely trusted
(Historical Inscriptions of Southern India—Madras
University publication 1932). Description of boun¬
daries is the same as or similar to, that of N.J. 122 (3)
above. Fleet thinks it spurious:1 (1) El. III. 162;
(2) El. VI. p.79 (it belongs to the 6th century.
(3) D.K.D. pp. 297-300. Kielhorn in K.L.I.S.I. states
that the date is irregular and it is spurious, cf.
(1) I. Ant. XXIV. p. 11, No. 169, (2) l.Ant. XXX,
p. 219, No. 40.
N.B. Dr. A. V. Subbiah, p. 143 of “ Some Saka
Dates in Inscriptions ” says “ The date is irregular,
either the Naksatra or the fortnight is wrongly
quoted.”
The following undated inscriptions, though stated
to be genuine by Rice, are spurious:—
(1) Db. 67 and 68 — 459 A.D.
(2) Cd. 43 — fifth century
(3) Cm. 50 — C. 480.
(1) D. B. 67: A.D. 459 and D.B. 68. A.D. 517
Bangalore); Rice thinks these genuine, cp E.C. IX.
Introd. pp. 1 to 3. Kielhorn in K.L.I.S.I. Nos. 113 and
114 thinks that these are spurious, cf. Cg. 1. with
Db. 67. (S’388).

I. fMercara plates: I Ant. I. p. 360.

! Nagamangala plates, Vol II. p. 155.
) Mallohalji grants, Vol V. 133.
Li Ant. Vol VII. p. 101. No. 38.
 XVI

(2) Cd. 43 (Ohitaldroog): Rice thinks it genuine

E.C. XI. Intr. 5. “ There is nothing to throw light
on the question as to who he was ”. It is a stray
verse. Characters are not clear on the plates - it is
doubtful whether it can be earlier.
(3) Cm. 50 (S’iragunda): Rice.says it is genuine
and “ is the oldest (langa inscription, must be assigned
to the end of the 5th or the beginning of the 6th
century, Kd. 158 refers to this. [EC. VI. Intr. pp. 5
and 6.] N.B. This plate is not clear.
These are undated. Rice considers these as
genuine. The characters are not very clear; in
3ome, they are of later date.
There is one inscription dated 601 A.D. (S’522)1.
Fleet has pointed out that this is a spurious record, as
the characters and the polished language show and
that it belongs to the middle of the 10th century,
though the matter may be ancient.

List of Inscriptions Finally Selected

dor Study.
No. in
Trans¬
Whether
litera¬
Source Date A.D. plates are
tion
available
of the
Text
1. I.A. X. p. 60 Badami 578 Yes
2. E.C. VII. S.K. 10 C. 640 ...
3. E.C. VI. Kp. 37 C. 675 ...
4. E.C. VII. Sa. 79 C. 680 ...
5. E.C. VII. Sk. 154 C. 685 Yes
6. I.A. XIX. p. 143 C. 685 >»
7. E.C. VIII. Sb. 15 C. 690 ...
8. E.C. VIII. Sb. 671 692 Yes
9. E.C. II. 5 C. 700 ...
10. 6 • •• »l
1. E.I. XV. 6.
 XVII

No. in
Trans¬
litera¬ Whether
Date A.D. plates are
tion
available
of the
Text
11. E.C. II 7 C. 700
12. >i 8 ... ,,

13. »> 9 ... ii

14. 11 12 ... it
15. »» 13 .... * ii
16. >1 17 ... ii
17. 1> 18 ii
18. i» 19 ... i,
19. i* 20 ... .i
20. *1 21 ,,

21. ,, 22 ... ii
22. i> 24
23. >> 25 ... ii
24. »» 26 ... ii
25. »i 27 ... it Yes
26. ii 28 ... i, ...
27. 11 29 ... n
28. 11 30 ... ii
29. »! 31 ,i Yes
30. 11 32 ... ii
31. 11 33 ... ,i
32. 1» 34 .* ii Yes
33. fJ 76 • ii Yes
34. i» 77 ... ii ...

35. 11 80 ...

36. ii 84 ...

37. 11 88 Yes
37(a). ,, 89 ... u

38. Ji 91 ... ii
39. i» 92 ... ii
40. 11 93 ... n

40(a). »i 94 ...

41. ji 95 • • 1*

42. 96 •*• fi

43. >> 97 • • • t*

44. ii 98 • t • J) Yes
G.O. I. C
 XV111

No. in
Trans¬ Whether
litera¬
Source Date A.D. plates are
tion
available
of the
Text
45. E.C. II 99 G. 700 1
45(a). 101 ft

46. 102 1i

47. 103 »•

48. „ 104 ii

49. „ 105 ii

50. „ 106 it

51. „ 107 ii
52. „ 108 it

53. „ 109 11

54. „ 111 *i

55. 112 ii

56. „ 113 it

57. „ 114 it

58. „ 115 ii

59. „ 116 it

60. „ 445 H Yes

61. I.A. X. 61 Badami ii Yes
62. E.C. VI. Kp. 38 ' ii

63. „ Kp. 39 ii

64. Kp. 40 ii

65. E.C. VIII. Sb. 411 ii

11 Plates

These inscriptions are selected almost entirely

on the authority of the epigraphists, as these do not
mention dates or years in which they were installed.
Only a few give the names of historical persons. Of
these, the plates of 11 inscriptions as given in the
E.C. and I. A.nt. have been carefully examined.
Judged from the plates given in S.I.P. and I.P.1,

1. South Indian Paleography by A. C. Burnell and Indian

Paleography by G. Buhler (translation by J. F. Fleet).
 XIX

these are of about the 7th century A.D. as B.L. Rice

has dated them.
The same inscription edited by two people from
different esta.mpages shows the following differ¬
ences :—

Fleet (1890). Rice (transliter¬ Rice (Kan.

line ation 1902) version)
3. -tarar -tara tara
4. Jedugur Jelugur Jejugur
4. algeyan ajgeyan algeyan
6. poraluman poruduman poruduman
6. valjiggatne- vajjirggameyara vallirggameyara
yara
7. dasadiyurh dasadiyurh dasadiyurh
devadiyum devadiyum devadiyurii
8. Alavahiyara Alaiiivaljiyara Alarrivalhyara
(perhaps with
anus vara
devadiyum devadiyurii devadiyurii
9. Sorkkaga- sokkagamunda- sokkagamunda
mundarum rurii
10. molejara- moleuramaniya- mole ura
maniya maoiya
11. mukhavage mukhamage mukhainage
12. aZivon idivon ajivon
13. varanas’ varanas’iyalul varanas’iyaluj
ivadul
15. Sarny uktan Saihyutan Sariiyutan
17. -ti (rtharh) -bhagigal bhagigal
ga}
18. appar appor appor
19. velege veleg a parvva- veleg a parrva-
parvvarum rurii rum
19. tanige tanige tanige (ge)
 XX

Rice (1902) knew Fleet’s version of it. But

Rice is wrong in writing alivon for ahvon and
ajgeyan for ajgeyan. About the other 55 inscrip¬
tions, our dependence on Rice’s version is inevitable.
Of the 66 inscriptions selected, all except the
following, relate to Jain religious practices: Nos. 1,
2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 61, 62} 63, 64 and 65.
Of the Jain inscriptions, the following record the
death by “ Sanyasana ” of Jain monks and devotees :
Nos. 9 to 26, 29 to 37, 40 to 45, 49 to 54, 56 to
60 (inclusive) of which Nos. 11, 17, 19, 33 and 44 are
those of Jain women.
Of the tombs (or epitaphs) Nos. 18, 27, 39, 46,
47 and 48 are those of men, while 42 and 55 are
those of women.
In the non-Jain inscriptions, No. 61 relates the
heroism of Kappe-Arabhattan ; Nos. 5 and 6 relate
the remission of taxes by a royal proclamation ; and
Nos. 1, 3, 4, 7, 8, 62-65 inclusive, record the gift of
lands to temples and priests.
In the following 'inscriptions, there is reference
to historical persons :—
1. Marhgallsa (I.Ant. X. 60, P. SOCT. No. 40)
2. Polikesiarasar1 (I.Ant. VII. p.211).
3. Citravahana.1
5. 6, 7. Vinayaditya (P.S.O.C.I. Nos. 14 and
17; I.Ant. VI. p.86)
29. Bhadrabahu and Candragupta.
62. Gunasagara (Father of Citravahana).
63 and 64. S’antarasa.
65. Vijayaditya (I.Ant. IX.; P.S.O.C.I. 76, 126,
130; I.A.X. 60

1. E. I. VII. Appendix No. 29 ; I. Ant. XIX- p. 149.

P.S.O.C.T. No 16.
 f>. Pogilli of Sendraka family (P.S.O.C.I.
No. 152; I.Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 144).

In many of the inscriptions a large number of

words are effaced or illegible. An attempt is made
to use the words that can be made out in these.
 PART I.

A. CONSONANTS AND CONSONANT GROUPS.

An attempt is made in this section to give the history

of Q.K. p, r» v and l ivith a descriptive account of
O.K. consonant groups and long consonants.
 History of 0. K. p. (P)-

T HE change of p, initial and intervocal, to h was

noticed by Western scholars early. Caldwell1
says that “ the initial p of nearly all the words,
whether they are pure Dravidian or Skt. derivatives—
changes to h.” But a careful study of this change of
p to h was made by Kittel in his Grammar.2 He
points out that initial p was changed to h- in
Kes’iraja’s time (1260) optionally. But he has not
given evidence from the inscriptions to show when p
^hanged to h.
An attempt is made in this section to show from
the forms in the inscriptions when this change began
and how it developed :—
The following words with initial P. are found in
the inscriptions of the 6th and 7th centuries :—3
paZi (hali), parvvaruman (hafuvarannu), palum
(halu), pavu (havu\ pin (hiihde), pirigum (hiri),
pulla (hullannu), puZu (hulu), puni (hunu,
obsolete), peran (hera, hora), perjediya(hejjede),
peZcuge (heccu), periya (hiriya), peZda (hejida),
pokka (hokka), pogevogi (hogahogi), pomgol-
(homgoj-), podeda (hodeda), poragu (horagu)
The forms taken from the inscriptions are given
in the appendix to this section. The following
inferences are based on them: —
Up till the end of the 9th century, p- is preserved.

1. O.D.G. pp. 156 and 157.

2. K.G. Sections 64, ] 84, 223, 224, 370.
3. N.K. equivalent in brackets.
G.O.I.
 2

In the 10th century, forms with h- in place of p-

begin to appear in all parts of the Kanarese area. The
h- forms are more in evidence in prose, particularly
where the boundaries of lands granted are described.
In verse, it is always p- that is predominant and very
few h- forms are found. This is not uniform in all areas.
In the 11th century, there is very great confusion
in the use of p- and h- in verse, sometimes p- and
more often h . But in prose, it is always h, though
occasional use of p- is not rare. The 11th century,
therefore, seems to be the period of transition
In the 12th century, even in verse, the use of h-
forms increases in number; the intervocalic -p- is also
changed to -h- in such words as Tailaha (proper
name) (1152), hoheyam (1162), ulihim (1172),
Biluhunadu (1175), alihidade (1175), hoharu (1175),
Toraha (1179) (proper name).
In the 13th century, h- goes on replacing p- and
-p-. more and more. This is clear from the list of
words given. The peculiarity of the century is
-pp- > -h . e.g. appa > apa > aha (1295), bappa >
baha. ippa > iha, (1300), though in the previous
century hoha (1182) shows the tendency was there.
It is in the 14th century that h- and -h- are fully
established in place of p, initial or intervocalic.
Even skt. lws. such as Nrpam > Nrham (1382). In
verse, the archaic forms with p. are found. That the
people were using h- instead of p- long before their
use in literary composition becomes clear by the
early appearance of h- in prose, specially in the
description of boundaries of the lands given to tem¬
ples, raathas and scholars, in all the areas.
In the 15th century, fewest forms with p. are
found, clearly indicating the complete displacement
of p by h initially and intervocalically.
 3

This displacement was carried to extremes in

the 16th century when pattana is found as hattana
(1557). In the 17th century p- appears only in
some verse portions and h- is the rule in prose and
verse.
The 18th century does not differ very much from
the 17th and from 1800 onwards there is not much
change in the history of p and h.
That the displacement of p- by h- is not restric¬
ted to the initial position of p. or before particular
vowels is made clear by such forms: hirhdu, himgu,
hulu, hudu, heccu, he]u, hogi, hoda, hohanu, baha,
taha, iha.
Which is earlier, Pr. Drn.* -p- > -v- or Pr. Drn.
* -p- > -h- ? The change of -p- to -v- is found in
the earliest inscriptions. There is no single -p- in
Kanarese. Pr. Drav. * -p- > -v- in Kanarese, when
it became intervocalic.
The following are found in the inscriptions of
the 7th century. Here also the p- of the 2nd mem¬
ber of this word > intervocalic, and therefore -v-.
edevidiyal (40-3); Edevo/alnadu (9-28), pogevogi
(3-7), tnuvetmura (3-6 j maihjuvol i37-l), bittavol
(61-9), salvavol (21-1).
Lws. kavileyumam (5-13; 673), mahatavan (35-2)
tnahatavadi (5-4).
This change is very common in thedater inscrip¬
tions :
800-900800. Kirtivura, EC. VII. SK. 283,
(888) kavile, EC. I. 2. (890), pervoZala (71) E.C. IV.
Yd. 60, Pagantevaljame (25) EC. IV. Yd. 60.
Permanadivattamgatti EC. I. 3.
900-1000900. TurumdavoZala EC. IV. HG-.
110, (900). paravendirannan EC. II. 448, (990).
marevokkara (12) EC, III. My. 36.
1*
 4

1000-1100:—1057. devalokakke vodal (97) EC.

IY. HG. 18, (1070). Posavalli (5 and 6) EC- I. 50,
(1085). Mokkaverggade EC. YII. Sh. 10.
1100-1200:—1104. pempuvetta (34) EC. VII.
SK. 131, 1113. Karavurada EC. III. NJ. 44.
1199. marevokka (21) EC. IV. Ng. 49.

This is very common in all the inscriptions.

Bub the change of Utsava to Utsaha, ravuta to
rahuta and the survival of hovaru (1544) for hoharu
sho\ys that, at the time of the displacement of -p- by
-h-, -pp- which had become -p- was converted to -li¬
as in hoharu, and that the form with -v- < -p- like
‘ hovaru ’ was an analogical formation (cf. Ivaru,
kavaru, rnlvaru) and they were replaced by hoguvaru
later.
Even when p. was being replaced by h-, h
disappeared, i.e., p > h. > o. (zero).
A. D. 1219. ogu for hogu i 1*15.
odar for hodar ) El. V. p. 261.
1634. ada-u for adahu < adapu-pledge or pawn
(EC. II. 250).

In N. K. colloquial speech of the uneducated

classes, h- has practically disappeared. This dis¬
appearance is not before particular vowels - e.g.
a. hakkalu, hagga, hadapa, hatti, baradari,
harige, havanisu, haladi.
a. haku, hadu, harayke, hare, havu, hasige,
hasu.
i and I. hittu, hidisu, hittale, hire, hiju.
u. huggi, huduga, hupnu, huju.
u. huje,‘ hudu, hunu, huvu,
e. hedda, henike, hede, hemmike.
e. he^Li, hesike, heju.
 5

o. hogu, homge, hottu, hondu, horisu, hosalu,

hoile.
6. hogu, holu, holisu, holu.

All these and a very large number of words with

initial h- have lost the h- and the vowels alone
survive in the colloquial pronunciation of the lower
classes.
When these people want to speak grand, they
make use of h- where they are not at all required,
e.g., ode (-to break), > bode, whereas hode is restricted
to mean ‘ to strike with something ’ (transitive).
-pp- of verbs and participles had already become
-p- by 1004 A.D., as Nadihidar shows. Nadahidar is
< Nadapidar < Nadappidar, Ybl causative past. 3.
pi. m. of nadappu. cf. mudippidar in these inscrip¬
tions. But the causative suffix is found as -p- in
kajupe in the 7tb century. The shortening of -pp-
to -p- in 1004 is only a continuation of the practice.
In 1282 appa, fut. p. of * ay (M.K. agu) is found, but
in 910, hohan is also found; this suggests that the
-pp- of poppan, becomes hohan, indicating that -pp-
after a long vowel is converted into -h- sooner than
-pp- after short vowels. But from nadahidar (A.D.
1004) 1 it is to be suspected that even -pp- after
short vowels had > -h- through -p- in the 11th cen¬
tury. But -appa- too may have changed to aha long
before it is found in the inscriptions. It is not
possible to say even approximately when the -pp-
was shortened to -p-. as, in the inscriptions of the
7 th century, apar (apar) from appar, appar is found.
The tendency developed and this single -p- > -h- in
the inscriptions in 910: particularly after long

1. From pp. SMD. 232-233,

 6

vowels. In 1300 baharu < bapparu < barppar 1 is

found. (See declinable Participles’ future, about
-pp- as the tense-suffix for the future)2. In the
following examples from inscriptions -pp- > -h-
through * -p-:—
1004 .... nadahidar sattarendu EC. I. 46.
1172 .... ulihim EL XV. Madagihal.
1176 .... alihidade EC. I. 65, 1182, hoha (48)
El. XIV. Kurugod.
1218 .... hoharu appa EC. IV. Hg. 23.
1223 ... hohaga (6) EC. VII. Sk. 175.
1229 ... aluhidava (12) EC. IV. Gu. 19.
1282 .... appa (19) EC. II. 334.
1295 .... kondaiiitaha (11) EC. IV. yl. 44.
1300 .... baharu (37) EC. III. TN. 98,.ihhikottu
(27), baha (35).
1317 .... alihida (26), hoharu (30) EC. IV. Ch.
116.
1361 .... hoharu (31) (25) baliev, uljamtaha (19)
EC. II. 344, bahevu (16) EC. III.
Nj. ‘117.
1370 .... iharu (15), hoharu (16) E.C. IV. Ch. 97
1376 .... hohaga (8) EC. VII. Sk. 57.
1390 .... hoharu E.C. I. 39.
1391 .... hoharu EC. IV. yd. 1.
1392 appudakke (21) EC. VII. Sh. 11.
1406 .... alupidavam, EC. III. Sr. .105.
1409 .... bahevu v.79), antaha EC. II. 255, aha
EC. VII. Sh. 70.
1431 .... bahiri (53) EC. VII. Sh. 71.
1437 .... hoharu EC. III. Ml. 4.
1444 .... hohanu (11, 12, 13) EC. IV. Yd. 7.

1. SMD. 232.
2. C. D. G. p. 157.
 7

1477 .... hdharu(28), bahiri (20) EC. III. Md.77.

1484 .... hoharu(18), baheu (21) EC. IV. Ng. 59.
1500 ... hoharu EC. II. 395.
1500 .... hoguvaru EC. II. 340.
1517 . . hoharu (10, 11) EC. III. My. 5.
1539 .... bahevu (7) EC. II. 225, bahenu (13)
EC. II. 224,
1544 .... appa (12), hovaru(35) EC. I. 10.
1550 .... bahadu (15), hoharu (19) EC.III. My.
50.
1557 .. hoha (38) EC. VII. Hg. 9.
1564 .... kaluhi (8), yihan (14) EC. IV. Yl. 29.
1576 .... bahiri EC. IV. Yd. 59.
1620 .... alupidavanu (13) EC. III. My. 17.
1645 .... y'iha, EC. IV. Ch. 124.
1650 .... yiruvadu EC. IV. Yd. 40.
1663 .... bahari (53) EC. III. My. 13.
1670 .... bahiri (20) EC. IV. 1 and 9, 119.
1672 .... bahudu EC. VII. Sk. 213.
1678 ... baha (25) EC. III. Sr. 94,
1593 .... yihadu EC. I. 11.
1753 .. yiha EC. IV. Ch’. 128.
Further, O.K. antappa, intappa, entappa have >
antaha, intaha, entaha, in M.K: inN.K. antha, intha,
entha, and sometimes antha, intha and entha. This
change can be explained thus :—
antaha > anthaa by Metathesis, later antha,
and often antha. Similarly for intaha and entaha in
the pronunciation of the urban people.
But in rural areas, antha, intha, entha > anta,
(anta), inta (inta), enta, (enta), as the people are not
used to the pronunciation of aspirates.
In some of the kavyas and inscriptions anta-
ham < antappam > annam. Sidilannam Singa-
 8

dannam ‘a man like the thunderbolt, one like a lion.

(SMD. 160.) Cf. annam - *** SMD. p 293.
But this annam < antaham through anta-am,
antarh and by assimilation, annam. The meaning is
antappam ‘ he who is like. ’ Similarly intha, antha,
> inna, anna. In N.K., when antha, intha, entha,;
are used as participial adjectives and when used as
adj. substantives, the forms are :—
antha-vanu, intha-vanu, entha-vanu, (avanu ‘he’
is suffixed to these).
It is wrong to say that all initial p. in Kanarese
changed to h. Many words are still used both in
literary composition and colloquial speech with an
initial p-. A few of them are :—lws. pakka (a side),
pagadi (tribute, tax); paccadi (a kind of pickle); patti
(a squared rafter); pattu (hold, seizure); patte (the
rind or bark of trees); paduvalu (the west); padde
(maturity); pajaka (practice, habit); padu (experien¬
cing difficulty) ; papa (a small child); palu (a share);
pedasu (hardness), pottare (a hole in the trunk of a
tree); pokari (a profligate); poti (joining); ponisu (to
string together) ; polu (wasting).
In some cases, p and h forms are both found in
use, but the use of p and h are differentiated by
meaning and usage :—
A. From the same root:
1. palu s. n. ‘ruined place’ used in proverbs
which retain archaic forms ; halu vb. (to be spoiled,
to ruin).
2. pettu s. n. ‘ a blow vb. ‘ to beat as with a
hammer ’; hettu vb. ‘ to thrust ’ (with the penis) to
avoid the use of the expression which had acquired a
vulgar meaning, pettu was confined to the meaning
of ‘ a blow ’ and ‘ to beat. ’
 9

B. From different loots:—

1. hal ‘ milk ’ and pal ‘ a share. ’
2. hadu ‘ to sing ’ and ‘ a song padu ‘ difficulty
experienced. ’
3. hurudu ‘ rivalry ’; purudu ‘ the pollution
observed after the birth of a child. ’
4. holu ‘ to resemble polu ‘ to waste, to
squander. ’
• In all these cases, because the h- form had
acquired some conventional meaning, the p- forms
were retained to signify the other meaning and to
avoid confusion in the use of the two forms.
The group, p + consonant, initially or otherwise,
does not change to h at all, e.g., prakara, pras’astya,
priti, etc., as such combinations are foreign to
Kanarese.
These inferences are borne out by forms in the
published literary works and grammars of old Kana¬
rese :
Grammars:—There are four grammars of the
ancient Kanarese language. But in a book on
rhetoric, A.D. 877 Eavirajamarga, the portion relat¬
ing to grammar is comparatively small. In the part
oh rhetoric we find no h- initial or otherwise, in the
pure Kanarese word.
I. 1045 KarnatafcaJcavy&valdkana. As it is
poetry, there is no h- at all.
II. 1045 Earndtakabhcisabhusana by
Nagavarmma includes h in the alphabet (K.B.B. 6).
In Sutra 115 he says “pe hova ” - that p > h often
initially and intervocalically, as the examples he
gives prove: palage > halage ; kapu > kahu. This
author of the 11th century actually corroborates our
inference that h had begun to appear in literary
 10

Kanarese {vide remarks on h- in the 11th century,

Supra).
III. 1260 Sabdcimanidarpana by Kes’iraja.
He includes h in his account of the alphabet (S.M.D.
s. 33). In S. 159, he states that single p of pure
Kanarese words often changes to h and that such a
change is beautiful (sundaram), but he definitely
points out that long p. (-pp-) does not become -h-and
says that it is duskara or forbidden. Examples giyen
are upparam, kappuram, tappu, bippandam, muppu
soppu, heppu. But in S. 160 -pp- of antappa, int-
appa, entappa are changed into a single -h-, i.e.
antaba, intaha and entaha, clearly implying that the
shortening of the long consonants was the general
rule and that such shortened p > h, and unshortened
p remained unchanged.
Further, in. sutras 254 , 258 he points out
how Skt. Iws. with p- change to h- in Kanarese
pisunam- > hisunam, pasa > hasa.
The disappearance of h- initially is not unknown to
him. In S. 271, he gives hiiiigu > imgu, hamsapinda
> ancevimdu ; hariisa > amce, hirhgulikam ^ iiiiguli-
karii.
All these confirm our inferences about the change
of p to h and b to zero in the 13th century.
Use of unnecessary h- was known to Kesiraja
(SMD 269): agni > haggi. It is -pp- > -p- and -h-;
but all cases of - p- > -h-are analogical.
IV. 1604 Karnatakahabdanusdsana by Bhatta-
kajamka.
In Sutra 6, he includes h in the Kanarese alpha¬
bet ; in Sutra 145 p > h often, e.g., pattike > hattige;
pivara > hlvara, gopura > gohura. (In the com¬
mentary on the same Sutra, -p- > -v- often, e.g.,
dipika > divige; kapi > kavi) In Sutra 296, Tihu-
 11

rantakatu, Gohuram are referred to as being correct,

showing that there was doubt whether these forms
were correct and so accepted by some and rejected by
others. In S. 497, apparn > aham ; appudu >ahudu
In S. 576, he states that hu ( < pu) is to be affixed
to ba ( -to come) to form verbal nouns.
This grammar which is practically an amplifica¬
tion of SMD substantiates our inference that by the
17th century, p appears only in some verse portions
and h is the rule in prose and verse.
These grammars are based on the works of
“ praktanacaryas ” (Sutra 3 S.M.D.) ‘ old venerable
scholars of the past and Lakshanacaryas A study of
the Karnatakakavicarite (vols. f—III) by Itao Baha¬
dur R. Narasimbachar and 1 2 Kanarese Literature ’
by E. P. Rice substantiates our inferences on this
point.
This change is probably due to the influence of
Marathi, the neighbour of Kan. and Tuju according
to K. V. Subbaiya1. In Marathi, the aspirated consls.
> h. bhavati > hot!. This change of p to h presup¬
poses that the p- in O.K. though written as p, was
aspirated as f, which led to the change of p to h.
This change may have been independent of Marathif).
N.K. has h for O.K.p. not in contact with a
const. This development was apparently connected
with the Kanarese change of v to b (w) -. In early Kana¬
rese, v> b, the differnce between b & p became distinc¬
tive in certain word forms. In order to make the
difference clearer, many persons strengthened p. to
ph. which later developed through f to b. (E. H.
Tuttle in A. J. P. 1929 p. 154.)

1. I. Ant. 1909, p. 145.

2. A. J. P. 1929, p. 155.
 12

p is a bilabial stop. Where the contact between

the lips is slack and the same p. is articulated by the
lower lip against the upper teeth, p > f, a bilabial
fricative. When even this contact of the lower lip is
slackened and f is articulated in the glottis, we get
the glottal fricative h. (/£.)
 13

APPENDIX.

In the 8th century, p is preserved without any

change:—
726 .... punname, EC. III. Tn. 1,
740 ... puttade (21) EC. III. My. 55; pop-
, pandu (16) EC. III. My. 55 ;
750 .... pin EC. II. 79.
pannlrvvarparvvar, pattu EC. 1Y. 149, 4, per-
valjame EC. IV. Hg. 4;
776 paleya (66) EC. IV. Ng. 85 ;

9th Century
800 poZdu, pogi, periya, II. 35. 4 ;
800 perba/a EC. IV. Sr. 160.
810 pusuvan (7) EC. III. Nj. 26;
830 puttida (5) EC. VII. S.K. 283;
870 palaram (9) EC. III. Nj. 75;
870 parvvarumam (10) EC. III. Nj. 76.
884 padinayduvarifjadandu EC. II. 394.
838 padinentaneya (5) EC. 1. 2., peddore-
gareya (6)ponnum (14).
890 pattugadyanada (8) EC. I. 3. 8;
890 pervvayala (71), peronie (73), paHame
(74); perofee (65), pervaZtiya (75),
perggolliya (76) EC. IV. Yd. 60.
898 . Elecaga paljiya (3) EC. III. Nj. 89.

10th Century :
900 puttegu (6) E.C. III. Tn. 115 ;
907 PoZalasetti ! 6), padinaydupananuin
11), pattondiya (8) EC. III. MD.
14;
910 lCkakke hohan EC. III. Sr. 134 ;
t
 14

930 .... perggedegalum (6), paridavu (14)

EC. IV. 149, 116;
960 .... pandiyum (11), piriya (12) EC. III.
Md. 41; 972. punnameyum (7),
Piriya Raima, (5) EC. III. Nj. 183.
978 .... piridu (18), perggadurum ■ (11;,
Peddore gare (13) EC. I. 4.
980 .... puttidom (15), puttidar (6) EC. III.
Tn. 69.
982 perarorbbarum (41), paruvalli (61),
podisuva (6), pogaZisu (3), EC. II.
134.
982 .. pogaZisal (113), peZdapem (31), porage
(80), pusivude (45), piridlva, E.C.
II. 133.
985 . perggade(2), poge-E I. XVII, p. 170.
995 .... pogaZe EC. 11.121
11th Century :
1000 .... punname (7), Bihagamundana (9),
Haiicadarmasetti (11), Bokahalli
(13), Hakadivadi (14), Gorahalli
(15) EC. i. 5.
1004 .... nadahidarsattarendu (6) NC. I. 46.
1007 .... ponnol (14), penadotti, palaram (22)
EC. HI. TN. 44 ;
1012 .... eraduhottina (30), payisidam (111
EC. III. Sr. 140.
1019 .. parbbi (14), haljadi 29, 30), holakke
(29), holada (31), kudomta (32),
pudomta (40), puduke (16) EC.
VII. Sk. 125;
1021 .... padineydu ko]aga (18), punusevaram
(20), pumbolamum (21) EC. IV.
HG. 16, 1021.
 15

1036 .... hadinentu (221, pudomta (23) EC.

VII. S.K. 126;
1049 .... Hosanada (28), ponnarakottu (31)
EC. IY. Gu.93.
1050 .... panneradam (9; EC. I. 30. 1050;
1057 pervvayal (18), polipare (16), pogi
(26;, pogale negaZutum (27), EC.
IV. 149. 18;
1058 .... Haruvanahalli, Arakanahalli (12),
Heniiellunabhixmi (21), Kaiiigonda
hallihamgalabani (26), hunise (29)
EC. I. 35.
1060 .... Hiliyakereya (11), Hegga naleya (14)
haduvanakolada (15), Heggerege,
(19), balliya (21), hiriya (23), E.C.
VII. Sh. 6.
1063 .... parekara (24), harekara (25;, hiriya-
kereya (27), horavarige (24) EC.
VII. Ci. 18.
1070 .... Mudanhaduvana (6), Hosavalli (8)
EC. I. 49.
1070 .... Hosavallisiddhes’vara Mahade-
vargge, Posavalli (6) EC. I. 50 ;
1071 .... heggade (57), hesar (94) E.I. XV,
p. 337;
1075 .... halla (46—51), hadada (52), hanne-
radu (54) ; 1. hadinaru (55), halla
(55), pudomta (53, 55) El. XV. p.
96e.
1076 .... perggade (33) paduvarggam (24),
panneradu (30); Kotehalsavanta
(35), hesara (38) EC-' VII. H.E.
14;
1079 .... baraha, (49), posavoZala (33) EC.
IV. Hg. 56. perggadegala (26);
 16

1086 ....• poZtirkkum (48), peZdu (59), poydam

(59), harige (47), harige (51), Hen-
navurada (51), pere (44), EC- VII
Sh- 10.
1087 ... hoda (24) EC. IV. Yd. 2.;
1089 .... Hosavura (3), posavura (4), perot-
timge, (5) palaram (5), Hosavura
(6), EC. VII. SK. 291.
1095. .... hasuvumharuvanam konda (58) EC.
I. 57; Buvanahalliyam (9) EC.
IV, Kp, 49;
1097 .... horego (55), herimge (55), honnam
(56), pana, paduvalu., EL XVII.
p. 182.;
1099 .... Panasogenivasi EC. IV. Yd.- 24;
12th Century:
1100 .... pesarvvadedar (23) EC. II. 69.
1104 .... putti (201, hermmagal (39), EC. VII.
Sk. 131.
1107 .... HosavoZal (4), PosavoZala (5), Poge-
palli (5) EC. IV. H.G. 1107.
1107 .. . herimge (14), honna (15), her (17)
Panumgall, (9), panav—<15i,
perin— (17) El. XIII. p. 12.
1110 .... hattu (33) and all the rest begin with
P—.El. XV. 26; (Mutgi inscrip¬
tion) ;
1112 .... paduvalu (8), pom, ponna (83), pana
(83), hoda (77), hola (77), halla (78),
hattu (78), El. XIII. p. 36 (Ittagi);
1113 .... pogaZvudujanam (26) EC- II. 126;
1115 .... perggade (44), Hoysalamaharaja
(156) EC. II. 127;
1118 .... harubageyam EC. II. 125
 17

1120 .... hesarittu (11), halli (11), Hoysala (5)

EC. III. Sr. 43
1123 .... hadimuru kamciua holavigeya (54),
polvavarar (17), Poysaladevara piri-
yarasi (42) EC. II. 132 ;
1124 .... Hermmadigavundana (3) EC. III.
Nj. 194;'
1125 .... Ralasige and palasige. El. XIII.
p. 298;
1135 .... huvinatotarnum EC. II. 384 ;
1144 .... hamdiyan (6) EC. III. Md. 22;
1145 .... po po vadi pogendu (148) EC. II.
140;
1147 .... hore, himgidudu, hal, horn, pannir-
puligere, padedu, hattar, hola, hala,
horeya, halja, El. XVI. p. 44.
1148 .... honnalakottu (18) EC. HI. Nj. 110.
1150 .... hanavinalekka (20), hermmagal (39).
EC. VTI. SK. 131;
1152 .... Tailaha. Hanumgall, Panurngall,
El. XVI. p. 36.
1159 .... haduvalu (62), huniseya (62), hiriyaru
(62), EC. II. 345 ;
1162 .... halgalam (31), hoheyam (32), hun
(33) and the rest are all p— . El.
XVIII. p. 212;
1163 .... Hujlarajam (108), Heggade Koray-
yanum (103) EC. II. 64 ;
1172 .... Hemtnadi (12), Ulihim (32), hiridum
(82, 94), (in verse); both p and h in
prose. El. XV. Madagihal;
1175 .... Hoysana(4), Biluhunadu (7),alihida4e
(16), hoharu (19); EC. I. 65,
1175 .... Huvinapadage (3), himdegade (3),
honnabeddaleya (4) EC. II* 242
G. O. X. 2
 18

1179 .... hodabatteya (43), hulumadiya (43),

Hiriyadevarabettakkam (44), hadu-
valu, hiriya, hajla (44) EC. II. 397.
Hoysalana (32), Torahanam (33)
Torapa (63), hiriya (67,71, 73), hola
(73), paduva (71) EI. XIX. p. 226.
1180 .... poy and pesaran (4), Hanamgallu
(17), Hoysalaviraballala (19), Kalu-
halli (22) EC. III. TN. 106,
1180 ; 1182 .... piriya (36) paduval (40), 47, 48)
pu (40). but hahe (40), hiriva (44)
hoba (48) EI. XIV. (KurugOd);
1184 .... pasuge, perimge, bala, hasuge, hana.
EI. XVII. p. 189
1195 .... puttidan (7), pididam (16), pirngugum
(32), hanamura (56) EC. II. 335;
1199 .... hattiigalegadol (14) EC. IV. Ng. 47
perar;

13th Century.—
1200 .... hogalu (11), halli (11), himde (11),
EC. IV. Kp. 47.
1203 .... hore (46), hasumbe (47), Hotteyya
(43), perggere (41), hola (48), huttida
(48), EC. VII. Sh. 88 ;
1204 .... peridodam (52), perim- (54), otherwise
all h-‘. EI. XIII. p. 16;
1206 .... hana (16), hiriya (13), hokkade (28),
EC. II. 333;
1210 ... Huligere (13), hitu (13), paduva,
padeda (40), EI. XIX 194;
1213 .... Harahondanaruaga (3), Kopd^hohali
(4) EC. III. Ml. 37;.
1214 .. perggade (12), heggade (14), EC. VII.
SK. 243;
 19

1217 .. haduvanahuniseya, EC. II. 170;

1218 .... rahuta, hoharu, appa (20) EO. IV.
Hg. 23;
1218 .... hesara (49), Hadavajagoggi (21), pusi
(9), EC. VII. Sh. 5;
1223 .... ha'dinaraneya(2), halli(4),hohaga(6),
. halaram (6), EC. VII. Sk. 175;
1229 .. hodaru (13), Heriyanada (8), aluhi-
dava(12), EC. IV. Gu. 19;
1235 .... hesarimdam; (37), hoda (41), pesar-
vetta, pokkade (17), EC. III. Md,
121;
1246 .... Hiriyabettadi (2) EC. 11.165;
1255 .... hogi, huttida EC. I. 6. Hoysana
appa, aha-
1276 samanvitava/ia (for appa), (13) Stha-
varavaha (15) EC. III. Md. 70;
1282 .... horagagi (26), appa (19), EC. II.
334;
1285 .... baluhimde (12), Hoyisala (8), Hara-
dayya (26), EC- HI. Md. 62;
1290 .... hallada(20), herobbe (22) EC. III.
Tn. 27;
1295 .... Homma(ll), Kondamta/ia (11), EC
IV. YI. 44 (for appa)

14th Century.
1300 .... baharu (37), EC. III. TN. 98; ilihi-
kottu (27), baha (35) (for barppa),
honnanuEC. III. TN. 98;
1317 .... alihida (26), hoharu (30) EC. IV.
Ch. 116;
1325 .... hattu (10), Hosahalli (10), hadinaidu
(22);
1348 .... Hauagallimge (4) EC. I. 63
2*
 20

1360 ... hogi (3), Hulukoda Cikkannayya (3)

EC. I. 67;
1368 .... hoharu (31), honnimge (25), baheu
(20), ujjamtaha (19), (for appa,)
hadinentu (13), EC. II. 344, bahevu
(J 6) EC. III. Nj. 117;
1370 .... iharu (15), hoharu (16), EC. IY. Ch.
97 •
1376 .... hayidu (8), hohaga (8), EC. VII. Sk.
57 ;
1377 .... bimnaham (20), EC. VII. Sk. 35, for
binuappa < Vijnapana ;
1382 .... Nfpam and Nrham (King) (16),
pogalgu (14), EC. III. Ml. 21,
1382;
1390 .... hajja (7), halli (8), hariva (8), pesara-
nittu (23), hunisedahi (25), hoharu,
hamdiya (31), EC. 1. 39;
1391 .... hotfcina (6), hoharu, EC. IV. Yd. 1.;
1392 .... excepting appudakke, every p- and
-.p- is h- and -h-. EC. III. Ml. 47

15th Century.—
1400 .... ahudu (21) EC. VII. Sh. lls
1406 • .... halli (7), alupidavam (13), EC. III.
Sr. 105
1409 .... bahevu (79), homna (78), asadharana-
vamtafto. EC. II. 255 ; abhivrddhi-
gal aha hage (27), EC. VII. Sh. 70;
1431 .... anubhavisi, bahiri (53) EC. VII.
Sh. 71;
1437 .... hoharu, EC. III. Ml. 4;
1444 .... hohanu (11, 12, 13) EC. IV. Yd. 7;
1477 .... hoharu (26), bahiri (20) EC. III. Md.
77;
 21

1484 .. hoharu (18), baheu (21) EC. IV. Ng.

59.

16th Century.
1500 .. hoharu EC. II. 395 ;
1500 .. hoguvar EC. II. 340; All h- and
-h- except in verse.
1509 .. sahodarara/ta (10) EC. II. 228;
1513 .. hage (25) EC. HI. gu. 3;
1517 .. hoharu (10 and 11) EC. III. My. 5;
1539 bahevu (7) EC. [I. 225;
1539 . bahenu (13) EC. II. 224;
1539 adahagiralagi (7 ), adahanu (8) EC.
II. 224;
1544 .. homnu (28), Hanasoge (27), halaru
(33), HosahalH (27); appa (12),
Hosagadde (54), hovaru (35) EC.
I. 10;
1550 .. bahadu (15), hoharu (19) EC. III.
My. 50;
1557 .. yi hattanada (J.0) (for pattanada),
Nihphalam (35), hdha (38) EC.
VII. HI. 9;
1564 .. bimnaha (8), kaluhi (8), yihari (14),
EC. IV. YI. 29;
1569 .. adahu (10), EC. IV. Hg. 41;
1576 .. bahiri (30). EC. IV. Yd. 59.

17th Century.
1620 . alupidavan (13) EC. III. My. 17;
1634 . adahu (18), adavakotamtavaru (40)
hoharu (49), EC. II. 352. aclahina
(23), adava (24) EC. II. 250;
1645 .. Haradanahalliyalu yiha, EC. TV. Ch ,
124;
 22

1650 .... hakiyiruvadu EC. IV. Yd. 40.

1651 .... Verse portion : pasivamte (11), pesa-
ran (15), posatu (14), irppudu (13),
peZdan (55). Prose portion : huva-
diganige (77), hola (90), Hosahalli
(80) EC. IV. YI. 1.
166S .... bahari (53) and all h-. EC. III. My.
13;
1670 .... bahiri (20)EC. IV. Hg. 119;
1672 ... umdu bahudu EC. VII. Sk. 213;
1673 .... nityotsaba (4) EC. II. 390;
1678 . . nadedubaha (25) and all h-. EC. III.
Sr. 94 ;
1693 .... yihadu EC. I. 11.

18th Century.
1753 .... samudradalliyiha (5) EC. IV. Ch.
128; .
1775 .... pra-u-da pratapa EC. IV. YI. 4 ;
1782 .... pra-hudapratapa EC. I. 12; 13 ; 14.
1800 .... praudapratapa EC. III. Sr. 8. and
all h-.
There is reason to suspect that "Pr.
Drn. - p - > O.K., M.K. $ N.K.,
-Y But *Pr. Drn. - pp. - > - p
- > - h
 23

“r (»).”

'The e«istence of r in Kanarese was noticed

by Caldwell and later by Fleet and Kittel. 2But
Kittel pointed out that r was displaced in Kan* by r.
The gradual replacement of this r by r, is pointed out
here from the evidence of inscriptions.
The following words contain r:~-

6th and 7th centuries A. D. (N. K. equivalents are

given in brackets)
aridu (33-, 45-1, 53-1) (aridu), aridarii 58-341
(aridanu), idarul (54-4) (idarolage), eriveppaduvorum
(62-11), ere (29-4), (ere), edepare (40-1), eri (36-4
i3-4), kamara (8-3) (kammara), kare (33-2) (kare),
karu-um (7-10), Kittere (18-2), kere (65-13) (kere),
koredu (40-2) (koredu), ghanammarittaman (34-1)
Tarekada (31-2) (Talekadina), teravol (37-1) (tere-
yamte), toradu (33-4, 46-3, 49-2) (toredu), torade
(34-2), (torade), tori (37-1) (tori), nurentu (21-2)
(nurentu), neradu (59-4) (neredu), neredon (21-4)
(neredanu), peran (61-3, 3-11) (horaginavanu), per-
jediya (31-2), poragu (horagu), muru (7-12, 19-2,
63-24) (muru), Sindera (5-11, 6-11), (Sindera.)

There was difference in meaning in the words

with -r- and those with -r-in O.K.: --
(1) aridu (33-3) ‘ hawing known ’ (1) aridu (20-2)
‘ impossible ’
(2) kare (33-3) N': 'a stain' (2)kare-N:(a
VB: 'to milk' bank' 'a shore'
'to rain' VB: 'to call' 'to
invite'.
1. C. D. G. p. 145 and p. 162.
2. K. G. pp. 23, 24, 114,116, 117, 177, 253.
 24

There are a large number of words of this kind :—

1. are - N. a stone, a’rock 1. are - N. the rear,
Yb : to be disfigured the back, a half.
or defaced Vb. to grind.
2. iri - vb. to beat, to kill 2. iri - vb. to give
forth, to rain.
3. uri - a coarse network 3. uri - to burn, to
made of rope or glow.
rattan, in which pots
and other vessels are
suspended from the
beams of the
house.
4. uru - vb. to be, to exist, 4. uru - a village,
to settle, to lean on a small town
5. ere - N. a lord, a master 5. ere - a dark-red
vb. to pour out liquid colour; a worm
in general.
6. ore - vb. to ooze, to trickle 6. ore - vb. to
down; N. a sheath. speak, to touch,
* N. similarity.
7. ore - the red painting 7. ore - declivity,
upon the lower part crookedness;
of a wall used as a bending.
description
8. kere - a tank 8. kere - to scratch.
9. tere - to be uncovered 9. tere - a wave.
10. pare - a drum 10. pare - a scale or
a coat of the
onion, a fibre.
11. bare - to grow dry. to 11. bare - to write.
disappear
12. mare-to disappear, 12. mare - a kind of
to forget deer
to screen.
 The context decides the meaning of the word in
N. K. From a study of the words with r in the inscrip¬
tions of the 6th and 7th centuries and the correspond¬
ing N. K. equivalents, it is seen that the r has
disappeared in N. K. (See appendix to this section for
examples from later inscriptions).

History of 0. K. r
A study of the form with r from the 8th century
onwards shows that r is maintained throughout the
8th, the 9th, the 10th and the 11th centuries. In
the 12th century, we find r used for r in an inscription
dated 1179. 4bout the end of the 13th century, we
find r replacing r in a few instances, e.g., neradu (1296).
and neradirdda (1296). The same tendency to replace
r by r is found in certain areas in the 14th century,
particularly in Shikaripur Taluk. This becomes more
noticeable in the 15th century in the same taluk as
well as in Seringapatam and Maddur taluks, (see 1415,
1420,1431,1458,1474,1477 infra). Towards the end of
the 16th century, the same tendency is found in the
region round about Seringapatam. The replacement
of r by r is more noticeable in the 17th century. In
this century, both kinds of r are found in the same
inscription where 0. K. had r. Towards the close of
the century, r is found less and less. In the 18th
century, in spite of the occasional discovery of r
forms, r had replaced r and from 1800 onwards r does
not appear in these inscriptions.
From this, it cannot be concluded that r actually
lived in the colloquial speech of the people till thiq
end of the 18th century. The occasional appearance
of r in place of r in 1296, is sufficient proof that the
people had already adopted r in place of r, whatever
the pronunciation of the latter may have been, and
 26

that the writing of only r was in vogue in poetry and

literary compositions till the 16th century. The
appearance of r and r in prose occasionally for 0. K.
r shows that r was not so common as r.
Anyway, r finally disappears towards the close
of the 18th century.
The earliest published Kanarese work is Kaviraja-
marga by Nrpatunga (about 877 A. D.) Though a
work on Rhetoric, it deals with grammar occasionally.
The use of r there is in no way different from that in
the inscriptions of the Oth century: adara (I. 13),
perara (1.14), here (I. 46), omdarol (1. 81). erafterakke
(1.114), murarola (I. 120), mT/ada (II. 142), arivina
(III. 81), kiridu (III. 175).
As already stated under p-, there are four O. K.
grammars :

I. 1046. Kavyavalokana by Nagavarmma :

The author includes r in the alphabet (Sutra 6)

and states that r becomes r before a consonant.
The examples he quotes from ancient Kanarese works
corroborate our inference about r in the inscriptions
of the 11th century.

II. 1046. Karnataka Bhasa Bhuasna by Naga¬

varmma :

He included r in the Kan. alphabet (Sujjra 10).

-ar is shown by him to be the suffix for neuter stems
ending in -u. adu + ar + a > adara (gen. sg. of adu)
(Sutra 55). In Sutras 185 and 187, he states that
-kara and gara are used as suffixes in taddhitas or
secondary derivatives, to mean ‘ the maker of.’ Once
again he refers to r and states that roots ending in
-ru have their past tense in -tta- (Sutra 229).
 27

If we take his examples into consideration, the

position of r is the same as the one in the inscriptions
of the 12tb century; examples are mare, more (S-
10), adarol (S. 10. Com.) teru, poru and peru
(S. 229).

III. 1260. Karnataka Sabdanianidarpana by

KSsirdja-

The author includes r in the Kan. alphabet (S. 18).

The position of r in this work is in no way different
from that in the inscriptions of the 13th century. His
examples under the following sutras bear out the
statement made above: 173, 181,. 184, 188, 209, -210,
238, 240,

IV. 1604. Karnatakasabdanni as ana, by Bhattd-

kalamka.
He includes r in the Kan,*alphabet (Sutra 1).
The author of this grammar simply paraphrases in the
following sutras, 352, 353, 354, 355, 369, 379, 483, 484,
what Kes’iraja has said in his S’abdamanidarpana.
He is more a commentator on Kesiraja’s grammar.
Here we do not get any corroboration of the actual
position of r, as he is discussing the forms in the
ancient kavyas and does not take into account the
contemporary speech.
There is no grammar which deals with the
language of the 17th century onwards till about the
close of the 19th century.
The inferences are corroborated till the 14th
century by grammarians. But the last grammarian
has not considered the language of his times. But
the MSS. of literary works are liable to change at the
hands of scribes, commentators and editors of later
years. The examples from Karnatakakavicarite
 28

Vols. II and III have been taken to show that the

evidence of inscriptions are more reliable. The figures
within brackets refer to the pages or the volume.

From KKC. Vol II.

1413 .... nurukhanduga (46),
1424 .... kareva (48),
1430 .... nereyadu (67), mereva (67),
1486 .... baride, tore (136),
1600 .. mereduvu (143); erisiye (149), bari-
kaige (149),
1526 .... a/karina (209),
1535 .... muranaridu (283),
1550 .... mohigalarike (236),
1590 adarol (313),
J599 ... poravarage (316),
1600 .... merede (317), murivalli (324)
1606 .... Ma,rigala (352), turubi (352), tori
(353),'
1611 .... karedeno, jlvisalarade (355),
1620 ... nireavare (362),
1640 .... koradu (370),
1646 .... arasuva (372)
1648 .... nere bere (375), meredan (383)
cirittu (383), jarittu (383), birittu
(383), guriyaytu (390), odaruta
(403), nere (403), bedaruta (403),
1672 .... kaiseregondu (456), ariyade (458),
idara (459), teradim (460).
1675 .... muraneya (465) ariyada (492),
1677 .. yeruva (497).
The r is less noticeable in prose works than in
very high-class poetry, where archaic forms were
specially selected and used. All the examples given
below are from kavyas:—
 ‘29

1680. mlrida, lnuridu (508), 1700. r very

infrequent, baydereya, buddhidorasittu (525), beragagi
(526), nuraivattondu (526).
We rarely see r in Sarvajnavacana, e.g., about
1700 A.D; very infrequently e.g. arivu, maravu,
berilla (p. 560), etc., are found.
1712 .... teradali KKC. Vol. III. (2),
1715 .... eragida (5),
1731 .... tereda (14),
1732 .... torittu (18), hariduvu, tariduvu,
jariduvu, uri, nlreyara (19), tirrane,
birrane, sarrane, (19), parumba/eya
(21),
1740 .... eri, maremadi (50),
1745 .... orate, kareva, ariye (55),
1750 .... karisida}, garigaliyali (79), nerila,
porumattu (85), kere, tore, are '88)
1770 .... erutum (131),
1775 .... marevaro, toreyaro (138),
1780 .... mareyalu, eri, eragadiha (143),
1800 .... aruhimda, arivumarave (161).

r is found in poetry very rarely after 1740, but

none in .prose.
After 1800, r is rarer still. 1830 ivarolagilla
KKC. III. (p. 187), 1840. bedare (191), ariyadiral,
muridu: No r either in prose or poetry after 1850 in
KKC. But the inscriptions are not capable of being
changed by these editors or scribes. Hence the
evidence of the inscriptions of the later centuries are
to be relied on as authoritative till it is disproved by
stronger and more authentic sources of information.
This r is found in Tamil, Malayalam, Telugu
and Kanarese. In the words with -r-, found in the
inscriptions of the 6th and 7 th centuries, r is found
 30

intervocalically and not initially. In his Dictionary,

Kittel gives a few words (about 25) with initial r
which are really corruptions or mistaken spellings of
words with r-. In the following inscriptions r is found
initially:—
1124 .... rodisi EC. Y. Cn. 149; .
1224 .... Eattapalli. EG. XI. DN
1300 ... Eatta, Battiga.
In kavyas also, r is found initially, e.g. KKC. I.
p. 402.
1300 ... Rattavedamgam KKC. I, p. 401.
This r is not found initially either
in Tamil or Malayalam. But Slta-
ramacarlu in his “Sabdaratnakara-
mu” (1929) gives on pp. 673-675 a
number of Telugu words with in¬
itial r. G. P. Brown does not men¬
tion any Telugu words with initial
r in his Telugu-English Dictionary
in the first or second edition. In
modern Telugu, as. in N. K., initial
or intervocalic r is not used. Tulu
has not got this r at all now. In
N. T., the distinction between r
and r is disappearing in all parts of
the Madras Presidency except in the
extreme South : —
kirudu and kirudu (vanity); korudal and
korudal (praying); tarai and tarai (ground); taruvay
and taruvay (proper time).'
In the following T. -r- > T. -t- and T. rr > T.
-tt-. kari and kati (to bite); tari and tati (a Stick);
korram and kottam (triumph); korrudal and kottudal
(digging).
 31

But -rr- is found in a large number of Telugu

words, but these are pronounced, not as -ttr- or -ttr-,
but as -rr-. A few of them are mentioned here :
Tel. arra (a division of a chamber) ; K. are; irra
(the male of the antelope); karru ia ploughshare) ;
kirrupurugu (a cicada, a noisy insect): kurra (small,
young) ; kurri*(a milking cow); garre (an instrument
for catching fish); gorre (a sheep); cirra(apeg);
cirru (anger); K. sittu (anger); turru (in haste); Skt.
tvarita; torra (a hole in the trunk of a tree) ; narra
(a troublesome milch cow); parra (a bog); purru (soft
mire) ; purre (the skull) ; K. burude (the skull); bar re
(a female buffalo); burri (a heifer); borra (a pot-belly) ;
K. bojju; rnirru (a rising ground); T. medu ; K. medu ;
M. medu ; morra (a scream) ; K. more ; varru (a heap) ;
sorra (a shark).

The few corresponding words indicate that at

one time Te -rr- was pronounced as -tt- or -tt-.
The Telugu scholars or peasants do not pronounce
these words as Tamil -rr-, but only as -rr- (a long r).
Further in N. Te. the long -rr- is shortened and -r- is
used in place of r. In Kan, -rr- is found in some
inscriptions, but the pronunciation is -rr-. In N. K.
it is written and pronounced as -rr-. Surrembinam,
(E.G. V. Bl. 77). Kittel’g equating tirrane to tittane
in his dictionary is wrong as can be seen from his
own edition of S M D. p. 393 (SMD. S. 307). These
are onomatopoeic words.
In Tamil, r is used in place of -«-, -t-, -1- before
-k, -c, and -p.

I. -N-. (1) where -nr- > -rr-

NWs. anru - arru (then); mru - irru (now);
ewru - erru (when), onru - orru (one).
 32

(2) where -n- > -r-

tankaval - tarkaval (self-protection);
tawkolai - tarkolai (suicide); tawcuttu -
tarcuttu (self-reference); ta?&celvam -
tarcel vam (one’s own property); tanpadi
tarpadi (a lark)

II. -t- > -r-.

Lws. utkafiam - urkatam (an elephant in rut);
utkrstam - urkrttam (excellence) ; udgara
- urkaram (vomiting); utsarga -urcar-
kain (abandonment); utpatti - urpatti
(birth); kutsita - kurcitam (abhorrence);
tatkalam - tarkalam (the fixed time);
tadbhavam - tarpavam (born of that);
balatkaram - palarkaram (force - com¬
pulsion) ; bhaskaran - parkaran (the
sun) ; vatsanabhi - varcanapi (a kind of
poison).

III. -1-. > -r-.

alpam - arpam (trifling); ulka - urkai (a
meteor); kalka- karkarn (drugs pounded
for the preparation of decoctior^, oils,
etc.); kalki - karki (a horse); svalpam -
sorpam (a little); nalgati - narkati
(bliss); nalkanavu - narkanavu (a good
dream); nalpendu - narpendu (a good
woman); nalcir - narclr (a good state).

This change of -1 to -r- is also found in the O.K.t

of the inscriptions studied. Nirisidom "Set-up" or
"caused to stand" is from nil - to stand. T.M. Nil - to
stand. Te Nilu - to stand. This root 'nil', when
converted into a causative -1 > -r- in O.K. as it
 33

does in O.T. niruttu - to cause to stand. Cf P. 41

nirugal; P. 42. nirisida. What is the nature of this 1
nijisidom.
In Kanarese, roots teru, peru and poru form
their past tense with -tt-, i.e. tettam, pettam, pottam
(SMD. 240). But this long -t in the past clearly
shows the following :—

ter, per, por, are the roots. When -da- the

past tense suffix, is added ter -da = tetta; per - da =
petta; por - da = potta. Unless -da- is derived from
<*-nfa- (K. -r-) or -ta- (K. -r-), this change is impos¬
sible. Ter - * nta = ter n) ta; the pre-consonantal
nasal disappears; terra = tetta. Similarly for petta
and potta. This shows that in O.K. also rr > -tt-.

In O.K. Kiridu > Kuru before consonants, e.g.,

kurudadi. But before vowels kiru > kit, e.g. kiru -
adi > kittadi; kiru - esal > kittesal. (SLID. 181).
This shows that in O.K. -rr- used to become -tt-.
In Kanarese, peragu is replaced by peda in com¬
pounds (SMD. 173, KSS. 369) e.g. pedamgay, pedagay
pedadale. Kanarese grammarians state that r gives
rise to r when pronounced with greater pressure and
force. (KYV. 6; KBB. 10; SMD. 18 and 19, KSS. 1).
According to these, r is a cerebral. Cf P. 43. 1021,
nadaoreya.
I suspect pera < peda < *pefa. This gives
us pedagay. In Tel. also we find peda in the same
sense, e.g. pedabuddhi (Uttararamayana. 7. ch). This
pbda gives us a hint as to the probable reason of the
grammarians to call r a cerebral. When single -r- =
-t-, (-t-) Kan., & Tel. voiced the intervocal single
surds and used the sonant symbols for the voiced
stops. But when -rr- became -tt- or -tt-, the sound
 34

value was retained. Why it is -tt- or -tt- sometimes

is at present unknown.
Further, surds coming after -r- of roots in
Kanarese do not become sonants, but those sounds
that come after r > sonants, (sutra KBB. 29, SMD.
65, 66; KSS. 89 and 90). This clearly shows that
it is a stop and a surd. Further, this r when followed
by a surd becomes r and, later,is assimilated to the
surd. In idarke, -ar- is the suffix; in place of
-ad- -ar- is used here, perhaps for dissimilation;
idu - ar - ke > idarke. This idarke > idakke in
N. K. cp. T. idarku.
Also, in the inscriptions r is used for represent¬
ing the upadhmaniya breathing before -p-:—
1. nirpindam (Ec. II. 63. 1163 AD)
2. payahpura is written payarpura (El. XIII.
P- 36)
3. bhavinah parthivendran is bhavinarpar -(52)
E. I. XY. p. 26 1110 A.D.)
4. vigatabhayayas'arpataka (67) EC. IV. Yd.
60, 890, A.D.
This mistake is due to the similarity in the shape
of the symbol for upadhmaniya breathing and -r-.
O. K. r is used wrongly for Skt. r. e.g. arula (5-15),
kamara (8-31); rudhi, arudha - kara and gara in the
inscriptions and grammars ; probably the pronuncia¬
tion was like that, r is used in later inscriptions in
place of -s-:
purpa (6) E. I. XII. p. 271, 1189. E. 1. XY. p.
33, 1189. purpayudham (22) E.C. VII Sk. 185, 1158,
A.D.
In Tamil, -§- is represented by -t-.
Skt. pu§pa = T. putpam - a flower. Skt.
visS§akam - T. visetakam = anything special.
 36

This suggests that Kan. r may correspond to T.

-t- though this use of r may be due to a confusion
with the upadhmaniya.
All these show that r in Kanarese is cerebral
according to the grammarians. Since it is now lost
in N.K., it is not possible to find out what its
phonetic value may have been. That it represents a
stop, perhaps an alveolar, which can become a dental
or a cerebral and hot the continuant r, is definite.

0. K. r

Kan. T. M. Tel. Tu
[.•pr. Drn. *-t-after short vowels.
-r- -r- -r- -r- -r-
(-]-)
(-d-)
ara (virtue) aram
aru (six) aru aru aru aji
ari (to know) ari arir eruka ari
ere (lord, master) irai irai
[eru (to ascend) eru eru eru eru]
kore (to cut) kurai kurai korata kore
tera (an opening) tira tira ' tercu tere sere
toradu (to leave) tura tura tora,gu torapuni
[nur (a hundred) nuru nuru nuru nudu]
nere (to become
complete) nirai nirai nerayu nerevun
peran (an outsider) pi ran piran pera ....
poragu (outside) puram puram purugu
veragu (alarm) veruppu veri veragu verri
beraeu
II. pr. Dm. * -t-
after long vowels.
 36

Kan. T. M. Tel. Tu.

-r- -r- -r- -r-
1. Nlru: nlru nlru nlru
vb. "to reduce,
to powder,"
n. "powder,
ashes"
2. Naru naru naru naru nadu
"to stink"
3. paru paru paru paru
"to jump"
4. here vere veru veru bete
"separate"
5. maru maru maru maru mam
"to barter,
to exchange"
6. mlru mlru mini mlru mlru
"to surpass"
7. more morai mora more more
"the face" "the chin"
8 . saru caru cftru caru saru
"broth"
9. sure cQrai curai cure sure
"plundering" (sure)
II. But pr. Dm. "“-nd- (after long vowels) >
Kan.-d- and T. and M. nr. e. g. K. Ida - T.
Inra.
III. But Pr. Dr. *, -ntf- (after short vowels) has
K. -nd- and T. -nr- after a short vowel in
the following
T. K.
onru (one) ondu
anru (then) andu
 37

T. K.
inru (now) indu
enru (when) endu
konru (having killed) kondu
senru (having gone) sandu
ninru (having stood) nindu (nintu)
kunru (to diminish) kundu
kanru (a calf) kandu (karu) also
venru (scorched) vendu
Sometimes in colloquial speech of villagers T. nr
> -nn-. inru > innu ; enru > ennu; onru > onnu.
kanru > kannu ; as in Mai. onru > onnu; panri >
panni; venru > venuu.
K. T. M. Te. Tu.
pr. Drn. * -ntf-
(after long vowels)
-r- -nr- . -r- -c- -j-
(and later -d- -r-
assimilation) -n-
uru "to fix, unru unnu unu uru
to support" •

toru tonru tonnu tocu toj

"to appear"
mum "three" munru munnu mudu: muj
In Tu, Kan r is found as -j- before short vowels
also:
K. aru "to be dried" Tu. aj
K. bari "empty" Tu. baji
K. karu "a calf" Tu. kamji (Op. T. Kanru)
Kan. r corresponds to Tu. -r:—
K. Tu. ,
oragu "to lean, to lie down" orag
karu "to vomit" . s k4ru
 K. Tu.
kiru "to scratch" kiru
kuri "a sheep" kuri
kesaru "mud" kesar
jaru "to slip" jar
besar "disgust" besar
miru "to transgress" mlr
saru "to proclaim" s&r (Cp. T. carru)
sere "confinement" sere

In two words Kan. -r- corresponds to Tu. -t-

K, adara "of that" Tu. ayta
K. bere "different" Tu. bete

Kan. -r- corresponds to Tu. -d-:

after short vowels after long vowels
K. Tu. K. Tu.
ore "a sheath" ude naru "to stink" nadu
kiru "small" kidu nuru "100„ nudu
kere "a tank" kedu maru "to change" madu
pore "burden" pude
mare "a screen" made
inuri "to break" mudi

Some of the forms in T. with -nr- )»-rr in

Tamil. Both these have correspondences in Kan:
T. Kan.
anru "then" = andu
inru "now" — indu
enru "when" = endu
But
T. anru ami K. atta
inru irru K. itta
ennl ; erru K. etta
 39
But the meaning in Kanarese is one of place
whereas it is one of time in Tamil:
K. atta = there; itta = here ; etta = where

This leads ns to a consideration of the -rr-.

Pr. Dr. * -tt- is retained as rr in T. and M. In T.
though written as -rr-, it is pronounced as -ttr- in
some areas and -tt- in other areas. Many people
pronounce it as -tt-. Thus in Tamil dictionaries,
there are forms with -rr- and also with -tt- having the
same meaning and used in the same sense :

IY Pr. Drn. *-tt- after short vowels

> T. & M. K. Te.
-rr- -tt- (-tt-) -tt-
(-tt-)
T. & M. K. Te.
Orri (pledge, lease) otte otta
(otti)
orru (to gain) 1. ottu - compressed ottu
(ottu) (to unite) 2. ottu - together ottu
3. ontu to agree with ontu
karrai (a collection katte (a broom) katta
of hair)
(kattai)
kurram (a defect) kutta kudi
(kuttam)
kurru (to pound) and kuttu (to pierce)
kuttu (to stitch)
kuttu (to pound)
curru (to go round) suttu cufctu
(cuttu)
parru (to seize, pattu (to go over) pattu
to hold) pattu (the hold in
. . wrestling)
 T. & M. K. Te.
purru (ant-hill) putta putta
Puttu
perra (that has been
obtained) petta
marru (again, besides) mattu mari, madi
murru (a siege) muttu muttu
(muttu)
varral (dryness) battu (to dry) vatta
(vattal)
pr. Dm. * -tt- after a long vowel >
K. Tam. Te.
-b- (-t-) -rr- -t- (-t-)
1. uta (firmness) urram utamu
2. ute (a spring) urru (uttu) uta
3. eta (a mechanism erram etamu
for lifting water)
4. tete (clearness) terrain teti
(certainty)
5. tota (a garden) torram totamu
6. nata (stench) narram (nattam) natamu
7. matu(areply) marram mata
In a few cases, the -rr- of T. corresponds to -r-
of Kanarese and -t- of Tel:—
carru (to proclaim) K. saru Te. catu
But T. & M. kapparru (to protect); K. kapadu;
Te. kapadu; where T. -rr- corresponds to K. -d-
K. T. Tel
VI. pr. Dm. * -dd- > dd rr -d-
after long vowels (dd)
(kappad<2) kapadu
(to protect) kapparru kapadu
 41

K. T. & M.
VII. pr. Dm. * dd -r- -rr
after long vowel
saru (to proclaim),
(Te catu)ctfrru
turn (to winnow), turru

Appendix
8th Century:
A. D.
740 Edattorenada (6) EC. III. My. 55
760 .... teruvudu (22) EC. IV. HG. 4..
tere (22), EC. IV. nereyardi (1) EC.
III. My. 6.
9th Century:
800 .... olamgere (25) EC. IV. Sr. 160.
810 .... arusasirakke (2) EC. III. Nj. 26.
ereyar(2).
865 .... nirugal (a set up stone) EC. VII. p.
200 nirisidon.* I. Ant. Vol. XII. p.
223
870 .... turugaloi (6) EC. VII. HI. 13.
884 .... turuvam (10) EC. II. 394. erida (12).
888 .... Peddoregareya (8) EC. I. 2., taruvom
(8), tombhattarusasirbbar (9), entu-
nuru (14) EC. I. 2.
890 .... Ereyamgamge (5 & 12) EC. I. 3.
murubhattamum (9) E.C. I.
890 .... Permugagere (74), tore (73), erina
(73) vigatabhayayasarpatakava-
bhasa- (67) EC. IV. yd. 60.
898 .... parekambalada(6), Parekere (3), mum
(5), EC. III. 97 & 98.
 42

10th Century:

900 .... ariya (2) EC. I. 60. Ereyarasamge

(2) EC. I. 60. murukallam (1) EC.
II. 443. kereyarn (3) EC. IY. Ch.
141. Turundavo/ala (10), EC. IV.
HG. 110 turugalol. EC. IV. Kp.
17. ariyc (9) EC. IV. Gu. 57.
900 .... irdu (4), Ereyappa (3) EC. III. TN.
115.
907 perataledivasam (8th day) (3), kere
(5), avarolage (7), irdu (4).
910 .... Ereyapparasar (5), mereyapponu EC.
IV. Hg. 103(10). kere; EC. III. Sr.
134.
920 ... Ereyappan EC. IV. IIS. 92.
930 .... eridodc (2), teredavu (E., Nirisidom
(11), EC. IV. Hg. 116.
934 .... nirisidalu, EC. VII. HI. 23.
940 .... parapimge (7), perabagadalli (8), mere-
du (14), bedaruvinamte (12), EC. II.
138.
971 .... nereye (7) EC. IV. Ch. 9.
972 .... keregaia EC. IV. Ng. 51.
977 .... eragida (5) EC. IV. Ng. 23.
978 .... peddoregare (13), aru sasirbbarum
EC. I. 47.
982 .... arivem (36), porage (97), kiridu (100),
nereye (124), ivarol bere (107),
(104), perar (41), iridu (52), EC. II.
133.

11th century:

1007 .... iriye (9), paruva (10), iridu (9), ire

(17), nirisida (23), tore (14).
 43

1012 .... turuvanikkisi (9) EC. IV. Kp. 16.

tallarisalke (13) EC. III. Sr. 140.
1019 .... kereya (10), eruvantu (16), iriva (23),
areyatti (17), EC. VII. Sk. 125.
1021 .... nura, muraneya (1) avudarul (4),
Nadoreya (chief)? (4) EC. IV. Hg.
16. kiriya ColiyarhE C. III. Nj. 134.
1022 .... kerege (i8) EC. III. Md. 78.
1031 .... kereya (12) EC. IV. Hg. 7.
1050 .... kereyam (15), eri (23), EC. VII. Ci. 8.
eragi (4), nirisidom (12), EC. I 30.
1057 .... arage (1), arivimge (4), Erayamgana
(4), kondarembudu (20), kere (33),
EC. IV. Hg. 18.
1060 .... iridu (8) E. C. VII. Sk. 152. Heg-
gerege (19),konareyim (7), kereyim
(15), EC. VII. Sh. 6. turugalam (3),
karidu (3) EC. III. Md. 116.
1069 .... kere (8), yere (10), EC. Ill TN. 135.
1070 .... kereye (5), kerege (11), EC. I. 49.
1076 ... berdale (27), garde (27), ga?de (21),
beddale (22), *aregereya (23), hare-
kara (24), EC. VII. Ci. 18. marevuge
(13), kereya (40), EC. VII. HI. 14.
1085 .... arusasira (21), kerege (33). irivakava
(41), ariyar (42), kiridu (43), pere-
yamdade (44), aravantage (45),
kumbarargge (56), harige (51),
harige (47), EC. VII. Sh. 10.
1087 .... eredu (19), ereya (17), munuru (15),
EC. IV. 149, 55.
1087 .... Torenada (6) EC. IV. Yd. 2.
1092 .... kere (9), ponnarakotta (7), (cf. pon-
narakotta) EC. IV. bu. 93. 1049);
turuvam (19),yerida(19), birda (14),
 44

1095 ... akereya (14), Kannagereyam (13)

EC. IV. Kp. 49.
1095 ... bedari (27), nura (35), kere (43), tore
(46), EC. I. 57.
12th Century:

1100 .. taledorade (39), EC. II. 69. nirisidom

EC. II. 164.
1107 .... turuvumam (8), nerenurusayirada-
runuralverasu (12), peragikki (12),
iridu (13), EC. IV. Hg. 79.
1113 .... Ededorenada (3), ponnarakondu (5),
pallikararurn (8), EC. III. Nj. 44.
1115 .... neremadisuttum (169) merevuttire
(170), arusasiram (170), EC. II.
127.
1117 .... arusasira (4), Heggere (29), EC. IV.
Ch. 83.
1123 .... nereye (35), munnura (54). EC. II.
132.
1144 .... iridu (6) EC. III. Md. 22.
1145 .... sajjegeral (129) EC. II. 140.
1148 .... einuru (18) EC. III. Nj. 110.
1158 .... ereyatn (11), peramge (31), asta bahi-
rprapamcam (38), EC. II. 345.
1163 .... nirpindam. EC. II. 63.
1175 .... yeradu (14) EC. 1. 65, arade (23),
Kaggereyurnam (41),teradimda (57)
EC. II. 240.
1179 .... oramtana (r is used for r) El, XII.
p. 336.
1180 .... ariva (12), muru (19) EC. II. 71.
1195 .... muru (56), kere (54) EC. II. 335.
1199 .... iriva (19), nereda (21), marevokka
EC. IV. Ng. 47.
 46

13th Century:

1203 .... hore (46), herimge (60), heruvaru

(47), iridade (48), EC. VII. Sh. 88.
1206 .... hanavomdara (16), manedere (15),
EC. II. 333.
1217 .... murugumdige EC. II. 170.
1218 .... purpasararibbara (12), kere (50), EC.
VII. Sh. 5.
1223 .... hadinaraneya (2), iridu (6), kere (9),
turuvam (7), EC. VII. Sk. 175.
1229 .... virodisamvatsarada (4) EC. III. Ml.
93. r for r.
1235 .... nerggiriyan (30) EC. III. Md. 121. r
for r. kereya (41), ondara (45), EC.
III. Md. 121.
1276 .... mura (38), nalkara (36 and 58), hadi-
naruballa (42), eidara (62), murara
(71), hanneradara (79), EC. III.
Tn. 97.
1278 .... kirukula (44) EC. II. 347. Devara-
kere (13), korakodahu (19 and 20)
Makalakereya (21), EC. I. 32.
1279 .... nurakke (32), ondaropadiya (33), EC.
II. 336
1281 .. Edadorenada (14), EC. III. Tn. 100.
1282 ... horagagi (27), hasaregallu (80), Eda-
vallagere (22), EC. II. 334.
1284 .... iridu (7) EC. VII. Sk. 140.
1290 .... Hegguruvada (25), ippatharamane
(32) aru (34) muru (42), EC. III.
TN. 27.
1291 .... horasumka. EC. VII. Sh. 78.
1293 .... voleyakara (13), iridu (14), bemtekara
nr aa
 46

1296 .... eredu (15), Torenada (16), EC. IY.

Ch. 65.
1296 .... munuralu (9), kere (11), neradirddu
(9), neradu (12), r for r. EC. I. 45.
14th Century:

1300 .... nurayippattararolage (9), here (41)

terutta (37) EC. III. Tn. 98.
1309 aruvattu (10), nureppattu (11), nera¬
du (16), r for r. EC. VII. Sh. 19.
1312 .... Sarumanayakaru (6), iridu, EC. III.
Nj. 71
1319 ... kere, tere (22) EC. III. Md. 100.
1325 .... aru (4), nurahattakke (10), muru (23)
kere (24), muvattaru (25), EC. III.
Tn. 99.
1332 . karunisidharu (32) EC. III. Nj. 65.
r for r.
1336 .... kamcagara (13) EC. III. yl. 38.
1336 .... kere (1), muvattara (4), teruta (9),
karanathamge (4), EC. IY. Ng.
36.
1368 ... Udugore (76), Horahodeya (67) EC.
VII. Sk. 282.
1368 ... inlridavanu (29) EC. II. 344. eredu
(14), teruva (12), teruta (16), EC.
III. Nj. 117.
1376 .. Toranada (6), r for r. EC. VII. Sk.
57. turu serehohaga EC. VII.
Sk. 57.
1377 .... erasidanu (22), Herahalli (6), EC.
VII. Sk. 35.
1390 .... kere (9), eredu (25) EC. VII. HI. 6.
1390 .... Badagakere (11), marevokkarakava
(18) EC. I. 39.
 47

1396 .... nuruyentu (20) no r but r. kere (24)

EC. VII. Sk. 241
1396 .... mura (17), maggadere (21), rnaduve-
dere (22), ganadere (22), EC. VII.
HI. 71.
15th Century :

1403 . . rnathadere.yanu (7) EC. IV. Hg. 47.

aridu (11) EC. IV. Hg. 60.
1407 .... horaveyarage (4) EC. IV. Gu. 41.
1411 .... tenge EC. III. Nj. 137.
1415 .... munuru (2) r and not r. EC. VII.
Sh. 31.
1416 .... aledere (10), adudere (10) EC. III.
Sr. 105.
1417 .... suregondaru (17) EC. VII. Sk. 37.
1420 .... Mugalikere (39) No r. EC. VII. Sk.
288.’
1422 .... adadere, kuinbaradere (14) (prose)
No. r.
1430 .... yerakottevu (19) EC. IV. Ch. 159.
EC. VII. Sh. 40. (prose)
1431 .... eradu Kottevu (55) EC. VII. Sb. 71.
(prose).
1431 .... eradu (23), ganadere, amedere (30),
olavaru horavaru (31), Gandugere
olagereya (40), No r. EG. VII.
Sh. 71
1432 .... horavaru (20) EC. III. Sr. 7.
1437 .... Heggerege (19), kuriterige (Nor. )
EC. III. Tn. 47.
1437 .... Kamigereya. EC. III. Ml. 4.
1458 .... kere (no r) (63), kumbara (61), no r.
EC. III. Sr. 133. kere (37) EC.
txt n„ or*
 48

1474 .... Kaligereya (no r) EC. III.M1. 121.

1477 .... Arasanakere (8), but vomdukereyanu
(11) no r. EC. III. Md. 77,
1482 .... kereya. EC. TV. Ch. 185.
1484 .... eradu (11) EC. IV. Ng. 59.
1494 .... nuru (6), kere (6). EC. III. Nj. 100.
1496 .... erevalli EC. III. Nj. 33.
1497 .... tere (11) EC. III. Nj. 115.

16 th Century
1609 .... Yeragamballi (9) EC. IV. yl. 18.
1613 .... dhareyaneradu (69; 74), Malligere
(98 ; 107) (prose) EC. IV. ng. 81.
No r
1613 .... terigegalu (7), bogaraderige (17),
ganacaraderige (no r), ahaderige
asagara terige, nayimdara tenge
kumbhara (no r) terige (19), EC.
IV. G-u. 3. karihola (4), kere (10)
Huregadde (13) EC. III. Tn. 37.
1617 .... eradu (8) EC. III. my. 5
1519 .... baruva (9), Kuruha Javadevapagau-
dana (6) EC. III. Nj. 63.
1521 .... Sarvamanyada (5), paridevaya (8),
EC. IV. yl. 21.
1624 .... olagere (247) no r. EC. VII. Sh. 26.
1527 .... eradu (10) EC. III. Sr. 1.
1530 .... tarisi (26), eradu (27), maleyuru (7).
1530 .... nanura aruvattaru (3) EC. IV. Hg.
43.
1532 .... muraneya (6), eradu (8), olavarehora-
vare (9), EC. IV. Ch. 115.
1538 .... nura arpattaneya. EC. III. Md. 112.
1541 .... kere (24), eradu (26), nuru (21), EC.
III. Tn. 120.
 49

1542 . .... karadu (17), eradu (18), EC. III.

Sr. 6.
1544 .... nmlu (29), l for r. kereya (26) EC.
I. 10.
1556 .... eradu (14) EC. III. Tn. 108. murake
(18) no r; aruvattumuru (19) EC.
VII. Sk. 55.
1557 .... talavarike (22), Kuruvada grama
EC. VII. HI. 9.
1585 .... yeradu (16), no r. EC. III. Sr. 40.
1589 .... kabbereya (9) EC. III. Md. 25.

17 th Century.
1600 ... eragidanu (4), no r. EC. II. 204.
1S05 .... Harngarepurada (6), kerekatte (18)
EC. IV. Ch. 82.
1622 .... rnenasugere (192), volagere (199),
kembare (208), kerekclagana (220),
kerebadagana (221), No r. EC. III.
Tn. 62.
1634 .... yaradu (30), yarisi (34), EC. II. 352.
1634 .... pareyamna (19)-EC. II. 250.
1639 .... kere (146), no r. EC. III. Nj. 198.
1654 .... keregal (47), seruvagaranige (75),
samgltagararige (83), nurakke (88),
adara (13).
1663 .... eredu (14) EC. IV. Hg. 85. No. r.
1663 .... arutirumale Seve (46), kerekejage
(59) EC. III. Sr. 13.
1664 .... eradu (26) EC. IV. Gu. 25.
1666 .... eradu (17) EC. IV. Yd. 53.
1667 .... kerekatte (112) EC. IV. Yd. 43.
1668 ... Kerehalli. EC. VII. Sh. 81.
1669 .... miiru (20), nuru (21), nurayippattaru
(22), eradu (26), EC. IV. HS. 139.
G. O. I. 4
 50

1670 .... aruvarahada (7) EC. IV. HG. 120.

No r.
1671 .... teru (26-28), arumaiiidigii (29) EC.
VII. 8h. 3.
1685 .... eredu (18), valagere (22, 25) EC. III.
My. 7
1686 ... aru (99), cradu (105), kerege (143),
EC. III. Sr. 14.
18th Century:
1700 .... kallanimidani, EC. I. 71.
1722 .... teruvahanavanu (8), terigehanava
(10) EC. VII. Sh. 21.
1722 . .. kereyalli (441), Belekorcgc (445),
Sattikeremathakke. No r. (503),
Kuruvada (493), huttaremele (428;
540), hnttare (508,”530, 532 549,
594), kere (529, 530), kerege (574),
Patnagere (590), nura (595), nuri-
ppatLara (628), volagere (037), nura-
hanneradu (681, 682, 685, 709),
inuru (684, 709), eredu (710), EC.
III. Sr. 54.
1724 .... einuru (150), kere (155, 158, 161),
tenge (164, 165), hadimuru (175),
eredu (191).
1741 .... Kumbaragumdige (159), kere (170)
EC. IV. yd. 58.
1748 .... Kerehatti (308), horage (317),
Hariidugere (358), kereyerl (358),
Kattegere (378), idara (382), kerege
(476), kere (1350), ippattaru (1372),
EC. III. TN. 63.
1759 .... teruva (10), pujegararu mamnyaga-
raru (9), terige (31), horagu (46),
EC. IV. Ch. 101.
 51

1762 .... nura aravattelu (17), nura ippattaru

(14) EC. IV. yl. 63.
J762 .... iiranura ippattu (20), aruvattu (17)
EC. IV. Ng. 7
19th Century :

1825. nurokkalu (19) E. I. 25.

 53

V (=>).
The following words contain v-. (Their N. K.
equivalents are given in brackets):—va/ikke (balika) ;
Vajliggame (Bajagave); vandu (bandu); vaf-vu (balu);
vittar (bittaru); vittu (bittu) ; vittidalli (bittidakade);
vettede- (bettede-); BedevaHi (Bedahajli); velege
(beleyali); velevade (beleyade); Velgoja (Belgola);
Yelmadada (Belinadada); Vegura (Bcgura):
Some of these words have b- in these inscriptions
NWs. bandu, bitta, bittavol, bifte;
LWs. besagey, begarii
The corresponding words in T., M. and Te. have
v- and in Tu. have b-.
K. T. M. Te. Tu.
vaZvu va/vu va/vu ... balu
vittar vittar vittu vidicinaru bitta
vittu vittu vittu vittu bittu
vettadul ,,,, < •«. ••••

vele vilai vila bele

vel vijang.u vej vilannu vele bill
All words with initial v- in Kan. have correspond¬
ing words in v-, in the other Dravidian languages.
Even in the case of Lws., Kan. b- corresponds to
T., M., Te. v- and Tu. b-.
K. T. M. Te. Tu.
begam vegam vegarn vegaraih bega
That this b- is a later development from v- will be
clear from the following :—

9th Century.
810 .... basadi, EC. II. 415.
810 .... vitta’(lO), EC. III. Ml. 68; Ml. 5
Barapasiyum,
 S3

870 .... Varanasiyu. EC. III. NJ. 68.

884 .... bidiyayatam (G) EC. II. 394.
888 .... Sasirvbarpparvbarurcam (12); Sa-
sirvbar. Baranasiyumam (12),
Sarvbanandi (7). EC. I. 2.
895 ... Sambatsaramgal (2) EC. III. Md.
13.

10th Century:
900 .... bandisidar (for vandisidar) EC. IT.
55; EC. II. 4.
930 .... vannisutte (58), vayasi (28) (for
bayasi. N. K.) El. XIII. 326.
950 .... bandisida. EC II. 154.
978 .... Belgola (9), Blrasena- (10), Sasirb-
barum (13), aynurbbarum (15)
orbban (16), Banarasiyum (for
Varanasi) 16), arorbba (18) EC.
I. 4.

11th Century.
1000 .... blrara. EC. II. 45. bandisida, bandu.
EC. II. 49.
1038 .... varalasiyalu. E. I. XVI, p. 277.
1050 .... bandisida. EC. II. 52. bandisidarii.
EC. II. 465 (for vandisidara).
1071 .... v>b after r, before y and r. garbba
(3,16), agurbbim(3),dibya (10), deby
(11), sarbbabhaumam (15), purbba
(16, 22, 40), orbbara (19), Samse-
byam (29), bhabya (40;, byoma(51),
sarbbo- (56), byacaranada (63)
byakhyana (66, 67), E. I. XV’
p. 337.
1080 .... basadige. EC. II. 485.
 54

1097 ... v > b in braja (13), dibyam (23,32)

byatipatamum (25), drabya (37).
El. XVII, p. 182.
12th Century:
1100 .... bandisida (for vandisida) EC. II. 48.
1104 .... alvalam (4), tolvalarh, bajvalam. EC.
VII. Sk. 131.
1113 .... v > b initially in Skt. words and
also in Samsebyam (4) and nabya
(15). El. XV. p. 105. nirvvadhe.
E. I. VI, p. 36.
1172 .... byapaka (34), byapanam (34), pati-
brate (36), brata (36) byapara (40)
brata (45), braja (48), byavahari
(61), dibya (79 and 87), bratimdram
(80). E. 1. XV. Madagihal.
13th Century.
1200 .... b for v. in braja (9) sebyam (15)
v for b. dorvvala (5). El. V, p. 28.
1255. biragallu- EC. I. 6.
1285. viragallu. EC. I. 7.
The writing of Sasirvbar (888) is noteworthy, as
it suggests the mode of writing and the hesitation of
the writer.
Both v- and b- are in use during these centuries,
and in the earlier centuries the forms with v- are
more in number. About 1192, the sign for v denotes
both v and b in the inscriptions (El. Vol. VI, p. 98).
In the later inscriptions b- is more common than
v-. In KRM. (877 A. D.) we find b-:
baZikkam (I. 93), baZvude (II. 36), baradanaw 'II. 56)
bamdode (II. 41), beladu (III. 166), bereverappudarim
(1.46).
 55

In the later Kanarese grammars, all the forms are

in b-, but in word groups and compounds, b- is
replaced by v-.
KBB. SMD. K8S.
31. ela-vidri 67 . kadu-velpu 91. mu-vanpam
kal-vaZe al-vale 92. ber-vverasi
nlr-velasu to]-vale mel-vannam
127 teZ-vasir ber-verasi (327. kudu-villam
gen-vayi 1372.
131. karbu-villam 115. betta-vesage
kudu-villam datta-valli
135. kur-val 184. ur-vveli
136. per-val 186. pallili-vay
143. kadu-val 188. mu-velasu
In all these examples, the second word begins
with b- when independently used in M. K. andN. K.,
v- being preserved in such groups.
It is noted that b- of Kanarese is not from p- as
g- and d- are from k- and t- respectively.

-v-
Intervocalic -v- may be from (1) -v-; (2) -p-;
and (3) -m-.
1. -v- before y and r and after r becomes b some¬
times as shown from the evidence of the later
inscriptions. But in pure Kanarese words it remained
v in 0. K. with very few exceptions and later -v- >
-b- and r before -v- is assimilated to -b- in N. K.:
anduvaZikke (N. K. abalika), orvvan and orvvan (N.
K. obbanu), eZnurvvar (replaced by elnurujana).
2. -v- < -p-.
The forms are:—Nws. edevidiyal, EdevoZal,
pogevogi, bittavol, mamjuvol, muvetmura, salvavol.
Iws: kavileyum, mahatavadi, mahatavan.
 56

(About aramantatna for aramntava, see -v- from

-in- infra.)
This change of -p- to -v- is found in the later ins¬
criptions .—

9th Century:
830 .... Klrttivura (8), Temkanavalliya (4. EC.
VII. SK. 283.
89U ... kavileyumam (12) EC. I. 2.
890 ... pennmadi-vattarhgatti (6) EC- I. 3.
pervoiala (71) ‘ EC. IV. Yd. < 0.
pagantevallame (75).

10th Century.
900 .... paravendirannan EC. II. 448. Turu¬
nda vofala (13) EC. IV. Hg. 110.
915 .... permmadi vattagattuvandu EC. VII.
Sh. 96.
990 .... marevokkara (12) EC. III. My. 36.

11th Century:
1057 .... devalokakke voda] EC. IV. Hg.
18.
1070 .PosavaUi, Hosavahi EC. I. 50.
1085 .... Nokkaverggade EC. VII. sh. 10.

12th Century:
1104 .-. pempuvetta. EC. VII. Sk. 131.
1113 .... Karavurada. EC. III. NJ 44.
1148 .... nandadlvige EC. III. hi J. 110.
Here -p- in the body of words and in word
groups > -v-,
This change of -p- to -v- is common even in
N. K.
In. T. -p- > -v-:
 57

The examples are all lws:—

apattam and avattam ‘ a falsehood apanlyam and
avanlyam ‘a market street’, upamai and uvamai
‘ a simile upattiyavan and uvattiyayan ‘ a priest, a
teacher ’, kapi and kavi ‘ a monkey ’, kapantam and
kavantam ‘ a headless body ’, kappiyam and kaviyatn
‘an epic poem’, tapasi and tavasi‘a brahmacari
entering upon the stage of a recluse,’ vapi and vavi
‘ a walled tank’, vipattu and vivattu ‘ a calamity ’.
fn Tel. -p- > -v- in word groups:—pampuvadu,
payavadu, payavaru, bayalavovu.
Later Kanarese grammarians have noted this
change as a regular one in Nws. and Lws. alike and
all of them have given examples.
SMD Sutras, 67, 99, 178, 179,181, 182,186, 189,
258 and 292 and KSS. 60, 68, 241, 327, 328,
329, 330, 333, 334, 338, 339, 340-2, 351-354, give
a large number of examples for this change of -p- to
-v-.
But sometimes -v- < -p-1 after nasals continue
to be -v- in these inscriptions: e.g. unvorum, enva;
in N. K. umboru and emba.
KRM. (877 A.D.; has the following bhogivisam-
bol (I. 70), embudakkum (1. 84), embudu (I. 63),
embudidu (II. 7), embudemdum (III. 37).
In T. the intervocalic -p- is pronounced as -b-;
after nasals, the -p- is pronounced as -b-. e.g. anpu,
inpu, kampu, nompu.
But in Tel. -p- after nasals, is -p- in many cases.
e.g. impu, tampu, maiiipu. In some -mp- > -mb-,
tombadi (tom-j-padi), tommidi. In.New Kanarese
also -mp* and -mb- are both found. But this -m +

1. See-ppa under “ Verbs ”.

 58

pol > -mbol in O. K. and M. K. always. Suracapam-f-

pole > suracapambole (37-1).
But in later grammars, v- suffixes after nasals >
-mb-.
SMD. K8S.
99-100. palavar, but palambar. 170. palambar,
kelavar but kelambar palavar, palabar.
214. Indrambol 171. ambar.
232. etnbarn, timbam, 383. candrambol,
annambol.
517. enbarii, tinbarn.
518. manbam,
kanbam.
But in N. K. literary compositions this en-to
say, has been replaced by ennu-due to the addition of
-u to the root.
cf. K- after nasals is not voiced in some of these
inscriptions: kalam keydar, tarikade, prthivlrajyam-
keye, prasadaiii keydar, but some are voiced;
enangottu, prithivlrajyamgeye, cp vinuapam keye.
(6) EC. III. TN. 1. (726 A.D.)
3. -v- from -m-.
The following words have -m-:
(1) ara mantama, a/imen, gamiga, gamunda,
dehama, Namilur, Nimilur, mukhamage, Valliggame-
yarum.
(2) In the following -m- > -v-Navilur,
mukhavage, rajyava, valavadu.
-m- > -v- in the pretorminatioual element in
rajyava; and also when one word ending in -m is
followed by another with an initial vowel, in mukha¬
mage, mukhavage, valavadu.
The change -m- to -v- in (2) and the retention of
-m- in (1) suggest that -m- was probably used with
 59

the phonetic value of -v-, though conservative

writing still used -m- as the Skt. word is mandapa.
It is also possible that the presence of another nasal
in some words may have been the cause of the
retention of -in- in some of these.
The following examples are from the later
inscriptions-
890 .... gavundana (5) EC. I. 8 ;
941-945 .... final -m occasionally changes to -v
before vowels, e.g., padvav(o) nesa-
nav (19) EL XIV. 364.
980 .... Cavundayya EC. II. 39.
983 .... Camundarajam EC. II. 175.
983 .... Cavundaraja EC. II. 179.
1057 . Hemalambi prasiddham (12) EC.
IV. Hg. 18.
1097 .... final -m occasionally > -v- before
vowels. EL XVII. p. 182.
1098 .... punyamantar apparu. EC. VII. Sk.
106.
1129 .... Balligave EC. VII. Sk. 100.
1182 .... -m > occasionally -v. El. XIV.
(Kurugod).
1189 .... panav-(28) EI. XV. 77.
1115 .... Cavarajam (167) EC. II. 127 ;
1177 .... Hemajambi samvatsarada (3) EC.
III. Md. 44; .
1120 .... Demavatyamgaua (34), Demiyakka
(27 and 64). EC. II. 129;
1117 .... Hemalambi EC. III. Md. 10C
1474 .... vrttimamtarojage (194) EC. III. Ml.
121.
1538 .... Hemalambi EC. III. Md. 112.
 60

In KRM. (877 A. D.) -m- > -v- in some words

and remains unchanged in others :—
kiruvakkal (I. 39), vidiiragatatnage (I. 83), vis’
esamillade (1.84), prayogarmteran (I. 90), lak§yaim-
teranendum (III. 92).
Later grammars substantiate the view that -m- >
-v-.
I. KVV. and II. KBB.1 (1050) stated that the
sounds of the labial class > v not only after vowels,
hut also after y, r and 1: e.g., mara + mane >
roaravanc ; tay + inane > tayvvanfe; pul 4- mane >
pulvane; tur-[- manisam > nlrvanisam.
III. SMD. (1260) supports our inference, -m- >
-v- in all lws. from skt.2 and also in pure Kanarese
word ’ e.g., hemar > bevar, temar > tevar, emage >
evage, tamage > tavage.
IV. KSS. lws. grama > gava, tamara > tavare
(lb04).
As already stated this grammar paraphrases and
amplifies what No. Ill gives. According to KSS/
-m- > -v-.
In N. K., words with initial u or o take a
prothetic v- in rural pronunciation : e.g., vuru for uru ;
vodu for odu ; vuntagu for untagu.
The same tendency is found in these inscriptions :
vandinisu (29-2) for ondinisu ‘ a little.’
-v- is replaced by -u- in upnurum in these
inscriptions. The same tendency is found in later
inscriptions : Gfa-u-mda ; Ga-u-da ; EC. III. My. 17 ;
bahe-u EC. II. 344 (1368); sarvasvamyau saludu (15)
EC. IV. Ch. 135 (1612); appa-u (3) kudu-u-demdu
(10), EC. IV. Yl. 1. (1654).
1. KBB. 31. 2. SMD. 292.
3. SMD. 67 and 104. 4. KSS. 144.
 61

L. »
The following words have-/-:—
(The N.K. and M.K. equivalents are given in brackets'),
ada/de (21-3) (M.K. adari, in N.K. replaced by
hatti), iZal, (44-4) (N.K. ilidu). Ire/pattu (5-15);
6-15); (M.K. Irerpattu. N.K. replaced by niirana-
lvattu, 140); uligam (8-38) 1 for Z (N.K.
uliga); eZtuih (3-3) (M.K. ertu, N.K. ettu) ;
BdevoZalnarlu (8-28); eZaneya (1-4) (M.K. and
N.K. ejaneya); eZnur (59-1) ; (M.K. and N.K.
elniiru); o/tu (43-3) (M.K. ollittu, ollitu, N.K.
olleyadu); KaZvappu (57-4) (M.K. KaZbappu)
(N.K. Kabbappu); KiZgana (62-6) N.K. Kigga-) ;
KiZga (3-2) (N.K. Kigges’ vara) ; klZtu(14-l) (M.K.
kittu, N.K. kittu); gaZde (63-20) (M.K. garde,
N.K. gadde); ge/i (27-4) (M.K. keri, N.K. keri);
tlZthadol (17-1); (Lw. N.K. txrthadalli). -Z for
-r-. PaZi (56-14); (NK. hah); paZcidor (62-8); N.K.
(paccu. Vb.) ; puZu (1-1) (N.K. hulu); pe/cuge
(3-8); (M.K. perou, N.K. heccu); pe/da (25-1;
34-2 ; 38-1); M.K. pelda, N.K. helida); poZdu
(14-1) (N.K. replaced by holumadi) ; va/vu
(40-2) (N.K. balu);
This -Z- does not appear initially in Kanarese.
It appears intervocalically, finally and before conso¬
nants. This Z has been replaced by -1- between vowels
and assimilated to the following consonant in conso¬
nant groups in N.K.
History of l in Kanarese.
I remained unchanged during the 8th and the
9th centuries. But in the 10th century—about 930
A.B.—Z becomes r before consonants; e,g., negartte
 62

from negaZte; berpparan from beZparan; norpode

from nSZpode. All the words with l before consonants
did not change / to Both Z and r forms are found
in the same inscriptions (See A. 1). 930, 940, 945, 949
and 978 in the appendix). About the year 930, words
with j in place of Z appear side by side with forms with
Z and consonant, and r -f- consonant forms < Z + con¬
sonant forms. This indicates that Z >r and Z > 1
about the same time. See 930 A.D. It is often 1
stated that Z > r before a consonant if the vowel
preceding Z was long by nature or position; and that
Z before a consonant preceded by a short vowel not
lengthened by position remained Z and the double
consonant was considered a “ fleeting double con¬
sonant ” or “ s’ ithiladvitva” (SMD 36). But Z before
a consonant naturally makes the vowel long by
position as Z + consonant becomes a double consonant,
e.q., negartte < negaZte, garde < gaZde (SMD 37).
negarddam from negaZdam (SMD 36). This convention
of a fleeting double consonant (Z f consonant in this
case) shows that, already, a vowel was being pro¬
nounced, though not fully, in between Z and the
consonant, though the vowel was not written2 or they
were beiog assimilated. This points to two kinds of
pronunciation—one with a vowel and the other
without a vowel — of these consonantal groups
(Z + const.) (SMD. 60.) Also the assimilated
consonant group or long consonant was shortened in
pronunciation. This theory of s’ithiladvitva is illus¬
trated in SMD. mtras 36,—45, 59 and 60. The
appearance of 1 in place of Z is predominant when Z is
between vowels, such as in aZipi.

1. E. I. XIII. p. 327.
2. Cf. Kilafiana (1036).
 63

The use of Z for r in such words as ti/aka.

tl/thadol, is also found, though not often (See 950).
In the 11th century, the same changes (i.e. / tor
and 1) are on the increase. The use of / in place of r
in 1007, and others is due to the confusion of /, r and
j — l had ceased to have its original definite value.
The use of Z for Skt. 1 in ti/akam (1010) and kama/a
(1085) is due to the confusion between Z and 1 which
had taken the place of /. In this century, 1 is taking
the place of Z more and more, though not uniformly
in all the areas. (See 1028, K37, 1042, 1045, 1047
1049, 1055, 1057, 1058, 1060, 1063, 1064, 1067, 1071,
1075, 1077, 1081, If>82, 1085, 1087, 1098 and 1100).
There is one interesting form ir/da (1067) show¬
ing the transitional stage in the change from / to r,
when both r and Z are written.
In the 12th century, 1 and r become more
frequent than / and 1 is more predominant than r.
This does not mean that l disappeared completely.
In some inscriptions all the three changes are seen ;
e.g., 1172. In 1179, we have the next stage: ther-f
consonant > long consonant, the r being assimilated
to the consonant following. Thus :—
1. I const. > r + const. > a long const,
vowel + Z + vowel > vowel + ! + vowel.
In the next century (13th century) j establishes
itself firmly and very few forms with / are found. From
the 14th century onwards, J replaces / between vowels
and the assimilation of Z to the consonant following
is established.
. So far as the inscriptions are concerned, Z is
still found much less frequently in verse and very
rarely in prose, though 1 had completely replaced l in
t.hp dpflprinf.inn nf hmindaripa
 64

Let us see what the grammars tell us:

Kavirajamarga (877 A.D.) has l, as in the
inscriptions of the 9th century.
I. 1045. Karnataka kdvydvalokana by Ndga-
varmma.—The forms with l are quite in keeping with
ancient traditions regarding the use of l. Sutras 6
and 65.
II. 1045. Karnataka Bhasd Bhasdna by Naga-
varmnia.—He also includes l in the Kanarese alphabet
(Sutras 10 and 11). He states that consonants in
front of -d often change to /(KBB. 119, 121): noZpaih
< nodu + pam ; be/pam < bedu -j- parh.
The examples, where l is used, keep up the old
tradition about the use of l.
III. 1260. Karnataka Sabdamanidarpana by
KeMraja.—The author, Kcs’ iraja, states that l is d
pronounced with greater pressure :—
atipidanadim repha.
S’ritamada rakaramurh samantu dakara
S’ritamada ra/anum amgi
krtapadalatvakke Sanemasallada kujanum (18)
ivu varnavrttige sa-
lvuvu ; Samdum prasadedege sallavu; yamaka
vyavahrtig agavu ; desh-
yavenipuv a hrasvam enisida e o sahitam (19)
(18) : r is produced by pronouncing r with greater
pressure ;.l is produced by pronouncing d with greater
pressure ; 1 is produced by pronouncing 1 with greater
pressure; pronouncing with greater pressure is ex¬
plained in the vrtti as “ atipindeled uccarisuva
ekasthani.”
(19) r and1 r, d and2 l and 1 and31 may be used for
repetition of cognate letters (as “ surar iridoragida ”);

1. KSS, Commentary, p. 165.

 65

they cannot be used for alliteration (prasa) — (it is

wrong to use r and / in prasa, as in ‘ dhuradoj and
teradimda ”); r and r cannot be used in yaiuaka (as in
kareyain and kareyain pottappudu) - (19) (Similarly
for d and / and ! and j.)
The author then discusses where L and 1 are to
be used and gives a list of words where words ought
to have l (SMD 23). This clearly shows that there
was much confusion in his age about the use of / and
1. He was bound by the traditional spelling and so
he wanted to give a list of words where / and 1 ought
to be used. This is in full agreement with our
inference regarding the use of / in the T2th and the
first half of the loth century. He also discusses the
use of r in consonant groups such as garde, etc.
(SMD 37). This indicates that the assimilation of r
< / to the following consonant was on the increase
and the author wanted to point out which word ought
to have r and which not. In his list, garde < ga/de is
given. This is also in corroboration of our inferences
about / in the 33th century. By the end of the 13th
or the middle of the 14th century, replacement of/by
1 and the assimilation of r < / to the following conso¬
nant was established.
N.K. baduku<M.K. bardumku < O.K. ba/dumku
seems to have lost / apparently. But baduku is < *
badduku < barduku < bardumku < ba/dumku. The
poets and scholars always tried to use the archaic / in
spite of the popular use of } and assimilated forms.
* IV. 1604. Karndtaka S’abdanns’asana by
Bhattukalarhha—The author of this grammar does
not describe the actual state of the language in the
early 17th century. He discusses mainly the
principles laid down by Res’ iraja, author of No. Ill
 66

above, and often amplifies them, though the conditions

had changed. I is from d (KSS. pp. 163-168). He
gives a list of words1 where l ought to be used, though
l had been replaced by J long ago.
If we turn to Karniitakakavicarite, Vols. I-III,
we find that 1 is occasionally used for l, but l is used
in all the examples quoted even up to A. D. 1850 cf.
P XVII. Yol. I. KKC.—In the popular song of Devala-
purada Namjumda, an ordinary Visnudasa, (1841)
(p. 196 of KKC. Vol. Ill) we have peri. This
indicates the ways of scribes, commentators and
editors of MSS. Hence quotations from this ‘ History
of Literature ’ by R. Narasimhachar, compiled from
MSS. manipulated by scribes, commentators and
editors, cannot be depended upon for our purposes.
Dr. Fleet in I. Ant. (KG. p. 15) has come to
the following conclusion about the use of l in Kan. : -
A. 600-900 A.D. I in common use.
B. 900-1200 A.D. a transition of l to r and J.
According to Kan. grammarians Kan. -I- is
produced when d- is pronounced with great force.1
When Surds k and p come after -d-, -d > -l in O.K.2
nodu -f- pam > noZpam, madu + ke > tnalke, eradu
H-kudure > eraZkudure. Probably the -d- of* these
and similar words was pronounced like l or very
much like l, and the words like noZpam, etc., were
archaic forms, still surviving then. After l, fut.
tense suffix -va- > pa-3 as before -r.
In between vowels, l > 1 in M.K. and N.K: aZipi
> a}ihi (See History of I above.)

1. KVV. 6; KBB. 10, 11 ; SMD- 18, 19 and 114; KSS.

pp. 167 and 168.
2. KBB. 119 and 121; KVV. 65 ; SMD- 183 ; KSS. 65.
3. SMD. 232 ; KSS. 503, 504, 511 and 518-
 67

In SMD 20, dadima, kusm&nda. Gaud a, Guda,

jhagade, Vidamgam, though born of -da- and > -Z-,
have become kulas i.e., dalitnba, kumbala, Gaula,
Gulam, Jhagale, vilamgam. These are kula in
“ rudhi ” or usage; elaga < edaga is kula.
The Skt. t, th, t, r and 1 become -Z- in old Kan.1
Skt. Skt. O.K.
-t- ghatike gaZige
ghotike goZige
dhati dha/i
latam laZam
th mathike maZige
pethike peZige
t pratihastam paZihastam
r kriiram kuZ
Jhallari JhallaZi
1 talarn taZ
pulinarh puZil
argalam aguZi
According to Kes’iraja, O.K. -1- is from -d- and
the result of different prounciation. This can be
inferred from Kes’iraja (1260) stating in SMD 22 that
palikam, pelige, vilige, gulige, varalarn, tagaje, though
born of Skt. Sphatikam, petiko, vitike, ghatike,
varatam, raghate by “ apabhraiiis’ ate " are still 1
(kula as he cal Is them) in old Kanarese. But “ holige<
sphotaka; larribala < lariipata are treated as doubtful
cases for Z, most probably they have 1.”
SMD 25. jhalakarii, jhalipisidam, jomguli, bom-
buli, alamalam, thamalam, valige, Onduli, jamguli,
puttali, goli, peli these are doubtful whether they are
l; they are most probably kula -1.

1. SMD. 21, KSS. 140.

 68

These Sutras show that d, 1 and / were pronounced

though differently, but nearly in the same manner,
and that 1 is, in the Skt. words, given by him and by
KSS. on pp. 164-106 are from -d- or -t- or r ; though
l has replaced -t- in Skt. words like pratihastarh, it is
to be assumed that -t- had become -d- in Sauraseni
prakrt and that this / replaced -d- of prakrt
About its pronunciation in old Kanarese, nothing
is definitely stated by the grammarians except that l
is from -d-.
There is no l in Te. and Tu. now. But in T.
and M. it is still found. But in Madura and suburbs l
is pronounced as 1 \ but in Madras and the north, it
is pronounced as -y-.
In ().K. the grammarians and the poets considered
l 4- consonant and r + consonant could be used in
alliteration (prasa)2. This suggests that the pronun¬
ciation of r was very near that of l and that is
probably why l + consonant > r + consonant.
O.K. 1.
This l is found in T. and M. now. It was in use
in O.K. and O.Te.3. When Te. and Tu. lost l is not
known at present. This l is not found initially in
any langage.
The following correspondences are found : —
I. (a) After long vowel :
K. T. M. Te. Tu.
-1 .1 -1 ■1 -1
te£u ‘ a scorpion’ tel. tel, telu, t6l
1. The Hindu Literary Supplement. April 3, 1933. Page 2 ;
C.D.G. p. 144.
2. S.M.D. 24 ; KSS. 140. Commentary 167-169 “ atra
Sarvatra raZadinam vyapades’ a bhedei s’rutyanugunyam astiti
prasakaranam ” iti-
3. El. XIX. pp. 138 and 172 about l in O. Te.
 69

K. T. M. Te. Tu.
-Z Z- -Z Z- -l
kaZ ‘ blackness ’ kaZ kaZ kalu kal
peZ ‘ to speak ' pecu pecu peZu heju
preZu. pun.
aZ ‘to sink ’ aZ aZ lo-gu al
aZa ‘ depth ’ aZam aZam lo-tu ala
el ‘ to rise ’ el eZi le el

(6) After short vowel.

-Z- -Z- -Z- -r- -r-
puZu ‘ a worm ’ puZu pu/u
purugu puru
pun
moZegn ‘ to inuZangu mulannu mroga ....
resound’
moZa ‘ a cubit mu/am muZam niura morarhge
measure ’
paZa ‘ old ’ paZa pra
paZa para
poZal ‘ a city, a poZal poZal
proZu
district ’ polu
poZtu ‘ sun, time ’ po/utu, poZutu pordu portu.
proddu
poddu.
toZtu ‘ a slave ’ toZuttai tottll tottu
(a female slave; tortu
eZtu ‘a bull ’ erutu eddu era
erdu
M.K. ertu (why a voiced
N.K. ettu. stop came in
here is not
known.)
This Z is dropped after long vowel with compen¬
satory lengthening in Tel.
moZakalu muZainkalu muZakal mokalu ....
 70

II. After long and short vowels :—

-1 -l -Z -d- 1- r, d, Z.
1Z ‘ to pull ’ iZu iZu idu ....
ii/iga ‘service ’ uZiyairn uZiyam uZiyamudigamuiiliga.
eZu ‘ seven ’ eZu eZu edu el
koZi ‘ a fowl ’ koZi koZi kodi kori
toZi ‘ friend ’ toZi toZi todi
naZi ‘ vein, a tube ’ naZi naZi nSdi nadi
paZu ‘waste, to bury ’ paZ paZ padu padu
(puZu) puZu puZu pfidu
blZ ‘ inferior ’ vll ‘ to vlZ ‘ to bidu burn
fall ’ fall’
boZa ‘shaven’ .... boda bola
agaZ ‘ a moat ’ agaZ agaZ agadu agalte
koZave ‘ a pipe ’ kuZay kuZay kodama kolave
kolave
negaZ ‘ to be famous ’ nigaZ nigaZ negadu ....
pogal ‘ to praise ’ pugaZ pugaZ pogadu pugar
suZi ‘ an eddy ’ cuZi cuji sudi suli
> tuli
In two words, Kan. -Z corresponds to Te -y-
kuZi ‘ a pit ’ kuZi kuZi koyyi guri
noZe ‘ to enter ’ nuZai nuZe buy niiri
of. Madras pronunciation of -l- as -y-. pa/an
payarn and sometimes pa]am.
 71

APPENDIX.

The history of Z in K. can be seen in the following:

8 th Century:
726 .... TaZekada EC. III. Tn. 1 ;
760 .... eZpatturnan EC. IV. Hg. 4 ; aZitton
(g) EC. IV. (17) Gu. 88; eZdu (1)
EC. III. My. 6; aZidon (6) EC. III.
TN. 113; TaZgijura (1), kaZnadara
(1) EC. IV. gu. 86 ;
776 .... kaZam (68) EC. IV. Ng. 85 ;
780 ... aZitton (4 and 9) EC. IV. Hg. 87.

9t)i Century:
810 .... idanaZitton (5) EC. III. Nj. 26;
idanaZidam (10) EC. III. Ml. 68;
866 .... peZeisu El. VIT. p. 200. cl. peZdore
‘ the great river’ in El. VI. p. 259.
975 A.D.;
870 .... aZida (8), a/idah (9) EC. III. Nj. 76.
alutiZdu (6) EC. III. Nj. 75. eZnura
EC. VII. HI. 13;
874 .... aZi (to ruin) El. XIII. p. 184;
884 .... maZtiyara (8) EC. II. 394;
888 .... idanaZidom (11), aZidom (13) EC.
I. 2:
890 .... biZtiyabhattadol (8) EC. I. 3; CoZa-
gamundarum (71), peroZve 75
pervaZtiya (75), vaZveliye (76), peZ-
jogeya (76), paZeyabaZ (82) EC. IV.
Yd. 60.
893 .... GavaZi Settiyamaga EC. IV. Ch,
134;
898 .... eZpadi (7) EC. III. Nj. 97 ;
 72

10th Century:

900 .... kalamkaZoi (1 and 5) EC. I. 60,

TuruindavoZala EC. IV. Hg. 110 ;
eZpattugulaga/de (3) EC. III. TN.
114. iZdu (3), aZipikondatan (5),
aZidam (6), NoZambana (1) EC. IV,
Ch 141. idanalida (11) 1 and not Z
EC. IV. Ch. 95.
904 .... iZdu, uZalu, EC. III. Sr. 148 ;
907 .... PoZalasetti (6), uZida (8), aZida (13),
aZidora’(13) EC. III. Md. 14.
909 .... iZdu, EZeyapparasarum, EC. III. Sr.
147 ;
910 ... aZivamge (10), aZida (12), EC. I. 74 ;
910 .... ondu baZu parihararii (1-1), EC. I. 74;
915 .... peroZbeyin (26), aZidom, EC. III. Nj.
139;
918 .... eZpattarkkarn (8) naZgavundugey-
yuttu (9), iZdal (for irdal), iZdavasa-
nadol (22) niZisidoiii (for r). EC.
VII. Sk. 219;
925 .... iZdu (for irdu), poZalabbeya (12),
gaZde (4), aZidon (14),
930 .... pogartte (2, 31), berpparan (5), arka-
rindam (8), norppara (28), norppa-
vargge (53), negartte (57, 66),
norpode (61), Z is replaced by r, but
negaZdaiii (3), negaZda (26), negaZd-
(33), negaZdar (63). As against
these elgeyan (7), pogajal (8, 66),
maldam (17), podalda (27), maleye
(31), pogal (37) E.I. XIII. 32o’.
935 gaZde (24) EC. VII. Sk. 194;
 7a
940 .... pogaZe (6), tuZilalgalan (12), kalip
(5), eZgeyam (13), biZuvol (17) ;
940 .... no Z at all, but negardda (18), norp-
pade (10, 11). El. XVII. p. 201;
944 .... aZida (13) EC. I. 28;
945 .... iZdu (14), NaZgamundara (17), el
(21), aZi (22) but in one case r:
Narggamundam (14) El. XIV.
949-50 .... erppattuvam (21) El. VI. 50;
950 .... KaZbapputlZthadol EC. II. 68 ;
950 .... KaZbappinalli (2) EC. II. 136.
950 .... keZage (12), iZdom (17), SeraguvaZda-
por, coZaeaturarhgabalarhgalan (15),
EC. III. Md. 41 ;
963 ... NaZgavunda (3) EC. VII. Sb 22 ;
963-4 .... coZa, iZda, kiZta, El. XIX. p. 287 ;
975 .... nega/te, pogaZte, eZdeyam (edeyam)
El. V. Inscr. of Marasimha II.
peZdore (5) El. VI. p. 258;
976 ... iZda (for irda) EC. IV. Hs 64 ;
978 .... aZidom (16), aZida (17) EC. I. 4;
iZdu, negaZda; but pogarddarn,
porttum; in other cases Z > 1.
982 . . pe/endu (7), nega/dam (8), oppiZdap-
puvu (18),peZim (51), esedu iZdapudu
(64), 8uZiva (89), uddavaJameZedu
(119), maguZdam (137), poguZutiZ-
dapuvu (26), EZevabedamgarh (88),
EG. II. 133. mejasimdam (100) 1
for Z. EC. II. 133. aZigandaram
(54), negaZda (65). iZdu (50), aZidu
(28), EC. II. 134. maZdura (2),
oZparbbarum (3), a/ida (5) EC. IV;
yl. 41
 74

985' .... eZtam (3) but negalda (8 and 9), kali-

da (10);
11th Century:
1000 .... kalamtiZdi (12), alidam (22) EC. I. 5.
1000 .... koZa, EG. II. 4, 29.
1007 ... niZsida (32), Z for r;
1007 .... Z is preserved and sometimes wrong¬
ly Z for j. El. XYI. p. 73;
1009 .... aZidam (12) EC. IV. Gu. 79.
1010 .... NoZambadhirajana (3) (but Nolam-
badhirajana < 11), kemgaZi. aZipilla-
datam, iZdu, aZida. El. XVI, p.
27 ; e/pattumarh (11), iZda (26), but
wrongly Z in tiZakarii (3) El. XV.
p. 75;
1012 .... CoZanadenal (6), coZarii (7), TuZavarh
(10), aZidam (34), kaZaniya (32)
EC. 11 1. Sr. 140; 1015. baZiya (2)
Co/apernnnadiyara (5) EC. II. 378;
1019 .... Colauumam! 17), elumam (16), elusa-
mudramurii (17) EC. VII. Sk. 125 ;
1021 .... Ma/lagavun-danuih (6 and 8) (liice
has Malla-) MaZlesvarakke (7) EC.
[If. Nj. 121, bi/du (4), kiZti* (5),
aZidavaiii (13), gaZdeyum (19),
MaZtikereyarh (19) EC. IV. Hg. 16.
1022 .... CoZabhupala (2), aZikkiri (20), EC.
III. Md. 78;
1022 .... negaZda, Ind. Ant. XVIII;
1022 ....aZida, nega/da; but) in pogajadar
(10), El. XIX. p. 223;
1028 .... Z: CdZana (8), negaZdal (11, 13),
keZage (23), gaZde (23, 27, 35),
irZdu (35) aZida (36), wrongly used
 75

in koZada (24) ; Z> r: bar-dale-

galan (10), erppadimbarum (35);
Z>1; pogalvudu (14), nal (20),
galeyalu (23), alidam (36), kejage
(35), alidatam (36), El, XY. p. 329 ;
1033 .... CoZapandyarkkaZan (15) EC. IV. Hg.
17; " '
1036 .... magurddu irddu (3) r for Z; aZida (25),
Kilagana (22) EC. VII. Sk. 126;
1037 ... I: iZda, negaZda; ‘ irregularly in
pa/am ’ (L. D. B.); probably T.
loanword ; - J in alida El. XVI. 75.
1038 .... negarddam. Z > r (and 1) El XVI.
P-277;
1040 .... baZiya (7), aZidavaiii (21); wrongly
used in iZnurvvara (12) for irnurv-
vara El XV. p. 334 ;
1042 .... biZda, aZtiyirh, baZvode EC. VIII.
Sg. 109. I > 1; pogal (13), nalke
(16), pelu (20); Z > r: erdda (6);
negardda (12, 18); EL XVII.
p. 170;
1045 ... no Z, but J. El XIX. P. 180;
1047 .... all } for Z except in eppattara (12)
for eZpattara. El.. XVII. p. 121;
1049 .... aZidarh (5), aZida (6), gaZdevum (34),
nandaveZakkam (34) nandaveZa-
kirnge (27), EC. IV. Gu. 93;
1050 .... KaZvappatlrtthava EC. II. 4 6
sukhadinaluttumiZdu (21), gaZdeyu
(18), Nojam ban a (21), EC. VII.
ci. 8, DraviZaganada EC. I. 37;
1050 .... TivuZiganadarum EC. I. 38; aZade
(2), taZidam (4), BiZiyasetti (3)
 76

EC. I. 30. taZdida (5) EC. I. 31 ;

Z. el (7 and 23), iZdu (14), naZke
(23) 1 - kilila (26), polal (24), EL
XV. p. 77 ;
1052 .... gaZdeyumarh, peZda, but in all the
other words, 1, baliyam, ali El.
XVI. 66.
1053 .... negaZdam. El. XVI. p. 54; negaZda
El. XVI. p. 277, negaZdam, pogaZte
el- El. XVI. p. 53.
1054 .... eZurh, iZidode, EC. VII. 9k. 118, iZdu
(13) wrongly in aZdu, but 1 for Z in
ejpattumam (18) El. XV.
p. 54.
1055 .... Z in iZdu, J in the rest. El. XIII.
p. 168;
1057 .... gaZdeya, aZdeyim, negaZutuih El.
VI. p. 213;
1057 .... negale (1 and 23), eZombhattu (2),
poga/alke (9), negaje (9), negarda
(19>, sukhadiniZdu (19), negardda
28', gaZdeya (24, 34), baZvudu (23),
pogaje negalum (27), aZtiyim (26)
EC. IV. Hg. 18;
1058 .... Dravija-ganada EC. I. 35; iZdu (20),
1 for Z in ali (37), El. XV. p. 83;
1060 .... Z in negaZdurii (15), eZpattumam (19,)
iZdu (21) ,elpattara (29), but negale
and pogale (25), pogalugum (51),
See 1087.
1068 .. porttum (149), portturii (69) El
XII). p. 327; EL XV. p. 85;
negaZe pogaZim, negaZda EC. V.
AK. 186; poeaZueum El. XV. 87 :
 77

1068 .... CoZakundunnadalva EC. Md. 116;

1060 .... kejage (3, 15), negalvunnati (40),
goZdegettisida (44), beZdalegaleya,
inattalondu (56), EC. VII. Sh. 6;
1063 .... ajidatau (30), EC. VII. Sk. 11, ali-
davaiiige, EC. VII. Ci. 18;
1064 .... Dravilagana maharimgalarnnaya-
nathan (35) EC. I. 34;
1067 .... irZda for iZda or irda, negaZdaru, naZ,
i/du, but 1 in cola, ajida but r in
berkuve, El, XVI. p. 81 ;
1068 .... tuZilaltanakke, pogaZguin, aZida, EC.
VII. Sk. 13;
1069 negaZda (2). kallakaZci (10), negaZ-
varh (13), and aZida (13), EC. III.
Tn 135.
1070 .... keZagana (5), EC. I. 49;
1071 .... alipam, peZi, EC. VII. Sk. 129,
nega/te (9), biZdu (39), but in all
other cases, 1 tulil (9), pogal (11,
33), negal (13, l4, 18, 33), nalke
(16), Cola 127, 30, 41), ali (30,9),
ilida (30, 31), balika (31), balteya
(33), El. XV. p. 337 ;
1074 .. Zin pe)da,l in the rest, El. XVI. p. 68;
1075 .. Z in gaZde and iZdu. 1 in the rest El.
XIX. p. 184;
1075 ... Z in negaZda (6, 21, 36), negaZd (31)
iZdudu (1<>), iZdu (37), nimiZdu (12),
eZpattmnarn (17, 37), eZkoti (47),
gaZde (24), but kuZa (3) for kula,
El. XV. p. 34; Zin negaZda (7, 14),
iZdu (8), el (19, 39, 43) El. XV.
p. 96 ;
 78

1077. .... Z appears as 1, in pogal, ilisi, pel,

ulidorgge, Z in pogaZ (once) El.
XII. p^ 270.
1077 ... uZidar, EC. VIII. Nagar 35.
1077 .. Z> r : narggavundu, parttiya, / >1
in all the rest. El. XVI. p. 271 ;
1077 .... eZge, aZkade, negaZcidam, EC. VII.
Sk. 124 ;
1077 .... gaZde, garde El. XII. p. 270 ;
1079 .... tari gaZaniya mannalli nalvatteraZ-
kharhduga, EC. V. Arakalgud 99.
1080 .... maZpamtire, padaZiyal, Ind. Ant. X.
p. 127;
1030 .... beZpara EC. VII. Sk. 297 ;
1080 .... CoZasetti, EC. I. 44;
1081 .... negaZda, negartte, El. XVI, p. 8 and
El. XIII, p. 327 ;
1081 .... aZkarim, aZtigan, negaZdara, kiZtu,
El. XVI. p. 59;
1081 .... Z. negaZte, pogaZtegam, iZdu, Z > r:
kirttu, negartte. Z > 1. Nojarhba,
pogajal, negaldar, pelvade, “ Z is
falsely substituted for r in peZcut-
tire ” cf. peZcuge;
1082 Z. negaZdar ; ]. alidamge (15), bilgurii
(60), bilgurn (17) ; ha]a (35, 51, 53)
EL XVII, p. 178;
1084 .... Z gaZdeyurnam (52); r for Z in negard-
daiii (6), negardda (11, 22) ; 1 for Z
in elpattara (28), elkoti (42); Z in
eZda (15, 16), iZdu (29, 45), negaZda
(52), EI. XV. pp. 100-103;
1085 .... kainaZa for kamala, negaZdaZu for
negaZdalu. ] regularly for Z, alida-
vamge, EI., XIX. p. 189;
 79

1037 .. aZida duratman, iZigum, EC. VIII.

Nagar, 40;
1087 .. Kilkenalvisayadhipati (9,11), alidam,
EC. IV. Hg. 55 ;
1087 .. ajidavarn (21), MaZdagavandana (14),
EC. IV. Yd. 2;
1087 .. 1 for Z; balikka, balikani, negal, elu,
elge ; r for Z; erpattu, but Z wrongly
used for Z in aZaZdu and kavaZdu.
El. XVI. p. 277 ;
1089 .. aZaram, EC. VII. Sk. 298;
1092 .. kottaZe (4), KiZkenaramolevura, EC.
IV. Gu. 68;
1095 .. aZdu (33), ga/deya (46), gaZdeyatn
(56), maZikondavarii (Z for r), EC.
I. 57 ;
1098 ... Z: negaZ (5, 8, 23), iZdapan (29); r for
Z; kirtt (3), erttaruvam (28),
arkkarim (29), marppa- (67); J for
/: Cola (7 & 9), negaldda (14),
pogalverh (46) ; wrong in aZdda (4),
kavaZdu (16) El. XV. p. 348;
1099 .. tnaZke, EC. V. Bl. 200;

12tli Century.

1100 .. l'Zdu, agaZ, Cola, aZutiva, EC. XI. Dg.

35
1100 .. kiZittu, negaZdan, pogaZadavanilla,
taZkaisuvinegarh, EC. V. AK. 102 ;
1100 ... negaldu (16), pogale negaldan (36),
EC. II.
1102 .. buZidu, aZkarim, aZida, El. XVI, p. 31;
1102 .. Z is changed to 1 throughout, El.
XVI. p. 32;
 80
1103 .... eZge, noZpade, negaZdam, EC. VIII.
Tirthahalli, i0"2;
1104 .... negardls vararyanam (35), negard-
dain 130), nega/da (31), negaldavarol
am (10), Belvala- munuru Puligere
MunuZu (14), 1104. Yerpatfcara (50).
EC. VII. SK. 131;
1107 .... taZtu (13), EC. IV. Hg. 79;
1107 .... pogalvudu (18), EI. XVII, p. 196.
iZdu (16), irddu (14), 1 in the rest,
EI. XIII. p. 12 ;
1110 .... aZida papi pasugalanaZidamtiraveZ-
kum, aZigurn, iZigum, EI. XV. 27 :
1110 .... negaZdam (2), negaZd (3), negaZda (4,
13, 16), iZda (57), aZd (36); but
aldam (3), pogalute (20), pogalc 33),
pogalva (42), alida (46), veZkum
(47), iligu (47 , nela-val, (45), EI.
XV. p. 26. (Mutgi).
1112 .... Z: negaZda (25), l wrongly used in
prabaZa (10). a/dan (9, 23), 1 for Z
in ilid a t37 , negalalu (68), baliya
(78); r for Z in ervvar <7), erpatt
(15), negardda (23, 31), irZdu (26),
irZdar (38), irZdudu (60), torttu
(30), negarZda (46), verkkuv (63),
EI. XIII. p. 36, (Ittagi);
1112 .... podaZda, negaZte, negaZda, toZtu, El.
XIII. p. 41;
1113-4 .... Z in negaZda (20, 25, 34) ; negardda
(4, 11) EI. XV. p. 105.
1113 .... alidam (10), ponnarakondu manna-
rakottarn (5) EC. III. Nj. 44; '
1113 .... negardda (69) EC. II. 126;
 81

1117 .... eZdu, EC. V. Bl. 16, negaZdarh (24)

EC. IV. Ch. 83 ;
1121 .... irddu for iZdu (21) ; All 1 in the rest.
El. XIX. p. 191 ;
1122 .... nijakha/gabajade; khaZgadevate ; po
ga/e, negaZda, noZke, podaZda,
no/katti, noZpode, EC. V. Hn.
116 ;.
1123 .... pogaZaliuitu, I. Ant. XIV. p. 15 ;
a/guiii;
1123 .... alidavariige (52) ; kirttikki for kiZtikki
(21), EC. II. 132 ;
1124 .... I >■ 1 : kfdain (14), belpa (16), alida-
vargge (27), e/-kdti (28),/ > r:
gardde (22) El. XVII. p. 117 ;
1125 .... pogaZte, El. XIII p. 301;
1125 .... Z in nega/dam (47); r for / in negardda
(15, 16, 34, 64, 53, 60, 66), negart-
teyam (Is-), negartte (31', 65, 87)
norppade (43) ; pogartte.yaiii (72)
gardde (113) Between vowels it >1.
EL XIII. p. 298;
1125 .... I m nega/dam (18), pogaZda (19),
r in verkkuih (24), torttn (30); I in
all the rest. El. XIII. p. 317 ;
1128 .... alidavarii (2), EC. III. My. 16,
artthijanaka/pakujamge. EC. III.
Nj. 194;
1129 .... eve/ve (26), kha/gahatige (28) EC.
II. 397 ;
1130 .... pe/evoga/dapudu EC. VI Chicka-
inagalur 137 ;
1135 .... Talakadu (12), berddaleyuiii (391 EC.
II. 384 ;
1135 .... no Z, all 1, alida, El. XIX. p. 30;
G. O. I. 6
 82

1136 .... eZge, negaZte, pogaZte, EC. Y. Bl.

17;
1138 .... pfunaZe EC. V. 131. 202;
1142 ... no Z. 1 in aji, eli ; r in ercchasirada
(12) EL XIX p. 36;
1143 .... tallaZise for tallanise Colnelan, EC.
XI. Jig. 85;
1145 . koZmiduliiii. EC. YIII. 8b. 138;
1145 .... uegajda (52), negahlalu (52), negal-
dirdda (53), all in poetry. EC. IY.
Ng. 76 ;
1147 .... Z as r in uegarddarn. In the rest all
1. El. X VI. p. 44.
1148 .... alidam (19), honnaZakottu (18) eZata-
leya (20), palaraZdu (7) EC. III.
NJ. 110; 115. kiZtu, negaZdan,
Bijapurs’ asana (S. P. M. p. 284);
1152 .... Z > r in Kirtt and negarddam; in
the rest ]. El. XVI. p. 36 ;
1153 .... pogaZal, aZidar, El. XVI. p. 37 ;
1155 .... eZge, suZigurul, EC. V. Hassan, 57 ;
1159 .... alalise negaldaiii (7), poZtugalevarh,
EC. II. 345.
1160 .... pogaZe, negaZdal, EC. V. Hassan,
72;
1162 .... miZtuvatti. Bom. Br. R.A.8. XI.
222 ;
1162 No Z. But r in negardda (11) and 1 in
hala, bilgum;EI. XVII. p. 208; r.
erttamdam, negardda. 1. balaldu,
bilguiii. El. XVII. p. 212 ;
1162 .... Z in negaZda ; r for Z in negarddarii
(25), norppode, (24) ; \ for Z in pel
(15), elaneya (14), ej (43). El.
XVII. p. 189;
 83

1165 .... kiZene. EC. V. Hassan 76;

1168 .... ruaZge, negalte,^ perce, EC. VII. Sk.
92;
1169 .... irkuZigoZvudu, peZ. I. A. Ix. p.
97;
1170 .... naZprabhu, nogaZda, uZidu, EC. VIII.
Sb. 345 ;
1172 .... Z in CdZana (21), but wrongly used for
1 in baZasida (31), negardaZu (37),
tamnoje (44); amnaZe (48), koZa-
gada (59), ali (91); l > r in
negardaru (9, 11, 12, 18, 35, 82),
norppade (20, 49), negardaZu (37),
Z replaced by 1 in other words.
El. XV. Madagihal;
1173 .... Z never occurs in Kan. words; but
Z wrongly used in MahakaZa
(16), dhavaZa (28), kuZa (1) and
kamaZa (27). El. XIV. Gaca-
rnalla.
1173 .... j for Z. No. Z at all. pogal, negali, ali,
' El. XII. p. 336;
1174 .... potnbalegal, suZi, EC. VII. Sk.
236;
1177 .... neZal, baZikke, EC. III. Ng. 70;
1179 .... Z > 1 in kilt (18), nega]; Z > r in
ervvaruiii (26), arvvu (30), negard-
da (39), r p > pp in eppattuniarii
(56), El. XIX. p. 226 ;
1181 .... poravoZal El. XIV. 279 ;
1181 .... negajdal (21 and 53), Cola (34), EC.
II. 327 ;
1182 .... niraZkeyilla, EC. V. Bl. 137 ;
1199 .... negaZda (25), taZtu (19), EC. IV.
Ng. 47 ;
6*
 84

131h Century :

1200 .... belkurn for beZkuiii (78), balikkain for

balika. ET. V. p. 237;
1203 .... alidaih EC. VII. Sh. 88;
1204 .... no l at all. EL XIII, p. 1 G ;
1206 .... a|ibi, EC. II. 333;
1211 .... aUhidavaih, EC. IV. Hg. 25;
1218 .... negalda, (25, 43), nelal (16 -V 17).
EC. VII. Sh. 5;
1218 .... kalairikarcoi for-kaZci. EC. IV. Ng,
29 ;
1224 .... panneraZ sasiram. EC. XI. Dg. 25;
1227 .... no/pode, EC. V. Bl. 151;
1242 .... nega/dai, EC. III. K. p. 70;
1247 .... alarvale EC. VII. HI. 55;
1248 .... aZtiyirii, EC. XI. Pavagada.
1265 .... no/podarn, hogaZalke, EC. VIII. Sg.
140;
1267 .... JiiaZke, EC. V. AK. 8;
1270 .... alivn 435), EC. IV. Ng. 49;
1276 .... ajipidavainge (15), EC. IV. Ch. 142;
1278 .... gaclde, beddalu (32) EC. II. 347;
1279 .... Saluva nodidanu, EC. V. Bl. 133 ;
alupidadair. (17) EC. IV. Ch. 17;
eZdu, kiZtu, EC. V. Bl. 92;
1280 .... gadde beddalu (17), EC. IV. Ch.91;
1286 .... khaZgoddhuradharavariyol.
1287 .... ajihidava (8) EC. II. 407. EC. V.
AK. 9;
1291 .... alupitaindavanu (3) EC. VII. Sh.
78; alidavaiiige EC. IV. gu. 72 ;
1292 .... ahipidaviim (20) EC. VII Sh. 72;
1293 .... ajipidavam, EC. IV. HS. 93;
1295 .... bajisahita, EC. IV. Ch. 44;
 85

14th Century:

1300 alidavam EC. IV. Hg. 23 ;

1317 ajihida (26) EC. IV. Ch. 116 ;
1319 alupidavaru (11) EC. VII. HI. 117 ;
1320 alidade (29) EC. III. Md. 74;
1322 kelake (13) EC. I V. Kp. 44;
1327 Cola (4) EC. IV. Hg. 98.
1338 gaddebeddalu (17) EC. IV. Hs. 82;
1360 gaddeyakelage (14) EC. HI. Sr. 87;
1388 poga/dapem EC. VIII. Sb. 146;
1390 alupidavaru (31), elelujalmada (33),
E'J. VII. HE. 6;
1390 alupidam (18) EC. VII. SK. 313;
1390 Ka/addinayakage (19), huniseda/u
(25), NadudaZasinahalli (7) EC. I.
QO•
Of) y

1397 bi/dar uZida, EC. V. Bl. 3;

1397 alipidavaru (19) EC. IV. HS. 46;

15th Century :
1400 alupidavaru, EC. VII. Sh. 11.
1403 alidavanu (34),candrarkaruZdhavare-
guih (39), EC. Ill. Ch. 45;
1108 evoga/venaiii (EC. VIII. sb. 261);
1413 . algum (64) EC. VII. Sh. 30;
1415 no/podam, EC. VIII. Sb. 329;
1442 negajlevadeda (4) EC. VII. Sk. 240;
1465 no/penj, EC. VIII. Sb. 330;
1484 alihidavaru, EC- IV. Ch. 127;

16th Century :
1500 alupidavaru (8), EC. II. 340.
1544 all 1 except for mulu (29), muZu (44),
EC. 1. xu.
 86

Consonant Groups.
The consonant groups are the result of (1) the
final const, of one word coming in contact with the
initial consonant of a suffix; (ffi long consonants in
suffixes; and (3) consonant groups in lws. These
consonant groups are all in the terminational
element. The consonant groups after short vowels
are more numerous than those after long vowels.
In N. K. most of the consonant groups after short
vowels are retained; preconsonantal nasal disappears
in the termination ; -r and -l with a stop after a short
vowel are assimilated to the stop except in the case
of those after long vowels.

The Treatment of Consonant groups in N. K.

I Nasal -j- stop.

A. Nasal 4- const, in the body of a word.
These are in proper names. Their origin is not known.
They are retained in N. K. Andugi, Kalantur,
Sindera.
B. The stop is the initial of a suffix.
This group is retained in N. K. only (1) if the
nasal is preceded by a short vowel and (*2) if the
nasal is
(a) a part of the root: amte, imbu, entu, endu,
timgaj; mafiju cf. mamku. or
(b) the remnant of the assimilation of the final
consonant of the root and the initial of the suffix:
konda, (prob. < * kol-nta) 1- konda, tandu, Vandu,
bandu,sandu, Sandan
1. See Tense-Sufhx in the Past Tense infra.
 87

I. Nasal -f Stop.
1- Tho nasal, if it is only a part of the termi¬
nation, disappears after a short vowel:—K
O.K. N.K.
kodamge kodage from kodu ‘ to give.’
2. The nasal, if it is only a part of the suffix
after a short vowel, disappears:
O.K. N. K.
tanku (cf tankaae)1 taku.
8. The nasal + consonant after a long vowel
disappears in any position :
O.K. N.K.
non) pi nohi.
In nompi, the root is given as non. T. nompu ;
ndmbu; M. nompu; Te. nomu.
The following with nasal + stop (suffix) are
replaced in N.K. by new formations or words:—
O.K. N.K.
un-vorum unnuvaru, colloq. uiiiboru.
antu, tntv, entu hage, hlge, hf.ge
neva ennuvaj(emba)
su racapaiii bo le su raca pada/zoy^
The following are obsolete in N.K. nonta, nontu.
II 1 + stop.
(A) } + k, g, v. Where k, g and v are initials
of suffixes: all the groups have been replaced by new
formations in N.K. (by the addition of -u to the root),
O.K. N.K.
al-halo al»-ku ‘ to fear ’
al-ge al-ike — cf. atida.
kol vonum koll tt-vavanu
cf. koluvorum colloq, koljo vanu.

1. Probably tanku is a mistake for tanku, probably ta-nku,

since -nku- is the suffix of the verbal noun as in musuAku beside
musuru and tnuccu.
 88

(B) 1 + g , m. Where g, in. are the initials of

the second word in a word group. There is no change
in N.K.
O.K. N.K.
vclgola Belgola u
vejmada belmada
III 1 + stop
A. 1 + g, 'v, t, where g, v, t, are the initials of
suffixes.
These are replaced in N.K.
O.K. N.K.
sal-ge sail ali
sal-va-vol saZfo/va lulge
salvon hoguvavanu
colloq. bogovanu.
nal-ta nal-mc
B. 1 + t , m. Where t, m. are initials of the
second word in a’ word group.
There is no change.
O.K. N.K.
nal-tapa naltapa (oftenoltapa)
kal-mane kalmane.
IV y + d, v. where d, v, arc the initials of suffixes :
A. O.K. ;y + d appears as -d- in N.K. in the
only instance :
O.K. N.K.
aydan adanu.
B. The remaining words with O.K. y + d or
y + v are replaced in N.K. :—
(6) The following with y -f- d and y + v
groups, have been replaced by new words :
eydappaduvar replaced by honduttare

1. In some inscriptions Beluguja is found, but now also

the form in use in Mysore is Belgola.
 89

kodalpaduttade
(passive
eydi
eydidan
eydidar - hogu ‘ to go ’
eydidor
eyde
keydu \ madu.
geydu f But geyyuvanu (eolloq.
keyvon geyyovanu) restricted to ‘he who
keyvor works ’ on a farm, and keyyu
geyvalli restricted to ‘ to join sexually.’
V r -f- stop
r + consonant, where the consonant is the
initial of a suffix or of a separate word :—
' u If the -r is preceded by a short vowel, the -r
is assimilated to the consonant following :
(1) r -f- consonantal suffix :
O.K.
erddapam M.K. eddapam (replaced in
N.K. by eluttane)
adarppu N.K. adapu
orvvan M.K. orbban, obban.
N.K. obbanu, eolloq. obba, oba.
1. Even when -r is preceded by a short vowel, -r is not
assimilated to the const, following, but is replaced by new
words.
O.K. N.K.
negartte lws: yas’ assu, klrtti.
Nw: hesaru.
varppu baiuhu.
sasirvvar savirajana
saviramandi
But if -r before the consonant is a suffix and the following
consonant is the initial of another suffix, there is no assimilation
of -r to the following const, but there is replacement by a new
form.
O.K. N.K.
ahit-ar-kkal ahit-aru-galu.
m alakar- ar-gge m alak ar- ar- ige.
 90

(2) -r of a word + the initial consonant of a

word.
O.K. N.K.
perggoravam heggorava.
perjedi hejjede
irpattu ippattu
Namiliirvvarasamgha Naviluravarasamgha
(3) When - r is preceded by a long vowel, -r is
not assimilated
O.K. N.K.
parvvar haruvaru
VI l + const.
1. preceded by short vowel > r, which is later
assimilated to the const, following:
O.K M.K. N.K.
e/tu ertu ettu
efpattu erpattu eppattu
kiZga kirgga kigga
kiZtu kirttu kittn
gaZde garde gadde
paZcu parccu paccu
peZcu 1 perccu heccu
adaZde adardde
But after lon^ vowels, a short vowel is developed
between the l and the consonant.1

1. iZdu M.K. ilidu. N.K. ili ‘to descend’ and ele ‘to
drag ’
But there is an O.K. form ll with a long i-.
Probably there is no assimilation because of this
long vowel.
olta -tu replaced by M.K. -ittu. (cf. ollittu, ballittu) and
by N.K. -eyadu, olleyadu.
naZke 4 after a long vowel replaced by nadu in M.K. &
N.K. N.K. nadige.
 91

APPENDIX I.
A few examples from the later inscriptions to
show the assimilation of r and l to the following con¬
sonant are given here :—
895 orkkanduga (12). ikkade (14) EC.
III. Md. 13 ;
\Oth Century:
907 .. orkkulatuppamum (12), ikki (9),
pannirkkulemiriyurh (12), idarkke
(14), EC. Ill Md. 14 ;
925 „. irkkandugada (4) EC. IV. Y1. 25 ;
935 ... gafde (4), irppattu (13), EC- VII. Sk.
322 ;
950 ... adarkke (11), irkkandugam (12), irdu
(4), EC. III. Md.’il ;
978 ... adarkke (12), edpadimbar (14), orbban
(16), orbba (18), perggadura EC.
1.4;
982 ... irppar (69), orggcnkol (97), orvvane
(83), barkkuih (144) EC. II- 133 ;
irppudu (34), orbarh (29) EC. II.
134;
11 th Century :
1000 .. kalariitiZdi (12) E-C- I. 5;
1019 .. gardde (29), gadde (28), parbbi (14,
18), urbbi (17), arddidudu (17) EC.
VII. Sk. 125;
1033 .. irpatteradu EC. IV. Hg. 17.
1057 .. parvvi EC. IV. Hg. 18;
1060 .. gaddo (9) EC. VII. Sh. 6;
1063 ... garde, gadde, berdale, beddale, EC.
VII. Ci. 18;
1076 .. berddale, perggade, EC. VII. HI. 14;
1079 .. perggade, EC. IV. Hg. 56;
 92

1085 . irppattu, gaZde (56), beZdale (56)

perggade (42) EC. VII. Sh. 10.
1089 garddeyum (8), berddaleyum (9) EC.
VII. Sk. 298.

12 th Century:
1104 . pergatta (47), yerpattu (50), gardde-
yam (52), kalamkarcci (53), irdda
(55) EC. VII. Sk. 131;
1113 . kittu EC. III. N j. 44 ;
1117 The assimilation is more pronounced
in the description of boundaries
than in verse. Gadde, beddale,
See EC. IV. Ch. 83.
1123 kirttikki (28), bidurddu (4), irpinam
(24), enisirddu (41), agirppudu (32).
EC. II. 132;
1138 . magucida for maguZcida (34) EC. IV,
Hg. 50.
1139 . Kabbappunadol 77) EC. II. 141;
J175 . maguZci, EC. IV. HS. 112;
1176 . eppattarolage (18) EC. I. 33;

13th Century :
1217 . illirddu, EC. II. 170 ;
1218 . ibbara, EC. VII. Sh. 5;
1284 Balligrameya, EC. VII. Sk. 140-
.1284;
1290 . illadirddade (4), heggade (10), EC.
1.52;
1296 . biddanu (8), neradirddu (12j, gadde
(10), EC. I. 45.
By the end of the 13th century, the assimilation
of r and l to the following consonant was an accomp¬
lished fact though in poetry the unassimilated forms
 93

were found. In the descriptions of boundaries which

are in prose, no r 4* consonant or / + consonant are
found after the 13th century.
In K.Il-M.—the earliest Kanarese work published
the r + consonant and / -f- consonant are found.,
irddem (I. 60), bardduiiiku (I. 72;. korbbutta (I. 66),
karccidodc (II. 69). neredirddu (II. 125), etnbudarkke
(III. 67), perccal (III. 150), baZdal (II. 36).
In K.V.V. and K.B.B. (1045), unassimilated forms
are very common, e.g., ivarke, orvane, barppam (212),
irppatn (212)
But S.M.D. (1260) reflects the real state of the
language. There seems to have been some doubt
whether certain words should have r 4- consonant or
a long consonant.
Kes’iraja, the author, of this points out that the
list of words in Sutras 36-40 are to be pronounced
with r and with /; clearly indicating that the r and
the l had been assimilated to the following consonant
in colloquial speech and that, in writing, confusion
had set in regarding the use of words with r or
l + consonant. As he did in the case of l, he gives
the list of words where r or / 4" consonant are to be
used. This corroborates our inference.
Further, the change in the pronunciation of these
words is noted by him in his description of the
fleeting double consonants (Sutras 36-40 and sutras
59 & 60). In these sutras, the s’ithilatva or the slack
pronunciation of double consonants (i.e. the 1st syllable
was to be a closed one with a final consonant) is
described. The words given in his list have in N.K.
a new vowel, in between the consonants suggesting
that there was some half vowel or a short vowel in
between the first and the second of the double conson¬
ants in the pronunciation of his age. On p. 49
 94

(Sutra 36) he gives two or three words which can

have both dvitva and s’ithiladvitva showing the
dialectical variation, or probably the learned and the
colloquial pronunciation. In Sutra 60, he condemns
s’ithiladvitva in consonant groups (r -f- const.)
It is probable that, in r+ consonant, r had become
assimilated to the consonant following and there was
shortening of the long consonant in pronunciation by
Kes’iraja’s time. But some poets had recognised this
shortening, though conservative writing had retained
the r -f- consonant and called it s’lthiladvitva or fleet¬
ing double consonant.
•The latest grammar, K.S.S., paraphrases S.M.D.
and is not of much help to us.
The inscriptions show that by the end of the
13th century, the assimilation of these consonants
was an accomplished fact, but that, in verse, the
archaic forms were retained.
VI Disappearance of the preconsonantal nasal:
A: Longvowel + nasal + suffix :
925 .... tontadim (7) EC. IV. yl. 25;
935 .... totaman (12) EC. VII. Sk. 194;
950 .... ko'te EC. III. Md. 41
982 .... numki (51) EC. II. 134 ;
1057 .... tontakhandada; (24), tonta (33) EC.
IV. Hg. is;
1063 .... tontamum (23) EC. VII. Ci. 18.
B. Short vowel 4- nasal + consonant.
In N.K. these words have no nasals at all. Even
in the 11th century there was confusion about the
use of the nasal as can be seen from these few
examples.
In K.V.V. & K.B.B. (1045), these nasals are
generally preserved. But by 1260, the age of
 95

Kes’iraja, confusion regarding the use of these nasals

had set in and he, therefore, gives in Sutra 36, a list
of words where the nasals are nitya or permanent (or
compulsory); and where the bindu (nasal) is vikalpa
or optional. This optional use of the nasal in some
and the compulsory use of the nasal in the rest indicate
that the nasal was gradually falling out and he wanted
to retain the ancient usages by giving a list. Most
of the words in his compulsory list have lost their
nasals in N.K. (See the list given under ‘ The
Dative Case ’ infra.)
But Bhattakajamka’s grammar, K.S.S., is not
useful to our enquiry as he is more a commentator
on S.M.D. than a grammarian giving a true account
of .the language of the period.
 96

LONG CONSONANTS
Long consonants are found between vowels and
after -r in O.K. The intervocalic long consts. appear,
only after short vowels; similarly the r followed by*a
long consonant is preceded by a short vowel except in
one word parvvaruman (in which, moreover, the group
develops differently from the group preceded by a
short vowel).
These long consonants are due to
(a) the suffixes with long consonants;
< b) the assimilation of: 1. the final consonant
of the root and the initial consonant of the suffix : 2. r
with the consonant following : and 3. of l with the
consonant following;
(c) the retention of Pr. Drn. * -nn~, * mm,
* -11, and * -11 after short vowels in words of
two syllables and before vowels ;
(d) the consonants coming after -r:
(e) the long consonants in lws.
These long consonants of O.K. are shortened in
Nws. and Lws. alike in N.K. after a short vowel in all
positions. They are retained in emphatic and deli¬
berate speech and in conservative writing.
The shortening of long consonants took place
earlier in the terminational element (See p. 93)
1. The following suffixes have long consonants:
Nws. -kke. anduva/ikke, akkum
-ittu. ollittu, ballittu. (cp. SMD. 226).
-pp-. badhippa, mudippidar.
Lws: -itti- Devedittiyar, s’isittiyar.
2. In the following, the final consonant of the
root and the initial consonant of the suffix are assimi¬
lated.
 97

Vbs: kettar; vittar; kett * nt-ar; vit-* nt

+ ar. sattar 1 2‘
Participles: Ketta, kottu, pokka, mikkudan,
rriuttidon, metti, vittu.
In the passive form, eydappaduvar < eydal
+ padu -f v -f- ar, -pp- is dne to the assimilation of
-1 + p-.
3. In the following, i.e. in r + consonant group,
r- is assimilated to the following consonant k- of ku.
ikki < irku -4- i.
4. In l -+- consonant, -l is assimilated to the
following consonant: vittidalli < * virttidalli < viZti-
dalli. N.R. bittidalli (bittida kade). cf. bi/tiyabhattadol
(8). E. C. I. 3. (890).
• 5. The long consonants 3' in the following are
probably due to the retention of the Pr. Kanarese * -n,
* m,*l, and * -J of words of two syllables, having a short
vowel before these consonants : Exs. unnurum, go
manna, tammadigalor, namma ; alii, nilladan, nillavu,
ballittu, ulle, ollittu. In these, probably, Pr. I)rn.
had * -nn, -mm, ’ -11, and * -11. In K, T, M. and
Te. these final long consonants are shortened4 when
they are absolutely final or before consonants; but
before vowels, they are retained only when the vowel
preceding these consonants is short and the words
wherein they appear are of not more than two
syllables.
Pr. Dr. * -nn
K. T. M. Te.
kan, kan kan
kannu (the eye) kannu kapnu kannu

1. See Past Tense in Grarpmar for the explanation of

these forms.
2. See v Do do
3. See Grammar. Do do
4. See Siddeswara Varma. “Critical Studies in the
Phonetic Observations of Indian Grammarians.” p. 108.
 98

Pr. Dr. * -un

K. T. M. Te.
pen pen pen
pepnu (a girl) pennu pennu
man man man
mannu (clay). mannu mannu
-mrn-
namma] (our nainmal nammal mana
servant)
-U-
kal kal kal kallu
kallu (a stone) kallu kallu kalu
pal pal pal palu
pallu (a tooth) pallu pallu pallu
bil vil vil vilu
billu (a bow) villu villu villu
-ll- u{
ul ul ulle
ulle (inside) ulje
mul mul muj mullu
mujlu (a thorn) mullu mullu mulu
But, in absolutely final position, the Pr.
Dm.* -nn-, * -mm, * -11, * -11 are simplified or
shortened as given in the forms without- u above.
Before consonants, they are found as single conson¬
ants :—
kan. -n. kankappu, ’a black collyriuin applied to
the eye.’
kankuni ‘ the socket of the eye’, kangone ‘ the
outer comer of the eye ’. kandere ‘ to open the eyes
mangode ‘a mud wall’
-1. kalgana ‘ a mill with stones for grinding ’.
kalma/e ‘ a shower of hailstones, ’. kalkutiga ‘ a stone¬
cutter’, kalnaru ‘the American aloe’, palgadi ‘to
 99.

gnash the teeth.’ paldudi ‘ the point of a tooth.’

paldere ‘ to uncover the teeth.’
-j. mulkire ‘ the plant Amaranthus spinosus.’
inulgattige ‘a knife for cutting thorns.’

Tamil and Malayalam :

-n kankatai ‘ the corner of the eye kankat^a
‘ to blind the eyes by magic ’, kankutu ‘ the socket of
the eye.’
kantittam ‘ opinion from sight.’ kanpattai ‘ an
eyelid’, rnankattiri ‘ to form earth, as white ants.’
mankinaru ' an unwalled well ’. manmafai ‘ shower of
sand or dust.’
manmagal ‘ the earth goddess.’ manpar ‘ a strata
of hard earth.’
-1. kalnenju ‘ a stony heart.’ kalmafai, ‘a shower
of hailstones ’ kalvetti ‘ a stone cutter ’, kalvitu 1 a
stonehouse.’
pulvltu ‘a thatched house.'
-J. mujvayan ‘ an insect that consumes wood.’
In Tel. these consonants are used before conso¬
nant with -u.
0. In the following the use of long consonants
after -r are found in these inscriptions.
adarppi, erddapam, orvvan, parvvaruman,
Sasirvvar.
A consonant following -r is written as a long
consonant; probably the long consonant was divided
between the two syallables in pronunciation in that
period, -r preceding a long consonant is assimilated
to the long consonant if -r comes after a short vowel;
then the long consonant is shortened. O.K. orvvan M.K.
orbban and obban, N.K. obbanu, colloq. obba, when
used independently and for emphasis, otherwise ‘ oba ’.
alloba bandidane ‘ a certain man has come there.’
V
 100

In the case of parvaruman, a vowel is developed

between the r preceded by a long vowel and the double
consonant and it > N.K. haruvaru.
7. The following gives the long consts. in
Lws.:
(1 )$pliv. with long consts: ayyamga}, kammarar,
Janna, bhatta, bhattarakar, marittaman, Valligga-
meyar.
(2) Slw. without a long consonant, adapted into
Kauarese with a long consonant:—
nittadharmmaman < nitya dharmmaman.
manakka < manavaka. In N.K. these are also
shortened, as bataririige in these inscriptions shows
that they were already shortened by the 7th
century.
The following are examples of long consts. found
shortened in these inscriptions :
A. NWS. 1. Verbs & Participles:—
in the fut. of ‘ to be ’ *' ‘ to become ’ and the past
of1 to give ’ ‘ to be ’ ida for idda, ppl of ir ‘ to be.’
ay ‘ to become ’ akkum > akuih, > akun; fut. of
a-gu ‘ to become ’ appar > appar > apar > apar.
‘to give’ ‘kottam>kotarh ; kottar>kotar in the
past tense.
(2) Dem. pron , idarke>idakke>idake1
Lws: appa>apa in S’antapana; kammara>
kamara; bhatta >bata ; bhattarar > bhatarar ;
V alliggame >Balagamve.

1. Professor R.L. Turner : ‘ The Future Stem in Asoka ’

B.S.O.S. VI. p. 529.
i Sya > isati in Asoka. nikhamisati. (Dkau)
i Sya > iSati. in Asoka. VacJhiSati (Shabaz)
These are in the termination element—JRAS1927 p 232
Kurumafy (skt) > skt Kurmah.
 ioi
The following examples from later inscriptions
show long consonants as well as shortened long
consonants:

Inscriptions :—
9th Century:
810 .... nellakki soilage (8) Ec. III. Nj. 26;
888 .... bhatarara (6) EC. I. 2;
890 bhattargge (68) EC. IY. yd. 60 ;
898 .... alutumire (4) EC. Ill NJ. 96;
10th Cent ary:
900 .. Mallisenabhatarar EC. II. 4; -bhatara
(2, 3, 4 and 6) EC. II. 62; aJutam
(3) EC. IV. Ch. 141.
910 .... sollageye (16) EC. III. Sr. 134 ;
978 .... aluttire (8), bhattarakaravara (10),
akkum (17) EC. I. 4 ;
982 .... nurumuvatentenisida (86) EC. II.
133;
995 .... Devan&n EC. III. 121;

11th Century.
1000 .... Hancadarmasetti (11) EC. i 5.
1019 .... pudontakam EC. VII. Sk. 126;
1049 .... nan dave Zakkam (34), nandave Zakimge
(27) EC. IV. Gu. 93 ;
1067 .... ombhatel ombhatumene (2) EC. IV.
Hg. 18;
1076 .... kalluvesanainadisidaru (37), kalu-
vesana madisidaru (20) EC. VII.
HI. 14;
12 th Century:
1104 .... Basavapanum (33) EC. VII. Sk. 131;
 1120 .... niudipidalu EC. II129 ; 1123. banni-
patane Vannipam EC. II. 132 ;
1148 .... nivedya/iam EC. III. 110.
1175 .... Hulutuo/adi EC. III. 138;
1178 .... HegdeDevayya (10) EC. III. TN.92;
13th Century :
1200 .... Biluvidye Rairiam (13) EC. IV. Cb.
204.
1246 .... cikkabettake EC. II. 165 ; cikkabet-
takkecca EC. II. 319 ;
1255 .... sallabekendu EC. L 6 ;
1247 .... setti EC. II. 243 , setti EC. II. 243;
setti EC. (3) EC. II. 245 ;
1276 .... riellusalage (55) EC. III. TN. 101.
1281 .... innuranu (16), prapfcigalanu (3) EC.
III. TC. 106;
1285 .... Salabekendu EC- I. 7 (See 1255).
1290 .... Heggade ISakana EC. I. 52. See 925
and 178;
1297 .... Hegadehajla (18) EC. I. 59 ; rnakaji-
rnge (12) EC. I. 59.
14th Century:
1368 ... kapiieyanu brahmanananu (30) EC.
II. 344.
1380 ... Manikadevaru EC. I. 58 ;
1390 ... Idharmake (27); EC. I. 39.

16th Century:
1517 .... brahmapanu kapiieyanu (9), idake
(7 and 8) EC. II. My. 5,
1544 .... Muluganahaliya (71) EC. I. 10.
Anantamati-avagalu(65), kalugela-
sakke (26, 28).
 103

17 th (Jentury:
1639 .... balakikki (140), yedakikki (140) EC.
III. NJ. 198; '
1645 .... Haradanahalliyalu yika (3) EC. IY.
Ch. 124;
1673 .... Malavaliya (4), Majavajliya (5) EC.
III. Ml. 63;

The following roots and proper names with long

consonants are found :—
1. Boots:
kattisu ‘ to cause to be built kattu * to build’;
meccu (maccu) ‘ to approve ’; probably from mar-cu,
where -cu is a suffix, cf. peZcu, percu.
2. Proper Names :
(a) Of Persons.
1. Arabhatta (Pkt. bhatta) ; 2. Ujjikkalguru-
vadigal; 3. Dallaga; 4. Dhannekuttareviguravi;
5. Nagennan ; 6. Pattiniguruvadiga]; 7. Mejlaga-
vasaguruvar; 8. Vettedeguruvadigal; 9. Sokka-
gamundar.
(b) Of Places.
1. Alamavalli (probably from alam a banyan
tree, palli-a settlement, or a village); 2. Ullikal
(probably a rolling stone); 3. Kittur (ki? u, small and
ur a village); 4. Kittere (kiru, small and ere, a lord);
5. Killa; 6. Kottara (probably from kotta (given) and
ara (for ara, charity); 7. Kolattur (probably from T.
kolatta. K. Kolada, of the tank and ur, a village); 8.
Thittagapana; 9. Navajli (probably from na, four
and palli, a village, four villages,) 10. Nirilli (probably
1. Professor R.L. Turner J.JR.A.S. 1927 p. 228.
 io4
from Nir, water and illi here); 11. Pattini , 12 ValJig-
g&me, skt. Valligrama ; 13. VedevalH.

APPENDIX.
The long cousonants after short vowels are
shortened in the following exar’nples taken from
kavyas, dictionaries and grammars
adapavalla, adapavala ‘ one carrying his master’s,
betel-pouch ’; anna, ana ‘an older brother-’;
anittu, anitu ‘ so much ’. annisn, anisU ‘ to cause
to say ’; appa, apa, father ; ‘ a term of respect.’
appa, apa* aha ‘ that becomes’; alii, ali ‘ in that
place’; illi, ili ‘here, in this place’; ennike,
enike ‘ counting ’; kannadaka, kanadaka ‘ a pair
of spectacles ’; kallatana, kajatana ‘ theft ’;
kuyyisu, kuyisu ‘ to cause to be cut ’; kurittu,
kuritu ‘ that is sharp ’; kollu, kolu ‘ to kill ’;
geddalu, gedalu ‘ the white ant ’; gellu, gelu ‘ to
win ’; cattige, catige ‘ a small earthen pot with
a broad mouth ’; eikkata, cikta, cigata ‘ a flea ’;
cokkata, cokta ‘ purity ’; jalladi, jalade ‘a sieve ’;
mujju, mulu ‘ a thorn ’; sattuga, satuga, ; satga
‘ a ladle of wood’; sallu, salu ‘to enter a place,
. to go V sallisu, salisu ‘ to cause to enter, to
deliver'’; soilage, solage, solige ‘ a measure of
capacity ’; hallu, halu ‘ a tooth ’; hoddike, hodike
‘ a cover, a wrapper.’

E.. A. S, 1927. P. 238.

Consfcs. and vowels of terminations are liable to a develop¬
ment, difft. from that in the ;body of a word. Changes are, duo to
pFbntjtppiajtion being lax and muscular effort is not intense, ue,
termination behaves as though it were unaccented or not
prominent —
 105

1. Loss of syllable.
2. Shortening,
Voicing,
Assimilation,
or complete disappearance of a const.
RV * Madhai>mahe and-dhi >hi. adhve> Pali. avhe. eni
and an ain *> anus vara and later nasalisation of the vowel asmin
>-s. through-asi. ‘asya > assa > ;asa > s e.g. coras. -isya>isya,—
issi-issi, isi, iha, ihi. -asi. chavasi >hossi.
Result:—A. The inflectional system is destroyed, whatever
the number of syllables of the terminations, due to the Phonetic
weakness of the termination element.
B., Use of the other means of grammatical expression led
to the termination being more lightly stressed and hence to the
most violent phonetic changes in the terminational element.
B. GRAMMAR
 PART I.
B. GRAMMAR.
Noons.
The nominal stems found in these incriptions
consist of:—
1. Substantives not analysable into root and
suffix :
aneya, gen. sg.-elephant.
edeyan, acc. sg.-place.
pulla, gen. sg.-grass.
£2. Stems formed from, verbal roots by the addi¬
tion of one suffix :
alge-rule, reign, from al-to rule.
3. Su bstantives formed from:
(a) existing substantival stems :—
okkaltanam from okkal-thrashing from
okku-to thrash.
(b) adjectives or attributive words :—
nalta (goodness) from nal-good.
oZtu (good, noun) from oZ-good.
4. Substantives formed from the past and future
declinable participles of verbs :
with gender suffixes, if any.
aZidon-he who destroys-from aZida-Dpp. ofaZi-
to ruin.
ittodu-that which is given, from itta-Dpp. of I
-to give.

109
 110

kadon-he who protects, from kada-Dpp. of

kay-to protect.
5. Substantives formed from 'pronominal adjec¬
tives by adding gender-suffixes :
per-an j
> another person from pera~ the other.
peZ-an )
6. Substantives formed from Numerals :
eZapadimbarge-to the seventy people,
sflsirvvar-one thousand people.
But in the case of Iws. from Skt. the stems are
formed as follows:—
1. words borrowed: from Skt. without any change:
kulairi, janam, deham, dharaniyul, bhaktiyirh,
Maranam, moham, rajyam, laksyam.
2. words borrowed from Skt. with modifications:
acari, nisidhige, risyar, sisittiyar.
3. Skt. 'words in fern, gender, ending in-a, are
adopted into Kanarese, substituting e for d.
bale from bala,
mariyadeyan from maryyada
vidyullategal from vidyullata.
4. Skt. stems ending in -s drop -s.
manade from mana (Skt. Manas)
tapam from tapa (Skt. tapas).
5. Skt. -vat (-vant) stems are borrowed, with the
strong form of the stem -vant.
laksanavantar.
6. Substantives derived from the Dpp. of the
causative forms of Skt. roots :
palisidom
7. Past participles of Skt. verbs are used as
substantives:
rajas’ ravitam-age.
 Ill

Gender.
There arc three genders, masculine, feminine and
neuter.
1. Substantives denoting male persons are
masculine ;
2. Substantives denoting females are feinine ;
8. All other substantives (denoting animals,
their actions, qualities, etc., ) are neuter.
Masculine. Feminine. Neuter.
arasan, king ( no okkaltana-farming
aZidan, the destroyer ( examples. paZi-blame
kadon, the protector pavu-a snake
sal von, the goer puZu-a worm.
. The masculine in the nom. sg. is either the
simple stem without any suffix or termination, or the
stem with any of the following suffixes to distinguish
gender :—
-an, -am, -am, on, om. in -a stems only. (K.B.B.
50.)
(a) stems without any suffix or termination :
masculine.—Allagunda, a]iya, ere, Kamba, Nas-
tappa, maga.
feminine.—tapaccale.
neuter.—ittodu, oZtu, kere, dhone. paZi.
(b) stems with suffix :
(These suffixes distinguish the gender of the
stem as masculine): —
masculine.—arasan, arasam, aZidom, aZivon.
feminine.—no examples.
neuter.—uligam, okkaltanam.
It will be shown under “ Declension ” that the
suffix -an runs through all the cases of the sg. except
in some cases, the dative and sometimes in the pi.
 112

-on is found as the gender suffix in the nom. sg.

(-on<-avan, see -on under “Adjectives ”)
The use of -am for -an is due to the use of the
anusvara symbol (see “ the nominative case ” under
“ Decleosion ”).
The use of -am is found only in the case of
Skt. words:
Kucelam, G-unabhusitam.
Loan words, when adopted into Kanarese are
regarded as Native Kanarese words in the matter of
gender. The following Iws. are used as neuter,
mahajanakke, muvetlumura, devejanam, prajeyum
(The.same usage is found in later kavyas).
The forms, S’rl Jambunaygir, Devedittiyar’,
s’isittiyar show that feminines were formed from the
masculine by suffixing -i and -itti respectively:
Sriijambunaygir from Sri Jambunayaka (masc.),
guravi from gurava.
Si sittiyar from sisya (masc.)
There is no example of the fern. sg. of a NW.
in these inscriptions.
The neuter nom. sg. is the stem 1; some stems
ending in -a take -am or am as the nom. sg. ^uffix,
(see neuter nom. sg. under “ Declension ”).
Nws.—neuter.
(a) stem as nom. sg. neuter.
okkaltana.
(b) stem with -am.
uligam, okkaltanam.
Lws. (a) stem without suffix :
1. Here in these inscriptions eltu (ahull), Kavile (a cow)
pulu (a worm) and pavn (a snake).
 113

masculine: acaryya, Gunakirtti, -prabhu, bhatara,

Meghanandimuni, Sarppaculamani.
feminine: tapaccale.
neuter: nisidhige, pada.
(b) stem with suffix:
masculine,-an.
andhan, niravadyan, pujyamanan, munivaran,
Saukhyasthan.
-am.
Kucelam, Gunabhusitam.
-orh.
palisidorii.
feminine, no examples.
neuter -am,
ayusyam, kulam, tilakam, svarggam.
-avu, atmavaSakramavu, mukhavu.
In the neuter sg., all Skt. lws. have -am or -am
added to the stem as a general rule.
adigal-“ Feet ” is neuter when used as an inde¬
pendent Word. When suffixed to.guru- (a teacher),
Guruvadigal (the feet of the guru) neuter in form,
was used as masc. like the Skt. mitram, kajatram
and srlbhagavatpadaiah; Guruvadigal mudippidar-
the teacher ended (his life); the -ar of the verb indi¬
cates that this Neuter non), pi. is used in the sense
of masculine nom. pi.
In the case of devake, and devarke, the word deva
(god) is used in the neuter and the meaning given to
it by Dr. Fleet is “the establishment of the temple.”
The -a (stems in the masculine sg. and in the
neuter sg. take -an- and -ad- [K.B.B. (61)
(61)] respectively, as suffixes between the stem
and the case-ending. But the -i-, -u and -e stems
G. O. I. 8
 114

have no such suffixes. Pronouns adu, idu (neuter)

take-ar-as suffix, but only the glides -y- in -i and -e
stems and -v- in -u stems. Why this differentiation
is made is not known at present.

Nnmber.

There are two Numbers—sg. and pi.

The sg. is either the simple stem in the nom. or
the stem with the gender suffix or glide and case-
termination.
(a) simple stem in the sg :
masc. Nws. Allagunda, aliya, ere, kamba,
-a stems: Dallaga, maga.
lws. kamara, Nastappa, Basantakumara, Rama-
singabhatara, Vasantakumara Santivarmma, SrT-
maccitravahana, ^rivikramaditya bhataraka, srlvina-
yadityarajasraya pnthivlvallabha-maharajadhiraja
paramesvarabhatara.
-i stems : Aksayaklrtti, Grunaklrtti, Pallavacari,
Pu^pasenacari, bhagi, muni, saksi, Sarppaculainani,
Yinayadevasenanamamahamuni.
-u stems: Caritasrlnamadheyaprabhu.
Feminine, no examples.
Neuter.
-a stems: okkaltana.
-i stems: g§Zi, pa/i.
-u stems : ittodu, oltu, puZu.
lws.
-i stem : puti.
-e stem; nisidhige.
 115

(b) stems with gender suffix :

Masc. Nws. Lws.
-an arasan -patakan
-am .... Kucelam, (iimabhusi
tarn,
-on aZivon ....

-oin aZidom palisidom

Feminine no examples.
Neuter. Nws. Lws.
-am okkaltanaih kulam
.... uligam do$am
-am Mfl deham
-avu atmavasa-
kramavu
mukhavu.
The pi. is formed by the addition of -ar, -ar,
and -gal.
Masculine and feminine stems form their pis. by
suffixing -ar or -ar.
Masc. N ws. Lws.
-ar aninditar
Feminine Raj nlmatlgan tiy ar
-ar
Masc. arasar amikkottamar
Feminine Bevakhantiyar
Sisittiyar
-ar is more ancient than -ar.
Masc. stems ending in -i, -u and -e from plural
by suffixing -gal. (K.B.B. 40).
Masc. Nws. Lws.
-i bhagi-gaj
8*
 116

Fern, -e .... -avvegal

-abbegaj
All Neuter stems form their plural by suffixing
-gal.
Nws. Lws.
srlsamgamgala.
vidyullategal
vratagal.
There is no differentiation between Nws. and
Lws. in the formation of the plural.
The use of the honorific plural for kings, monks
and nuns is very common and most of the plurals in
masc. and fem. are honorific ones:—K.B.B. (42.)
SMD. 102.
Lws. N ws.
Masc. kings maharajar arasar.
monks acariyar
guruvar
masenar
nuns Devakantiyar
Sisittiyar.
The formation of the sg. and the pi. is seen in the
declension of Nouns.
A subject in the sg. has often the verb in the pi.
and vice versa, e.g., 3-71, 3-17, 6-18, 24-2 and 50-1,

Declension.
There is only one declension for all stems in all
geiiders.
There are seven cases(1) Nominative,
(2) Accusative,
(3) Instrumental,
 117

(4) Dative,
(5) Genitive,
(6) Locative,
(7) Vocative.
The stems end in -a, -i, -u, -e and consonants.
The study of these stems is taken up case by
case.

The Nominative Case.

There is no case termination for the nom. sg. in all
the three genders [K.B.B. 74
Either the stem or the stem with the gender suffix is
used in the nom. sg. The pi. is formed bv suffixing
-ar, ,-ar or gal in the Masc. and fern, but -gal in the
neuter. In a few cases, -u is found as the nom. sg.
suffix.
(a) The stem as nom. sg.
-a stems : Masc. Nativq,words: Allagunda, aliya,
kamba, Dallaga.
Loan words: karnara, Nastappa,
Basantakumara, Ramasingabhatara, Vasanta-
kumara.
S’antivarmma, S’rimatcitravahana, S’rivikra-
maditya-
bbataraka, S’rrvinayadityarajas’ rayapritbivi-
vallabha-
maharajadhiraja paramesvarabhatara.
Feminine. No examples.
Neuter. Nws. No examples,
Lws. degula.
-i stems: masc. Nws. no examples.
Lws. Aksjayaklrtti, Pallavacari, Gunaklrtti
Pu^pasenacari, bhagi, muni, saksi, Sarppaculamani.
 118

Feminine. No examples.
Neuter. Nws. geZi, paZi.
Lws. puti, bhumi.
-u steins:
Masc. Nws. No examples.
Lws. Carita’ rmamadheya prabhu.
Fein. No examples.
Neuter. Nws. ittodn, oZtu, pavu, puZu.
Lws. no examples.
-e stems :
Masc. Nws. 5
and > no examples.
Fern. Lws.)
Neuter. Nws. no examples.
Lws. nisidhige.
But the masc. stems ending in -a are used as
norm sg. with any one of the following suffixes of
the masculine gender.
-an, -am, -am, -on and om. K.B.B. 39, 45, 50.
-an seems to have been the original masculine and
neuter suffix for all stems in -a. The reason for this
supposition is the magan “son ” (masc.) and maran
“ a tree” (neuter) have the same -an, not only in the
singular, but also in the plural Narayanayyamgaju,
masc. (nom), ivelvi§ayamgalan, neuter (acc.) and in all
the cases. Examples for all the cases are not found in
the inscriptions studied. Later, -an was restricted
to the masculine gender and -am to the neuter, -aril
and -am are essentially the same. The form with
-m is used before words beginning with a consonant;
the forms with -m or -n before words beginning with
a vowel.. The only pre-vocalic form in the case of Skt.
lws, is -m; -on and om are used as suffixes of the
 119

declinable (relative) past participles of verbs which

are used as adjs. (see “ Adjectives ”)
-an.
Nws. urasau1, Allagundan, Nagennan.
Livs. Gunasagaradvitiyanamadheyan, Candra-
devacaryyanaman,
Nandisenapravaramunivaran, mahadevan,
Vidrumadhara SantiaenamunTsan.
-am.
Lws. Kucelam, Gunabhusitam.
-am.
Nivs. no example.
Lws. Kundavarmmarasarii, guravam, perggora-
vam.
The masc. -i, -u and -e stems have no suffix or
termination in the nom. sg.
The use of -m as the termination of the nom. sg.
for all the stems in all the genders'2 by later
grammarians is due to the influence of Skt. lws. in
the neuter and the interpretation as -m or -n of the
anusvara at the end of a word ; this is seen from the
examples given by them for illustrating the sutras;
mararii (SMD 93).
Nom. sg. Fern. No examples.
Neuter.
As stated already, in principle there is no suffix
or termination in the nom. sg. But the following
suffixes-aril, -am and -avu are found in -a stems.
Essentially, all these are different forms of -am,
avu < am -u.

1. Caldwell and Kittel consider that arasan is lw. from

Skt. and derive it from Skt. raja.
2. K.B.B. 39,45,50; K.V.V. 15 ; SMD. 93 A 105 ; K.S.S. 227-
 120

Neuter.
Nom. sg.
-am. Nws. no examples.
Lws. ayusyam, Katavapras
ailam, dharmmam, parijanam,
maranam, laksyam.
-am. Nws. uligam, okkaltanam.
Lws. dosam, paramarttharii,
svarggam.
Caldwell' and Gunderfc state that -am is an
obsolete demonstrative pronoun meaning ‘ it ’ and
hence -am is not a borrowing from Skt. But
L.V.E. Iyei2 comes to the conclusion that -am is a
borrowing from Skt. since the use of -am as a
demonstrative is nowhere seen in T., Kan. or in any
of the Drn. languages. But he has not noted the
use of -am in T. and K. in the nom. sg. and the
incorporation of -am in the plural of neuter -a stems
e. g. marangal in T. and K. There is one neuter pi. acc.
where -an-gal<am-gal is found ivelvi$ayamgalam.
of. alampu, the flower of the banyan tree, where -am
is the nom. suffix, used in the gen. sense. It is not
likely that -am, a simple suffix of the neuter used in the
sg. and the pi. of neuter -a stems will be borrowed by
a higly cultivated language like T. or Kan. from Skt.
Nom sg. Neuter-avu.
These two lws. have -avu as the termination of
the Nom. sg:—
atmavasakramavu, mukhavu.
As pointed out already, the Nom. sg. of Neuter
Lws. ending in -a have -m or -am as the suffix.
1. C.D.G. p. 257.
, 2- Ed, Rev. Madras Oct. 1928, p. 6.
 121

The use of avu (<am-u) as the termination resolves

itself ultimately into -am -u. This -u, used only
twice in nominal stems, is generalised as the nom.sg.
case-termination in N. K. and does not appear in any
other case-forms.
ittodan, iravan, mrtyuvaravan, varppin—in these
forms -u disappears when the acc. or other case-
termination is affixed. If it were a part of the stem,
this -ii would have survived in all the cases. The
fact that the nom. sg. has no case termination,
coupled with the appearance of this -u only in the
nom. sg. leads us to suspect that this -u may have
been a nom. sg. suffix.
This -u is found in the pronouns, personal termi¬
nation of verbs and all nouns ending in consonants
in M. K. along with forms without this -u ; in N. K.
it is fully established as the nom. sg. case-termi¬
nation of all stems of both Nws. and Lws. in all
genders and numbers. The addition of this -u has
not modified the meaning or grammatical function of
any of the words to which it is suffixed. Verbal
rootsending in consonants in 0. K. and M. K. have
this -u in N.K. This -u does not appear even
in N. K. before a suffix beginning with a vowel.
This -u is found in T. Mai. Tel. and Tu. also.
Its non-existence in the other dialects and their late
appearance in these dialects show that this -u has a
definite purpose to serve. In many inscriptions it is
written, though not pronounced, on account of the
needs of metre.1 Even in N.K. colloquial speech, it
is not always pronounced, though it is always written.
1. Dr. L.D. Barnett, E. I. XV. p. 109 ; .Memoirs of A.S.I
No. 13. pp. 11,12, 14, 16 and 19.
 122
The “ euphonic ” theory put forward by Caldwell1
and Kittel does not explain the use of -u as nom. sg.
case-termination in N.K. Caldwell himself doubted
whether this -u had not a specialising signification at
first which had now been lost.2
I think the origin of this -u may be this: —
In Kanarese, there are a large number of verbal
roots which end in consonants. These roots were
used both as verbal roots and nouns.—
alar - to open to flower; a fiower
aZal - to sorrow; grief
kaval - to branch off; a branch
kukil - to sing as a cuckoo and a cuckoo
tajir - to sprout; the tender sprouts
of a plant.
nul - to make thread ; thread
pan - to get ripe ; a ripe fruit
pof - to cleave asunder ; a piece
ba l - to live ; living, life
bTZ - to fall; uncultivated land, a
creeper.
mugul - to shut the eye-lids ; an open¬
ing bud.
mu] - to be thorny ; a thorn
sidil - to be split; thunderbolt
sin - to sneeze; sneezing
si] - to cut asunder ; a portion
Naturally, the use of the verbal root as the 2nd
sg. imperative and as a noun caused some confusion
and difficulty to the Kanarese child. It saw verbal
nouns formed from roots by suffixing -pu and -vu :

1. C.D.G. p. 134. Kg. p. 23 and 25, 27-29. .

2. C.D.G. p. 208.
 123

-pu : opu<6 - to love.

kapu<ka (y) - to protect
torpuCtor - to appear
padepu<pade - to get
inarpuCmar - to change
mepuCmey - to graze
-vv : ari-vu<ari - to know
a£i-vu<a/i - to ruin
uZ-vu<u/i - to remain over
era-vu<ere - to pour
kara-vu<kare - to milch
kl-vu<ki - to form pus
tiJi-vuCtiJi - to know
te/a-vu<tere - to open
nera-vu<nere - to take place
no-vu < no - to pain
pari-vu<pari - to flow
pasi-vu<pasi - to be hungry
pa/i-vu<pa/i - to slander
mera-vu<mere - to shine
sa-vu<sa - to die
suZi-vu<suZi - to turn round
sela-vu<sele - to drag, to pull
Further, verbal nouns were also formed by
sutfixing-udu or -adu ;
kare-v-udu-calling<kare - to call
kupi-v-udu-dancing<kuni - to dance
Verbal nouns may be formed from every verbal
root by suffixing -vudu.
Besides these, a large number of nouns in
noin. sg. in Kan. end in -u :—
karu - a calf,
pa/u - a forest.
 124

pu/u - a worm,
pavu - a snake.
Further, the declension of stems ending in a
consonant fthe verba! roots ending in a consonant
when used as a noun) was in no way different from
that of the noun ending in -u excepting the dative.
The forms of nouns ending in -u found A. in the
inscriptions and B. in the kavyas are shown in the
following list: To show that the words end in -u, the
stem forms found in the inscriptions are given in the
list marked 0.

A. From the Inscriptions.

Date Without suffix. Date With suffix.
C. 900 saypimtidem, Me. C. 950 rupinol SB. 39. Sh.
38. 47, 35.
974 pern pin SB. 59. C. 950 pempinol SB. 139
Sh. 47 35.
1047 ojpiih A. SI. 13, p6. 910olpimge SB. 139. Sh.
47. 35.
1068 melpan-avarjisida 1019 olpina SK. 125.
Sk. 13.
1071 alip-ambittu Sk. 129 1054 arpinol SK. 1118,
Sh. 47. ’
1074 polepim E.I. XVI. 1055 pempina, E.I. XIII.
70. 170.
1074 pempam E.I. XYI. 1062 sobaginol Sh. 47.
70.
1677 alagam SK. 124. 1073 arpinesakam SC., 299
„ balpim „ 1074 kadupimdam E. I.
XVI. 70.
„ ojpim „ 1074 kadupimdam E.I.
XVI. 70
 125
Date Without suffix. Date With suffix.
1080 oddindam I.A.X. 127 1081 binpimge E.I. XVI.
59.
„ bisupindam „ 1081 gunpittige E.I. XY1.
59.
112 nanjanembamtireE.I. 1081 tinpimge E.I. XVI.
XIII. 41.
1117 paypam Bl. 58
1121 olpim SB. 128
59.
S
tinpinol
gunpinol SK. 114.
binpinol
1122 Munisim Sh. 4
1122 binpimdame Hn 116 C. 1096 arpinabdhi)
1155 rupirn HN. 57 Fempinakarani ) SA.
1156 sompanajdu HN. 69 olpinamodal ) 80
1156 rupim „ 1100 todarpinapasam SK.
311.
1158 pempim patihitadim
SK. 23.
1158 munisimdam SK. 18 1103 pempina) K(J
i 160 peiopinumeyam Bl. tinpinol )
193.
1162 klZvaraj-imde Dg. 42 1139 olpinim SB. 141
1162 penjpanavagam HS. 1149 toibalpinim HN. 65
137.
1163 elamavim banam 1156 keinpina
SB. 64. 1160 rupinol TM. 9
1169 munisimda I. A. IX. 1160 Saranidhigunpinol
97. DG. 35.
1170 adatiihde DH. 32 1162 olpinakurpu AK. 172
1177 pemparn A.K. 62 1164 podarpinol DG. 43
1180 bejpim SB. 71 1164 aniuina Sc. 277
1181 imb-irh SK. 197 1169 olpinagaram Kd. 51
1181 olpam „ „ arpimgodarpu „
 126

Date Without suffix. Date With suffix.

C. 1181 olavim Sk. 197
1186 peihpim AK. 127
„ kempim „ 1173 rupinim HN. 71
„ sompim „ 1174 rupinimda Sk. 236
„ impam „ 1176 binpimge SB. 66
„ melpinodavida A.K.
127.
1185 agaZhh 131. 72
1186 rupimdam Bl. 175
„ sobagiriide „
1189 celvampadevudu
E.I. XV. 34.
1191 blvim Kd. 156
„ nalaviiii „
1198 rupain Sb. 140
„ saipimda AS. I. 13.
p 14.
1203 pempirn Kd. 36
1205 alagim TK. 42
„ alavimda „
1201 belakam miguvudu
Sb. 28.
1217 olpirn Bl. 136
1220 olpaiii Bl. 112.
1220 nalavim Ci.'72
1230 pempam Ng. 98
1233 ka^lupimdaih AK.82
1233 pempam Ck. 31
1172 olpinimdam Kd. 66
„ arivina Kd. 66
1181 olavinim SK. 197
1187 dandinagova I. A.
XJI. 96.
1191 adatinim Kd. 156
1203 gunpinim Kd. 36
„ binpinim Kd. 36
1203 olgavumginim Sk.
225.
1204 adatimda HI. 7
1215 aligilivimdimmda
Sb. 276.
1219 rupinondatisayam
Ng. 29.
1220 balpinol Bl. 112
1223 seramgimge CN.
203.
1224 kurupina Dg. 25
1280 balupinim Dg. 59
 127

Date Without suffix Date With suffix

1242 Olavim Kp. 76. 1291 dombimge KP. 10
1254 pempaninneve/verh 1465 pamginole Sb. 330
AK. 108.
1276 Sompampadedu Cri
269.
1280 nalaviiii Dg. 59
1286 alavim AK. 9
1291 nmlisimdam Kp. 10
1371 nalavirnde Nj. 43
1408 odavini
B. From Kavyas.
KEM. 877 AD.
PB.941 A.I). (Pampabhharata).
PR. 1105 A.D. Pampara-
mayana).

Without suffix. With suffix-in-

alipaih PB. 4, 55; PR.
14-13.
alapam PR. 1, 100.
anegadupam PR. 3, 57.
ioisam KRM. II. 46.
imba PR. 1, 29.
imb-am ariyade Pr. 13,
138.
unisam PB. 3, 26.
urvim PR. 4, 16.
eggam PR. 2, 72.
kadampam PB. 10, 87.
kalumbam Pr. 6, 115.
kurupimda PB. 10, 87.
kurpam PR. 2, 59.
anug-in-oj PB. 2, 61.
amber-in-ge PB. 2, 62.
ariv-im-ge PB. I. 24.
ulav-in-ol PB. 1, 24.
araard-in-a PR. 10, 67.
alamp-in-im KRM. II.
104 ; Pr. 16, 55.
kadamp-in-ol PR. 5, 109.
kalgapin-ol PR. 2, 11.
kapim-ge PB. 8, 90.
celv-im-ge PR. 3, 75.
taZp-in-ol PR. 9, 167.
nacc-in-a PR. 14, 109.
namj-in-a PB. 6, 75.
muyp-in-a PR. 14, 184,
 128

Without suffix. With mffix-ia-

ke^ain PR. 9, 109. saypin-im PR. 7, 78; 13,
kopp-am PR. 5, 87. 113.
Jarag-arii PR. 5, 20.
padep-aih PR. 1, 122.
palik-imda PR. 11, 125.
Cinp-im PR. 1, 107.
Ceragam PR. 10, 131.
rnatam KRM. III. 201.
mujis-am KRM. II. 108,
III. 119.
molag-am PR. 9, 32.
sudam PR. 9, 109.
Serag-am PR. 10, 131.

C.

Date.
alavu Sh. 64 1172
arpu On. 248 1133; Sh. 64, 1172.
olpu TA. XX. 69 900; Sh. 4, 1122; Sc.
138, 1145.
Sh. 242, 1153;
Hn. 71, 1173.
kaypu E. I. XIII41 1112; Sc. 140, 1198.
gunpu Kd. 51 1169; Hn. 53, 1170.
celvu E. I. XV. 34 1189
tanpu Hn. 116 1122 ; Bl. 193, 1160.
telpu 8a. 159 1159
terapu Sc. 140 1198
peril pu Sb. 133 982; Ng. 76, 1145 ;
Bl. 193, 1160.
Hn. 53, 1170.
 129

Date.
podarpu E. I. XV. 329 1028 ; Sc. 140, 1198.
balpu Eg. 47 1199
rupu Ak. 6‘2 1177 ; DOE 25, 1199.
Saypu Ak. 127 1185; Sc. 140, 1198.

The declension of -u stems and stems with a

final consonant with and without suffix -in- was very
similar:—
varavu - an^varavan.
hal - an = baZan.
baZ — a — baZa, baZ-in-a
batar - ge, = batargge
batar - ith - gc =bataririige.
All these forms are found in these inscriptions.
Further, participles of rts ending in -u and of
those ending in a consonant are similar in form
very often :—
-u- pp. Const. PP
turuku — turuki baZ — baZi
malagu — malagi udir — udiri
arucu — aruci adar — adari
Intu — inti pTr — plri
kattu — katti kar — kari
odu — odi
suttu — sutti
odu — odi
kedapu — kedapi
tarbu — tarbi
nemmu — nemmi
tadavu — tadavi ta.1 — tali
tivu — tlvi sll — slji
arasu — arasi pora} — poraji
 130

-u- pp. Const. pp.

elasu — elasi urul — uruli
biru — biri al — ali
eru — eri poga l — pogaZi

Though there were exceptions, the child found a

large number of examples where this similarity
existed.
Also, the Sandhi forms of words with -u and rts
with a final consonant resembled very much.
Examples of these forms from the inscriptions
are:—
A.D. 980 porhgadamgidudu. E.I. XV. 329
1030 perhp-askhalitagunaih. Mahjarabad 45.
1032 tanip-i. Sorab. 184.
1060 pemp-urjitainaytu. E.I. XV. 87.
1068 melpan-avarjisida. Sk. 13.
1081 terapilladantu. E.I. XYI. 59.
1160 periip in umeyam. Belur. 193.
1162 pemp-in-avagaiii. Hunsur. 137.
1169 arpiihgodarpolp-in-agararh. Kadur. 51.
1169 munisiind-irkuligolvudu. I.A. IX. 97.
1183 gunpuljare. A.K. 79.
1185 Melpin-odavida.
1208 Ceiak-arimTguvndu. Sorab 28.
1219 rup-in-ondatis’ ayaiii. Ng. 29.
1223 Seramg-im-g-ajan-aneyam. Cennaraya-
patna.
1224 rup-amadadudu. Dg. 25.

In course of time, the noun-forming suffix -vu

may have become -u by the loss of the initial v- and
-p alone may have been used as the noun-forming
 131

suffix as we have instances of such -u in the inscrip¬

tions of the next century.
Even in colloquial speech in N. K., we have
matimda, etimda, guiiipiiiida < niatu, etu, gumpu.
The child naturally suffixed -u in all those verbal
roots ending in consonants when used as nouns.
This -u was generalised as a noun-forming suffix at
first. Since the stern was used without any suffix or
ease-termination in the Nom. Sg later on, this -u was
generalised as the nom. case-ending, and therefore,
was added like all other case-endings to the sg. and
the pi. The pronouns in the nominative had this -u
suflixed to them. The personal terminations of verbs
are fragments of pronouns and they too have -u in
M.K. and N. K. In N. K. grammars, -u is the nom.
case-ending of all stems in both the numbers and in
all the genders.
It is stated that the virama is represented, by u
throughout and pointed instances are of s’ rimatu,
parthivendranu, and pogajaluke (E. I. V. p. 26). But
in E. I. IV. p. 350, Fleet says that the virama is
represented by its own proper sign which resembles
an exaggerated superscript r or e in 11 2, 4, 11, 15,
etc. But in mattaru (24), the virama is represented
apparently by u. At any rate the occurrence of
mattar in Sarhdhi in 1. 23 and by itself in 11. 34, 35
suggests that in mattaru, the final mark is intended
to represent the virama and not to be pronounced.
Further, in E. I. IV. Jatimga Ramesvara Hill, he
states that the virama is represented by its own sign
in devar (7) and kottar (12). In E.I. V. p. 9 both
enal and enalu, paduval and paduvalu, mudal and
pafidaiu (42, 47, 48) are foujid. In Ef I. XIJI. p. 168,
 132
u is often used, but not always, to denote the abseoee
of a vowel after a consonant.
In E. I. XII. p. 355 u is written instead of the
virama. On page 336 of E. I. XII, the notation of
the viratna is found in several places in the prose
portion as well as in verse—dhatriyolu and more
notably in tatu-kaniyarn (11) and bhavetu (48).
Why the virama should come after every word
in an inscription and whether it does so always is not
clear. Tatu is the normal pronunciation of the
vaidikas or orthodox people in Mysore and D bar war
areas. In fact, all the statements made in the E. I.
clearly indicate that u was gaining a place in literary
composition as it had established itself in colloquial
speech. The people wrote in prose as they pro¬
nounced, but in conservative verse, the orthodox
school did not accept it for some time and pronounced
as in the past. But later, u came to stay in verse as
in prose and is still in common use in N. K.
The original principle of having the simple stem
or the stem with the gender suffix in masc. -a stems,
was kept up in the conservative literary compositions,
though -u was gaining strength in popular speech.
That is why in some of the inscriptions in verse of
the eighth and later centuries, -u is written but not
pronounced, owing to the needs of metrical length.
But in prose, they were written and pronounced.
Conservative writing rarely adopts the change in
popular speech very soon. Poetry was rarely written
in popular speech in ancient times. Linguistic modi¬
fications get into poetry after a fairly long period of
trial in popular speech. Hence this -u is rare in the
ftprliegt inscriptions and is more and ipore ip evidence
 isd
in later ones; by the 15th century A.D. -u had
established itself fully in the Kannada language.
The silence of grammarians on this poirlt is due to
the fact that their grammars were chiefly based on
standard literary wofks which were mostly in verse.
The addition of this -u made the introduction of new
grammatical forms necessary in M. K.
In the pi. the pluralising particle is suffixed to
the stein directly in all the genders. The masc.
and the fern, genders have the same pluralising
particles : -ar, ar and -or in the case of -a stems; ar,
ar and -gal in the -i stems; and -gal in the -u
stehas.
.We have reasons to suspect that -ar is the more
ancient of the two. In fact, -ar is derived from -ar.
In 3rd pi. of verbs we have eridar, vittar in the
earliest inscriptions. In the 3rd sg. we have aydan,
eridan, sandan. In N.K. present, continuous, -ane
and are are used, baruttane, baruttare. In Tamil, -ar
is the only pluralising particle for the masc. and
fem. In Tel. the 3rd pi. of verbs is -aru.
During this period, the ar and -ar are found side
by side.
-ar -a stems—
masc. aninditar, prathitar.
fem. no examples.
-ar -a stems.—
adhipar, amikkottamar, Aluarasar, KaUdarbar.
mtisampannar, pancamahapatakasamyuktar, bhatara-
kar, Man&kkar masenar, Mellaga vasaguruwar, Vina-
yaditya satyas raya-prithivivallabhar, sisyar, S’riji-
namarggar, S’rl PogillisendrakamaharSjar, B’ ribhan-
tarakat, -bhatarar, Sarvvajnabhattarakar.
 134

-i stems—
masc. nrpamariyar, paramaprabhavarisiyar,
mauniyacariy ar
fem.
-4r. -a stems, no example.
-i stems, Anantamatlgantiyar, Rajfnmatl-
gantiyar.
-ar. Devakliantiyar, Nagamatigantiyar, S’isitli-
yar, Sasimatis’rigantiyar, S’rl .Jambunaygir (collo¬
quial speech N. K.)
< S’rT Jambunayaki-y-ar.
gal.—
masc. -i stems. adhikarigal, paramakalyana-
bhagigal.
-u stems, sadhugal.
-or. aZidor, aZivor. Kandarbor.
[See “Adjectives.”]
Neuter: The pluralising particle of all neuter stems
is -gal.
-i stem. Neuter in form, masc. in meaning.
gal. -guruvadigal. Baladevaguruvadigal, Vette-
deguruvadigal.
Singanandiguruvadigal. »
Thus we get the following in the nom :—
Masc. Fem. Neuter.
Sg. pi. sg. pi. sg. pi.
a. stem -ar (nws. - -ar a. stem -gal.
& Iws.) (lw. -i stem)
-ar (lws.)
b. stem -gal -gal b. stem -
an am
- on (lws. and (Nw. -i am
om i stems) stems) 77 avu
 135

The Accusative Case.

The terminations are -an, -an, -am, -am, -a and
-a. We have reasons to suspect, as in the case of -ar
(nom. pi.) that -an and -a are more ancient than -an
and -a. During this period, -an and -an, -a and -a,
were used side by side, -a and -a are the same as
-an and -an with the final nasals dropped. Why the
final nasal was dropped is at present unknown.
The conjunctive suffix -urii is added to the case-
endings of all nouns except in the accusative. In
the latter, -urii comes in between the stem and the
case-ending.
e.g., masc. parvvar-urh-an.
neuter, initum-aiii.
In the nominative sg. -am is suffixed to the stem
or the gender suffix. The fact that in the acc.
this suffix -urii comes after the stem, but before the
case-ending, suggests that the acc. ending is later in
origin. In N. K. colloquial speech, the acc. suffix is
rarely added to the stem in the case of inanimate
objects :—
e.g., mane kattisida - he built a house,
house he built.
tindi tinda - he ate the eatables,
eatables he ate.
pustaka ta - bring the book,
bring the book

The acc. termination is added to the nom. sg. of

-a stems with the suffix -an in the masc. and -am in
the neuter. Loan words from Skt. retain the
-am of the neuter nom. sg.; the acc. ending is affixed
to the -am, which sometimes becomes -av-.
-an. masc. -a stemB.
lw. urumithyatvapramudhasthiratara nrpanan.
fern. no examples.
neuter, ajnanas’ ailendraman, Ipujyasthalaman,
ghanammarittaman, tapam sayyamaman, duritabhu-
dvrsaman,
degulaman, dharmmam-an, prasadantaraman, muru-
degulaman,
s’ rltapam-an, svarggagram-an.
-i stems, lws. giri-y-an, siddhi-y-an. 1
*e stems, nws. al-ge-y-an. ede-y-an.
The aec. termination is added to the gender-
suffix -an in the masc. and -am in the neuter of -a
stems so far. In the following examples,-- an is added
directly to the Norn. sg. (neuter) without any suffix
coming in between :—
nws: ittod-an, irav-an, inrtyuvarav-iin.
-a. masc. and fem. no examples,
neuter -a stem.
lw. valibhagam-a.
-e stems.
pas’ upatamariyadey-a
purvvamariyadeya,.
-an. masc. and fem. no examples.
neuter, -a stem. lw. kadambamandalam-an.
-bhavyaman.
-e stem.
nw. ane-y-an.
lw. mariyade-y-an.
stems ending in a consonant - ni r - an.
1. KRM. II. 15. “ -an > -an when followed by a word
with an initial vowel, when the stem ends in a nasal, or at the
end of a line in verse.”—This rule is not observed in these.
 137
-am. mas. - kal&ntGr-an-arii. (The meaning is
nom. sg.)
fem. no examples.
neuter - -i stem - Iw. yati-y-am.
-e stem - lw. viccheyam.
-am. masc. - -i stem, ba^i-y-am.
fem. no examples.
neuter -a stems.
Iws. Katavaprav-am,
manavam.
stems ending in a consonant - pul-l-am.
In place of -am, -am and -an, we sometimes have -a,
masc. and fern. no examples,
neuter Nws. pul-l-a.
Iws. dehav-a, rajyav-a, s’ asanam-a
s’ ailatna.
-ava of d6hava, rajyava are < am-a.
In pulla and pullam (aCc. sg.) the final consonant
of the stem is doubled before the case-ending. Such
doubling takes place only.—
(1) if the penultimate vowel is short as in pul,
and not long as in nlr-an ;
(2) if there are no more than two syllables in
the word; and
(3) if the consonant n, n, y, 1 or 1 is followed
by a vowel.
Primitive Drn. perhaps had long consonants ;
they were shortened in the absolute final position,
but preserved before vowels.1
The bindu is put between the masc. or fem. -a
stems and -gal or -dir ; when such words are neuter,
the insertion of this before -gal is optional; but w'hen
1. Prof li. L. Turner, JRA.S. 1927, p. 227 Vissarati<
Vismarati.
 138

they are skt. neuters, it is obligatory.(SMD. 103), e.g,

m. amnamgal, amnamdir.
/. akkamgal, akkamdir.
n. maramgal, inaragal, polaiiigal, polagal,
payamgal, payagal.
Skt. gunarhgal, desarhgal, kosariigal, dosakke :
desagal.
The pi. suffix of -a stems may have been * mgal
in O. K. as it is in T even now, both for masc. and
neuter. In 1200, the deletion of the nasal was
optional in neuter, but compulsory in the case of
masc, fern, and skt. neuters. The omission of the nasal
in skt. neuters was dosa “ SMD. 103 why it is so
only in the case of -a stems is not known ;
*Pr. pull > O. K. pul. but pr. Kan. pulla remained
pulla.
In one instance, Sanyasana vidhi (intu mudip-
pidar), the notn. sg. (stem) is used as acc. sg. This
use of the nom. stem as acc. is common in colloquial
speech in N. K.
Skt. divarri (acc.) is used as acc. in divampokka
(II. 80, 4) and divarh eridar.
In the pi. the acc. endings are added to the
pluralising particle,
mas. and fern. - no examples,
neuter - ivalvisayangalan.
In one case, the -an is suffixed to a stem ending
in a numeral: gandhebhamayd-an.
 139

The Instrumental Case.

The terminations are -im, -im, -in, -inda, and
-indu. -im and -in are different forms of -im.
The terminations are added without any suffix
between the stem and the case-ending in the -u
stem : varppin and kavadim. But in neuter stems
ending in-a, the suffix -d- comes in between the stem
and the ending. But in -i stems the glide -y- is
found.
Generally, -im and -irii are used before a con¬
sonant while -in is used before a vowel. But the use
of -in before a consonant is not unusual. There is no
principle governing the use of -im and -in as can be
seen from the following :—
anuragadin eradu.
aneka s’ Ila gunamalegalin sagid oppidon.
imbinin prasadantaraman.
inbinirh (last word in the verse),
kavadirh Katavaprameriye.
gunadim svadhyayasampattinim kare-il-nal-
tapadharmmadim.
bhaktiyim aksimauakke . • .
mukhadin keydonduta.
yugmadin oppe val, yogadin avarurh.
svarlokadim niscitam.
-im. masc. and fern. - no examples.
neuter - -i stem. - bhakti-y-im.
-im. masc. and fern. - no examples,
neuter - -a stems. - (-ad-im).
lws. amalarn naltada s’ Iladim. vratas’ Ilanonpi-
gunadim.
svarlokadim.
-in. masc. and fern, no examples.
 140
neuter
(a) without any suffix1
-u stems. - varppin.
(b) with swffix -d-
-a stems lw. - aradhanayogadin, gunadin, tapadin,
turngoccabhaktivasadin, Bhadravahu sa Candragupta
munTndra yugmadin, vicitra kanaka prajvalyadin,
vidhanamukhadin, santnarggadin.
(c) with double termination (in-in).
-u stems nw. imb-in-in (inbin-in) (1).
(lw. svadbyayasampattin-im).
In these two cases, there is no suffix, but the
termination -in is repeated twice. Such instances
are found in classical Tamil.
T. malei-y-in-in - from a mountain.
Here, the first -in- has lost its original signifi¬
cance and further reduced to a mere suffix. Hence
the instrumental case-ending -in is again added to
make the meaning clear. Cf. Suraloka mahavibha-
vasthanan (40-4).
-inda. masc. and fern, no examples,
neuter. -a stems:
lw. devadapda-d-inda.
-indu. masc. and fern, no examples,
neuter. -a stem,
lw. vidhana-d-indu.
As in the accusative, the termination is added to
the pluralising particle.
-in. masc. -a stem. lw. - kutnar -ar-in.
fern, no examples,
neuter -e stem. lw. - anekagu^as’ Ilamale-gal-in.
1. From this, it is clear that the addition of -V- glide and
of -in- is later in origin. KG. p. 4 (a) and 43 (b); CDG. p. 263.
1. CDG. p.276.
 141
The origin of the instrumental ending -ii«, or
-in is not at present known. Caldwell’s statement1
that it is identical in origin with -in, the suffix of the
Tamil ablative of motion, originally a locative, is not
quite clear. His attempt to show that -inda is
derived from- -irda by citing the Tuda instrumental
suffix -edd does not nseem to be logical. Gundert’s
derivation of -inda from ede - a place, is not satisfac¬
tory2; -im (or-in) is an adverb of time in Kanarese
and its meaning is “ from that time, afterwards.”
Perhaps this adverb is used as a post-position to
mean “ from or by ” (instrumental case.)
This -in- is inserted between the nom. sg. and
pi, cvf -a stems and the terminations of the dative, as
in kalarige, bataringe3. Why this is so inserted is
at present unknown.
The Dative Case.
The terminations of the dative are -ke, -k-ke,
-ge, -i-ge.
The termination is in principle -ke. This is
preserved when preceded by l (< d); the neuter suffix
-a < ar <fid (this ar-ke subsequently > ak-ke).
Otherwise, when preceded by a vowel, or by -n
(whether radical or suffixal), 1, 1 and r (other than
r < r) it > -ge. masc.
(a) without any suffix - Devereya-ge.
(b) with suffix -an
In the only instance of the dative-termination,
added to the suffix -an, -i is inserted between the

1. CDG. p. 276.
2. CDG. p.276.
3. SMD. 108. 109. This-in-is used in the old case-ending
in u, u, r, r 6. ou, and nouns with final consfcs and somg
adverbs in e insert this-in-b^for© any termination
 1452
inasc. sg. stem kalan and the termination -ke, the
form being kalan-i-ge, as in N.K. But in O.K. and
M.K. kavyas, the form is kalage, kalarnge*. The -i-
is considered “ euphonic ” (whatever that may mean)
and recent by Caldwell2 and Kittel3. The occur¬
rence of the form -ige in the earlier' inscriptions
shows that it had existed in the language for a long
time before it appeared in literary composition. But,
beside the termination -i-ge of these inscriptions, a
form, kalan-iih-ge appears in the kavyas and batar-
iriige in the inscription of the 7th century which is
taken up for study. It is, therefore, possible that
-an-i-ge represents an earlier -an-in-ge with an
additional suffix, which appears also in the termina¬
tion of the instrumental (see above) and genitive and
locative of u stems. This preconsonantal nasal of
O.K. disappears in M.K. and N.K. as the earliest
disappearance of the preconsonantal nasal in a
termination is quite natural1. The reference of
grammarians to the optional or irregular use of the
bindu or anusvara* is to the tendency of the
language during the period of transition from O.K. to
M.K. The process of change can be seen from the
following examples:—
O.K. M.K. N.K.
adaiiigu adariigu or adagu
adegu (to conceal one’s self)
erarhke erarhke erake
or erake rekke
(the wing of a bird)
1. K.G. p. 48. KBB. 62. SMD. 118. Nrpamge, avatnge,
ayyaibge cl. —
2. G.D.G. pp. 280 and 282.
3. K.G. pp. 52 and 56.
4. Prof Turner, J.R.A.^. 1927, p. ^27,
 143

O.K. M.K. N.K.

oramte oramte orate
orate (a spring)
aumku aumku auku
avunku
amuku (to press)
avuku
kadarhgu kadariigu kadagu
(desire)
kusumbe kusumbe kasube
kusube (the safflower)
kurumbam kurumbam kuruba
(a shepherd)
kocfanti kodati
(a wooden hammer)
turuihbu turubu
(a bundle or tuft of hair
on the woman’s head)
turiiku tfigu
(to weigh)
todahku todaku
(obstacle)
darhtu datu
(to cross)
duriitu dudu
(to push, to rock)
padamgu hadagu
(a ship)
pasumbarii hasube
(a kind of bird with
greenish plumage)
seramgu seragu
(either end of a silk cloth
used as a garment)
ferp, no examples,
 144
Neuter suffix -ad-.
lw. Lanjigesaram-devarke (578 A.D.)
-ar-ke of devarke is < ar - ke. This -ar- appears in
place of -ad- in the oblique cases1 of all the neuter
demonstrative pronouns in the sg. and the pi. before
a vowel:—
ad-ar-im (from or by this, instr.)
ad-ar-a (of this, gen.)
The later grammarians state1 “ A word with
final -ru, which changes to repha, on taking -ge, the
ending of the fourth (dative case), substitutes k. for
the first letter.” In N.K. this -ar- ke > ak-ke by
assimilation. In Tam. the dative of adu is ad-ar-ku.
The normal ending is -ak-ke ( >ad-ke)
lw : apunarbhavakke, devalokakke, naragakke, rainya-
suralokasukhakke, svarggalayakke.
-ke.
In one instance, Ki/ganadevake, in place of -ak
-ke, we have -ke affixed to an -a stem. This shows
the general tendency of Kan. to shorten long con¬
sonants, unlike Tam. and Mai., when circumstances
favoured it, in the last syllable of a word when
preceded by a long vowel and in the terminational
element.
The following list shows that the long consonant
in the last syllable of a word preceded by a long
vowel in T. and M. was simplified in Kanarese :—
Tam. Kanarese.
attam - play .... ata
utti - food uta
ottam (running) ota
kuttam (gathering) kiita
I. SMD. 110.114.
% KSS. 269 and 2T5r
 145
Tam. Kanarese.
takku (to touch) taku
tittu (to rub) tldu
t§ttu (to search) tedu
nattu (to fix) riatu
nlkkal (to separate) nigu
nottam (sight) .... nota
p4ttu (a song) padu
puttu (to yoke) pudu
vettarn (hunting) beta
mlttal (to strike the springs
of a lute) mltu
mukku (the nose) ruugu
rnut^ai (a bundle) .... mute
mekku (height.) rnegu
vattam <& slope) .... vafa
vattam (a street) vada
s uttu (to crown)
(to wear on the head) sudu.
Probably we have here the beginning of this
shortening of -ak-ke to -ake in the termination.
Later grammarians state that this shortening is
optional (vikalpa), pointing to the period of transi¬
tion.1 In modern speech (as opposed to conserva¬
tive writing), only -ake is used.
-ge :
In one instance, a neuter -a stem has the termi¬
nation of the masc. -ge, viz., anka is a tatsama and
-ge is added to it. The word anka has another form,
anke ; -e stems take -ge. This anka may, therefore,
be a mistake for anke ; or an anka (kj ke may have
been influenced by aDkege.

1. SMD. 115.
C. 0, I. 10
 146

-e stems:—
Masc. and fem. no examples.
Neuter - edepare-ge; kalmane-ge.
Consonantal stems :—
stems in -rmasc. and fem. no examples.
Neuter :—(1) -ge : palarur-ge.
((2) stems in -d.
As stated above, after stems in -d, -ke remains
unvoiced, i.e., -d-ke > -t-ke > -Z-ke. The -ke which
thus involves a change in the last consonant of the
root is subsequently replaced by the later ending
-i-ge (discussed above) which involves no such change,
Z.e., M.K. nad-in-ge, N.K. nad-i-ge. This preserva¬
tion of the unvoiced quality of the second consonant
in the group, stop + stop, is paralleled by the deve¬
lopment of ad-ke (see above). On the other hand, in
the group, original continuant + unvoiced stop, the
stop > voiced, cf. palarur-ge.
In the pi., the ending is added to the pluralising
particle.
masc. -a stems :—malakar-ar-ggc.
This doubling probably presents an actual pro¬
nunciation, the syllable division being -arg-ge.
Hence later grammarians treat this -gge as fleeting
double consonant.1
In the two forms (as already discussed) -iiii- is
inserted before this -ge:
batar-iih-ge, KiZganabatar-im-ge.
In N.K., the -ar-i-ge (< -ar-im-ge) forms have
ousted the ar-gge forms entirely.
Fem. No examples.
Neuter No examples.

1. SMD. 115.
 147

The Genitive Case.

The terminations are -a and -a. We ha.ve reason
to suspect that -a is more ancient than -a (cf. -an
and -ar in the nominative and -an and -an in the
acc.) The author of Kavirajamarga (9th century
A.D. i.e. 877 A.D.), the earliest of the published works
in ancient Kanarese, states that the -a of gen. may be
lengthened optionally, when many nouns in the gen.
are combined, or at the end of a line in verse.1 But
the earliest Kanarese grammar2 says that -a or -a
may be used “ yathestam The Kanarese grammar
of the 13th century A.D. states that some accept -a
in the gen. for expressing sorrow and excitement.3 4
Bhafctakajamka of the 17th century A.D. says that
-a of the gen. may be lengthened optionally/ Kittel
and Caldwell think that -a is simply a euphoni-
cally lengthened -a. ”5. The origin of the -a is at
present unknown. The explanations given by these
grammarians are attempts to get at the origin of -a.
But in these inscriptions, no use of -a for expressing
sorrow or excitement is found. We cannot infer that
the presence of the initial vowel of the next word leads
to the lengthening of this -a, as all the words after
the genitive -a begin with m-, n-, s- and s-. At the
end of a line, or for purposes of metre, the -a is leng¬
thened, some commentators say. But it is not
unreasonable to suppose that in such cases -a is used
and not that -a is lengthened. There is no principle

1. KRM. II, 20.

2. KBB. 67.
3. SMD. 117 and 118.
4. KSS. 255.
5. KG. p. 53, Section 119. CDG. p. 297.
10*
 148

governing the distribution of -a and -a in these

inscriptions. As already stated, the origin of this -a
is unknown.
Forms with -a are more in number in these inscrip¬
tions than those with -a-
-a a
Mariigallsana (578 A.D.) kavili-y-a (675 A.D.
Andugiya,kadora (675 A.D.) Valjirggameyar-a (685
Amaliyar-a ~) A.D.)
Alamvalliyar-a j- 685 A.D. Banavasiya (692 A.D.)
Nlrilliya J EdevoZalnada (692 A.D.)
Vagura ) Saluvugeya (692 A.D.)
Erevadigala >°* ' * S’antapana '692 A.D.)
and the rest are of about and all the rest are of
700 A.D. about 700 A. D.
In one and the same inscription, e.g., Kp. 37 of
675 and Sk- 154 of 685 A.D. we find both -a and -a
forms. Of the -a forms, except 15, all the rest are
found in verse and a long vowel or guru is necessary
in that place for purposes of metre.
A-a :—rnasc. I. with suffix.
(a), with suffix -an—Maiiiga}is-an-a (578 A.D.)
Fern. No examples. #
Neuter (a) with suffix -d-.:—anekaguua-d-a. Aji-
ganad-a,ka/-e-ilnal-tapa-dharmma-d-a,Kilganesvara-d-
a, giritala-d-a, Thittagapana-d-a, daksinabhaga-d-a,
Namilurvvara Sanghad-a, naraka-d-a, mana-d-a,
S’ripuranvayaGandhavarmma-namitaS'rlsamgha-d-a,
S'rlnamilur-samgha-d-a, Saingha-d-a, Saddhamma-
d-a, Sirisamgha-d-a.
(6) with suffix-in-:—
u-stems :—Ka7vapp-in-a, stutyakaZbapp-in-a.
This-iu-is found in ^u stems.
 l4§

As already stated under The Instrumental

Case ” the meaning or origin of this -in- is not at
present known.
-a. II. without any suffix
Mas©. & Fern. No examples.
Neuter : Consonantal stems :—
-r. Inangur-a, Kittur-a, Navilur-a, Vagiir-a, Vegur-a.
These are the names of places.
-1. baf-a.
III. with glide -y-:—
-i stems. Andugi-y-a, Nlrilli-y-a, peri-v-a.
B-a.
I. Without any suffix.
Masc. & Fem. No examples.
Neuter. Adeyerenad-a, EdevoZalnad-a, Tarekad-a,
Kojattur-a Jaunalnavilur-a, Jedugur-a, Jeligur-a
Navilur-a, Nimilur-a, Malanur-a, S’rlkolatbur-a, Sri-
subhanvitanamilur-a.
In one case, of one consonantal stem, pul, the
final consonant is doubled before -a, the gen. form
being “ pulla ” (see “ The Acc. Case ” -pulla).
II. with glide -y-.
Masc. Aneseti-y-a.
Fem. no examples.
Neuter -i stems :—kavili-y-a, kodakaniy-a, paravari-
y-a, perjedi-y-a, Banavasi-y-a, varddhi-y-a.
-e stems :—mode-y-a, Saluvuge-y-a.
III. with suffix.
Masc. -an:—devandev-an-a, S'antapan-a.
Fem. No examples.
Neuter (a) -d :— -a stems.:—• aramanetaua-d-a,
aripith-d-a, upamllyasuralokasaukhya-d-a, kalapaka-
d-a, tana-d-a, tuntaka-d-a, Navilur-samgha-d-a, Sam-
gha-d-a, Sarpp-ad-a, suraloka Saukhya-d-a*
 150

(b) -in-:— KaZbapp-in-a.

As already stated above, the origin of -in- is at
present unknown.
The suffix -in- which is found in the genitive
cases of stems ending in a consonant or -u iff also
found in the dative and the locative in the same
position. In the dative, it is used in -a stems also
after the gender suffix -an-, as in kal-an-i-ge and
batar-irh-go (see “The Dative Case”). The case-
ending’of the instrumental is in (im).(SMD. 108 & 109.)
This -in- is found in Tamil as the genitive case-
termination as in ponnin-kudam (or gold-vessel).
According to Caldwell1, -in was originally the locative
case-sign,-il-here, a house, later generalised as a pos¬
sessive case-sign2. But wc have no evidence to show
that this was in Kan. a locative at first.
As for his statement that -in was originally a
gen. ending in Kanarcse as in Tamil and Mai. but it
ceased to contribute to grammatical expression and
then -a was used as the gen. ending,3 so far we have
not been able to discover any such gen. form in
Kanarese where -in is used as the case-ending.
That the instrumental ending in Kan. is -in an<|
that -in- is used as a suffix before the case¬
ending in the dative, the gen. and the loc. of stems
ending in consonants, -u and sometimes in -a (only
after the masc. or fern, gender suffix in the -a stems),
are all that can be inferred from the facts before us.
Kittel4 gives in (iiii) as an adverb of time,
meaning “ from that time, afterwards ” in his

1. C. D. G. P. 294.
2. Do 292.
3. Do 293.
4. K. G. P. 165.
 151

grammar. But his dictionary does not give this

expression at all. It is probable that this in (im) is
an adverb, but used as a post-position in the instru¬
mental case.
In the pi., the termination is affixed to the
pluralising particle, as in the other cases :
-a masc.
nw. Alamvajli-y-ar-a, Alavalli-yar-a, goli-y-ar-a,
Ve-devalU-y-ar-a.
Fem. Gunarnatiavve-ga]-a.
Neuter, -i stems: Erevadi-gal-a, Dharmmasenagurn-
vadi-gal-a,
-a masc. -a stems :
Nw.. Amali-y-ar-a, Valliggamey-ar-a.
Lw.: kammar-ar-a, dev-ar-a. Polikesiaras-ar-a,
V is’okabhatar-ar-a, s’runadgaudadev-ar-a,
fem. no examples.
Neuter -a. S’rT Samgaiiigal-a.
-i. Ksabhasenaguruvadi-gal-a ,Kalavirgguru-
vadi-gaj-a, tammadigal-a, Pattiniguru-
vadi-gal-a.
Moniguruvadi-gal-a.
-e. vidyullate-gal-a.
There is one form, killuiii (also of killa) in
killum Nagennan. killurn < killa (of kilja)- um (also)
probably.
The Locative Case.
The terminations are
-ul, -ula, -ulle, -ulle, -ol, -alii, -i, -I, >-e and -e
The first form, i.e., -ul, -ula, -ulle, and -ujje are
different forms of -ul. ul-a place, inside.
These -uj, -ul}a, -ulle, -ulle, -ol are not used
independently in these inscriptions or in N' K‘
 m
VuJ-to be> ol-when it is conjugated. See “ojar*'
under verbs).
-alii is an adverb of place and means “ there ”.
It is used independently in O.K., M.K. and N.K. to
mean “ in that place ” when it is used here as a
post-position.
-i and -I, -e and -e are the same in meaning and
the lengthening of -i and -e to -I and -e is due to
metrical necessity.
There is no principle governing the use of any of
these endings, -ula is used only in the prose in¬
scriptions. The rest are used in the verses, -of is
more often used before vowels. It is not possible to
state which is the earliest of these endings. -ul seems
to be earlier and -ol is a later development.
3ul. (E.I. VI. p. 98; I.Ant.X. p. 39, No. 2, 11-68)
Masc. no examples
fem. no examples.
neuter : A. with suffix -d- :-
-a stems: lws. mahadantagr-d-ul. mahaparuta-d-ul,
s’aila-d-uj, Varanas’iva-d-ul.
Nw. vetta-d-uj.
B. with suffix -in-*
-u stems, lw. Ka/vapp-in-uj.
As already stated under the genitive, the origin of
-in- and why it is used in the -u stems are at present
unknown.
C. with glide -y-
-i stems, gati-y-ul, dharaniy-ul (iravan)
I). There is a form Varanasi-ya-j-ul (in
Benares)
This is the only form found. The significance
of -J-is at present unknown.
 153
*ujaThe exact significance of the -a in -uja is notj
known. It is probably the gen. of -uj, prithuvl rajyaj
d-ula standing for “ of the inside of the kingdom of tl
earth.” If it is the -a of the gen. after -u}, it mg
mean “ of the inside of.” The only example
prithuvirajya-d-ula. The word after prithuvlrajy:
ula is kige(ge).(Kp.39).
-ulje.-ulje ul-e. (-1 is doubled).
-e is the particle of emphasis,
ulje-in the inside itself.
All the forms with -ulle are found in
There is no principle governing the
these.
masc. & fem. No examples,
neuter, -a stems. Jaina-su-margga-d-ulle.
nadirastr-d-ulle (II. 84.) parvata-d-ulle
s’risamgha-d-ujle (II. 106'05).
-ulfe. The e is due to the needs of rnetrej
masc. & fem. No examples.
Neuter -u stems, with suffix -in-
lw. udita S’rlkafvapp-in-ull-e (I]
-ol.
masc. & Fem. No examples.
Neuter -a stems (with -d-) tlZtha-d-j
vana-d-o), sanyasanamyoga-d-oL
-i. The origin of this terminal
Perhaps it may have originated
strative base iv-this or this side,
to prove this. It may be -in-, wii
final nasal, (E.I.XIII p, 386 and
sonne is omitted at the end of
sonne at the end of verbs
inscriptions.
masc. & fem. No examples,
neuter, -a stems (-d-)
 164

lws. anekaguna.4Tla-d-i, Kojattursamgha-d-i, tirfc-

, tha-d-i.
nw. nela-d-i.
In the only example in the neuter, lw: punya-
the-I is due to its position at the end of a line in
Be.
-alii.
talli ‘ there' in O.K., M.K., and N.K. It is used
^endontly in colloquial speech and literary
bsitions. This is a post-position suffixed to the
denote the locative,
fem. No examples.
Vittidalli.
.and -e are interchanged in the early kavyas,
[an ele -earth, iko and eko-lo, behold this !
ole that -e, the particle of emphasis was added
ending -i. Since the Madhwas of Mysore
ir reduce all - e to -i in colloquial speech,
mani, ane > ani, ane (anna) > ani, tale
it is possible that the -i and -e forms
ttical variations, e is used in place of i
|0), nilise (21), tamge (32) adegatn (47)
26.
lo examples.
(-d-)
|-d-e, subhamga-d-e.
|ening of -e is due to the needs of
py one example,
la-d-e (dosaiii nirasam)
joted that all the loc. forms in
in the sg. and in the neuter.

iVocative Case.
pnple of a lw. in the feminine.
{a girl’ bale in Kan.
 155

The vocative is formed by the lengthening of

the final vowel or by suffixing -e to the last syllable
or by the use of the simple stem in N.K. Here it
may be the first or the second or both in bale. In
Yiparlta, -a is lengthened. The needs of metre in
the verse where these are used, require a long vowel
in the final syllable-

Analysis of Case endings.

Masc. Fern. Neuter.
sg. _ pi. sg. pi. sg. pi.
nom. (a) stem itself -ar ar (a) stem itself-gal
(nw.lw) ar
(lw. i
stems)
(b) stem- -ar -gal (b) stem aih
gender suffix (lws. dc (aw. am
in the case of nws.) -i stem avu
-a stems i.e., (£■ -e
only: stem)
stem + an
„ -f-arn
» + °b
„ +om

acc. -an -an

-a -an
-am -a
-am
-an

instr. -in -in

-in-in
im
 156

Masc. Fein. Neuter,

dat. -i-ge -ge -age
-akke
-anke
-ake
gen. -a -a -a -a -a
-a -a -a
loc. -ul, -ule,
-ulle -ulle
-ol, -i, -I,
-e, e
voc. .... -e
 157
THE TJSE OF CASES.

The Nominative.
The nominative, as already stated, has no
termination.
I. The simple stem or the stem with the gender
suffix in the case of those ending in -a is used as the
subject of a verb to express the doer of the action,
denoted by the verb or the participle (K. B. B. 74.)
Subject of a verb :
(a) The simple stem: Nastappa gondu kottan
(8-29); Pegurama Suraloka vibhuti eydidar (24).
(b) The stem with suffix.—Candradevacary-
yanaman nontu tan deham ikki S’ivanile padedan
(12-4).
Subject of a participle :
Carita s’rlnama dheya prabhu ajnanas’ ailendra-
man poZdu, Gandhebha maydan metti, saukhyasthan
aydan. (14-1 4). metti & poZdu express the action
of -prabhu; the nom. denotes the doer of the action.
But the nom. in the case of intransitive verbs,
expresses the agent whose circumstances or condition
are indicated by the intrausitive verb-
Verb : Carita s’rinamadbeya prabhu saukhyasthan
aydan. Here -prabhu is the nom. ‘ prabhu became
happy.’
II. The gender suffix of the nom. is affixed only to
adjectives ending in -a; such an adj. is in the nom.
and qualifies the noun, in the nom. e.g. Carita
s’rinamadheyaprabhu.
Saukhyasthan aydan; Supanditan, nltisampan-
nan; andhan.
III. The nominative is also used as an adverb
e.g., mel, vol, when preceded by the simple stem or
 168

the noun in the genitive, e.gsikhimel, balamel,

manjuvol, teravol.
IY. The simple nominative denoting a period of
time is used in an adverbial sense or in the sense of
the locative: e.g., irppattondudivasam, IreZpattarulam,
ondutimgal, murutimgal.

The Accusative.
The accusative expresses an object or person on
which the action of the verb falls.
e.g., katavapram eriye,
svarggagraman eridar,
metti gandhebharnaydan,
S’asanatna gondu kottan
The stem, as already mentioned, takes the
acc. ending after the gender suffix in the case of -a
pteins or after the glide -y- in -i and -e stems and -v
in -u stems. The acc. termination is of a later origin.
The copulative particle -um is added to case-endings
in all the five cases excepting acc. where it comes
between the stem and the suffix. (Here it is to be
remembered that this -uni is not added to the genitive).
The acc. and the nom. seem to have been the same ir^
form at first (SMD. 136). In these inscriptions, the
endings -an, -an and -a are used in almost all forms of
the acc. But this is most artificial. Even in N. K.
colloquial speech, the acc. has no termination, e.g.,
Mane kattida ‘ he built a house, mane bidduhoyitu, ‘ the
house collapsed.’ The nom. is used, in these, but
the meaning is accusative. Further, the use of the
accusative without the case-ending before a verb has
been treated as kriyasamasa or verbal compound by
the later grammarians. There is no necessity for
such composition as the N.K. colloquial speech
 159

amply testifies, e.g., mane cennagi kattida. 4 he built

the house well.’ tindi tuihba timda. 4 he ate too much
of eatables.’ In these cases, the adv. comes in between
the object and the verb. Even here the obj. has do
case termination. Further, the noun is used as the
acc. without any change in the case of inanimate
objects, e.g., havu hodedubaku, “kill the snake ” kallu
takko 4 take the stone also,’ kal kattu- 4 tie the feet ’.
Here we find no -an, -an or -a of the acc. Butin the
case of animate beings, the case-endings are added.
e.g., liamanna kare 4 call Rama.’ Here -an and -a
are used as gender suffix and case-termination
respectively in the N.K. colloq. speech. But in these
inscriptions also the following norm forms are some of
those used in the acc. sense:
S’ivanile padedan, Suraloka vibhuti ej'didar.
samadhi neredon, iZdal manam. Even in ancient
kavyas, this use of Nom. for the acc. was common
e.g., ellarurii matariyar, where matu 4 words, speech’,
is in the acc. though nom. in form.
The dative is used often in place of the acc.:-
svarggagvaman eridar and svaraggalayakke
c?idar (Smd. 136). The acc. is used as the nom. in
Kalantur-an-aiii (21-3) probably the -an-am may be a
repetition of the -an-a suffix as in the inst. inb-in-in
<&° Vi l)h avast hanan.

The Instrumental.
The instrumentalccase is used to denote. :
(1) The instrument or the means or the man¬
ner : inbinin, gunadim, bhaktiyim, yug-
madin, S’lladim;
(This use of the instrumental may be treated as
a kriyavisesana).
 i6a
(2) a special mark or quality : tapadin adhikan.
and (8) association: e.g., aneka s’ilagunamale galin
sagidu oppidon.
The case endings of the inst. are -im, in, -inda
and -inde. But this instrumental case ending has
become a general suffix of the dative, the gen. and
the loc. e.g., batarimge (dat.), Ka(vappina (gen.)
Ka(vappinuJ (loc.)
The stems ending in -u and in consonants take
this suffix. From a study of the medieval inscriptions,
it is seen that the use of the -in- suffix in the dative,
the gen. and the loc. are later and that the addition
of the terminations direct to the stem was earlier,
rupo] and rupinol, balo] and balinol. Further, even in
an example of the instrumental, inb-in-in, -in is used
as the suffix before the instr. ending -in-. This
suggests that the use of -in- as a suffix had already
begun in the 7th century. The dative kalanige
shows that this -in was already in use in -a stems
also. (See Dative case under “ Nouns).”

The Dative.

The dative expresses— *

(1) The person or place to whom or which
something is given:
eradumna/ke, kalanige, KiZgabatarimge, De-
vereyage, malakarargge, Lainjigesarariidevarke.
(2) The place or position towards which one
moves:
naragakke salge, Svarggalayakke eridar.
The dat. is sometimes used in place of the
acc.
e.g., svarggalayakkeridar and svarggagramaneridar,
 161 r

N.B.—THERE IS NO ABLATIVE FORM.

The Genitive.
The genitive is used to express the relation
(sambandha) of objects or persons :
Qf Personsguruvadigala s’isya. moni guruvara
s’isya, tammadigala s’isyam.
Of Places :—Tarekada, Namilura, Malanura, Vagura,
Velmadada, samghada.
of Objects kalapakada, balamel, modeya.
In Pr.K., the nom. was probably used in the gen.
sense. In s’ikhiinel and kaZvappabettammel, the gen.
termination is not used, but the nom. expresses the
meaning of the genitive. This is quite common in
N.K. colloq. speech. With reference to animate
and inanimate beings and objects :—e-g., animate :
Raman pustaka, Karnale pustaka.
inanimate: Nayitalemelinbutti. the bundle of
foodstuffs on the head of the dog. Nayi is the nom.
form,
Nayibala ncttagagolla-“ the tail of a dog never
becomes straight.”
objects: Manemele giibe kutide. “ The owl is
sitting on the top of the house.” Here mane is the
nom. form.
Later grammarians explain this as sasthl tatpuru-
sa compound. But this is explaining a Kanarese form
in the light of the Skt. idiom.
Further, the oblique bases of the 1st pers. and
of the reflexive pronoun are used in these inscriptions
as forms in the genitive case:—
(1) tan deham ikki-sacrificing or abandoning
his own body.
(2) ayu$yam en- the length of my life.
Q, 0.1. 11
 162

(3) nam Mauniyacariyar-our guru, Mauniya-

cariyar by name.
This use of pronominal oblique bases is found in
Tamil also, e.g., en vifiu ‘ my house en kacu ‘ my
money.’
These lead us to conclude the nom. was used as
the acc. (already stated above) and also as the gen.
The rules on Vibhakti pallafia or thesinter-change
of cases in the later grammars state that the gen.
stands for the nom. e.g., nfpanapeZe. (S.M.D. 134).
JiE.A.S. 1918 P. 105. This shows that the nom.
and the gen. were interchangeable.

The Locative.

The loc. is used to denote the relation to a place,

such as a mountain, a kingdom, or a holy place.
KaZvappinul, nadirastradulje, parvatadulle, prthi-
virajyaduja, vettadu}, Varanasivadul, Srlsamghadulle.
The locative is used in the sense of the instru¬
mental e.g.. S’rlsamghada punyadi, where it means
punyadiihda, aneka sila gunadi (58-1). There is
reason to suspect that the loc. ending -i or -I in
punyadi is the instr. ending with the loss of the final
nasal as in O.K. urn > N.K. u.
The interchange of the locative and the instru¬
mental and the use of the nom. as the locative (see
nom. used as an adv.) and the use of so many termi¬
nations and post-positions in the locative clearly show
that the locative is later in origin than the instru¬
mental. In later grammars, even the dative and the
genitive are used in place ot the locative, e.g.
cagigalol (loc) ballaham;
cagigala ballaham;
 163

murudivasakke bamdam
to mean muruaivasado} bandam.
All these show that the loc, is a later
development.

The Vocative.
The vocative is used to invite or direct the
attention of the person addressed to one’s self or to
another person or object.
The examples in these inscriptions are bale kel-
‘ Oh, girl!’ listen.” and Kaliyuga viparlta.
 164

ADJECTIVES.
Adjectives in these inscriptions are words
denoting quality or quantity. They are used to qualify
nouns. They do not change in gender, number or
case according to the gender, number or case of the
nouns they qualify. Loan words from Skt. are
used as adjectives; these take the gender suffix -an
and -ar in the masculine, if they end in -a. Declin¬
able participles, numerals and pronouns are used
as adjs.
Adjs. are used attributively and predicatively.
If the adjective is used attributively, the adj.
precedes the noun it qualifies. In the predicative
use, it comes after the noun it qualifies and agrees in
number and gender with its substantive.
In N. K. the adj. used attributively remains
unchanged, whatever the number, the gender or the
case of the noun it qualifies. But, when used pre¬
dicatively, it agrees with the substantive it qualifies
in gender and number. The same distinction is
preserved in colloquial speech also.

A. Native Kanarese Adjectives.

These are only four in number :-nal, per, vel, ini-

nal-Q;ood:- nal giri, nal tapa.
per- big, great:- per goravam : (with the suffix -cu
per (< pel) is used as a verb: peZcuge ‘may it
increase.’)
per before consonants is used as it is. e.g., perg-
goravam. But before a word or suffix with an initial
vowel, per > per.* The only example is periya-big
(Fleet). But Rice reads it as periya. This
lengthening of the e in per before vowels is found in
 165

Tamil also, e.g., per-al, peraZagu, per-arivu,per-ifavu,

per-inpam. Later Kan. Grammarians have noticed
this point: (KBB. 138, KVV. 50; SMD. 180:
KSS. 335 and 336). The reason for this change is
unknown. Probably, per is the original Pr. Kan.
form and per. the later development (cf. -ar <fcar. norn.
-an and-an acc).
vel ‘ white ’, Velgola, Velmadada. N.K. has bel
and also bilupu.
ini-this .- initu (this much)
inibar (these, so many)
There is another OK. adj. ol, but it is not found
as au adj. but in a noun oftu from ol ‘ good.’
.nalta ‘goodness’ is a noun derived from the adj.
nal, ‘ good’, in Naltada.

B. Loan words from Skt.

Lws. are used as adjs. All these noun3 except
one, used as adjs., end in -a and that all of them
except four, have the masc. gender suffix -an in the
sg. and -ar or -ar in the pi., like the substantives in
the norn. sg. and pi.
(a) with masc. gender suffix -an: adhikan,
andhan, anavadyan, urusatvan, natasamyatatman,
niravadyan, nltisampannan, pancamahapataka sam-
yuktan, mahatavan, mahadevan, munipungavan,
vinayacara-prabhavan, srijinamarggan, sadhugajpu-
jyamanan, siddhisthan, supanditan, saukhyasthan.
In Telugu1. tatsama adjs. are generally nouns-
meaning that they take the gender-suffix. The
examples given in the Telugu grammar end in -a.

1. Telugu Grammar by B. Papayya Sasbry (1927) Page 42.

 166

In N.K. when an adj. is used predicatively, the

adj. comes after the noun and takes the pronominal
termination of the gender and the number of the
noun it qualifies, Here the following adjs. are used
predicatively.
pancaroaha patakasariiyuktan, siddhisthan,
suralokamaha vibhavasthanan, saukhyasthan.
In the other instances, they are presumably used
attributively. The -an and -ar are suffixed to these
loan words, perhaps, on the analogy of the usage in
Skt. where adjs. take the gender and the number of
the noun they qualify.
[There is one form, suraloka mahavibhavas-
thanan, where -an is repeated twice, -an-an, as in the
instrumental case of inbinin; the original -an may
have lost its significance, and then, -an may. have
been added again. This is a solitary example.]
(b) with pi. suffix -ar.
-a stems : ragadvesatamomalavyapagatar, suddhatma-
Samyoddhakar, svabhavasoundaryya karangar.
-i. stem: paramaprabhavarisiyar.
(c) with pi. suffix-dr.
-a stems : aninditar, prathitar.
All these -ar and -ar forms are in the honorific
plural.
(d) Feminine. No examples.
(e) Neuter.
-a stem : sg. with suffix -d-: anekaguna-d-a.

C. Declinable participles used as Adjs.

(a) Past Participles:
ada, enva, kof^a, konda, pefda, podeda, m§4i'
sdia, sanda.
 16?

(b) Future:
iruva, kedisuva.
There are no relative pronouns in Kanarese. To
some of the relative participles, which are adjs. -an,
-on and -om are suffixed when they are used as sub¬
stantives in the masc. sg. and or in the pi.
masc sg. -an:
Nw. nilladan.
masc. sg. -on :
Nws. aZivon, aZidon, ettikoZvon, oppidon, kadon,
keyvon, salvon.
lw.: Pertvanavams’ adon.
masc. sg. -oih:
lw: palisidom.
masc. pi. -or:
Nws. alivor, unvor, kador, koduv6r, koZvor,
nenevor, palcidor.
According to some, -on and om are essentially the
same as -an and -am of the nom. sg.1 (See under
nom.) This -on is only a variant of -an according to
Kittel.2 Caldwell thinks that -an or -on is a contrac¬
tion of avan.1
K. Y. Subbaiya3 explains that the original -an
(3rd sg. termination masc. of verbs) has developed
into -on through the labial final -m and he supports
his statement from the pronunciation of Toda -am as
(O: M.)
According to later grammarians,4 0. K. final -a>
-o and the examples given are avarn > avoih;

1. O.D.G. p. 225.
2. K.G. p. 47 “ avaih appears also as avom‘ avanam appears
also as avonam.”
3. D8. Part II, p. 34.
4. SMD. 157.
 .168

nudidam>nudidom; padidam>padidom. Butavam<

avavarh, which naturally >. avorh (ava>o).
Since these -on forms are found in the inscrip¬
tions of different and distant parts (so far made
available), it is not possible to assume that the -an
and the -on forms are dialectical variations.
The gradual decrease in the number of -on and
the -or forms in the inscriptions and their replace¬
ment by -ar and -avar forms can be seen from the
following list:—
keyvor (I. Ant. X 61) C. 700 A.D.
kettodu do C. 700 7?
aZivon (E.C. VII. Sk. 45) C. 890 77
meccidor ( „ Mandya 41) 949 77
ko/v6n (E.C. Belur 123) 952 7?
ereyom (E.C. Ill TN. 69) C. 980 7 >

puttidom ( do ) 77 77

alidaiii (SK. 126,1-25) 1019 7?

alidavam (SK. 118, 1-77) 1054 77

alidan (SK. 170, 1*26) 1065 77

ajidavan (SK. 124, T50) 1077 77

ajidargge (SC. 178, 1-25) 1092 77

pratipalisidargge (SK. 178 L. 24)' 77 7 7,

ajipamge (SK. 94, 1-38) 1094 77

alidavan (SK. 114, 1-53) 1096 77

pratipalisidavan (SK. 114, 1*51) 1096 71

alidavam (SK. 87, 1*13) 1131 77
alidan (SK. 103, 1-461 1149 77

alidavan (SC. 92, 1*46) 1168 77

paripalisidatam (SK. 92, 1'44) 1168 77
alivariige (SK. 105, 1-65) 1193 7?

pratipalisidarhge (SK. 105, 1'64) 1193 7>

The appearance of these -on and -or forms only

up to the 11th century A.D. and that, too, with -on
 169

and -or suffixed to declinable past or present partici¬

ples only, leads us to assume the following :—
Pr. Kan. O.K. M.K. N.K.
1. * -an -an -an-(u) -an-u
2. * avan avan avan (u) avan-u
3. * -avan -on -an -an-u
-an(-u)
(1) Pr. Kan. *-an was O.K. -an, M.K. -an, N.K.
-an.
This -an is used throughout in all the different
stages of the language : aZidan, ajidan, alidanu.
(2) Similarly -avan is used: O.K. aZipidavan,
M.K. ajihidavanu, N.K. alisidavanu.
(3) But O.K. -avan was used as-bn in the
O.K. period. In M. K. it was replaced by -an, -anu
(No. 1) in M.K. and in N. K. -anu is still in use (by
old people.)
The pronoun avan is again used as gender
suffix.
In colloquial N.K. speech, avan, avanu>-onu.
In the case of pertvanavam6adon<pertvana-
vam 6’ada+avan, it is an analogical forma¬
tion.
Fein. No examples.
Neuter: -udu is suffixed to relative past participles
in the Neuter to make them adjectival substan¬
tives.
ittodu, mikkudan.
In ittodu, -u- > -o-. This change of u to o is
fairly common. The following examples are from the
Dictionaries:—
ul>oi to be
uy>oy to carry
 170
kuy>koy to pluck
kudu>kodu to give
kulime>kolime, the furnace of the black¬
smith.
pudi>pode to cover.
The following illustrations are from the inscrip¬
tions :
unbodu (19) E.C. Ill Sr. 184.
komarasenabhatarar (13) E.C. Ill Sr. 147.
Kovajala-pura (3) E.C. IY Kl. 51.
kuvaZala E.C. VTI SI). 24.
Belugulatirtthada (20) E.C. II, 334.
Bejgola (M.K.) E.C. II 336 and 347.
Kuduvantaradar E.C. I, 39.
The conditions under which these Nws. and Lws.
change the -u- to -o- are unknown. Probably this
is a dialectical variation, depending on the openness
of the u pronunciation.
In Capal-illii, Navilurusarhghada Mahanantama-
tlgantiyar, capal-illa is an adj. or an adj. phrase. To
say that capal-illa is used in place of capalillada for
the needs of metre is not satisfactory. Cf. il-i in
bahuvrihi compds.
nanili, Pallili.
il = not. SMI). 186.
kuli-killer<kul.
In Tamil, ilia is used as an adj. ill&kkudi ‘ the
poor family’ illar, ‘ the poor,’ illamai ‘poverty’,
where -mai is a suffix for forming abstract nouns.
kanamun (before it has not been seen).
maramgal paruvattal anrippaZa, 1 trees do not
produce fruit except in the season ‘ where -a.
‘ not ’ is at the end of paZ-a (T.H. Article 112).
 171
In the same verse wherein capal-illa occurs,
upamilla is used. All these point to the fact that
ilia was used as a negative adj. to mean ‘ not, not
having.’ So capal-illa-, not having temptations, firm-
minded.
In later kavyas we find -il used as an adj.
Phalavadenil ‘ there is no fruit (effect)’.
Kittel says that ‘ il is an unusual abbreviation of
illa-no, is not; il-a defective verb of which only some
forms of the negative mood are found ’
In Kan. the negative sullix is -a of. veleya.de
aga, aga, agadu tappade.1 This -a is suffixed to the
defective vb. il. Hence ilia -no, not, as in T.
In kare-il, we have the same adj. phrase imply¬
ing ‘ stainless.’ Thus we see il and ilia used as adjs.
in these inscriptions.
D. Declinable past or future participles of the verb
“to be ” suffixed to substantives or verbal participles :
(a) Declinable future participle. appa - from
Vagu- to become.
(1) anupamadivya2. -(m)- appadu- Here appa
is suffixed to the’substantive anupamadivya. anupama-
divyamappa is an adj. adu is added to make this an
adj. with two adjectival suffixes; adu, (neuter 3rd
pronoun), when suffixed to a substantive, makes it an
adj.3
(2) Instead of ada, agi (having become)
together with the deck pp. of ir - to be, is used.
bhadramagi i (d) da —- that was strong, well-
established.
This usage is still very common in N.K.
_____

2. Eice has inserted this -m.

3. C.D.G, p. 290.
 (3) iruva - declinable future participle of iru -
to be.
puni-past verbal participle + iruva-puni-iruva -
that have promised.
This usage also is still very common in N.K.
(6) Declinable past participle :—
-ada<agu - to become
This -da is put after a verbal past participle:
neredu (pp. of nere-to become perfect or full) -
ada-nereda-that had become perfect.

E. Numeral Adjectives.
(a) Numerals are placed before substantives
and as adjectives : —
irppatondu divasam, TreZpattarulam, eradum
nalke, orhdu tingal, orndu sanmaraggadin, nurentu
samvatsaram, pattupona, pancamahapatakasam
yuktan, munitingal, murudegulaman, muvetmurade-
vejanam, sasirakavileyum.
(ib) The ordinal, formed from the cardinal by
suffixing -aneya, is used as an adj. in only one exam¬
ple : eZaneya (seventh) from eZu-seven.
-aneya<ane-a<an-to say.?
aneya ‘ when it says.’ Kittel’s1 remark tfiat
the -a of -aneya is the gen. case-termination and also
the termination suffixed to verbal participles to con¬
vert them to relative participles is not very clear.

F. Skt. loan words in the nom. are used as adjec¬

tives e.g.
(1) amalarii naltada s’lladiih. amalam adj.
qualifies Siladim ofter naltada, but the -am of amalam
is retained probably for metrical length.
1. K.G. p. 169 Eemark 2.
 173

(2) In sadhugal pujyamanan, the pluralising

particle -gal is retained in the compd. for metrical
length, though Sadhusatnpiijya - would have been
quite suitable there.
(3) In ‘ suravidyavallabhendrassuravara
munibhistutya ka/bappinamel ’ the noin. pi. termina¬
tion in ‘ vallabhendras’ and the instrumental termi¬
nation in 1 suravara munibhih ’ are retained to qualify
‘ stutykaZbappinamel.’ This is not usual and shows
that the grammatical usages were subordinated to the
needs of metre by those steeped in Skt. learning.

G. Substantives are used as adjs.

' arddha-visadi and muninvratagal - in these,

arddha-, muni- are substantives used as adjs. This is
effected by placing the substantive before the one
which it is to qualify. Caldwell has pointed out
that any substantive denoting quality or relation can
be used as an adj. by being placed before another
substantive - i.e., by mere position alone.1 Such a
usage is even now very common in colloquial Kana-
rese. e.q„ maradirhbu - a wooden pillow.’
In some places, the adjectives are placed not
immediately before the substantive they qualify, but
before another substantive which comes in between
the adj. and the substantive qualified by the adj.
The two -adj. and subst.- are real adjectival phrases:
(1) amita s’rl Samghada punyadi.
(2) capal-illa-Navilura samghada Mahananta-
matlgantiyar.
In (1) amita ” qualifies “ punyadi “-unlimited
pupya, and not unlimited s’risamgha.

1, g.p.G. p, 309,
 174
In (2) capal-illa refers to u Mahanantamatlgan-
tiyar, and not to Navilurasamghada.
The word that intrudes between the adj. and the
substantive is a noun in the genitive case in both the
examples. It is clear that these unusual forms are
due to the needs of metre.

H. Pronominal Adjectives.

(See p. 178-179.)

Predicative use of adjectives.

As already stated, the adj. comes after the noun
when used predicatively and then it agrees with the
substantive in gender and number.
pancamahapatakasamyuktan, Siddhisthan,
suraloka mahavibhavastbanan, saukhyasthan.
This usage is still very common in literary com¬
position and colloquial speech.
Later grammarians say that cases like the follow¬
ing are compounds:—
kare-il naltapa dharmmada, nalgiri.
Here there is no Samasabhava or ekarthlbhava.
There is no necessity to assume these to be com¬
pounds, as these adjs. even when placed apart, give
the same meaning.
 175

PRONOUNS.
Personal, reflexive, demonstrative and interroga¬
tive pronouns are found.
All these are declined in the same way as nouns
and have the same case-terminations in the sg. and
the pi.
The pronouns of the first and the second person
and the reflexive pronouns do not change for gender,
their gender being the same as that of the nouns in
place of which they are used. The oblique bases of
these are' not the same as the nom. in form. The
oblique bases of the first person and the reflexive
pronoun are used as pronouns in the gen. case.
The pronoun of the third person is the same as
for the remote demonstrative pronoun.
The demonstrative pronouns have different forms
in the masc. and the neuter. There is no example
for feminine.
Only the masc. pi. and the neuter nom. sg. of the
interrogative pronoun are found.

A. Personal pronouns.
A. The first person,—
sg. pi.
nom. an
dat. enage namage
gen. emma, namma,
nam.
In the sg. both the examples have -n: an, enage;
in the pi. all the examples have -m-; namage, emma,
nam, namma. The oblique base in the sg. is en-and
in the pi. it is cm.1 The terminations of verbs is -en
in the sg. and -em in the pi.
1. KBB. 94.
 176

The Nom. sg. is &n, with an initial long back

vowel, but the dative has a short palatal vowel.
There is an initial n- in the dative and the gen.
of the pronoun of the 1st person in the plural:
narnage, namma and nam. The origin of this n- is
unknown. K. V. Subbaiya 1 and Caldwell tried to
explain the origin of this n-. They are not satis¬
factory. The explanation of the prothetic n is in¬
troduced by L. Y. R. Iyer.2 But the commentator on
KSS.3 says that a few famous poets of the Nothern 4 *
School of Kanarese accept nan- and nam- as the
oblique base of the 1st person, while the southern
school is in favour of en, only. cf. Tel. nenu- I.
This shows that nan is a dialectical variation of en,
and that en of the Southern School, which has
correspondences in other languages is the earlier of
the two.
The earliest Kan. Grammarian Nagavarma6
States that en, nin, tan, become an, nln and tan in
the nom. The reason for this differentiation is un¬
known at present.
I think that an is the Pr. Kan. base of the first
person and that it is the emphatic form, as the nomi¬
natives of pronouns are rarely used in colloquial
speech except it be for emphasis.
The dative sg. is enage and the pi. is Namage.
The reason for the use of n- in the pi. form, namage,
is not known at present. In NK.,we have nanage in

1. Dravidic studies Part II p. 21; CDG. pp. 364-370.

2. I. Ant. 1929.
3. KSS. p, 263 Commentary on S. 288.
4. KVV. III. 1, KRM. II. 51-55 and 101-108 KC. II,
Introdr. p. 16 and p. 27.
§. K£B 92 ; KVV- 36, SMD- 146, KS$, 287, 288,
 177
the sg. and namage in the pi.; in colloquial speech,
it is namge and namage.
B. The second person.
There are only two forms and those too in the
nom.
sg. pi.
nin mm.
We have no examples of the other cases.
C. The third person.
As already stated, demonstrative pronouns im¬
plying remoteness are used as pronouns of the third
person (see “ Demonstrative pronouns ”).
The examples are :
sg. pi.
masc. nom. avar.
gen. avar-a.
Fem. no examples
sg. pi.
Neuter nom. adu
acc. adan, ada.
dat. adarke, adakke

The reflexive pronoun.

The examples are:—
sg. pi.
nom. tan. tam
dat. tanage tamage
gen. tan.
As in the pronouns of the first person, the nom.
sg. and pi. have the long vowel -a- and the dative
and the gen. have a short -a-. The sg. has -n- and
-n- and the pi. has -m and -m-, like the pronouns of
the 1st and the 2nd persons.
 178

The dative sg. and pi. of the 1st and the 2nd
person and of the reflexive pronoun have -a- before
the case-ending, -ge is the dative ending of the
nouns. This -a- between the base and the ending
may have been -an- originally and later -a- as -in->
-i- in Kalanige (see “The Dative Case”) <kalan-im-
ge. But nanaihge and lanange are not found either
in the inscriptions or kavyas. In N. K. the dative
forms are narhge and tamge in colloquial speech <
nanage and tanage respectively - the literary forms.
The oblique bases of the pronoun of the 1st person
and the. reflexive pronoun are used as pronouns in
the gen. case.
1st. pr. nam mauniyacariyar
Ref. pr. tan dehamikki.

The Demonstrative Pronouns.

Remote and proximate demonstrative pronouns

are found. As already stated, these have two
genders.
(ft) The remote demonstrative 'pronoun :
sg. pi.
masc. nom. avar
gen. avar-a
fern. No. examples.
Neuter nom. adu
acc. adan, ada
dat. adarkke. adakke.
(b) The proximate demonstrative pronoun:
Masc. nom. ivan
honorific sg. ita
SMD. 150 <idu. 'KBB. 97
 179

Fern. no examples.
Neuter, nom. idu no examples
acc. idan, idaiii
dat. idake
loc. idaru I.
peran and peZan ‘ another’ is a demonstrative in
the nom. sg. where -an is the masc. gend. suffix.
The stem is pera <peZa (cf poragu, adv.) This is
not in use in N.K., but is replaced by horaginava-.
(SMD. 152).
ellaman is a pronoun meaning all (together,
(SMD. 151.) This is acc. sg. with the conjunctive
particle -am-. (See the “ Use of Cases ” for the
appearance of the conjunctive particle between the
stem and the case-termination.) This is in use in
N.K. as ella and ella.
initu (inisu) ‘ a little ’, ‘ this much.’ This is
used as a dem. pronoun denoting quantity.

The Interrogative Pronouns.

There are two forms in the pi.
masc. nom. ar-urii
dat. argg-arh
neut nom. en. (SMD 112.)
-uiii and -aril are conjunctions (see Conjunc¬
tions.)
In N.K. we have yaru for O.K. ar.
The neuter nom. sg. is en ‘ what’ (61-9).
There is no relative 'pronoun in old Kanarese.—
The declinable participle is used in a way. aZid-on
narakakke salge, ‘ may he who destroys go to hell.’
But about the 10th Century the use of the interro¬
gative pronoun with the demonstrative pronoun as
Skt. vat, tat is found.
 180

1. “ s’ ri purusa maharajana dattiyanavanor-

banaZidom Banarasiyum sasirbbar Brahmanarum
sasirakavileyuman aZida pancam ahapabakan akkum.
2. idanarorbba kadar avargge piridu punyam
(11-15-17'. E.C. I. 74 (910 A.D.)
In the first sentence, avon ‘ whoever’ and in the
second arorbba ‘ whoever.’ The combination of the
inter, and the demon, to express this type of mean¬
ing is very common in colloquial N.K.
The personal terminations of verbs found in
these inscriptions are :
sg. pi.
I person -en
II person
III masc. - an, -an,-am -ar, -ar
fem- -a}, -al -ar, -ar
Neuter -avu
en- is the oblique base of the first person.
The 3rd neuter pi. is avu. This is the Neuter pi. ter¬
mination of verbs.
Pronominal Adjectives.
The demonstrative i and a are the pronominal
adjs. found.
I and a precede the nouns they qualify and do
not change for number and gender.
i-this (or these) and a-that (or those).
I: Idharaniyul, inittadharmmaman, Iparvata-
dulle, Ipujyasthalarnan, Ibhavavit, Imariyadeyan,
Imuvetmuradevejanam.
a: a Kalamturanam.
Later grammarians1 state that I and a are the
pronouns that are substituted for idu and adu
respectively. The a and i are different words having
1. SMD. 78 and 138.
 l8i

the same meaning and derived from the same prono¬

minal base (from iv- av-). The Pr. Kan. pronominal
base of these are at present unknown, though Tol
kappiyam says that they are av- and iv-.1

Numerals.
Numerals are declined as Neuter Nouns; appe¬
llative nouns of Number in the masc. gender are
formed by suffixing -vv- an in the sg. and -vv- ar in
the pi. to the short forms of Numerals.
Numerals are also used as adjectives by prefixing
the Numeral to the Noun it qualifies. The Numerals,
so prefixed, change the nature of their vowels and
become short in form.
Compound numbers are formed by multiplica¬
tion and addition: Multiplication, when ten or a
hundred is the second member of the compound;
addition when any one of the Numerals from one to
nine is the second member. Hence the numeral
system is decimal.
There is no native word for one thousand, sasira.
is a lw. from Skt.
The following numerals are found:—
nws: oihdu (1) eradu (2), muru (3), aydu (5) eln,
(7) entu (8) pattu (10) irppattu (20) eZpattu (70), nur
(100).
Iws. pafica- (5), dvadas’ada (12), Sasira (1000).
nws. irppatthondu (21), muvettumura (33),
nurentu (108), ireZpattu(140>, eZnur (700).
The origin of the Kan. numerals is unknown at
present.2 They are very nearly the same as those in
Tamil, Malayalam, Telugu and Tulu.
1. Dr.avidic Studios Part I. Page 3. This is a criticism
of Caldwells’ theory (C.D.G,) p. 422.
2, Kittel, 1. Ant. II, p. 24 ; CDG. p. 331-343-
 182
The numerals from one to ten excepting muru,
aru and el have the suffix -tu, -du or -du in the end.
These are but various forms of -tu; this is a very
common neuter noun formative.1 cf. oZtu (see
Adjectives). Even in mam, aru, el, -r- is derived
from Prn. Dr. * f-; and -l- is, in 0. Kan. derived
from -d-.
In their shortened form, ondu is found as or
eradu as ir; muru as mu; aru as ar; el as el.

Compound Numbers.
As already stated, compound numbers arc formed
by multiplication and addition :
1. Multiplication: When ten or hundred is
the Second Member of the compound :
ir pattu (2 X 10) ‘twenty ’
mu vettu (8 X 10) ‘ thirty ’
el nur (7 X 100) ‘ seven hundred ’.
2. Addition: When any one of the numerals
from one to nine is to be added to multiples of ten :
irppattondu - (20+1)
inuvettumuru - (30+3)
niirentu - (100 + 8).
There is no native word for a thousand ; Sasira,
from Skt. Sahasra, is used.
The following show the numerals, referred to
above, used as adjectives :
. nws. irppattondu-divasaiii, IreZpatt-arulam, oiiidu-
timgal, orsiddhiyan, nurentu-sariivatsaram, pattupona,
murutingal, muru-degulaman, muvettumura. deveja-
narii, muvetmura mlselmideyum,
Iws. pancamahapatakan, sasira-kavileyam.

1. CDG. p. 333.
 183
In oindutingal and oriidusanmargadin, ondu, the
Neuter noun, is used as the Numeral adjective, being
prefixed to another noun. In orumuniyirhdal and
orsiddhiyan, oru and or have been used as adjective
forms of oriidu. or has been pointed out above as the
root from which oriidu is derived. In the remaining
cases, the neuter nouns, nurentu, pattu, muru-,
muvettumOru, are used as adjectives by prefixing them
to nouns they arc to qualify. In muvettumura-
muvettu-30. But in tnuvetmura we have only
muvet-denoting 30. The latter is the colloquial
form in N.K.
Caldwell1 is right in thinking that the numeral
adjectives which arc employed in compound numbers
exhibit the numerals “ in their briefest, purest and
most ancient shape.”

Appellative Nouns of Number.

The following appellative nouns of number are
found:
Nivs. eZnurvvararii, orvvan. orvvan,
lw. sasirvvar.
As already stated above, these appellative nouns
of number in the masc. gender are formed by the
affixing of -an in sg. and -ar in the plural, to the adj.
forms of these numerals, with the suffix -vv- in bet¬
ween the numeral adj. and the -an or -ar.
sg. or-vv-an=:one man.
6r-vv-an = one man.
The lack of differentiation between short and
long vowels is sometimes responsible for the appear¬
ance of these two forms. PI: nw. efniir-vv-ar-arii (acc.)

J. CDG. p.322.
 164

=e£nurvvaram- the 700 people.

!w. sasir-vv-ar — sasirvvar (one thousand
people.)

Ordinal Numeral (Adj.)

-ef-seven, has its ordinal form eZaneya.
This -aneya does not change for gender. The
origin of this -aneya is discussed under “ Numeral
Adjectives.”

Derivative Nouns.
In these inscriptions, a few nouns are formed
from verbal roots and nouns, by the addition of
Suffixes. These derivative nouns are declined as all
the other primary nouns (see ‘ formation of nominal
stems ” under ‘ Nouns ’).

A. Nouns from Verbal Roots.

A list of such derivatives is given under “ Verbal
Derivatives ” under ‘ Verbs.’

B. Nouns formed from Other Nouns.

These Nouns are derived from primary nouns to

denote residence in a place, the trade or occupation
to which a person has demoted himself, the sex of the
person, and the possession of something by a person.
The suffixes are added to Nws. and lws. alike:
(a) Nws:
masc. suffix -an: Kalantur-an-am(him of Kalan
tur.)
-an, added to -a stems, (See ‘ Declension of
Nouns ’) -an is suffixed to the name of a place ending
 185

in a consonant to denote a man of the place; cf T.

ur-an. Tel. ura-vadu.
(b) Lws:
masc.
(а) Kan. suffix: 1 adi. used in the sense of
an attendant, dasadi ‘ an attendant of the dasas, a
head of the guild of dasas.’ devadi ‘ an attendant on
the idol in the temple ’ A priest. Cf. T. adi yen ‘ I,
your slave.’
(б) Skt. suffixes:
masc. -ara. This is a contraction of aara<
-kara.
kammara <karmakara.-a blacksmith, T, kam-
marar-^ailors.
kammar-ar-a ‘ of the blacksmiths’. This is a lw-
-iga, -ka in Skt, used in the sense of ‘ born of ’
Kaivatika, the son of Iievati. This seems to
be analogical formation. Gamiga.
■kara, Skt, ‘ maker ’ mala karargge ‘ to the gar¬
land-makers,’ cf T, Yelaikkaran-a worker.
-vanta, Skt. ‘ the possessor ’ -Laksanavantar:
those who possessed or had the knowledge of the
Symptoms or the Signs
T, pakkiyavantan and pakkiyavan from Skt.
bhaghyavan,
bhagyavanta,
Fem.
Skt. suffixes: —
-i naygir < nayaki-y-ar, masc, nayaka-cf. T.
tiruti ‘a woman thief.’
-itti woman, pkt. itthl< Skt. stri; deveditti-yar
4 priestess ’. sis-itti-yar ‘ women disciples,’
cf, T, parpanatti ‘ a brahmin woman,’ and
S’akkalitti ‘ a rival wife,’
 186

Composition.
Declinable stems of lws. are compounded with
one another. These compounds are treated as simple
stems in declension.
Skt. compounds are more numerous in these
inscriptions.
Nws. and lws. are compounded often; except
in titles, such compounds are forbidden by later gram¬
marians, So called Kan. Compounds are not so
long as Skt. ones.
The first member of a compound is either a sub¬
stantive, an adj, or a numeral. The second is a
substantive, or a numeral.
The suffixes and the case-endings of the first
member disappear in composition; but these are
retained in a few instances.
A compound, like a simple word, becomes a
member in another compound. The suffix or case-
ending of the compound, as that of the noun, indi¬
cates its number and gender.
A compound may be a noun, an adj. or an adv.
according to its meaning and the context.

A. Composition of Skt. lws.

aksayakirtti, aksimanakkeramya Sura lokasu-
kkakke, anupainadivya appadu, anekagunada,
anekagunaslladi, aneka s’llagunamale galin,
apunarbhavakke, arddhavisadi, Ajiganada, atmavas’-
akramavu, aradhanayogadin, Indranandi acaryvan,
upamlllasuralokasaukhyada, Urusattvan, urami-
thyatva pramudhasthirataranrpanan, Katavapra
s’ailama, Kadambamandalaman, kanyadana, gaticesta
viraham, giritalada, Gunasagaradvitlya namadheyan,
 187

Candradevacharyyanaman, Carita s’rlnamadheya

prabhu, Citravahanar, Jinamarggan, Jaina
Sanmarggadulle, tapaccale, tiradanama, tirtfchagi-
rimel, turhgdccabhaktivas’adim, daksipabhsigada,
duritabhudvrsaman, devadandadinda, devalokakke,
dvadas’ ada, dharmmagaranigarum, natasamyata-
tman, nadirastradulle, Nandisenapravaramunivaran,
namocintayduse mantraman, nittadharrumaman.
niravadyan, nlfcisampannan, pancamahapatakan,
pancamahapataka samyuktan, paramakalyanabhagi-
gal, paramaprabhavarisiyar, paramartthaih, pasupata-
mari yadeyan, Puspasenacari, piirvvamariyadeya,
prthivIvallabhaMam galisana, prfchivlrajyaduja, prasa-
dantaraman, Bhadravahu saCandraguptamnnmdra
yugmadin, mahagiri, mahajanakke, mahatavan,
mahatavada, rnahadantagradul, mahadevan, Maha-
deviyar, mahaparfitadu], Masenar, mnnipuriigavan,
MeghanandimuniMauniyacariyar,ragadvesatam6mala
vyapagatar, rajadandadinda, rajas’ ravitam, risigiris’
ile mol, Lanjigesaramdevarke, vicitrakanaka prajval-
yadin, vidyullategala, vidrumadharaS antisenamunls’
an, vidhanamukhadin, vinayacaraprabhavan, Yinaya-
devasenanamamahamuni, Vis’ okabhatarara, vrsabha
nandununi, S’uddkatmasam yoddhakar, s’ripuranvaya
Gandhavarmman, s’rlrtipallladhana vibhavamaharas’
igal, S’rivijayadityasatyas’raya, Srlvinayaditya raja
s’raya, S’risamgamgala, saddhammada, sanmarg—
gadim, Sanyasanam yogadim, sanyasanavidhi, sarppa
culamani, Sarvvajnabhattarakar, Sarvvapariharaiii,
Sarvvabadhapariharam, Siddhasatnayan, Supanditan,
s’ubhaingade, suracapambole, suralokamahavibha-
vasthanan, surendrarajyavibhuti, sthifcadehakamalopa
manga s’ubhamum, svabhavasaundaryyakarangar,
Svarggagraman, svarggalayakke, svadhyayasam-
pattinim.
 B. COMPOSITION OF LWS. AND NWS.
These compounds do not differ from those of Skt.
lws. except in having Nws. either as the first or the
second Member.
Aneseti, Ugrasenaguruvadigal, udita s’ rlkaZbap-
pinuHe, Rsabhasenaguruvadigal, Kal&virgguruvadiga},
KiZgandevake, KiZganes’ varada, KiZgabataririige,
gandhebhamaydan, guruvadigal, Devereva, Deva-
khantiyar, Dharmma Senaguruvadigal, Namilurv-
varasaiiighada, Namiliirsamghada, Nagasenaguruvadi-
gal, Nrpamariar, Pattiniguruvadiga!, perggoravam,
Baladevaguruvadigal, mrtyuvaravan, Mallagavasa-
guruvar, Moniguruvadigaja, vipulas’ rikatavapranal-
giriya, Vettedeguruvadigal manakkar, Vrata s’ilanon-
pigunadim, s’ubhanvita B’rlnamilura, Simganandi-
guruvadigal.
It is true that, in the list of words given, there
are real compound words: Aneseti, Dharmasena-
guruvadiga} and words of this type, nrpamariyar;
(even guruvadi is not a compound.)
But KiZganadevake, KiZganes’ varada, KiZgabat-
ariiiige, Namilurvvarasamghada, Namilur saiiighadi.,
are not compounds at all. As stated under the nom.
and the gen. in the section on the use of Cases, the
nom. can be used and is used to denote the gen. In
the examples cited above, KiZgana, KiZga, Namilur are
names of places. To place such proper names before
another substantive, without treating the two as
constituting a compound is quite the normal usage in
the ancient kavyas and in N. K. colloquial speech.
Of course the meaning, e.g., in Ki/gabatarimge is ‘to
the batar of kiZga’, as Bengaluru huduga ‘the Banga¬
lore boy’ is used in colloquial speech in Kanarese.
Here Bengaluru huduga is not a compound, but only
 189
a substantive used as an adj. Hence this type of
word groups cannot be considered as compounds.
Nor can we treat ‘ perggoravam ’ as a compound
as later grammarians do. As pointed out under
Adjectives, per is an adj. meaning £ big, great ’ ‘ The
great teacher ’ in English is not a compound, nor is
per-ggoravam. kalmane, ‘a stone house ’ is not a com¬
pound. It is only kal (substantive) and mane (a
substantive) kalmane—a stone house, cf. kalgana.
The peculiarity of some compounds as the follow¬
ing is that a native Kan. word is incorporated in the
compound :—Dev-ereya, guruv-adigal. s’rikatavapra-
wuZgiriya, vrata s’lla-tttfn^gunadim.
The following word groups are nouns in apposition
with nouns or the preceding ones are adjs. It is
wrong to call them compounds :—
Adeyarenadu ‘ Adeyare kingdom.’
AZuarasar ‘ AZu kings.’
EdevoZal nadu ‘ EdevoZal Kingdom’
Polikesi arasar ‘ King Polkesi ’.
Later grammarians have given the name of com¬
pounds to such word groups.

Numerals in Compounds.
Groups with numerals, either as the first or the
second member of a word group, are called compounds.
1. Numeral as first Member: irppattondu
divasam, IreZpattu arulam, ondutimgal, nurentu
samvatsaram, pattu pona, murutimgal.
As already discussed under Numerals, the first
member or the numeral is only an adj. which does
not change for gender, number or case of the
noun it qualifies attributively as in these examples.
2. Numerals as second Member: gandhebha-
maydan, aydu may be treated as a Numeral used
 190

predicatively and the acc. ending is suffixed to aydu.

This usage is common in N. K. mane muranna kat-
tisida, ‘ he built three houses’. Here mane is the object,
but miiru ‘ three’ has the acc. ending, though mane
is an inanimate object and as such no case-ending is
necessary. As muru is used predicatively, this -anna
is suffixed to the numeral. There is no change in the
meaning whether aydu comes before or after gandhe-
bharn. Though later grammarians call this so, this
is not a compound.
3. Composition of numerals with, numerals :—
To express a Number meaning more than ten, as
stated under “ Numerals,” numbers, one to ten, are
added to multiples of ten ; to denote multiples of ten,
numbers two to nine, are prefixed to ten ; the nume¬
rals that precede ten in the latter are not the same in
form as the ordinary numerals except in 4 and 5 in
the following examples .—
A. B. C. D.
1. ir pattu 2x10 "20" two tens
2. Ir pattu ondu 2x10 + 1 "21" two tens one
3. Ir el pattu ... 2 x 7 x 10 "140" two seven tens
4. el nur 7x 100 "700" 7 hundreds
5. nur entu 100 + 8 "108"One hundred and 8
6. muru pattu.... 3x10 "30" three tens
7. muvettu muru. . 30+3 "33" three tens three
Even these are not compounds, in spite of the
later grammarians calling these gamakasamasas1 (Im¬
pulse compounds according to Kittel). The meanings
of these are given in the margin against them. There
also, two, three, seven are numerals used as adjec¬
tives and in the case of 21, 108 and 33 the
1. S MD. 168, KSS. 294. There is no Gamaka Samasa in
KVV and KBB. Compounds in Kannada Grammars increase in
number gradually, e.g. SMD 174, 193.
 191

conventional meaning as in 11, 12, 13 are given by

usage. These are no compounds.

Nouns ‘ compounded ’ with Verbs or Participles.

Examples:— sg. pi.
(a) Verbs: s.’ivanile padedan kalariikeydar
nelekondan prasadamkeydar
samadhi neredon odagaundar
samadbikudidom
(b) Participles:
Transitive: arcikeyye, as’anadivittu, aradhane
nontu, edevidiyal, pribhivirajyaih keye, pavu mutti-
don, pujedandu, besageyvalli, muninvrataga} nontu.
mudimegeye, rajyapravarttanarh keye, sanyasanarh
geydu.
Intransitive.—bhadramagi, rnukhamage, raja
S’ravitamage.
*In all these examples, the verb or participle
has the substantive, either in the acc. or the nom.
before it. If it is in the nom. naturally that is the
subject of the verb or the participle following it.If
it is in the acc. the substantive is the object of the
verb or the participle. As shown under the ‘ use of
cases ’, the nom. is used as the acc. (without the acc.
termination) in a sentence, in 0. K. as well as in N. K.
(literary and colloquial). To call these kriyasamasas
or verbal compounds is wrong. These are used to¬
gether so long that they have acquired some fixity in
the language. In reply to the objection that k-, c-,
t-, p- of the verb is voiced in these word groups and
hence these must be compounds, it may be said that,
in Kanarese and other Dravidian languages, inter¬
vocalic surds become sonants.
In the word groups given above, there is an anu-
svara before the verb or the participle, e.g. in kalarh
 192

kevdar, prasadam keydar ; this -m is the usual anu-

svara found in Skt. Iws. in the nominative. See “ The
Nominative Case ” under “ Nouns.”
In the following examples of Skt. compds. the
terminations of the lw. are retained for the needs of
metre:—
1. suravidya vallabhSndras suravara munibhi
stutya kaZbappinamel;
2. sadhugal pujyamanan ;
3. tapam Samyamaman.
But a Skt. compouad is split up and the dative
termination is retained for the needs of metre:
aksimanaMe rarnya suraloka sukakke.
Such instances are very rare.
cf. skt. Dhanariijaya, adj. “ winning booty.” used
as a proper name;
Yacaspati M. lord of speech ; a proper name.
Yudhisthira M, firm in battle; a proper name.
 193

VERBS.
Transitive, intransitive and causative verbs are
found. There are three tenses—past, present and
future ; three persons and two numbers. In the first
and the second persons, there is no distinction of
gender. In the third person, the three genders are
distinguished. There are five moods—the indicative,
the imperative, the optative, the infinitive and the
negative. There are two voices—active and passive.

Causative Verbs.
There are two types of causative verbs :
Z. Those formed by the addition of the suffix—ppu—to
the verbal root:—
1. mudi-pp-i-dar—caused to come to an end.
from mudi—to end, to come to an end
(intransitive). This is the only example,
cf. T. Causative, varu-vi-pp-en—will cause
to come; padipp-i-ppen ;
Te. Vidipincu—to cause to be released.
II. Those formed by suffixing-isu to rts, be they
transitive or intransitive :
This -isu is suffixed to Skt. verbal roots and noune
to convert them into causative verbal roots in Kan.
(a) -isu added to irans. rts.
bidisidar from bidisu from bidu ‘ to release,’
madisida ‘ caused to be made ’ from madisu from
madu ‘ to do ’.
These roots end in -u and -isu is added to the
final consonant of the rt.
(b) -isu added to intrans. rt.
nirisidom ‘ caused to stand ’ from nirisu from
nil ‘ to stand ’.
 194

(c) -isu suffixed to 8Jet. rts.:

sadhisidom from sadhisu from sadh + isu ‘ to
accomplish palisidom ‘ be caused to be protected ’
from palisu from pal- ‘ to protect’.
Later grammarians state that Skt. rts. are adop¬
ted into Kan. by suffixing -isu to the Skt. verbal rts.
But these roots with -isu were originally causatives
and later on acquired the meaning they now have.
Otherwise, there was no necessity for the use of -isu
in these roots, taken from Skt.
(d) -isu suffixed to SJd. Noun.
lekkisu ‘ to reckon ’ from lekha. ‘ to write ’.
Even in this case, isu had a causative signi¬
ficance in the beginning1 and later on became a
simple root. If these were not causatives, the reason
for forbidding the formation of causatives from these
-isu roots is inexplicable.

Tenses.

Verbs in these inscriptions, with very few excep¬

tions, can be analysed into three distinct parts :—
1. the verbal root; 2. the tense suffix; and
3. the pronominal termination.
The tense-infix shows the tense of the verb, while
the pronominal termination points out whether the
verb is in the 1st, 2nd, or 3rd person.
There are three tense-suffixes, -da-, for the past,
-utta- (-uta-) for the present, and -m-, -v-, and -pp-
for the future. The rt. + the tense suffix=the adver¬
bial participle. The pronominal terminations which
indicate the number and the gender of the subject of
the verb are added to the rt. with the tense-suffix or
the adv. participle to get a fully conjugated verb.

1. KG. p. 90. Sect. 150.

 195

Participles.
These are formed by the addition of the tense-
suffix to the roots. There are two kinds of participles—
the adverbial and the declinable. There are past,
present and future adv. participles; and declinable
participles in the past and the future in these inscrip¬
tions.

The past Adverbial Participle.

The past adverbial and declinable participles are
formed in the same way, except in the case of rts.
ending in -u when the declinable participles of these
roots in -u are formed by the addition of -da to the
adverbial praticiple. e.g. erida, eydi-da.
There are two kinds of suffixes added to the
roots to convert them into adv. participle: -i and -du
(-tu]).
I. -i used to form ado. participles.
(a) -i is suffixed to rts. of two syllables ending
in -u when the penultimate vowel is long by nature
or position :—•
agi, ikki, erti, eri, eydi, kudi, tori, pogi,
madi, metti.
(b) 4 suffixed to causative roots :
mudippi, salisi, sadhisi.
The origin of -i is at present unknown. But
Caldwell’s1 suggestion that -i is derived from i — to
give, (T. I—to give; Te. iccu, K. Isu from I Tisu),
seems to be reasonable in the light of modern collo¬
quial usages in Tel. and Kan. (Te. ponl—let it go ; K:
pogalisa—he won’t let me go). But Kittel’s euphonic
explanation is not satisfactory.2

1. C.D.G. p. 462.
2. KG. p. 104, Sect. 168.
 196

II. -du (tv) to form adv. participles.

(a) In principle -du is the suffix added to roots
ending in -a, -i and -e and also rts. ending in con¬
sonants -n, -y, -1, -l, preceded by a short vowel:
-a ka-du.
-i ari-du.
-e kore-du tore-du, nade-du, nere-du.
-n en-du.
-y key-du.
-1 agal-du,
-l adaZ-du. iZ-du, poZ-du.
In these adv. participles, the rts. have not under¬
gone any change.
(b) -du suffixed to roots ending in -1.
Kondu from kol-f du.<kol ‘ to kill ’
Sandu from sal + du<sal (to go. to become
manifest.’)
Later grammarians1 state that -1 of kol and
sal> -n in front of a consonantal suffix and the
examples given under this sutra are kondam and
sandam. If this statement in KBB. were true, salge
which appears in these inscriptions should have been
San-ge, but it is not san-ge, but sal-ge. But SMD.
237 simply states that kol and sal>kon and san be¬
fore -da-. KSS. 491 paraphrases SMD. 237. The
statement by some scholars that -1 of kol and asl
were nasalised in O.K. as y, v, 1 can also be nasals
and in front of a consonantal suffix, the nasal of the
varga to which the consonantal suffix belongs becomes
more audible, i.e. 1 > -n-, does not carry us far.
- -

To say that 1 and n are interchanged in Kan. e.g.,

linga and ninga, limbe and nimbe, do not help us
much.
1. KBB. 232 ; SMD. 237 : KSS. 491 ; KG. P. 97.
2. KBB. 9.
 19?

As we shall see later, Kol + du>kondu, ul + du>

untu ; there also the nasal is found:—
The adv. participles in T. may be compared with
O.K. adv. participles to see whether the origin of -n-
of kondu and sandu may be discovered.
Tarn. Kan.
(1) Inri Idu
enru endu
konru kondu
kondu kondu
canru sandu
tirandu teradu
ponru poltu
venru bendu
vandu bandu
(2) irundu iddu
From these it is found that
T. -nr K. -nd-
T. -nr- K. -d- (1 and 2).
is seen that T. -nr and K. -nd are from
Drn. *-n£-. (See the history of r. supra).
The Pr. Kan :* -n£u- has become -ntu- in some,
-ndu- in some and -du in some adv. participles.
kondu< kol + ndu—kolndu.
sandu <sal-)-ndu—salndu.
-1 may have been assimilated to -n and* kon-
ndu, and *sanndu, have their long -n- shortened into
-n-. But in places where it is found as -du, the precon-
sonantal nasal -n- has disappeared as is usual in
Kanarese. (See “ Dative Case ” under 1 Nouns ’ and
“ Consonant groups.”). But nil has both nindu and
nintu.—
(c) -du suffixed to rt. ending in -1.
kol 4* du > kol+ndu > kolndu > konpdu > kopdu.
-ndu>^du before -1, a cerebral in okl.
 198

The interchange between 1—and n in Kanarese

is common :
(a) l>n when there is another nasal.
anma, alma ‘ a ruler ’
gondala, gondana ‘a crowd’
rnalal, manal ‘ sand
(b) l>n in places where there is no other nasal.
alii, anil ‘ a squirrel
a], an, ‘ a male ’
ali, ani ‘ roundness ’
ittaja, iltana ‘ a crowd ’
kuli, kuni ‘ a pit ’
kejadi, genati ‘ a woman friend ’
kejeya, geneya ‘ a man friend ’
kola, kona ‘ a tank ’
kolagu, konagu ‘ a hoof ’
gala, gana ‘ a hook, a fish hook ’
go}, gon ‘ the nape of the neck ’
catali, catani ‘a sudra who worships Visnu,
sejadu, senadu ‘ to envy
In N. K. colloquial speech, villagers use konni,
konni for kolli (take. 2nd pi. imperative)
Hence kol+ndu>kolndu>kondu.
(c) -du suffixed to rts. ending in -r.
tar + ndu > tandu
bar+ndu>bandu.
According to Kan. grammarians,1 the roots are
tar and bar. In Kan. as in T. and Te. the rt. re¬
mains unchanged in 2nd. sg. imper. But in the case
of tar and bar, the 2nd sg. imper. is ta and ba in
Kan. and T. and ta and ra in Te. In some Kanarese
kavyas of the 10th century, tarai and barai are also

1. SMD. 237 ; KSS. 492.

 199

found. Caldwell and Gunderb1 have concluded that

tar and ta, bar and ba are the alternative roots
cited in illustration; the principle of alternative
roots is not found in the dhatupathas given in any
of the Dravidian grammars, tar and bar may have
come from tar and bar, (ta and ba) in the ‘2ndsg. imper
Caldwell1 thinks that vanden (past I sg.) is from va
and varugiren from var. Even for this there does
not seem to be any other satisfactory illustration
in Kanarese or Tamil.
In all Kan. grammars, the roots are given as bar
and bar.2 The adv. pp. is tandu and bandu. They
state that -r->-n before -da, the tense suffix.
III. rtu added to rts. ending -l and -n. preceded
by a long vowel.
kll-tu, non-tu, (cf. non-du from no ‘ to suffer
pain ’)
Here the roots do not undergo any change.
IV. -tu added to roots ending in -du to convert them
into adv. p. participles : .
kottar and vittar from kodu ‘ to give ’ and vidu
‘ to leave ’, respectively.
kodu seems to be from kudu—to give. In the
later inscriptions we get both kuduva and koduva.
vidu is M.K. bidu and N.K. bidu.
Later grammarians3 state that these rts. with
the penultimate short vowel change their final soft
consonant before -da- and -dapa- into the correspond¬
ing hard ones. T. has kututtan in the past. In Tel.
1. CDG. p. 217.^
2. KBB. 227. “ Wheo personal terminations are added
without suffixes (in the negative mood) the rt. vowel is leng¬
thened SMD. 237 and 238.
3. SMD. p. 311, Nos. 277 and 278 ; sutra 239. KBB. 228.
237 and 238 ; KSS. 487 and 489.
 200

this root is not found. The Pr. Kan. rt. may have
been* kut; with -u, -t- was voiced, kut or * kot +
ntu>kotntu>kot+tu by assimilation. Similarly in
vittu from vidu. Cf. SMD 181. * Kadidu>Katt,
Nididu >Nitt, K iru > Kitt, in compounds before vowel s.
The penultimate vowels in kodu and vidu are
short and the syllable is a closed one. All rts. of
this type form their past participles similarly. The
following examples are taken from Dictionaries and
Grammars:—
idu + du .... ittu (having placed)
udu + du .... uttu (having put on)
kodu + du .... kottu (having given)
riedu+du .... nettu (having planted)
padu+du .... pattu (having experienced)
vidu-j-du .... vittu (having given)
suduf-du .... suttu (having burnt)
The forms in Tamil are exactly the same as
those in Kanarese, except in the last where T. has c-
in place of K. s-.
But under the same conditions, roots with -du,
but with a penultimate long vowel form their pps. by
suffixing -i:
(Examples from Dictionaries and Grammars)
rt. .... K.pp. T.pp. Tel.pp.
odu .... odi oti odi
kudu .... kudi kuti kudi
tldu .... tldi tlti tldu.
nodu .... nodi
madu .... madi
V. -du added to roots ending in -gu with a penulti¬
mate short vowel (closed syll.)
Examples: pokku and mikku from pogu and migu,
respectively.
 201

Pogu seems to be from the Pr.K.* pugu like kudu (for

kodu).
Later grammarians1 state that, before -da-, the
rt. changes the last soft consonant into the corres¬
ponding hard one and the resulting form is pokka. T.
pukunden (past. I.m. sg; pukken). M. Pukku.
The Pr. Kan. rt. *puk- with -ntu- may have be¬
come pukku. puk-tu- should become puttu. but if k.
is fully exploded and -t- is assimilated to k., we get
pukka. The reason or the process of this change is at
present unknown.
But if the penultimate vowel is long and open,
the adv. pp. is formed by suffixing -i, e.g., agi, pogi.
The origin of the past tense suffix -da- was,
according to Caldwell2 ‘ probably a neuter singular
formative, converting the verbal root into a verbal
noun’. Kittel states that -du and -tu are pronominal
suffixes added to verbal roots to convert them into
verbal participles, which are really verbal nouns.3
He interprets the adv. past participle ifidu ‘a descen-
ding-it’, from iZi ‘ to descend’. Kittel may be
right, but definite evidence from other Dravidian
languages has to be collected before accepting this as
final, now that Pr. Dr. *-nZu- is most probably the
original from which -du- is derived.

The present adv. participle.

The present adv. participle is formed by suffixing
-uttu, (-utu) to the rts :

§4utuU | from al ‘to rule’

ikkuta from ikku ‘to abandon, to kill.’

1. SMD. 239. 251. S. Nos. 85 and 88; KSS. 485.

2. CDG. p. 512.
3- KG. p. 105. Sect. 169.
 202
In T. this suffix is not found, but Tel. has this
in the following present forms :—
avttfotnnanu, unfotnnanu, kowfwnnanu, cadu-
vwfwnnanu, tadwsfunnanu, paclttf^nnanu, pefwnnanu,
pamp«i«nanu, vmfwnnanu. -utu is also found as ntu,
-stu- in these forms.
Kittel1 considers -uttu- and -utu-, the tense
suffix of the present, comes from -udu-. It is possible
that this -utu- may be from *-untu- as *-ntu- is of
the past tense suffix, as T. has -nra- in the present.
The future adv. participle.
No examples.
The Declinable Participles.
These declinable participles are formed generally
by suffixing to the root -da- to form the past, and
-ppa- and -va- to form the future participles. The
present declinable participle is not found. But in the
case of rts. ending in -u, the declinable past partici¬
ple is formed by suffixing -da- to the adv. pp. of the
rt. e.g., eri-da.
The declinable pps. end in -a while the adv. pps.
end in -i or -du (-tu). The formation of the declin¬
able pp. is the same as that of the adv. pp. except m
the case of rts. with -u.
Some European scholars have given the name of
“ relative participles ” to this class, as, according to
them, these include the relative pronouns within them¬
selves, as there are no relative pronouns in Kan.2
Declinable Past Participles.
The following examples are found :—
(1) Roots with -i or -e: afi-da, ida, nere-da,
pel-da, pode-da.
1. KG- p. 109, Sect. 173.
2. GDG. p. 520.
 203

(2) Roots with -u; e?'i-da, eydi-da.

(3) Roots with -1: kon-da<kol-da.
(4) Roots with-n: nonta.
(5) Roots with -du : kotta.
(6) Roots I and sa : itta ; satta.
Later grammarians1 explain that I before -da>i
and da>ta. They give no reason for the doubling
of -t-.
In T. the past, is Inden (I gave);
fut. is Tven (I give); K. Iverii
past, s’atten (I died); s’aven (I will die);
In Tel. past, iccinadu (he gave)
caccinadu (he died)
Pr. Kan (Dr.) rt. *ID. gives itta in Kanarese and
iccina in Tel.
(7) Root with -gu: ada.
The past tense of agu is aydan, found in these
inscriptions. This aydan (3rd, m. sg. past.) presup¬
poses ayda, the pp. + an. But ayda is not found in
these or other inscriptions or any of the kavyas so far
published. But Kittel2 says that the old rustics use
‘ aydane ’ even now. This is not found in Mysore—
rural or urban. It may be a dialectical variation of
Mangalore area. But ada is found in later inscrip¬
tions, and all the kavyas, and is very common in N.K.
adarii (3. sg. m. past.) is found. In N.K. 3. n. sg.
past is ayitu and colloq. aytu (Cayittu, according to
later grammarians. T. ana, K. ada, Tel. ayina,
correspond in meaning).
There is another verb pogu ‘ to go ’. past, podam
(3rd. sg. m. past.), pp. poda. T. ponan (3sg. m. past)
pp. pona. Te. poyinadu (3 sg. m. past.); pp. poyina.

1. KBB. 236, KSS. 477, KG. p. 97, SMD. 240.

2. KBB. 231, SMD. 242, KSS. 500.
 204

The 2nd sg. imper. of all Kan. (Dm.) rts. is the

root itself. K. po, T. po, Te. po. About the 14th
cent, we get hogu (2. imp. 3. sg.) in Kan. In compd.
tenses, potandam. But in the case of agu, we have
not got any examples of agu used as 2nd imp. m.
sg. Later grammarians1 of the 11th century state
that -da> -ya after a and po. In T. a is used by
itself as a verb. Kural 1312. In Naladiyar past
tense 3. f. sg. ayinaj 376 (she became) . ayina (things
that became) 23; ayavar (349) are found.
The conditional ayin ‘if it be ’ (115, 229, 357,
362), the negative conditional illayin (126), yam ayin
(for our part) 293, ayinuih (5, 38, 98, 115, 139, 147,
176, 186, etc.j are also found.
A Pr. Drn. rt. which can become ay (T) or ay
(Te) or a (Kan) may be assumed to be *ay. The
disappearance of -y can be illustrated from rt. kay—
to get heated. kay + pu = kaypu—heating. N.K.
kavu<kapu. In Tel. also, kaycu>kacu (rt. V.N.
kavu ; T. kay—to be heated, V.N. kayppu - dislike,
displeasure; kayvu — drying, dryness, heating. T. kavu-
sacrifice, an oblation to the inferior deities; a magic
ointmeut used in making a black spot on the
forehead.)
Hence. Pr. Dr. Aay becomes K. aydan, *ayda, and
ada. -gu is a suffix added later and the fut. aguvar
is later (EC. IV. 41, 1569) than ayppar>appar>
appar>appar; K. akkum <+ay-kkum through *akkum,
where -kkum is the future suffix. Cf. akkie in these
inscriptions. Similarly the root pogu is more recent
and the original Pr. Drn. rt. is *poy. as we find pbppar
for fut. 3. m. pi. in inscriptions.

1. KG. p. 111.
 205

SMD 232 says that the fut. tense suffix is -pa-

before -g and -g must be elided. Examples given are
popam from pogu
tapam from tagu
tupam from tugu, etc.
This clearly shows that -gu is not a radical part
of the root as a or po, but only a suffix.

Declinable Participles.

Present: No examples.
Future: The fut. deel. participle is formed by
suffixing -ppa- or -v- to the roots.
Boots ending in -i and -u take -va : -va<-pa-<
-ppa.—
ali-va, iru-va, mugi-va. But rts. ending in a
consonant take -ppa; appa. from *ay—to become
(see ada above).
There is reason to believe that the future tense
suffix was -ppa- at first and later it became -pa- and
-va-. Later grammarians (SMD. 232, KSS. 503, 504),
point out that the future tense suffix -va- becomes
-pa- when preceded by -r, -r, -l, -n, -g, -s, and -o
and this -pa- optionally becomes -ppa- under these
circumstances, then -g and -s must be elided.
Examples : r : kurparii, parpam.
r: ki/pam.
I (d): no/pam, be^pam.
n: nompam.
g: popam, tapam, mirupam.
s: taripam, baripam.
o: opam.
doubling : tolappam, belappam.
cf. T. kappen from ka 1 to preserve
iruppen from iru ‘ to be kalappen from
kala ‘ to mingle ’; kaZippen from kaZi ‘ to remove ’
 206

See T.H. Articles 64 and 66. But later grammarians1

state that ‘ agu, when followed by an affix beginning
with p. optionally becomes ap;” ‘agu when followed
by an affix with p-, optionally becomes a-;’ ‘agu,
when followed by an affix with k-, optionally becomes
ak-’. These are attempts to explain an existing form
without knowing the origin of it.
Caldwell2 thinks that -a of the declinable pps. is
the original -a, sign of the possessive; Kittel
considers the deck pp. the Gen. Sg. of the adv. pp.3
But the explanations given by these do not seem to
be satisfactory. The exact significance of -a is un¬
known at present.
As stated under adjs., these pps. are always used
as adjectives. They do not change for gender or
number. The Dpp. is used in the future tense, as
past tense form is used in 3-8.
When pronouns of the third person or their
contractions-on,-om (sg.) and-or (pi.) are suffixed to
these, these become adjl. substantives, and their
meaning includes the signification of the relative
pronoun (See “ Adjectival Substantives ” above.)

Examples: sg. pi.

Masc nom. aZiv-on aZivor.
keyvon unnur
muttidon upivor
salvon kador
pafcldor

1. K8S. 496—499.
2. CDG, p. 623.
3. KG. P. 112 Sect. 178.
 207

Examples: sg.
Neuter nom. ittodu
acc. itludan
mikkudan
loc. vitti lalli.
There are three instances where the adv. partici¬
ple of one rt. and the decl. participle of another rt.
are used together to bring out the adjectival meaning.
The decl. p. comes second.
1. puni-iruva. Where pfmi (past. adv. p. of
pun -to agree, to undertake).
iruva (fut. decl- p. of iru-to be) -
that have undertaken.
2’. bhadramagida.
agi (past. adv. p. of agu -to become)
ida (past decl. pi of iru -to be)
‘ that had become ’
3. neredu-hada
neredu (past. adv. p. of nere -to become full-fada
(decl. pp. of agu -to become)
‘ that had been completed.’

The Negative Participle.

The negative advl. and declinable participles are
also found. The meaning is negative in such partici¬
ples.

1. Negative adv. Participles.

The suffix -ade and -ade, are added to roots to
convert them into neg. adv. participles.
The form of neg. adv. participle is the same for
the past, the present and the future, the tense of the

1. K. G. p. 106.
 208
neg. participle being determined by the tense of the
finite verb in the sentence. Like -an in the gen.
the -ade suffix is more ancient than -ade. In O. T.
and N. T. -ade forms are in use, but in M. K. and
N. K. only -ade forms are found.
The examples are :—
-ade. allade, tappade,1 veleyade (cf. N. T., O. T.
allamal, allade, tappade, veleyade), cf. T. H. illada,
paZa, art. 112.
-ade. tankade, lekkisad-um.
Kittel’s statement that the neg. participle is
formed by suffixing -ade to the short form of the
infinitive, is wrong. In the formation of adv. parti¬
ciples, there is a principle consistently followed: the
tense-suffix and the participial suffix are clearly
related and are almost the same.
tense suffix. parti, suffix,
past. -da- -du-
fut, -va- -va¬
in the neg. adv. participles also, the same princi¬
ple is followed: the negative suffix -a- (later -a-) is
added to the root and then -de, the participial suffix
is affixed. The result is the same in either case : ira
ade. (Kittel) and ir-a-de.

III. Neg. declinable participle.

The neg. declinable participle is formed by suffix¬
ing -a to the negative adv. participle (as in the case
of declinable participles generally).
Only example is nillada from nillade (neg. adv.
p.) from nil-to stand.

1. Tappadu<Tavu-t-pa. + ade (SMD 240).

 209

Conjugation.

As already stated, the fully inflected verb = rt.+

tense suffix + pronominal termination, i.e., it is a
participle+a pronoun.
The tense suffix for the past is -da- and for the
future it is -m- and -ppa-.
The personal terminations are :—
sg. Pi.
person -en ....
person i. -oy ....
2. rfc. itself.
person mas. -an -ar
-an ....
-aril ...
fern. -al -ar
neuter - -avu
These terminations are the same for all the tenses
and for all kinds of verbs.
By suffixing these terminations to the participial
forms, the conjugated forms of the verb are obtained.
Thus it is seen that there is only one conjugation in
Kanarese (with very few irregular forms).
As already stated, there are five moods—indica¬
tive, imperative, optative, infinitive and negative.

A. The Indicative Mood.

The past tense: The personal terminations are

added to the past verbal participle.
There are no examples for the I and II persons.
sg. and pi.
Ill person. sg. pi.
paasc. *an -ar
G.O. I. 14
 210

(a) Transitive eydi-d-an eydi-d-ar

erid-an erid-ar
pade-d-an pade-d-ar
key-d-an
kon-d-ar
vitt-ar
Intransitive aydan
sandan.
Causatives inudippidar
-an (am) -ar
(b) Transitive ari-d-am
kottarn ...
kotam
Intransitive i/-d-ar
Causative .... mudippidar
bidisidar
Indicative-past,
III person, fem. -al

As stated before, -an and -ar are more ancient

than -an and -ar. In 0. T. and N. T. -an and -ar are
still the suffixes in 3rd sg. and pi. masc. of all tenses.
In Tel. in all the three persons, the terminations
with the long vowel a are in use. In N. K. in the
present tense, 3rd sg. and pi. masc. and fem. -ane,
-ale and -are are still the only suffixes; -anu, -alu and
-aru are still the suffixes in the sambhavanarupa of
the verb where doubt is to be expressed.
All the examples (except aydan) (& eridan &
eydidan) are regularly formed from verbal participles.
But in eridan and eydidan, we have -da-, added to the
past verbal participles eri and eydi before suffixing
personal terminations.
But aydapi is formed from* ayda (the past decl.
participle)-}-an, Put ayda is not found in these
 211

inscriptions or kavyas. 8ee ada under “ Declinable

PPS.”
The present tense : No examples.
The future tense:
person. sg. pi.
trans. I aZi-m-en ....
II ....
intrans. Ill masc. -ar
-appar
appar
-ar appar
olar.
fern, no examples,
neuter, no examples.
In a/i-m-en, -m- is the future tense suffix.
Later grammarians say \ that the fut. tense suffix is
-v-,-m-> -v-. Probably, here, -m- had the phonetic
value of -v-, and the conservative writing had -in¬
still ; appar. appar, and appar are the fut. 3rd pi
masc. forms of agu (Pr. Kan.* ay) This shows that
another future tense suffix is -pp-. The O. K. appar,
appar, appar, apar, M- K. aharu, replaced in N. K. by
agu -v- aru.
In ol-ar, the 3. m. pi. fut. of ul ‘ to be ’, the rt.
has become ol-. There is no tense suffix at all here.
T. has uj ‘to be.’ Kural : ullar (1127)-3rd m. pi.
present and future, ulal (617) -3rd. f. sg. pr. and fut;
ulen (167) 1st s. pres, and fut. ; ulem (1204) 1. pi. pr.
and fut; untu (1098, etc.)
Te : undu ‘ wait, exist ’ 2. sg. pr.
unnadi ‘ it is ’ 3. N. sg. pr. and fut.
unnaru ‘ they are ’ 3. m. pi. p. and fut.

1. KBB. 196.
 212

Why in K. ul > ol is at present unknown (cf.

kudu>kodu; pugu pudi>pogu, pode, the secondary
forms are all found in these inscriptions).
Later grammarians 1 state kudu, pugu, etc.,
when followed by an affix beginning with -d-, change
their vowel into short o. But kodu is found in the
future also where the -d- is not the suilix, but -v-.
It is not known whether these changes of -u- to -o-
are due to the presence of.auy suffix. It is also possible
that originally verbs were formed without any tense
suffix and the same form was used for all tenses, the
meaning being determined by the context, cf. akkum
used for all tenses; neg. verbal forms used for all
tenses, untu - the 3rd. n. sg. of ul is used for all ten¬
ses, all genders and all numbers in Kan. and T.; the
tense is fixed by the finite verb. Later, the subtle
distinctions of tense may have arisen. In some
grammars, it is said that there were only two tenses
in Kan. - the past and the future. The present tense
was a later development. Anyway, ojar is formed
without any tense suffix either in T. or Kan.
The following forms are used in the fut.
tense :
akkum (akum), pirigum.
L idanaZidon paheamahapatakan akkum ‘ he
who destroys this will be guilty of the five heinous
crimes. ’
2. S’rirupa-llla-dhana-vibhavamaharas ’igal piri¬
gum nillav arggam ‘ the great treasures of beauty,
pleasure, wealth and power will separate and not be
permanent for anyone.’
akkum (3. m. sg. and pi. fut); pirigum (3. pi. n.
fut.)

1, Km 226, SMD, 238, KSS. 489, KG. 130,

 213

Later grammarians1 say that -kkum, -kum,

-gum, -ku and -gu are the 3rd per. suffixes used in all
tenses, iu all numbers and genders.
This -kkum is found only in two forms—not in
these inscriptions, but in N. K. beku -< beZkum ‘ is
wanted ’ < belu - to want, saku < salkum, ‘ is suffi¬
cient, < sal - to be sufficient, akkum has been
replaced in N. K. by agu-v-udu.

B. The Imperative Mood.

There are only two examples in II. sg. keloy <
kel - to listen ; nodu < nodu - to see.
The rt. is used as II sg. imp. in nodu. But in
keloy, the -oy is added. This -oy has survived in
N. K.’as -o. i.e. kelo - people call the attention of a
man to themselves by suffixing -6 to the root kel or
nodu in Colioquial Speech.
Later grammarians 2 have used the imperative
for giving a blessing, advising, inducing respectfully
to do, debating how to do, ordering an inferior to do,
begging a superior to do, laying down the law, and
praying.
C. The Optative.
The desire or a wish is expressed by an optative.
The optative is formed by the addition of -ge
(-ke) to roots ending in -i, -u, e. and 1, without any
tense suffix:
taui-ge, kedu-ge, pefcu-ge, nene-ge, vele-ge,
sal-ge.
Those used in the sense of a blessing: tani-ge.
peZcu-ge, nene-ge, velege:
In the sense of a curse: keduge, sal-ge. (nara-
kakke).______
1. SMD. 227, KSS. 463, KG. p. 146.
2. KSS. 465, SMD. 229.
 214

D. The Infinitive.
The infinitive is formed here by the addition of
-e or -al to the verbal root (whether the root ends in
a vowel or a consonant) without any tense-suffix.
These remain the same in all the tenses and do not
change for gender and number. The time denoted by
the infinitive is to be determined by that of the finite
verb. The infinitives here have a subject of their
own and the finite verb of the sentence has its own
subject. This use of the infinitive is a kind of loca¬
tive absolute, 1 and is intended to denote the minor
actions that take place contemporaneously with the
principal action of the verb.
This kind of infinitive is not very much in use in
N. K.
The forms here arc :—appe, alare, ag-e, al-e,
eyd-e, oppe, kol-o, yen-e, (aZkalo, uniye).
In aZkalo, < aZku, the suffix -alo is used ? M.D.
121.
In uniye, the rt. is un - to eat. This uniye is
used in the sense of unne and unnal - for eating (or
for causing to be eaten. ?)
The meaning of these infinitives is e.g. appe-when
it embraced, embraces or will embrace (it embracing.)

E. The Negative Mood.

The Rt. + terminations the negative verb.
There are only two forms.
I. sg. (1) meccen - I do not agree.
III. pi. (2) nillavu - They do not remain,
neuter.
The negative forms are used (1) for the present;
and (2) for the future. These negative forms of verbs
are rarely used in N. K.
1. SMD. 246. KSS. 587-588, cf. T. H. article 41, No. 8.
 216

Voice.
There are two voices - active and passive. All
the examples given under ‘ Conjugation ’ above are in
the active voice. But there is only one passive form
of the future 3rd. pi. masc. eydappaduvar < eyd-al-
padu-v-ar.
rt. + infinitive suffix + padu + tense suffix +
termination. = the passive (future) form.
There is only one passive participial noun:
eriveppaduvor. The passive is not common in 0. K.
and not popular in N. K.

Verbs and Participles in so-called Compounds.

See ‘ Use of Cases ’ and ‘ Composition ’ ante.
 216

A list of verbal roots, used in these inscriptions.

Transitive : Meaning. Transitive : Meaning.
attu to run after tar - to bring
adaZ to ascend tore - to give up
appu to embrace nene - to remember
aZi to destroy nodu - to see
al to rule non “ to vow reli¬
ikku to beat, to kill gious penance
I to give padu ~ to experi¬
un to eat ence, to suffer
uy to carry pade - to get
en to say paZcu - to whisper
ettu to lift piri - to separate
eru to ascend punu - to promise
ondu to unite peZcu - to increase
kay to protect peZ - to say
klZ to uproot pode - to cover
kodu to give poZ - to cleave
kudu to bring asunder
together bidu - to let go
key to do madu - to do
kel to hear muttu - to touch
kore to cut or carve rneccu - to assent, to
agree
kol to kill mettu “ to place the
kol to take foot on
tanku to touch vidu to let go; cp.
' bidu
Intransitive :—
al not to be suit¬ ir -
to be
able il - not to be
alar to open iZ - to abandon,
aZku to be without to sacrifice
strength ul - to be
agu to become oppu - to shine
 217

kidu to be ruined pogu to enter

tani to feel satisfied bai to live
tavu to decrease bar to come
tor to appear migu to remain
nade to walk over, to ex¬
nil' to stand ceed
nere to become full mugi to contract
or perfect sagi 9
sal to go
Causative :—
nirisu to cause to lekkisu - to cause to
stand be reckoned
palisu to cause to be with
protected salisu to cause to
bidisu to cause to be be given
released sadhisu - to cause to
madisu - to cause to be be accom¬
done plished.

Substantives derived from Verbal Roots.

The following substantives in these inscriptions
are derived from verbal roots by the addition of
suffixes :—

Abstract Noons.
1. -ge. al-ge (rule, government, from al ‘ to rule ’)
osage ‘ delight ’ from ose ‘ to be delighted ’
cf. T. vaZkai - living.
2. -te. negarte ‘ fame ’ from negal 1 to shine ’ Te.
negadta.cp T. nata-ttai.
3. -pi. nompi ‘ religious penance ’ from non ‘ to make
a religious vow.’ T. nompu. Te.. nomu.
 218

4. -pu. varppu ‘ firmness ’ probably from T. varu ‘ to

dry ’ T. varppu.
5. -me. mudu-me ‘ ripening, old age ’ from mudu
‘ to ripen, to advance in growth ’ T. -mai,
illamai ‘ poverty ’ and kutimai.
6. -vu. vaZ-vu ‘ living, life ’ from val ‘ to live ’
7. -(a) vu. iravu ‘ existence ’ from ira ‘ to be, to
exist ’ T. iravu, iruppu ; varavu ‘ arrival ’
from var ‘ to come ’ T. varavu.

-tana : okkaltana 1 farming ’ from okkal ‘ thrashing ’

from ' okku ’ to tread out corn This suffix
is said to be of Skt. origin. It is found in
all the South Indian languages. T.
kudittanam ‘ farming, ’ eZetanam ‘ poverty.’

Te. goppatanamu ‘ nobility cinnatanamu ‘ mean¬

ness.’

It is possible that it may have come from tan

‘one’s own self.’ But abstract ideas are of later
origin and hence the Kan. People may have borrowed
this -tana from Skt. But the existence of a large
number of suffixes for the formation of abstract
nouns shows that the abstract notion was not new
or strange to them. I believe that -tan may be
Dravidian. There is another word in T. tanmai
nature, inherent quality’. Here -mai is the abstract
noun-forming suffix, corresponding to -me in Kana-
rese. If tan-mai is Dravidian, it is certain that-
-tanam is Drn. also, as -am is the normal neuter
formative in T. paZam ‘ fruit ’, itam ‘ place ’ valam
right itam ‘ left ’ Japam ‘ repetition of mantras,
counting the beads in prayer.’
 219

In the following the Abstract Nouns formed are

now used as common nouns :
nile: 4 standing ’ from nil ‘ to stand ’
nile is not found in Kittel. T. Nilai. K. nela s. n.
sg. nom. - now used as nele ‘ permanent abode.
pdvu : ‘ spring ’ from pay 4 to spring Now used to
denote an object which springs 4 a snake ’ T.
pampu. Te. pamu.
The following two are roots used without change
to denote the result of the action denoted by the
verb:
pali: 4 to slander ’ here 4 slander’, (T. Pa2i, N. and
Vb.)
pulu :■ ‘ to rot, to decay , here 4 a worm ’ T. pu£u
(N. and Vb.)
A few of such roots which are used both as rts.
and nouns taken from Dictionaries is given under -u
in the nom. under 44 Nouns(ante)
 220

ADVERBS.
There are three kinds of adverbs : 1. Adverbs
of time, 2. Adverbs of place, and 8. Adverbs of
manner.

1. Adverbs of time.
andu (‘ then), anduvafikke (thereafter), in (still), indu
(now), endu (when), pin (before), begam (Iw.
soon).

2 Adverbs of place.
illi (here), kelage (down), porage (outside), mel (above),
mele (above).

3. Adverbs of Manner.
antu (in that manner), ante (like), intu (in this
manner), entu (how), dal (certainly), val
(certainly), valaiii (cetainly), vol (like), vole (like)
The following adverbs have the first syllable in
common :
andu and antu; indu and intu; endu and entu.
Suffix -du makes them adverbs of time and -tu
makes them adverbs of manner. These corres7
pond to the pronouns, avan, ivan and en.
anduvaZikke is a compound adverb formed from andu
(then) and vaZikke (afterwards).
Of the other adverbs, ante (probably from an - to
say) - apparently; in (< proximate demonstrative
base iv) - hence, from this
kelage (<kiZ - the state of being low) - Under (loc.
of kela-gu)
pora-ge (<pora - the outside) - loc. of pora-gu - out¬
side.
bafikke (<ba& - going, passing on, following - a way,
a road) - after-perhaps a dative.
 'A'Al

mel - the top-part, nom.

pol - from pol - to resemble and intervocalically vol.
These are either nouns or verbal derivatives,
used adverbially.
Since adverbs qualify verbs, their gender is
dependent on that of the verbs they qualify.
Adverbs of place are preceded either

(1) by an uninliected stem:

adrimel, rsigiris’ile-mel, KaZvappubettammel,
tirthagiri-inel, dhatri-mel, s’ikhi-mel; (See “ Use of
Cases ” ante.)
or
(2) by a Noun in the gen. case.
Katavapranalgiriya mel (on the top of the Kata-
vapra mountain), bajamel (on the sword), (SMD. 118),
varddhiya mel (on the sea), tlradanadakejage - (under
the edge of the land near the bank.)
The adverb of manner vol is similarly preceded
by an uninflected stem :
teravol, manjuvol, suracapambol
(like the wave), (like the dew), (like the rainbow).
In suracapambol, v > b after the nasal.
In salva-vol, vol comes after salva, the future
relative participle of sal - to go, and also in bittavol,
pol and intervocalically vol from pol - to resemble;
the constant use of pol as the second member of a
compound may have led to the adoption of vol as an
adverb where initial p- becoming intervocalic, > -v-.
vol is not used independently.
Adverbial post-positions :
(1) The use of agi (adv. pp. of agu - to become -
having become) with a preceding noun in the nom. as
an adverb is found in bhadram-agi, ere-y-agi.
 222

(2) Nouns in the instrumental case are used

to express an adverbial meaning (See “ Use of Cases ”
under ‘ Nouns ’)•
(3) A demonstrative pronoun in the nom. sg.
denoting quantity is used in an adverbial sense.
inisu - (a little, this much).
(4) Nouns denoting time and preceded by
numerals are used as adverbs :
irppattondu divasam, ondutirhgal, murutimgal
(See “ Use of Cases ”).
avicaram, S’asvatam and Sarvvabadha pari-
hararh, sarvvapariharam (Iws.) - are used as adverbs.
 223

INTERJECTIONS.

No examples.

CONJUNCTIONS.
The following conjunctions are used in these
inscriptions to connect words and sentences , but -um
is the only conjunction used to connect sentences : —
-um, -um, -am, -anu, men.
These are suffixed to the case-terminations of
nouns, pronouns and adjectival substantives except
in the acc. where this conjunction comes in between
the stem and the termination, and also to infinitives
and participles. Each of the words and sentences to
be combined has this -um, -um, -am or -anu added to
it generally. The principle is the same for both
numbers and all genders, sometimes this -um is
added to single words to mean ‘ also.’
The -m of -um and -am remain unchanged when
preconsonantal, but become -in or -n before a vowel.
As the last syllable of a verse, it is found written
as -um.
The origin of these is unknown at present. 1
-um and -um are found in N. K. as -u with the
loss of the final nasal, -am is not found at all. But
-anu is replaced by agali, the imperative form of agu
‘ to become ’ and adaru.

(A) I. Substantives with Um

T. -Um: (also, and)

sorkkagamundarum Edeyagamundarum Moleja-
ramaniyagamundarum .... Andugiya gami-
garum (6-8 and 10).

J. ODG, p, 407 and p. 533- for -mp

 224

II. -um.
1. Aluarasarum mahadeviyarum Citravahana-
i'um ; 2. bhaintamum kaviliya palurn e^tuiii
3. polipukoljiyum aramanetanadabhagamum:
4. Vajliggameyara dasadiyum Amaliyara devadiyum
AlavaUiyara Ravicandanum .Nirilliya.
Sinderagamigarurh; 5. Senavarasarum dharmma-
garanigarum ; 6. pe ran or wan kojuvonum koduvo-
nurii; 7. sthitadehakamalopamamga S’ ubhamum.
-um connecting single words:
attamum Kondarssarum, akkoreteyum.
-um connecting sentences:
There are two examples :—
1. nelanum velege parwarurh prajeyum tanige,
2. koduvorurh pahcamahapataka-sariiyuktar
appar devadandadinda eriveppaduvorum appar
rajadandamuih eydappaduvar.
In the following example, -um is added only to
the last word:
“ Banavasiyanagaramuiri ” and the three pre¬
vious words which are connected have no -um suffixed
to then):
Bhavagamundanu (1) Candagamundanu (2)
EdevoZ-alnadu (3) Banavasiva nagaramum saksi
(8 - 37 and 38).
I suspect that the final -m of 1, 2 and 3 are not
clearly seen in the plates as given. The -hi may be
there. The other possibility is that u may stand for
ii which is the N. K. equivalent of -fan.
II. Pronouns with -um
avar-um; ar-urh.
III. Adj. substantives with -um
1. adan aftvorum ahval pafeidor (um) manade
nonvorum aZimenendu upadesam koduvorum;
 225

2. idan kolvonum koduvonum;

3. int unvorum uniye koduvorum Devedittiye-
rinduiii Saerindum.kojvorum.
ideyuiii kolvoruih kondu unvorum ;
4. koZuvoruiii; 5. torevorum.unnuruih.
In the examples given above, the -uiii is suffixed
to the nominatives mostly. But in the following,
-uiii is suffixed to the acc. in between the stem and
the termination, as already stated:—
(1) osageyum alavanavum aputrakaporudu-
man ; "2. sasira kavileyum parvvaruman. Cp. Part
I. A; p. 14, hasuvaiii haruvanarii.
In these examples, the acc. ending is suffixed to
the -um of the last word, -poruduman and parvvaru-
man and not to (1) osageyum alavanavum and (2)
kavileyum, though -an is implied in (1) and (2) from
the context and -um is suffixed to each. The same
usage is very common in N. K. cf. sthalamgala
ayariigalanurii (34) E. C. III. TN. 101; and kavileyanu
brahmanaranu E. C. VII. Sh. 78.
But in ‘ Nayarkhandamum Jeluguralgeyan aluttu
-um is not placed between ajge and -an. All these
examples are taken from prose inscriptions. There
are no examples from verse inscriptions.
-um with the instrumental:
Devedittiyerinduin Saerindum.
-um with the dative :
Only one example : eraduih naike ‘ to both the
countries.’ But eraduiii is a numeral used here as
an adjective. In N. IV. the form will be 1 eradu
nadigu ’ or eradu nadugaligu.’
-um with 'participles and infinitives :
adv. participle: aluttum.
negative infinitive; lekkisadum.
a, o. i, 15
 226

(B) -am (also, even)

The examples are :
acc. ell-am-an.
dat. argg-am.
This has not survived in N. K.
(C) -anu :
As already stated -anu is suffixed to each of the
words it connects. The meaning is ‘ either - or.’
The only example is
Marananu Vokuliyanu (either Mara or Vokuli)
This has not survived in N. K., but is replaced
by ‘ agali ’ or ‘ adaru.’
The origin of this -anu is not known (-an-urh ?).
(D) -men - and.
men Sattar avicaram (61-10).
 227

Word-Order.
The sentences in these inscriptions are generally
of the following pattern :—
(1) (adj.) Subject, (adj.) Object, (adv.) verb.
(trans.)
(2) (adj.) Subject, adj. predicatively used, adv.
verb; (intrans.)
The exceptions which are very few, are found in
verse more than in prose.
The attributives precede the substantives except
in verse. When a proper noun appears with another
substantive in apposition, the latter precedes the
former in prose, while in verse, this order may differ.
In strings of titles, the substantives in apposition
follow the proper noun. When an adj. qualifies a
substantive, it generally stands before the substan¬
tive, but when it is used predicatively, it follows the
substantive. An adv. or advl. phrase which modifies
an adj. or a participle (used as an adj.), precedes the
adj. or the participle.
The subject comes at the beginning of the sen¬
tence and before the object if the verb is transitive.
But if the vb. is intransitive, the subject comes as
near the verb as possible.
An adv. or advl. phrase used as an attributive to
the verb or participles, comes as near these as possi¬
ble. When the adv. is a caseform such as the
instrumental or the locative, or the dative, which are
really enlargements of the predicate, they stand
before the verb or participle, and as near as possible,
except in poetry, where it may precede or follow the
noun it modifies.
Absolute construction by the use of the infini¬
tives in -e is found and this absolute phrase procedes
15*
 228

the clause with the finite verb. This, being an advl.

adjunct, comes in the place where the adv. naturally
comes.
The adv. participles are used to express a series
of actions succeeding one another without the use of
conjunctions; -urn, the conjunctive particle is also
used to connect words and sentences. In the only
interrogative sentence, the interrogative pronoun
‘en ’ is suffixed to the the adj. substantives. There
are two imperative sentences wherein the second
personal pronoun which is the subject is not expressed.
These two sentences are in verse.
There are five optative sentences wherein the
order is the subject, the enlargement of the verb and
the intransitivo vorb.
There are two negative sentences where
negation is expressed by the verb in the negative
mood.
There are simple, complex and compound sen¬
tences. The word order in complex and compound
sentences is not different from that of a simple
sentence. But the simple sentenco is only one
sentence. In the complex sentence, there is a prin¬
cipal clause with one subordinate clause.
In a complex sentence, the internal word-order of
different clauses does not differ from that of a simple
sentence, except that the different clauses are corre¬
lated by means of adverbial participles. Further, the
subordinate clauses in a complex sentence come first
and the principal clause comes last. The subordinate
clauses in the complex sentences in these inscriptions
are noun clauses.
The compound sentence is a series of independent
simple or complex sentences connected by the
conjunctive particle-um.
 229

Hie Subject:
The subject precedes the verb. But if the verb is
transitive, the object comes in between the subject
and the verb.

Examples:
(a) with transitive verbs :
1. (Kandarbor) periya osageyuih aputrakaporu-
duman vittar ‘ (Kandarbor remitted (the fees leviable
at) the festivity of attaining puberty) and the duty
leviable in the case of a man dying without a son ’
(5-5).
2. 8’antapana maga Devereyage Nastappa
gondu kottan ‘Having brought, Nastappa gave to
Devereya, son of S’antapa ’ (8-29).
3. Avar svarggagraman eridar ‘ He ascended
the high heaven ’ (25-2).

(b) with intransitive verbs:

1. AZivon paiicamahapatakan akurii ‘ He who
destroys will become guilty of the five great sins.
(1-4).
2. kadu salvon paramakalyanabhagigal appor
‘ He who protects this shall become the worthy
recipient of excellent good fortune ’ (6-17).
3. Carita S’rmarnadheya prabhu munin vratagal
nontu saukhyasthan aydan. ‘ The lord named Carita
S’rl, having observed the vows of a muni, became the
possessor of happiness.’ (14-4).

(c) In the following there is no verb:

1. Kittere.yara nisidhige ‘ The tomb
(or epitaph) of Kittere.ya ’ 19-2).
2- Devakhantiyarnnisi (dige) ‘ The tomb or
epitaph of Devakhantiyar ’ (42-2).
 230

3. Puspasena cari.ya nisidhige ‘ The

tomb or epitaph of Puspasenacari..” 47-2).
4. Gunamatiavvegala nisidhige. ‘ The tomb or
epitaph of Gunamatiavvegal ’ (55-1).
5. Sri Jinamarggan nltisampannan Sarppa
cujamani ‘ Sarppa-eulamani (Crest-jewel among
serpents) follower of Jina and of righteous conduct’
(61-1 and 2).
The verb is understood—‘ this is
(d) 1. In the following the su bject cornea
after the verb.
Verb.
Vb. In prose:
‘ kottar Senavarasarum dharmmagaraniga-
ruiii ’ Senavarasa and the dharmakaranika (the
palace officer in charge of charities) will (divide and)
give ’ (3-9 and 10).
It is probable that the line is misplaced in the
inscription.
Vb. In verse :
meccen an ‘I do not approve ’ (37-3).
2. In tins verse, a series of advl. tram, fast
participles is used without the subject coming
first.
In Poetry—participles:
The subject comes near the finite verb in the
sentence :—‘ duritabhud vrksaman kiltu alare poded
ajnanas’ ailendraman,£»oW»., Uramitbyatvapramudha-
sthirataranrpanan, metti gandhebhamaydan carita
S’rlnamadheyaprabhu Saukhyastban aydan.’
‘ Having uprooted the tree of sin, having smitten
the mountain of ignorance, having cut asunder the
siliy but firm king of false doctrine, and having
trampled on the five rutting elephants (the five
 231

senses), beloved lord of Suravidya (heavenly learning)

named Carita S’rT, [on the hill named KaZbappu,
praised by the god and sages,] observed the vows
of a muni, became the possessor of happiness.”
(14-1—4).
The Object:
The object always comes after the subject and
precedes the verb or adv. participle in prose :—
(1) a/var Svarggagrainan eridar ‘ He ascended
the high heaven.” (25-2).
(2) Pegurama Suralokavibhuti eydidar ‘ Pegu-
rama attained the splendour of the world of gods ’
(24-2).
(3) aputraka porudutnan vittar ‘ (He) remitted
the duty leviable in the case of a man dying without
a son ’ (5-5).
But, in poetry, the object may come after the
verb.
1. R&jhimatigantiyar narnagind oltidu yendu
eri ginyan ‘ Rajmmatiganti, having said “ This is
good for us now ” and having ascended the mountain ’
(43-3).
2. M ahanant&matigantiyar suraloka saukhyade-
deyan tain eydi tidal manarii ‘ Mahananta matigant-
iyar, having reached the abode of the happiness of
the world of gods, sacrificed (her) mind ’ (44-4).
3. In (d) 2 above, the participles come after
their objects.
4. meccen an T dharaniyul iravan ‘ I do not
approve existence on this earth ’ (37-3).
The verb:
Comes last in the sentence in prose.
1. aZivon elaneya narakada puZu akum ‘ He who
destroys will become a worm in the (lowest) seventh
hell’ (1-4).
 232

2. avar svarggagraman eridar. ‘ He ascended

the high heaven ’ (25-4).
3. Kandarbor aputra.ka poruduman vittar (6-6).
4. Neduboreya Panapa bhatarar nontu mudip-
pidar ‘ Panapabhatara of Nedubore, having observed
the vows, ended his life’ (13-1 & 2).
But in verse also, the verb comes in the end, but
there are exceptions:
In verse.
1. perggoravam Sarnadhi neredon nonteydidor
siddhiyan.
‘ The great guru accomplished Sarnadhi, and
having observed the vow, attained perfection ’ (21-4).
2. niravadyann eri Svarggam sivanilepadedan
sadhugal pujyamanan ‘ The stainless (he) being
honoured by the good, attained the happv condition
(36-4).
3. meccen an Tdharaniyul iravan ‘ I do not
approve existence on this earth ’ (37-3).
Participles.
Advl. and declinable participles take objects,
if they he transitive.—Here the object precedes the
participle
I. ADVL. PARTICIPLES.
Trans.—In prose.
1. Sri Pogilli Sendraka rnaharajar Nayar-
khandamurh Jelugur algeyan aluttu (rir) “While the
illustrious Pogilli, the Sendraka maharaja is adminis¬
tering the Nayarkhanda and the government of
Jelugur.” (5-4).'
2. Aluarasar Gunasagaradvitlyanamadheyan
Kadambamandalaman aluttum ‘ When Aluarasa, with
the second name of Gunasagara, was ruling the
Kadambamandala ’ (62-2 & 3).
 233

3. tapaman keydu ‘ Having practised penance ’

(44-1).
In 'poetry also, the object precedes the verb
generally :
1. tan dchain ikki ‘ having sacrificed his body ’
2. ghananjrnarittama.il vittu ‘ Having given up
the great misfortunes’ (34-1).
3. idan kole ‘If mi}' one takes this’ (6-15).
4. idan kadu salvon ‘ He who preserves this ’
(6-17).
But, in some verses, probably for adjustment of
metrical length, the object comes after the adv.
participle :
1. metti gandhebha rnaydan ‘Having trampled
down the five rutting elephants (the five senses)'
(14-2).
2. niravadyan eri svarggam ‘ The stainless (one)
having ascended (to) heaven ’ (36-2).
3. eri giriyan ‘ Having ascended the mountain
(43-3).

II. DECLINABLE PARTICIPLES (TRANS) TAKE OBJECTS

WHICH PRECEDE THE PARTICIPLES.

The declinable participles with gender suffixes >

adj. substantives. These take objects which precede
them.
1. nitta dharmmaman kadora kulaih pelcuge
‘ May the family of the man who preserves (protects)
this permanent work of charity prosper ’ (3-8).
2. idan alivon pancamahapatakan akum ‘ He
who destroys this becomes guilty of the five great
sins (1-4).
3. Sasira kavileyuni parvvaruman konda pafica-
mahapataka-samyuttan akkum ‘ He will be guilty
 234

of the five great sins’ of having killed 1,000 brown

cows and brahmins, (6-13 & 14).
Substantives in Apposition.
In prose and verse, the substantive in apposition
precedes the proper noun:
1. Anesetiya aliya Basantakumara, ‘ Basanta¬
kumara, son-in-law of Aneseti,’ (8-27).
2. Santapana mag a IJB vereyage ‘ To Devereya,
son of Santapa ’ (8-29).
3. Moniguruvara s’isya Kottarada Gunasena-
guruvar ‘ Gunasenaguruvar of Kottara, the disciple
of Moniguruva ’ (12-2 & 3).
In verse.
4. Vegura parama prabhava risiyar Sarvvajna-
bliattarakar ‘ Sarvvajnabhattarakar, a risi or sage of
supreme glory of Vegfir’ (15-2).
5. guravam nam Mauniyacariyar ‘ Mauniyacari-
yar, our guru ’ (50-1).
But in verse, the substantives in apposition
follow the proper noun :
1. Masenar paramaprabhavarisiyar ‘ Masena,
the sage of supreme glory : (25-1).
2. Mahadevan munipungavan ‘ Mahadeva, the
chief of Sages ’ (35-1).
Strings of Titles.
1. sri Vinayaditya Rajas ‘ raya S ’ riprthivlval-
labha maharajadhirSja parames’vara bhatara (5, 6, &
7-1).
But in
2. S’rlmat prithivlvallabha Mahgallsana ‘ of
Mariigallsa, the favourite of the world.’ (1-1)
Attributives precede the noun they qualify
(numerals, cardinal and ordinal, adjectives and nouns
are taken as attributives in this connection).
 235

Prose.
1. periya osageyum (5—5 <& 6-5).
2. elaneya narakada puZu akum ‘ (he) will be¬
come the worm of the seventh hell ’ (1-4).
Verse.
3. rdgadvPsatamomala vyapagatar S’vddhatma
Sarhyfiddhakar Vegiira parama-prabhavarisiyar
Sarvvajnabhattarakar ‘ Sarvvajna bhattarakar, a risi
or sage of supreme glory of Vegiir, free from the dark
stain of desire and hatred, a pure—souled warrior’
(15-1 & 2).
4. kare-il, naltapadharmmada Sasimati S’rigan-
tiyar ‘ Sasimati S’riganti, stainless and of good
penance and virtue’ (33-2) Verse. 3. capal-illa,
Naviluru Sarhghada Mahanantamatlgantiyar ‘ Maha¬
nantamatlgantiyar, firm-minded and of the Navilur
samgha " (44-2).
Declinable participles, functioning as adje.,
precede the noun they qualify.
Verse.
1. bhadramagiViu dharmmam, the (Jaina) faith
which had greatly prospered (which was firmly esta¬
blished) (29-2).

Verse.
2. S’rlsarhgamgaja peZda Siddha Samayam
tappade nontu ‘ Having observed the vow in con¬
sonance with the rules of the siddhas, enunciated by
the Samgbas (25-1).
Verse.
3. peZda vidhanadindu ‘In the prescribed manner
(34-2).
Prose.
4. konda pancamahapatakan (5-14).
 236

But when these attributives are used predicati-

vely, these follow the noun they qualify and precede
the verb :
1. ittodan alivon pancamahdpatakan akum He
who destroys this gift becomes guilty of the five great
sins (1-4).
2. aft von eZaneya narakada pulu akum (1-4).
3. kojvorum unvorum panca mah&p&ta samyut-
tan agi. The buyer as well as the enjoyer having
become guilty of the five great sins’ (3-7).
4. idan kadu salvon parama kalydnahhagigal
appor. He who protects this (charity) shall become
the worthy recipients of the most extreme good
fortune. (6-18)

Verse.
5. Carita S’ri namadheyaprabhu muninvarataga,
nontu Sankhyasthan aydan (14-4).

Verse.
6. Aksayaklrtti nontu bhaktiyim aksimanakke
ramyasuralokasukakke bhagi a (darii) ‘ Having
observed the vow with devotion, Aksayaklrtti became
a participator in the happiness of the gods, delightful
to the eye and the mind’ (20-4).
Verse.
7. v i n ay ded ra - pra h h a van tapadini adhikan
Candradevacaryanainan, niravadyam eri svarggarh
(36-2).
Here in 7, two adjs. precede and one adj. follows
the noun.
8. K and arbor adhikarigal age (6-5).
9. gamigarum mukhamage (6-11).
10. idake kamara Vasanta kumara saksi (8-31).
The gen. case of substantives and pronouns
precede the nouns like attributives.
 237

1. narakaddpulu (1-4).
2. Mamgali sand kalrnanege ‘ To the stonehouse
of Manigallsa (1-1).
3. KilganEsvarada dlvara parivariya bham-
tamuiii (3-3).
4. Vedevalliyara devadiyuih (5-8) ‘ Also the
temple priest of Vedevalh ’
5. Banavasiya, Knesetiya al.iya, the son-in-law
of Aneseti of Banavasi (8-27 ).
6. AgaZi ya Moniguruvara s’isya ‘ The disciple
of Moniguruva of AgaZi ’ (12-2).
7. namma, Kalanturanam ‘ Our (guru) of Kajan-
turu (21-3).
8.. Tarekadn, perjediya, modeya kalapakada
guruvadiga! £ Theguruvadiof Tarekadu, of the matted
hair, of the Munjagrass group.’ (31-2 & 3).

Adverbs.
Adverbs or case forms of substantives used as
adv. adjuncts precede the verb or tire participle
and are kept as near these as possible.
1. Laksanavantar entv enalu 1 When those
who knew the symptoms were in doubt how ’ (20-2).
2. (perggoravam) salaiiibaZatapograd intn nada-
dom
3. int endu ‘ having said thus ’ (33-3).
4. valav adn divam pokka ‘ He entered heaven
most certainly.’
Nouns in the nom. UBed as advs. precede the
verbs or participles in the same manner : —

Adv. of time:
1. IreZpattarulam okkaltanam keyvon avittidalli
veleyade keduge 1 He who practised agriculture for
140 years, let that which he sows rot, without sprou¬
ting (6-16).
 238

Adr. of time:
2. mUrutirhgal nontu mudippidar. (19-2)

Ad?, of Place:
3. balamel, S’ikhimele sarppadamahddantS-
gradul salvavol SalambaZatapograd intu nadadoiri
' nurentu samvaUaravi ‘ He enagaged himself for one
hundred and eight years in the practice of severe
penance which was like walking on the sharp edge of
a sword or on fire, or passing over the great fangs of a
cobra ’ (21-1 & 3).
The last one marked with an * is an adv. of time
coming after the verb-in verse.
The case forms of nouns used in an advl. sense :—
1. nontu bhaktiyim ‘ Having observed the vow
with devotion ’ (20-3).
2. nontu inbinim ‘ Having observed correctly
(or ‘sweetly’)’ (25-1).
In these verses the instr. case form comes after
the participle they modify for purposes of metre.
The locative form of substantives, used adver¬
bially, precede the verb or the participle :—
loc.
1. Varanas’iyalul konda (5-13) ‘ of killing in
Varanasi ’
2. tlZthado} nontu ‘ Having observed the vow
on the holy Kafbappu’ (17-1).
3. Sarppada mahadantagradu} salvavol ‘Like
passing over the great fangs of a cobra’ (21-1).
4. S’ailadul ‘On the mountain’ (34-2).

Dative:
1. devarke puni iruva ‘ Who have promised to
work for God ’ (1-2).
2. naragakke salge ‘ May he go into hell ’ (3-8),
 239

3. eradurii naZke raja S’ravitamage ‘ Having

proclaimed to both the districts or nads ’ (6-12).
4. Svarggalayakkerid£r. ‘ He ascended (to)
the abode of heaven' (33-4).
But in poetry the dative follows the verb in two
cases.
1. S’rlrupa Ilia, dhana vibhava maharas’ igal
nillav arggam ‘ The large treasures of beauty, pleas-
sure, wealth and power are transient and will not be
permanent for any ’ (37-2).
2. ayusyaman entu nod enag int endu.
‘ enage ’ the dative of 1st person pron. sg.
comes after the finite verb nodu (33-3).
Skt. lws. used as advs. precede the verb m prose.
t

1. Sarvvabadhapariharam bittar ‘ Clave it free

of all taxes and imposts’ (7-4).
2. Sasvatam eydidan (He obtained permanen¬
tly) (41-4).
But in verse, it comes after the verb :—
3. men sattar avicaram ‘And they died
undoubtedly (for want of foresight)’ (61-10).
Adverbial participles are used as adverbs and
they precede the verbs :—
1. ndntu mudippidar (13-2).
2. eri svarggam S’ivanile padedan sadhugal
pujyamanan (36-2).
3. tappade nontu inbinin svarggagramaneridan.
tappade (neg. adv. participle) ‘ correctly ’
allade, the neg. participle of al ‘ to be fit, to be suitable ’
is used here in the sense of ‘ excepting ’ or ‘ except ’.
This allade conies after the noun in the nom. with
its preceding genitive ‘ devandevana parijanam
allade ’ (3-4) ‘ Except the attendants of the god of
gods,’
 240

Adv. past participles not only express the actions

or circumstances of the subject, but also connect the
action with the action denoted by the finite verb.
1. guruvadigal, nontu inudippidar ‘ Having
observed the vow, the Cluru, ended his life.’
The observance of the vow is expressed by the
adv. pp. nontu, and the same is connected with the
action denoted by the finite verb ' inudippidar.’
2. Katavapra S’ailainadalde perggoravaih satna-
dhi Neredon nontu eydidor siddhiyan (21-3 & 4).
‘ Having ascended the Katavapra mountain, having
observed the vow, he completed samadhi and attained
perfection.’
3. Inscription 14. A series of adv. pps. connect
the several actions with the finite verb. *
II. The infinitive in an absolute construction,
not only expresses a contemporary action, but also
connects a series of actions like an adv. pp: —
S’rl Vinayaditya Rajasraya S’riprthivI vallabha
maharajadhiraja parames’vara bhatara prthivlrajyam
kege, S’ripogilli Sendraka maharajar Nayarkhandamum
Jelugur algeyan aluttu Kandarbor adhikarigal age,
periya osageyuih alavanavurii aputrakaporuduman
vittar (5-1 to 6).

The conjunction Particles.

I. uiii,-urn and-am are suffixed to each of the
substantives or sentences to be connected :—

A. Substantives:
Prose. 1. VaUiggameyara dasadiyizm Alavalli
yara Ravicandaiwm, Borkkagamundarsw, Edeyaga-
mundarrtm, Mojejaramaniya gamundarfim Navalli-
yarum Andugiya gamigarw/H, Nlrilliya Sindera garni-
garum mukhavage (6-7-11 5-7-11).
 241

Prose. 2. Bhavagilmundawi Candagamundanw.,

Edevolalnadu Banavasiya nagaranmra Saksi (8-37 &
38).
3. aZivomw aZival paZcidor manade nenevoritw
[aZival paZcidor manade nenevorw-m] alimen end
upade s’am koduvon/m panca mahapataka sainyukta-
rappar [62—(8-11).]
B. Sentences:
nelan u m velege, parvvamw prajeyurii tanige
(6-18, 5-18).
IT. anu suffixed to each of the two nouns
expresses the idea of ‘ either-or-’
Marananu Vokuliyanu (Either Mara or Yokuli).
III. men. nien Sattar avicararii. Here men
connects the sentences.
The absolute construction.
The infinitive which denotes a contemporary
action gives rise to the abs. construction in the
following and it is placed in the beginning of the
sentence.
1. S’rivinayaditya Raja S’raya prthivlrajyam keye
S’rlpogilli Sendraka maharajar Nayarkhandamum
Jelugur AZgeyan ajuttu Kandarbor tidhikarigal age.
periya, osageyuiii alavanavurii aputrakapordutnan
vittar (5-3 to 6).
2. S’rhnat Citravahana pinduvvaje Killurh
Nagennan adhikarigal age (3-1 & 2).
Here the subject of each of the infinitives is
different.
The absolute construction comes in the middle
of the sentence in verse: Masenarparamaprabhava
risiyar KaZvappina vettadul, S’rl Sam gamgala peZda
siddha Samayan tappade nont inbinin prasadanta-
raman vicitra kanaka prajvalyadin mikkudan Sasirv-
var vvara paje dand uye, avar svarggagraman eridar.
G. o. i.
 242

Since the subject and the finite verb are far apart,
the subject is the first and the verb the last, in this
verse, the pronoun avar is used after the abs.
construction.
The Interrogative sentence.
There is only one example and that in verse, as
a subordinate noun clause in a complex sentence,
kattida Simghamen ‘kettod en emage, erhdu bittavol
(61-9). ‘ In the same way as releasing the bound lion,
saying ‘ What ’ is the harm to us.’ The interrogative
pronoun, en ‘ What ’ is used to convert the indicative
into an interrogative sentence.
Imperative sentence:
There are two examples in verse :—(a) one is the
main clause:
fc&loy pin Katavapra S’aila madaZde namma Kalantu-
ranarh bale perggoravam Samadhi neredon (21-2 & 3).
bale keloy ‘ Oh girl, listen ’ is the correct prose order.
But in this verse, the imperative second sg. comes first
in this line and the vocative comes as the first word
in the next line.
(6) The second is an imperative sentence, used
as a noun clause and as an object of a participle :
“ ayusyaman entu nod enage tan ” int endu. nodu
‘ See ’ is the iuiper. second sg. masc.
The sentence within quotation marks is used as
the object of endu, pp. of en—to say.
The optative sentence:
All these sentences maintain the same word-order
as an indicative sentence (but the verb takes the
suffix-ge). These are used to curse and to bless.
Corse.
1. Kondu unvorum pancamahapatakasamyuk-
tan agi ptiti enva naragakke salge (3-7 & 8) ‘ May he
 243

who takes and enjoys (this) become guilty of the five

great sins and go to the hell named puti.’
2. idan kole okkaltanam keyvon a vittidalli
veleyade keduge (5-16).
Blessing.
1. inittadharmmaman kadora kulam pelcuge
(3-8).
2. nelanum velege, parvarum prajeyum tanige
(5-18) May the earth also be fruitful, may both the
Brahmans and the people enjoy satisfaction.
Negative sentence:
These two sentences are in verse. The order of
words is not the same as that in prose :—
1. pirigurh S’rirupallla dhanavibhava rnaharas’
igal nillav arggam endu (37-2).
2. meccen an idharaniyul iravan endu (37-3).
In these the finite verb comes first and the
subject comes next, probably for the needs of metre.
In 1. there are two finite verbs of which one comes
before, and the other comes after, the subject.
Simple, complex and compound sentences:
The Complex sentence:—As already stated, the
word-order in complex and compound sentences does
not differ very much in prose. But the complex or
compound sentence is only one sentence. In a com¬
plex sentence, the different clauses are correlated by
means of adverbial participles; the subordinate clauses
come first and the principal clause comes last.
The subordinate clauses in these inscriptions are
noun clauses:—
1. keloy pin Katavapra S’ailam adaZde namma
Kalanturanam bale perggoravarh samadhi neredon
nontu eydidor siddhiyan (21-3 4). ‘Ogirl, hear of
him of Kalantur, who having ascended the holy
16*
 244

mountain of Katavapra, the great guru accomplished

Samadhi, and having observed the vow, attained per¬
fection’.
2. S’asimati S’rlgantiyar vvandu mel arid ‘ ayus-
yaman entu nod enage tan int ’ endu KaZvappinul
torad a radhane nontu tlrtthagirimel svarggalayakk-
eridar (33-3 & 4).
3. ‘ Suracapambole vidyullategala teravol man-
juvol toribegam pirigum S’rTrupalila dhana-vibhava
mahasas’igal nillav arggam, paramarttham meccen
an idharaniyul iravan endu Nandisena pravara muni-
varan devalokakke sandan.’
4. ‘ vaZv ad arid inn enage ’ endu Suralokamaha
vibhavasthanan adam. (40-4).
5. Rajnlrnatlgantiyar ‘ narnag ind olt ida nendu
eri giriyan svarggalayam eridar (43-3 & 4).
6. Kattidasimghaman ‘ kettoden emage ’ endu
bittavol kalige viparltamgahitarkkai kettar (61-9 &
id).
The compound sentence.
As already stated, the compound sentence is a
series of independent simple or complex sentences,
often connected by the conjunctive particle-urn. The
word-order in a compound sentence in prose does n6t
differ from that of the simple sentence.
Two or more simple sentences.
1. kondu unvorum pancamahapatakasamyuktan
agi puti enva naragakke salge, Initta dharramaman
kadora kulam pelcuge (two sentences) (3-7 & 8).
2. nelanum velege parvvarum prajeyum tanige
(5-18).
Simple and complex sentences.
3. adan aZivorum aZival pa/cidor manade nene
yorum a/imen endu upades’am koduvorum
 ‘245

pancamha-patakasamyuktar appar devadandadinde eri-

veppadu-vorum appar rajadandamum eydappaduvar
(three sentences) (62-8 to 13).
“ Those who ruin that, or whisper its ruin, or
think it in the mind, or advise others to ruin it, are
guilty of the five great sins, and incur the punish¬
ment of the gods and also the puuishment of the
king.”
 PART II
THE TEXT OF THE INSCRIPTIONS
OF THE 6TH AND THE TTH
CENTURIES.
 PART II.
Inscription No. 1.

I. Ant. X. Page 60. 578 A.T). Badami Ins.

1. Svasti Srimat pritbivivallabba Mamgalisana
2. kalmanege ittodu Lamjigesaramdevarke puni-
iruva
3. mala ‘karargge arddha-vlsadi ittodan = aZivon
4. pancamahapatakan = akurii eZaneya narakada,
puZu akum

Inscription No. 2.

About 640 A.D. E. G. VII. Sk. 10

1. svasti Srlanadito.agrahara.
2. ..:.Polekesiarasara.
3. madisidadegula.ryyagajarddha.
4. ttisani.
(Not intelligible further)

Inscription No. 3.

About 675. A.I). E.G. VI. Kp. 37

1. svasti '■ Srimat Citravahanapinduvvale 2 1 (Pon-

buccale)
2. Killum 3‘ Nagennan adhikarigalage 1 2 (Ki/ganes’
varada
3. devara parivariya (e) bhamtamum kaviliyapalum
eZtum.
4. devandevana parijanam allade peZanorvanaru-
rnundo mendukarb

1. mala (Fleet)
2. “ponbuooale ” (Rice ; E. C. VI. Transliteration p. 178)
3. KiU&m (ibid p. 178) Do Kannada P. 322.

249
 250

5. int unvorum *' uniya 2‘ koduvorum Devedittiyer-

indum Saerindum
6. abharam etti ayetie kolvorum mfivetmura3" misel
mideyum
7. pogevogi kolvorum kondu unvorurii 1 pancama-
hapataka samyutta4'
8. nagi puti enva naragakke salgc • I nifcta dharm-
maraan kadora kularii peZcuge I
9. polipu-koll.iynm aramanetanada bhagamum
10. acca kammettiyeki 5‘ kottar6, Senavarasarum
dharmmagara
11. nigarurii idan peranorvan kolvonum koduvonuiii
panca
12. mahapatakan akkum 11
Inscription. No 4.
About 680 A.D. E. C. VIII Sa. 79
1. svasti Sri Yikrama
2. ditya bhataraka.
3. Oeudugoli valiyaradili.
4. ligalge kotta bhumi vivaralke..
5. bhu.thara undadu a
6 . kottu sarva.
7 .naHdoppaiicamaha
8 .saiiayuktar appar avara
9 .dosa .

Inscription. No 5.
About 685 A.D. E.C. VII. Sk. 154
1. svasti &rl Vinayaditya Rajasraya prthi-
1. intuniiam (ibid p. 178)
2. uniya (ibid p. 178)
3. muvettura (ibid p. 178)
4. samyuktan (ibid p. 178)
5. arccakam mentiyeki (ibid p. 178)
6. koft* (ibid p. 178)
 '251

2. vi vallabha maharajadhiraja paramesvara bha-

3. tara prthivi rajyamkeye sri Pogillisendraka-
4. maharajar Nayarkhandamum Jeluguralgeyan
5. ajuttu Kandarbor adhikarigal age, periya
osageyurii a-
6. lavanavum aputrakaporuduman vittar Yallirg-
gaineyara
7. dasadiyum Amaliyara devadiyuin Vedevalliyara
8. devadiyum Alaiii valliyara 1 avicandanurh Sakka
Gramunda-
9. rum Edeyagamundarum Moleiira Maniya Gamu-
10. ndarurh Navalliyarum Andugiya gamigarum
Eirilli-
11. ya Sindera gamigarum mukhamage
eradurii-NaZke ni-
12. jasravitatuagc prasadaiii keydar idan aZi-
13. von Yaranasiyalul
sasira kavileyurii parvva-
14. rumman konda paficatnahapatakasaiiiyu-
15. tan akkurii idan kole IreZpattarulam okkaltanam
16. keyvon a vittidalli veleyade keduge.
17. idan kadu Salvon pararnakalyiina bhagigal a-
18. ppor Nelanum velege a parvvarum prajeyum
tanige (ge)

Inscription No. 6.

I. Ant. XIX p. 143. About 685 A.D. Balagamve

Inscription
1. svasti sri Yinayaditya-Raja-sraya srlprithi-
2. vi-vallabha-maharajadhiraja-paramesvara-bha-
3. tarar — prithivi-rajyam-keye I Sri Pogilli-
Sendraka-
4. maharajar—Nayarkhandamum
J edugiir=algeyan=alu
 252

5. ttu Kandarbor = adhikarigaje=age periya

osageyum a-
6. lavanavum aputraka-poruluraan vittar= Vajlig-
gameyara
7. dasadiyumAuialiyaradevadiyum = Yedevalliyara
8. devadiyum Alavalliyara Ravicandamum Sorkka
gamunda-
9. rum Edeya-gamundarum Molejaramaniya-gainu-
10. mundarum Navalliyarum Andugiya Gamigarum
Nlrilli-
11. ya Sindera gamigarum mukhavage eradum-
naZke ra-
12. ja6ravitam-age prasadam kej'dar 11 idan = aZi-
13. von—Yaranasivadul = sasira kavileyum parvva-
14. ruraan —konda paiica mahapafcakasarhyu-
15. ktan—akkum I idan = kole ir-eZpattarulam
okkaltanam-
16. keyvon = a vittidalli veleyade keduge 1
17. idan—kadu Sal von- parama-kalyanatlrbfcka (m)
gal—a, 1
18. ppar I Nelanum velege parvvaru (m) prajeyum
tanige 1

Inscription No. 7.

C. 690 A.D. E. G. VIII Sb. 15

1. svasti Yinayadityasatyasraya-sri-
2. prithivTvallabhar maharajadhiraja-
3. paramesvara bhattarakar Kodakaniya
4. mahajanakke sarvvabadhaparihara bitte
5. a muva.devapadam age amoga-
6. avicara *’.nalkene vagara Erevedi-
7. gala, suputra. la madi bidisida-
8. ru sesthe an aZidon panca-maha

1. avioaram (Eice: Transliteration E.C. VIIJ. p. 5)

 253

9. pataka samyuktamn '* akku sri Palarama.

10. re karuiiih blranuggi1 2' gosigaruih sanda go.
11. liyara adi Adiarasar 3 4 5‘ kkamoji ra
12. siganu murukanunduu a kattigaviluke-
13. santu enebaru inta 4ala ....a ....Munda
14.candrasuryyatn-unga ahdona
15. paiicamahapatakan akkun.

Inscription No. 8.

692 A.D.—E. C. VIII, Sb. 571

The first 26 lines are in Sanskrit.
27. Banavasiya Anesetiya a{iya Basantakumara
Edevo-
28. ialanada Salevugeya kotta Sasanama padedurh
6antapana
29. rnaga Devereyage Nastappa gondu kottan adu
Marananu 6' Vo-
30. kuliyanu kodamgeyanu poragagale Salevugeya
31. bhagakam karnara Vasantakurnara idake saksi 7‘
32-35. Sanskrit slokas
35. maha
36. Sandhi vigrabika sriRanjapunyavallabhena likhi-
tamidam sasanam
37. Bhavagamundanu, Candagamundanu EdevoZal-
nadu Banavasi-
38. ya Nagaramum Saksi . danasara uligam
nikevatu kotam

1. mnakku (Rice — ibid)

2. blrav uggi (Eice - ibid)
3. Adiarasa (Rice -ibid)
4. kamodera (Eice—ibid)
5. gaviluke (ibid)
6. marananu (Eice. Transliteration p. 176, E. C. VUI)
Plate shows sakki.
7. sakki (Bice — ibid)
 254

Inscription No. 9.
About 100 A.D. E.C. II. 5.
srl Tlrtbhada = goravadigal=:n6..

Inscription No. 10.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 6.
srl Ullikkal = goravadigal = nontu.dar

Inscription No. 11.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 7.
1. srl Perurnalu = guruvadigala = sisya Dhanne-
2. kuttareviguravi.dippidar.

Inscription No. 12.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 8.
1. srl AgaZiya = Moni-
2. Guravara==sisya = Kottarada = Gu-
3. N asenaguravar = nontu = mudippidar

Inscription No. 13.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 9.
1. srl Neduboreya = Panapa-
2. bhatarar = nn5ntu—mudippidar.

Inscription No. 14.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 12.
J. Srl duritabhudvrsaman kT/fc alare poded ajiiaD-
asailendraman po l
2. d urainithyatva-pramudha-sthiratara nrpanan
metti gandhebhamaydau
3. Sura-vidya-vallabbendrassura-vara-munibhi-
stutyakaZbappinamel
4. Oarita £rl namadheyaprabhu Munin vratagal
nontu Saukhyasthan ayda-n
 255

Inscription No. 15.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 13.

1. 1 Ragaddvesatamonialavyapagatarssuddhatma-
samyoddbakar
‘2. Vegura paramaprabhavarisiyars Sarvva-jna-
bbatkarakar
3. Gradeva.na.dita .ntabbu
. lagra dol
4. Sri klranamalapuspa.rsvarggagraman
eridar.

Inscription No. 16.

. About 700 A.B. E.G. II. 17.

... galnontu mudippidar.

Inscription No. 17.

About 700 A.I). E.G. II. 18.

svasti Sri Jambunaygir tlZthadol nonfcu
mudippidar

Inscription No. 18.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 19.

1. svasti &ri bhantaraka Thittagapanada tammadi-
gala sisyar
2. Kittere.. yara nisidhige-

Inscription No. 19.

About 700 A.D. E.G. II. 20.

!. Adeyarenada Cittura Moniguruvadigala
^isittiyar
2. Nagamatigantiyar murutingal nontu mudippidar
 256

Inscription No. 20.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 21.

1. dak^inabhagada madure uym initava.
sapade pavumuttidon
2. laksanavantar ent enalu uraga.gi maha
parutadul
3. Aksayakirtti tuntakada vaiddhiya meladu nontu
bhaktiyim
4. aksimapakke ramya Suraloka sukakke bhagi a....
5. Pallavacari likitam

Inscription No. 21.

About 700 AJ). E.C. II. 22.

1. Sri balamel 6ikhiinele sarppada mahadantagradul
salvavol
2. Salambalatapograd intu nadadom nurentu
Samvatsaram
3. keloy pin KatavaprasailamadaZde namraa.
Kalanturanarh
4. bale perggoravam Sarnadhi Neredon Nont eydid
or ssiddhiyan

Inscription No. 22.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 24.

1. &rx Kittura, vehnadada Dharrnma Sena Guruva-
digala /Sisyar
2. Baladeva guruvadigal Sanyasanam nontu
mudippidar

Inscription No. 23.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 25.

1. Sri Malanura Pattini guruvadigala sisyar
Ugrasena
 257

2. Guruvadigal ondu-tingal Sanyasanam nontu

mudippidar

Inscription No. 24.

A bout 700 A ,D. E.G. II. 26,

1.yarull ariplthad iZdon an
03 CO

.tarikumararin arccikeyye tam

. sthira d aral intu Pegurama suraloka-vibhuti
eydidar

Inscription No. 25.

About 700 A.D. E.G. II. 27.

1. Srr Masenar pparamaprabhavarisiyar kKaZ-
vappina vettadul, Sri Samgamgala peWa
siddhasamayan tappade nont imbinin
2. prasadantaraman Yicitrakanakaprajvalyadin
Mikkudan Sasirvvar vvarapujedand uye avar
svarggagraman eridar.

Inscription No. 26.

About 700 A.D. E.G. II. 28.

1. Svasti, Sri Inangura Mellagavasa Guravar
2. KaZbappa bettam mel kalamkeydar.

Inscription No. 27.

About 700 A.D. E.G. II. 29.

1. svasti Sri Gunabhusitam adi uladagderisida
nisidige
2. saddhamma-Urusantanan samdvigagapatanayan
8. giritalada melati.sthalaman tiradanama
kelege neladi manada
4. Saddhammada GeZi Sasanadi patan
 258

Inscription No. 28.

About 700 A.D. E.G. II. 30.

6rl.mmadigal nontu kalamkeydar

Inscription No. 29.

About 650 A.D. E.G. II. 31.

1. Sri Bhadravahu sa CandraGuptamunlndra
Yugmadin oppe val
2. bhadramag ida dharrntnam anduvaZikke vand
inis alkalo
3. Vidrumadhara Santisena rnunlsan akkie Velgola
4. adrirnel aSanadi vitt apunarbhavakk ere agi.

Inscription No. 30.

About 700 A.D. E.G. II. 32.

&rT Vettede Giiravadigal manakkar Singanandi
Guruvadigal nontu kalamkeydar.

Inscription No. 31.

About 700 A.D. E.G. II. 33.

1. Sri Kalavirgguravadigala
2. Sisyar Tarekada perjediya
3. modeya kalapakada gura
4. vadigall irppattondu divasarii
5. Sanyasanam Nontu mudippidar

Inscription No. 32.

About 700 A.D. E.G. II. 34.

1. Sri ^?§abhasena Guruvadigala S-lisyar Nagasena-
guruvadigal
2, Sanyasana-vidhiintu mudippidar • Nagasenam
anaghaiii Gunadhikam
 259

3. Naganayakajifcarimandalam 1 rajapujyam amala-

Sriyampadam
4. Kamadam natamadam namamj'aham H

Inscription No. 33.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 76.
siddham.
1. Nered ada vrata-^Ila-nonpigunadim svadhyaya
sampattinirr)
2. kare-ilnaltapa-dharmmada Sasiinati ^rl ganti
yar vvandu mel
3. arid ayusyamen*' entu nodenage tan int endu
KaZvappinul
4. torad aradhane nontu tlrtthagirimel svargga-
layakk eridar

Inscription No. 33.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 77.

1. &rl gati-cesta-Viraham—Subhamgade Ghan-
ainma ritta man vittu val
2. yatiyam peZda viahanadindu torade KaZbappina
f-lailadul
3. prathitar tthappade nonta nisthita ya6 asvayuh
prama.yak
4. sthitideha kamalopamamga-subhamum svarllok-
adim nis’citam

Inscription No. 34.

A bout 700 A D. E. G. II. 80.

1. Mahadevan munipu (n) gavann adarppi kalup
erddapam
2. Mahatavan maranam appe tanaga.kamu
kande
1 P.iaa R n TT. Tran cil i f, or a. f.i on n 39—avnavaman.
 260

3. Mahagirima.gale salisi satya.nav inti

4. Mahatavad ontu male— mel valav adu divam
pokka.

Inscription No. 36.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 84.

1. Svasti, Sri,
anavadyan NadirastraduUe prathitayas’o.
ndakan vandu.lam
Yinayacara prabhavan tapadinn adhikan Candra-
devacaryya Naman
2. Udita S’ri KaZvappinulle risigiris’ ilemel nontu
tandeham ikki
niravadyann eri Svarggam Sivanilepadedan
sadhugal pujya-manan

Inscription No. 37.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 88.

1. suracapambole vidyullategala teravol mamjuvol
tori begam
2. pirigum S’ri rupalila—dhana-vibhava-maharas’
igal nillav arggarn
3. paramarttharii raeccen an I-dharani yul iravan
eudu sanyasanamge-
4. \ yduru satvan Nandisena—pravara—munivaran
devalokakke Sandau

Inscripiton No. 38.

A bout 700 A .D. E.C. II. 91.

1. Dallaga peZ dayvan
2. pala-v.,.

1. yd—Rice puts yd—to the previous line.

 261

Inscription No. 39.

About 700 A.D. E.G. II. 92.

1. Svasti Kojattursamghadi
2. Vis’okabhata rara Nisidhige

Inscription No. 40.

About 700 A.D. E.G. II. 93.

1. Edepare gl-nade keydu taparhsayyamaman
Kolatturasamgha.
2. vade kored intu vaZvud arid inn enag endu
Samadhi-kudi-e
3. edevidiyal kavadim katavapravam eriye nilladan
andhan
4. padegam oZippa.nd l Suraloka mabavi-
bhavasthanan adam

Inscription No. 41.

About 700 A.D. E.G. II. 94.

S’rlmad Gowda devara pada.

Inscription No. 42.

About 700 A.D. E.G. II. 95.
1 .ba Sadhu-gra ..ra dblran
Natasamyatatman Indranandi acaryy..
2 .me.rmma amedda_ntur id erppa
pravalanfcari.—bhavyaman varppin
3 .nde.ddi moham agald i-val-visa-
yamgalan atma-vas’ a-kkramav idu kata .
sthit&r&dhita.
4. Vimu.S’varar i.nana.rendra
rajyavibhuti sasvatam eydidan.

1. Rice puts m for m in the last syllable.

 262
Inscription No. 43.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 96.

1. svasti s’ri Kolattura
2. samghada Deva.
khantiyar nnisi.

Inscription No. 44.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 97.

1. Nimilura Sirisamghad Ajiganada Rajnxmatx-
gantiyar
2. amalam Naltada S’lladim gunadin a-mikko
ttamar mmlledor
3. namag ind oZt idu yendu eri giriyan saDyasanarix
yogadol
4. namo-cint-ayduse 1 2 3' mantraman mari.e
svarggalayam eridar.

Inscription No 45.

About 700 A.D. E.G. II. 98.

S’rl.
1. tapaman dvadas’ ada vidhanatnukhadin koyd
onduta dhatrimel
2. capal-ill-a-Navilura Samghada Mahananfcamafci-
gantiyar
3. vipulas’rl-Katavapranalgiriya mel nont omdu
sanmarggadin
4. Upamllya *' suraloka Saukhyadedeyan tam eydi
iZdal manam.

1. Rice gives sanghada (Transliteration.)

2. Rice gives ayduse. E. C. II. Transliteration p. 42.
3. Upamilla gives better meaning.
 263

Inscription No. 46.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 99.
1. S’ri tanage Mrtyuvaravan aride Pertvana vams’
adon
2. svasti kalanigek asude.ppina rajyavivabin
3. gha,.ka.modasu.to.
matakacci ni-
4. dhanama.sura. gagatiyul nelekondan

Inscription No. 47.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 102.
1.jannal Navilur anekagunada s’ri samgha
....du.
2. r.menal tilakam.s’ri.racaryyara
3 .bhimanam eyde torad endo ragasaukh-
yagati
4 .dad orndu pancapadade dosaiii nirasam....

Inscription No. 48.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 103.
1. svasti s’rlmat Navilur sainghada Pu-
2. spasenacari.,....ya nisidhige

Inscription No. 49.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 104.
s’ri Devacaryya.nisidhige.

Inscription No. 50.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 105.
1. ‘S’ri angadi naman anekam Guijaklrtt id entan
2. 2‘ tumgoccabhakti vas’adin toradilli deham
1. Rice writes “ svasti ” after “ sr’I ” in the first line (B. C.
Transliteration p. 42, No. 99.)
2. tungocca—Rice has —m—in transliteration.
 264

3. pongolvicitragirikutamayam Kucelam.

Inscription No. 51.

A bout 700 A .D. E.C. II. 106.
svasti s’rl.
1. Navilura s’rl-samghadulle guravarix nam Mauni-
• yacariyar
2. avara sisyar aninditar gunami.Vrsabhanandx-
niunl-
3. bhava-vij Jaina-Sumarggadulje Nadad oxhd \
aradhanayogadin
4. avaruiix Sadhisi svarggaloka Sukhacittam.
madhigal.

Inscription No. 52.

A bou t 700 A .1). E.C. II. 107.
1. S’r! valid anuragadin eradu granthe gala kkramad
ari s’aila,.
2. vandanu marggadine timira vidhiye Navilura 1 2.
Sam.
3. cendade buddhiya haraman il.tiyum.
ya mavi-abbegal
4.Zippi nal surara Saukhyaman im odaga
undar 3' attamum

Inscription No. 53.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 108.

1. S’rl anavaratan Nalampi bhfta Sayyamam ente
viccheyam

1. Bice “ ond- ”
2. “ Navilchara ” (Kan. version) Rice.
3. “ otjagoijdar ” (Rice) Transliteration p. 44.
 266

2. vanadol ayogya.nakkum adi. galo.

3. manavam ikkuta.radi. nontu samadhi
kudidom
4. anupaiiia divy1 appadu suraloka marggadol
iZdar inbinim
5. Mayuraggrama samghasya Saundaryya Aryya-
namika. *
6. Katapragiri S’aileca sadhitasya samadhitah ®

Inscription No. 54.

About 700 A.D. E.G. II. 109.

1 . S’ri Meghanandi muni tan Namilur vvara
Samghada
cq co Tji

.tirfcthadi siddhiyan
.da.

Inscription No. 55.

About 700 A.D. E.G. II. 111.

th

S’ri sa.na.Negarteyagum sed ene-

vadesi dal
cq co

mugiva.non turn rnevola.tapamam.

.ni.pautra nandimunipa .
.maryyana.yu.1 rnalo tala idarul
nontu siddhisthan adam

Inscription No. 56.

About 700 A.D. E.C. II. 112.

S’ri Navilur-Sariighada Gunamafciavvegala
nisidhige-
1. Bice has [m]—appadu.
 266
Inscription No. 57.

About 700 A.D. E.G. II. 113.

1. tanage Mptyuvaravan arid endu Supanditan.
2. aneka-s’ila-gunamalegalin sagid oppidon
3. Vinaya-Deva Sena-Narna-maha-muni nontupin
4. in adar iZdu pa/i taiikade tan divam eridan.

Inscription No. 58.

About 700 A.D. E.G. II. 114.

1. S’rl S’ubhanvita-S’ri Namilura samghada,
prabhavatl.
2. prabhakhyanu-parvvatadulle nontu tam
svabhavasaunda-ryy akarangaradhipar
3. Grame Mayura-Samghesya Aryyika Damitarnati
4. Katvapragiriinadhyastha Sadhita ca samadhita.

Inscription No. 59.

A bout 700 A.D. E.G. II. 115.

1. Aneka S’lla-gunad oppidor intu lekkisadum
2. Nenegend oru Muniyim dal1- tapaccale nontu
tarn
3. tamago mrtyuvaravan aridam S’rlpurttiya.*

Inscription No. 60.

About 700 A. D. E. C. II. 116.

1. I—pujya,.laman sareti varador
einurvvaram lak§yam I
2. Sri puranvaya Gandha Varmma namita-Sri san-
ghad&pupyadl
3. san-paura .nide . . . . .
rivalagham.rl6ilatala . . .

1. Rice—‘ yindal”
4, manneradupa
i

Inscription No. 61.

About 700 A. D. E. G. II. 445.
1. Sri jinamarggan nlfci-
2. sampannan Sarppa-culamani

Inscription No. 62.

About 700 A. D. TattuJcdti Inscription l. A. X. 61.

1. Kappe-Arabhabban Siatajana priyan
2. kasbajanavarjiban kaliyugaviparltan II
3. varan-tejasvino mribbyur na tu manavakhan-
danam-
4. Mrbtyus tatksaniko dahkhatu manabhaiiigam
dinedine H
5. Sadhuge Sadhu luadhuryango madhuryam I
badhippa
6. kalige kaliyuga viparltan I madhavan Iban
peran alia 1 II
7. ollitba keyvor ar polladuin adarambe ■ ballibbu
kalige
8. viparlba purakrbam I illi samdhikkum adu bariidull
9. kabtida Simghaman kebbodenemag emdu • bibba-
yoI kalige vi-
10. parltamg ahitarkkal • kebbar men Sabbar avi-
caram I ®

Inscription No. 6:

About 675 A. D. E. G. VI. Kv. 38.

1. svasbi Srlmatu Aluarasar
2. Gunasagaradvitlyanamadheyan

1. keftoden (Fleet. I. A. X. p. 61)

 268

. 3.. Kadamba mapdalaman.alutum Ajuara-

4. Sarum Mahadeviyarum Citravabanarum
6, Kunda-varmmarasam mudimegeye KiZga-
6. Na devake ellaman Sarva pariharam
7. bitta modalin an ittor1 ifctanfce bitta
8. adan aZivorum aZival paZcidor
9. manade nenevOrum aZimen end upade-
10. 6am koduvorum Pancamahapafcaka
11. Sarny uktarappar2. devadandadind erive-
12. ppaduvorum appar rajadanda-
13. mum eydeppaduvar
14. I nmvettumur3. adevejanam inelam Imari-
15. yadeyan aZivor ojar ankage4 5. men6.
16. sagemenal6 8 enfco bhelli-kambar7. enainB.
17. go^tu kondar.
Inscription No. 64.
A. D. 700 E. C. VI. Kp. 39.
1. svasti 6rl Santarasa \
2. prithuvi-rajyadula kige (ge).
3. br.irige besageyvalli marali
4. bataringe kotar dhone Gudala naradi
5. iZdu kotar yipaduy tore varum
6. sampege9. sarvva-pariharam10. Unnurum
7. Gomappa kot$a idal.
8. Ka.rigaPge
9. .rnegula .
1. ittor&n (B. 0. VI. Transliteration p. 179)
2. appor (ibid)
3. muvettumuru (ibid)
4. ankage (ibid)
5. mep-sage (ibid)
6. monag-(ibid)
7. kammar^ibid)
8. enam (ibid)
9. sampige (B. C. VI. Transliteration, p. 179)
10. sarvvaparihara (ibid)
 269

10. nedoru patakan akkurii

11. kottu
12. darange svasti
13. purvva-mariya
14. deya. kammarara
16. pa6upata-mariya-
16. deya ullad alia
17. ettiko/von pancaraa-
18. ha-patakan akkuk a-
19. nt-i-kotta GaZdeyuma.
20. reyuman aZivor2.
'21. degulaman aZidor apar
22. idan aZidor puti enva na-
23. ragakke salvor mu.ru-
24. degulaman aZido-
25. r-apar3. -a du*’ mura.
26. .ra

Inscription No. 65.

About 700 A. D. E. G. VI. Kp. 40.
1. svasti srl SantarasS
2.thuvl-rajyaduja keZga5.
3. bataringe besageyvalli.
4. Zo.kkalum iZdu kaiiiba
6. kammarar aZuva.
6. sarvva-parihara kottar
7.na6 koluvorumlde va.
8. Zibhigama.
9. aZivor pattupona.
1. akkum (ibid)
2. alevon (ibid)
3. apor
4 aydu (E. C. VII. Transliteration, p. 179)
6. kiZga (Bice E. C. VII. Transliteration)
6.. (ibid. p. 179)
7. bhigamft left out in transliteration)
 270

Inscription No. 66.

About 700 A. D. E. G. VIII 8b. 411.
1. svasti srl
2. vijaya.
3. dityabhatara.
4. prithivlrajya-
6. ngeye Npipa-
6. mariar arasa-1
7. nfcali kumari
8. yale mu.
9. vvana.
10. le kalluksara.
11. nan kottan ke.
J2.sala.
13. kalu kere pudom.
14. li mattalu
15. kanyadana
16. ara-mantama2.
17. aggi ....... algal.
18. okkalu, ka . . . . manka . . .
19. amira .... do lage
20.ttalta dharmma.
21. siri pa.
22.vaha.
23. madidom.

1. From nrpamariar line 6 to 13 kere, the transliteration

is different from the Kan. version.
2. aramantame. This inscription as given in the Kan.
verse materially differs from the English transliteration given in
E. C. VIII. Transliteration p. 148 ; much meaning cannot be
made out of either.
 PART III
A. THE INDEX.
 PART III.

A. The Index.

THE INDEX.
(The first number in brackets indicates the
inscription and the second, the line).
A.
akkum (3-12; 5-15; 6-15; 7-9 & 15; 52-2; 63-10 & 18)-
will become, fut. 3 sg. m. of a (gu) - to become.
Other form : akum (1-4); adv. pp. agi (29-2); pp.
ada (41-3); past 3 sg. m. aydan (14-4); other
form of aydan-adam (40-4; 54-4); fut. p. appa
(52-4); fut 3 pi. m & f. appar (6-18); appor
(5-17) , other forms : appar (62-11) ; appar (4-8);
apar (63-21); adv. pp. causative akki-e (T. caus.
pp. akki); N. K. caus. pp. agisi; inf. age (3-2;
5-5 & 11; 6-5 & 11). Another form of the inf.
agale (foragalu) (8-30). T. a, ak, agu, M. agu;
Tu-agu-to become Te. agunu, avunu-will become.
Aksayaklrtti (20-3) - 8. pr. ni. sgl. nom. slw.
aksimanakke (20-4) - to the eye and the mind. slw.
mana-s. n. sg. dat. see ramyasuraldka sukakke
(20-4).
agaldu (41-8) - having separated, adv. pp. of agal-to
separate (intr.)
T. akal-to separate.
aggi.algal (65-17)?
agrahara . . . (2-1) - land or village assigned to
Brahmins for their maintenance . ?
angadina . . . . n (49-1)?

273
G. O. I. 18
 274

accakammettiyeki (3-10) ? slw. s. n. sg.? making the

arcaka the chief or the head, mel what is above
1 • meti-loftiness. Greatness, excellence (medu-
height) Te. T. melmai 2 • meti-a big man, a head
3 • a headservant; rnenti-a pillar in the middle of
a threshing-floor; archakam menti yeki (Rice)?
ajnanasailendraman (14-1) - the mountain of ignor¬
ance. slw. °&ailendra-; s. n. sg. acc.
adaZde (21-3) - having ascended, adv. pp. of adaZ-to
ascend+e (particle of emphasis; T. atar-to be
close to; M. atal-closing with; Te. adaru-to be fit,
replaced by hatti in N. K. cf. andu = going near-
andisi-to come for protection.
Andugiya (5-10) - S. pr. N. Sg. gen. of Andugi
(a village)
atisthalaman (27-3) - s. lw.°sthala-s. n. sg. acc.-
that
adaramte (61-7) - like that; adv. (adara stem. pron. n.
gen.) amte-adv. p. of tr. an-to speak.
adarppi (35-1) - having reproved. Probably adv. pp.
of. adarppu-to reprove, cf. adarppu-s. trembling ;
adapu-to reprove. T. adampu-to rebuke. Te.
adapu-warning, fear.
adan (62-8)-it. Pron. 3rd. sg. n. acc.; nom. adu (8-29;
46-4; 40-2 ; 61-8) gen. adara-in adaramte (35-1).
adi (7-11)?
adi . . . galo . . (52-2) ?
adu (8-29; 40-2, 46-4; 61-8) - it; pron. 3. sg. nom. T.
atu, M. adu. Tel. adi; acc. adan; gen. adara in
adammte.
Adeyarenada (19-l)-of Adeyarenadu: s. pr. sg. gen.
See I. Ant. VIII, 168.
adrimel (29-4)-on the top of the mountain; slw. adri+
adv. (cf. mel-the top).
adhikan (36-2) - great, slw. adhika-adj. s. m. sg. nom.
 275

adhikarigal (3-2, 5-5; 6-5) -officers, slw. °kari-s. m.

pi. nom.
ankage (62-15)-to the punishment; tatsama-anke s. n.
sg. dat. (Kittel’s Diet. Preface P. XV.)
Anantamatlgantiyar (44-2)-s. pr. f. pi. (hon.); nom.
ganti-other forms, khanti (42-2). kanti (ganti)
ganti; Skt. gantrl-wandering nun.
anavadyan (36-1) - faultless; slw.°avadya-adj. s. m. sg.
nom.
aninditar (50-2)-irreproachable. slw. anindita-adj.
s. m. pi. (hon.)
andhan (40-3) - slw. andha-adj. s. m. sg. nom.
anadito.(2-1) ? slw. incomplete
phrase.
anupamadivya (52-4) - incomparable and divine, slw.
°divya-adjs. n. sg. nom. B. L. Bice puts in -in-
between divya and appa- the next word,
anekam (49-1) - slw. probably an adj. qualifying guna-?
anekagunada. (46-1)- of many good qualities-slw.
guna-s. n. sg. gen.
anekaguna siladi (58-1)- by many qualities and virtues,
slw. slla-s. n. sg. loc meaning instr.) cf. aneka
&ilagunamalega}in (56-2).
aneka s’llagunamalegalin (56-2) - by strings of good
qualities and virtues, slw. male- s. n. sg. instr.
antu (63-19) - adv. in that manner, cf. andu-then.
anduvaZikke (29-2) adv.- afterwards, andu - then ;
va(ikka - after. N. K. abajika. T. anru-then.
appa (52-4) - that will be. ft. p. of intr. agu -
to become. 0. K. appa>apa, M. K.>aha, M. K.
replaced by N. K. aguva; see akkurh.
apunarbhavakke (29-4) - to the cessation of birth.
slw* °bhava-. S. n. sg. dat.
aputrakaporuduman (5-6) - the property of those
dying without heirs, slw. aputraka-. s. n. sg.
18*
 276

acc. with the conjunctive particle -um before the

acc. ending, cf. “poruluman (6-6), T. porul-
money, wealth; M. Porul- what belongs to one.
N. K. porulu - essence.
aputraka poruluman (6-6) - same as aputraka-porudu-
man (5-6)
appar (4-8) - will become, vb. ft. 3. pi. of agu - to
become, 0. K. appar, appar, apar; >apar
M. K. appar, apparu, ahar-u. replaced in N. K.
by agu-v-ar-u. (See agi)
apar (63-21) - same as appar.
appar (62-11, 12) - same as appar.
appe (35-2) - it embracing, inf. of tr. appu - to
embrace.
apor (63-25) - same as appar.
abharam (3-6) probably - that weight or the burden.
Probably abharam or a bharam slw. abhara- or
bhara- s. n. sg. acc. in meaning, nom. in
form.
amalarii (43-2) - pure. slw. amala-adj. n. sg. inst. in
meaning, nom. in form.
Amaliyara (5-7 ; 6-7) - of the people of the village,
Amali. s. pr. m. pi. gen.
amira .... dol (65-19)? S. (numeral) ?
amoghavicara . . . . (7-6)?
ayogy.n (52-2) ?
aydu mura.ra (63-26; 26) ? five
three ?
a}rdan (14-2) - five, (numeral) N. acc. pi. T. eindu,
anju, M. aiiju; Tel. eidu; Tu. eidu.
ayvan (38-1) ?
ara-mantama (65-16) - an alms-shed. slw. mandapa*
T. aram - virtue, charity, dharmma; M. ara -
dharmma. cf. aramane - King’s house (r and
not ?■). cf, aravantige
 277

aramane-tanada (8-9) - of the palace office, slw.

tana<sthana; aramane - king’s house ; a palace.
T. arasan- king; T. aranmanai - a palace ; Te.
arasu. M. aracan. Tu. arasu.
aral (24-3) -1. a flower. S.N. sg.norn. 2. later inscript¬
ions ; alar. T. alar - a blown flower, M. alar - a
flower. Tel. alaru - a flower, Tu. aralu - a flower,
for 1. See S.M.D.; 28, T. viral; Te. vrelu ; velu.
aridu (40-2) - difficult, impossible, adj. n. sg. pro¬
bably from ari - to cut off. T. aridu - difficult;
rareness. Te. aridi - rare. cf. aridu.
ariplthadi (24-1) - in the seat of honour, slw. ° pltha
- s. n. sg. loc.
arcikeyye (24-2) - when he worshipped, slw. arc. - to
worship or area. - worship, inf. of key - to do,
with archa, -i of arci- probably due to the ana¬
logy of arc-isu. T. areikka; Tel. arcincu.
arddhavlsadi (1-3) - at the rate of half a visa. slw.
visa- s. N. sg. loc. visa from vimsa - 1/16 of a
pana) T. vlsam; Te. (pkt.) vlsamu; M.
vls’aiu ; (a rice corn’s weight of gold or 1/16 of a
pana) ; Tu. visa. See visa,
aridam (58-3) - he knew. vb. past. 3. sg. m. of ari - to
know. N.K. aridanu. adv. pp. aridu (33-3; 45-1;
53-1) T. arindan - he knew ; M. ari - to know ;
aridu (33-3 ; 45-1- 53-1) - having known or recognised,
adv. pp. of ari- to know. cf. ari-to cut off. T.
arindu ; Tel. erungi. See. aridam.
arulam (5-15; 6-15) - years, slw. for varsa. s. n. sg.
noin. meaning adverbial, varsa >varusa >arula.
T. varusam - a year.
alare (14-1) - rejoicing, inf. of alar - to rejoice, to
expand. T. alar - to rejoice. Te. alaru.
Alamvalliyara (5-8) - of the people of the village of
Alamvafli, s. pr. m. pi. gen. T. palli - a settlement,
 278

a village. M.palli; Te.palli, palle ; Tu. hajli. N. K.

halji; Skfc. palll (fern.) - a small village, a
settlement of wild tribes, lw. in skt.? see
Alavalliyara
alavanavum (5-6, 6-5) - a tax (Rice). Fleet thinks it
to be arupanam- six panatn. Probably it means
‘alavanam’ or ‘alarhvanam’. - the tax on the
ala or banyan tree, or alavanam - the tax on
sugarcane mill. Also called ganadere and aledere-
in some inscriptions, ale- is also written as -arre
cf. toradu (33-4) and nadadu (50-3), the roots also
tore and nade respectively. Dr. Buhlcr suggests
that alavana may stand for alapana, Marathi
alap- a funeral lament, singing the praises of the
dead, denoting some domestic ceremony. But
alevana or alavana seems to be more satisfactory,
cf. 1 aledere. Ec. III. Sr. 105; 2 page 41 part I A.
See Hindu Adm. Institutioirs. P. 310. Tax on
Sugarcane mill = 60 panamum. s. n. sg. nom.-f-
uin (conjunctive particle)
Alavaljiyara (6-8) - of the people of the village of
Alavalli. s. n. pi. gen. see Alamvalliyara (5-8).
alia (61-6, 63-16) - is not. neg. pr. participle of intr
al - to be fit. neg. adv. pp. allade (3-4). for
allade; T. al, alia- no, not; M. alia - no, not.
allade (3-4) - except, neg. adv. pp. of al - to be fit,
used in the sense of allade ; d is a mistake for d.
N. K. allade. See alia.
alii (63-3 64-3) - when he did. a locative post-position.
See besageyva (63-3).
avar (25-2) - he, pron. s. pi. (hon.) m. nom. subject of
eridar; gen. avara; nom. with -um, avarum. T.
avar, M. avar, Tel. varu.
avarum (50-2),-of his. pron. pi. (hon.) gen. See
avar.
 279

avara (50-4), - he also. pron. 3. pi. (hon. nom. - um

(the conjunctive particle) See avar.
avar.dosa.(4-) ?
avicaram (b. 1-10) - without foresight. Fleet trans¬
lates it as ‘ without doubt ’. slw. avicara- s. n.
sg. nom. adverbial in meaning,
asanadi (vittu) (29-4) - food and other things, slw.
°adi-. s. n. sg. nom. in form. acc. in meaning,
object of vittu.
asantali (65-7) dying.?
aZival (62-8) - to ruin. inf. of purpose of aZi-to destroy.
T. & M. aZi - to destroy, aZimen - vb ft 1. sg.;
aZidon - adj. s. sg.; aZidor - adj. s. pi. from aZida-
pp; aZivon - adj. s. sg. from aZiva - f. p.; alivor -
a'dj.s. pi. from aliva; aZivor—mil - adj. s. pl. + uih.
alimen (62-9) - I will destroy, vb. ft. 1. sg. m. of aZi -
to destroy. See aZival.
aZidon (7-8, 14) - the destroyer, adj. s. in. sg. from
aZida - pp. of aZi. See aZival. cf. aZitton. cf. IV;
Hg. 87, 780 A. D.; E. C. IV. Gu. 88.
aZidor (4-7 ; 63-21, 2^, 24) - the destroyers, adj. s. m.
p. noun; see aZidon.
alivon (1-3, 5-12, 6-5, 63-20) - the destroyer, adj. s.sg.
m from aZiva - fut. p.
aZivor (62-15, 64-9) - the destroyers, adj. s. m. pi. from
aZiva. See aZvon.
aZivorurii (62-8) - adj. s. m. pi. nom + urn. See
aZivor.
aZkalo (29-2) (the dharmma) becoming weak. inf. of
aZku - to lose lustre, used in the sense of aZkalu,
at the end of a line in verse, cf. aZi and aZkalo.
T. aZi - to be corrupted, wasted,
ajiya (8-27) - son-in-law. s. m. sg. nom. cf. Te. alludu.
Son-in-law; allemu-a feast connected with son-
in-law’s return
 280
ahitarkkal (61-10) - the enemies, slw. ahita- s. m. pi.
nom. (-ar & -kal) - two pluralising particles)- cf..
1. amarakaminiyarkalol. E. C. YII. HI. 38,
(1192);
2. rajarkalumaniZisidarh. E. I. XIII. p. 41
(1112);
3. munurvarkaloj. E. C. V. Hassan, 79 (1183);
4. saranayatarkajam (I. Ant. XIY. p. 15 (1123);
5. surakanyeyarkajam, E. C. YII. HI. 35(1187)
and 51 (1195)
A.

a (5-16; 5-18; 6-16 7-14; 43-2) - that. adj. denoting

re-moteness, being a substitute for ‘ adu ’ - it.
a.(20-4) ?
-a.kamukande ? I saw ?
akki-e (29-3) - having caused it to become, adv. pp.
of agu- to become with e for emphasis. N. K.
agisi; Tamil form is akki (Tiruvacakam; 2-35,
5-101, 103 ; 15-23). See akkum.
agale (8-30) - if it becomes, inf. of agu - to become-
agalu e. See akkum.
agi.(29-4) ?
age (3-2; 5-5, 11; 6-5, 11; 7-5) - when ....
became, adv. pp. of agu + e. See akkum
Ajiganada (43-1) - of the Ajigana. slw.°gana-. s. n.
sg. gen. The Jain community was divided into
groups or samghas. Each samgha was subdivi¬
ded into ‘ganis’. Each gana was further sub¬
divided into ‘gacchas’ and the gacchas were again
sub-divided into balis’. The Namlursamgha had
Ajigana as one of its sub-divisions.of. s’rimulasam-
ghadadesiganada pustakagacchada sri Divakara-
namdi- siddhantadevara. E. C. IV. Yd. 24 and 26,
cf. E. C. II. 69, 134.
 281

acari - see Pallavacari, Mauniyacariyar.

attamum (51-4) - the topmost apartment on the roof,
atta - a tower or an apartment, ata - speaking
sound. Probably atta for atta s. n. sg.
acc.+um.
atmavasakramavu (41-3) - method of controlling
one’s self. s. n- sg. nom. slw. krama-
ada (33-1) - that had become, pp. of agu - to become,
' used as a participial adj. T. ana, Tel. ayina.
See akkum.
adam (40-4; 54-4) - became past 3 sg. m. of agu - to
become; see akkum,.
AdiarasarkkamojTra (7-11)? oja - a teacher, N. K.
oji - a carpenter.
adiuladagderisida (27-1) -? uljude agderisida.?
adhipar (57-2) - the head or the chief, s. m. pi. (hon.)
nom. slw. adhipa. adhipar is chosen for the
needs of metre.
an.(7-8 and 24-1) - ? Probably
Svastyavan-the property, s. n. sg. acc.
am 137-3, 49-1) - pron. 1 per sg. nom. obi. base,
en used as gen. (33-3). dat. sg. enage. dat. pi.
emage. gen. pi. ei.ima, namma; T. nan, yan, M.
yan, nan, Tel. nenu, N. K. nan.
Anesetiya [8-27) - Aneseti’s. S. pr. m. sg. gen. slw.
seti from sresthin - head of merchant guild. In
Kan. - a merchant.
appar (6-18) - shall become : ft. 3. pi. of agu. T.
avar. See akkum.
appor (5-17) - shall become. Ft. 3- pi. of agu. See
akkum
am (41-4) ?
amikkottamar (43-2) - surpassingly most excellent ?
adj. s. f. pi. (hon.) nom. from ikka - pp. of
migu - to surpass, slw. uttama-.
 282

ayu§yama (33-3) - fche length of my life. s. n. sg. acc.

slw. ayusya-.
ayeti-e (3-6) - produce (?) s. n. sg. acc. probably Slw.
from ayatika - offspring, hope, expectation.
Kittel gives ayatike - generosity, grandeur, the
state of being noble or worthy.
aydan (14-4) - became- past. 3 sg. m. of agu - to be¬
come- See akkum. N. K. adan-u.
ar (61-7) - who - inter, pron. s. m. pi. nom. aru-rii; 'dat.
argg-am ? N. K. yar-u. T. ar, yar, Tel. evaru, eru.
Tu. eru. inter adj. ava.
aradhanenontu (33-4) - observing the vow of Sanya-
sana. slw. aradhan e-worship, service. Sanyasana-
death by starvation. See sanyasana.
aradhanayogadin (50-3) - by the religious vow of
sanyasana. “ samadhimaradhayitum ” E. C. II. 2.
Slw.°yoga- See (1) Tattvartha sutra IX. 19-20.
(2) Outlines of Jainism, pp. 38, 56, 95, (3)
Jainism p. 41.
arum (3-4)—other persons (no other person) inter, pron.
m. pl. + um. See ar.
arggarh (37-2)—to every one (all)- iner. pron. m. pi. dat.
uiii (conjunctive particle)
Alamvajjiyara (5-8) - of the people of Alamvalji. s. •tn.
pi. gen. probably from alarii—a banyan tree.
ava.(20 - 1) ? Probably inter, adj.
ava.
avittidalli (5-16; 6-16) -wherever he sows. adj. s. n.
sg. loc. from vittida - pp. of vittu - to sow. 0. K.
viitu - to sow, a seed N. K. bittu (to sow), bitta
(a seed) replaced bybija. by the educated classes.
T. vittu, vitei; vire. M. vite, vire, Tel. vittu,
vittana - a seed.
Aluarasar (62-1) - proper name. s. pr. m. pi. (hon).
nom. See E. 0.1.
 283

Aluarasar-urh (62-3)- proper name. s. pr. m. pi.

with -mil.
See E. C. VI. Intro, p. 5; Alu, Alva, Alupa,
Aluva. See D.K. D. p. 309
aluttu (6-4; 6-4) - administering, pr. adv. p. of al - to
rule, aluttum (62-3); adv. p. with -um; ale (3-1;
65-8) - inf. algeya (5-4) - vbal noun, gen; algeyan
(6-4) vbal. noun. acc.; aluva - ft. p. T. M. Tu.
a.1 - to rule; Te. elu - to rule,
aluttum (6-1; 62-3) - pr. adv. p. of al - to rule. See
aluttu.
ale (3-1 ; 65-8) - while . . . . was ruling, inf.
of al - to rule, to algeya (5-4)-of the Government
s. n. sg. gen. from al-to rule, to govern, acc.
algeyan.
algeyan (6-4) - the Government, s. n. sg. acc. from al
- to rule.
I
ikki (36-3) - having abandoned, adv. pp. of ikku - to
abandon; to lay down. 0. K. irku. N. K. ikku;
adv. pr. p. ikkuta (52-3) T. irakku - to let down,
to put. Tu. ikku - to abandon,
ikkuta (52-3) - abandoning, adv. pr. p of ikku. - to put
down, to abandon, see ikki.
ittante (62-7) - in the same condition as it was given,
itta-pp. of I - to giveef. adarante; ante from
annute; an - to say, used as an adv. of manner;
T. Inda (pp.) Te. iccina (pp.)
ittodan (1-3) - the gift that has been made. adj. s. n.
sg. acc. from itta - pp. of i - to give ; Norn- ittodu
(1-2); adv. ittante (62-7) T. inta (pp. of I - to
give).; Te. iccina - pp. of I - to give,
ittodu (1-2) - the gift. adj. s. n. sg. nom. from ittudu
Citta - pp. of i.
 284
ittoran (62-7) - those that give. adj. s. m. sg. aco. from
<itta - pp. of I - to give.
id (41-2)?
ida.(63-7) ?
ida (29-2) - that was. participial adj. qualifying
dharmmaman from idda - that was. pp. of ir - to
be. 0. K. irda. T. M. iru - to be. T. irunda - pp.
of iru ; ft. p. iruva (1-2) cf. i/da.
idake (8-11) - to this, proximate dem. pron. n. sg. dat.
from idakke<idarke ; nom. idu (41-3); acc. idan
(6-12; 16-17); loc. idaul. (64-4); with -e, ide (64-7)
T. idarku. Tel. dlniki. Nom. T. idu. M. idu.
Tel. idi.
idarul (64-4) - in this, here, proximate dem. pron. n.
sg. loc.
idan (3-11, 6-12,15,17 ; 6-12,15-17,63-22) proximate
dem. pron. n. s. acc.
idu (41-3; 43-3) - this, proximate dem. pron. n. sg.
nom. 49-3)
See idakke (8-31)
ide (64-7)- this same, idu + e . . idu + e -particleof
emphasis in (40-2) - further, hereafter, adv. of
time meaning ‘ from this time onwards.’ N. K.
innu. T. ini - henceforth, innam, innum- still;
M. innu - henceforth; Tel. imka.
Inungura (26-1) - of Inangur. s. pr. n. sg. gen. (a
village)
inadariidu (56-4) - probably (1) in-adari-ildu when it
means trembling still more ; then, in - still, adari
- adv. pp. of adar; (•/) inadar the sweet man (s.
m. pi. nom.) in apposition to ‘ Muni ’ but here r
is difficult to explain. SMD. adir. - to tremble.
i. nana.rendra
rajyavibhuti (41-4) - the glory of the King of
Gods?
 285

inisu (29-2) - a little, this much. s. and dem. pron. n.

sg. used as an adv. another form initu. Tel. imta
- this much,
inta (7-13) intaha. ?
intu (3-5; 24-3; 33-3; 35-3; 58-1) - Thus. adv.
modifying eydidar.
indu (43-3) - to-day, adv. probably from the proxi¬
mate demonstrative pronominal base. T. inru, M.
innu.
Indranandiacaryya (41-1) - s. pr. m. sg. ?
imbinin (25-1) - sweetly, from impu-sweetness; charm,
s. n. sg. inst. used in an adverbial sense. T.
inpam, inpu,- delight, pleasure. M. inpam -
pleasure. Te. impu, imbu, impu - pleasure.
Sweetness; Tu. impu-pleasantness, N. B. -in-in.
inbinim (52-4) - with charm or sweetness, same as
imbinin (25-1)
iravan (37-3) - existence, s. n. sg. acc. from verbal
noun<iravu-iru-to be. T. iruppu, iravu - being;
M. iravu.
iruva (1-2) - that has been - ft. p. of iru - to be. O.K.
irppa. M. K. iruva. iha. N. K. iruva. Yb. noun -
iravan. acc.
irppattondudivasam (31-4) - for 21 days. Slw.
divasa-. S. n. sg. nom. used adverbially,
illi (49-2, 61-8) - here. adv. of place, probably the loc.
of the proximate demon, pronominal base,
ivalvisayamgalam (41 -3) - these points or topics. Slw.
visaya- s. n. pi. acc. ival - probably ivel-.
iZdar (52-4) - abandoned, sacrificed, past 3. pi. of
transitive il - to pull, to abandon, to become
sapless. M. K. il (ir) N. K. ele. past. 3 sg. f.ijdaj;
adv. ppl. ifdu. adj. s. M. sg; iMon. T. i l - to lose,
to sacrifice. Naladiyar 9, 10,199, 251, 277, 287,
336. M. iZ. Te. Iducu - to pull.
 286

iZd&l (44-4) - abandoned, past. 8. sg. f. of iZ. T, to aban¬

don, to lose, to sacrifice.
iZdu (56-4; 63-5; 64-4) adv. pp. of iZ - to
abandon.
iZdon (24-1) - abandoned, adj. s. m. sg. nora from
iZda pp. of iZ - to abandon, to sacrifice.
I
1(3-8; 35-3; 37-3; 40-1 ;I 40-4; 50-3; 57-2; 59-1;
62-14; 63-19) - proximate dem. adj. substitute of
idu - this - see a. Tel. I - this (or these),
i'tan (61-6) - this man, dem. pron. m. sg. (hon.) nom.
Te. Itadu. probably i- + tan - this self (speaker) or
!-f tan - this of mine.
IreZpattarulam (5-15; 6-15) - for twice seventy years
(140 years). Slw. arula-varusa- s. n. sg. nom.
used adverbially. T. ireZ - 14; T. varutam - a
year.
Ivatin (45-2) ? xvattina-of to day. or Iva tingha . .?

U
Ugrasenaguruvadigal (23-2) - s. pr. m. pi. (hon.) nom.
Slw. guru-
uniye (3-5) - to be enjoyed, inf. of un - to eat. undo,
adj. s. unnururh; unvorum: M.&F. pi. T. & M.
un - to eat.
undadu (4-5) - that which was eaten,
umndo (3) 4 ? - undom endukum ?
unnurum (63-6) - to be enjoyed, adj. s. in. pi. nom +
am. unva, fut. p. of up - to eat.
unvorum (3-5, 1) - those who enjoy this. adj. s. m. &
f. pi. nom. from unva. See uiinurum
uditasrlkaZvappinulle (36-3) - at the celebrated KaZ-
vappa: Slw. udita s’rikaZvappu-s. n. sg. loc.+e
for emphasis.
 287

upamilyasuralokasaukhyada (44-4) - of matchless

happiness of the world of gods. Slw.°saukhya-.
s. n. sg. gen. upamllya is probably for upamilla.
cf. capal ilia.
upad&sam (62-9) - advice, s. n. sg. acc. in meaning
nom. in form. Object of koduvoruih
urn (6-9, 6-9,) - also um, N. K. u. T. um. Te. u; Tu. u.
uye (25-2) - when conveyed, inf. of uy - to convey,
to carry. N. K. oy - to carry.
uraga.gl (20-2) a snake . . . .?
urumithyatva pramudhasthiratara nrpanan (14-2) -
the silly but firm king of false doctrine. Slw.
°nrpa- S. m. sg. acc.
urusattvan (37-4) - the strong - minded. Slw. sattva-
adj. s. m. sg. nom.
ulladu (63-16) - that which has or possesses?

-um (6-9 & 10) - also, another form. -um. N. K. u.

uligam (8-38) - service, s. n. sg. nom.
T. uliyarn - service due to deity, obligation of a
slave to his master. M. uliyarn - service. Te.
udigamu - service. Tu. uliga- - service. Why
1 and not l. ?
Psabhasenaguruvadigaja (32-1) - S. pr. m. pi. (hon.)
gen. Slw. °guru-.
E.
Edeparege (40-1). - Name of a place. S. N. sg. dative,
edeyan (44-4).- their state; the abode, s. n. sg. acc.
Probably from idu - to place. T. itam - a place.
Te. eda - place. Tu. ida, ide - a place,
edevidiyal (40-3) - to get to the abode, inf. of edevidi
(ede pidi) - ede - a placed- pidi - to hold. T. pidi-
to hold. M. pidi, Te pidi - a handful. Tu. pidi-
a hold.
 288
EdevoZalnada (8-28) - in Edevo/alnad. district or pro¬
vince. See DKD. P 389.- s. n. sg. gen. of
nadu - a kingdom, from nadu - to plant, to
cultivate:
poZal - a city; Te. prolu, polu - a city, T. natu -
a country. M. natu - country. Tu. nadu,
nad - a district, nom. edevoZalnadu (8-37)
EdevoZalnadu (8-37) - EdevoZalnadu also, -urn is
suffixed to the last of the words so connected -
nagaramum, s. n. sg. nom. um -
etti (3-6) - having removed, adv. pp. of ettu - to lift,
to raise; adj. s. ettikoZvon (64-17) from fut. p.
ettikoZva : T. erru; etu - to lift, to raise, erru - to
transport. M. erru - to throw, as with a sling.
Te. ettu - to lift. Tu. ettu - to lift.
ettikoZvon (63-17) - he who takes, adj. s. m. sg. from
ettikoZva fut. of ettikoZ - to lift and take.
Edeyagatnundarum (5-9, 6-9) - s. pr. m. pi. (hon.)
nom+um. (Edeya - of the chest probable (ede)
hrdaya>herdea>erde>ede cf. eZdeyam P. 66
Part I. A. 975 A. D. cf. erdeyolage E. G. V. AK.
102, 1100 Te. eda, yade=chest. Tu. ede-
[T. nencu. M. nennu - chest] possibly ede<
erdeCherde - Skt. hrdaya. (KSS. 328). 0. K.
Gamunda>Gavunda>gavuda, N. K. gauda - the
headman of a village, or chief officer. T. kaundar-
life-takers, kavandar - scoundrels, a caste. Te.
gaundlu - toddy sellers, men of farmer’s caste.
Tu. gaude - the chief officer of a village; a good
caste of peasants. T. kaundikar - workers in
skins as shoemakers: Skt. kauntikah - one whose
business is to catch birds, etc., in traps; one who
sells the flesh of birds, animals etc.; a butcher; a
poacher. Mar. gamvada, probably - gama unda-
the enjoyer of the village, gamunda seems to be
 289

a contamination between the earlier kauntar and

the later gaunda. In N. K. gauda is used also
in the sense of an idiot and a fool. [It comes
f ro m Gra in a vr dd h a > Gamaudda > Ga ma unda >
Gamunda possible<kunta - a lance, or kavamai-
a sling. It may also be a lw. cf Pkt. gamauda,
gamauda - the head of the village; [gamada -
a small village (prakrta s’abda mabarnava p.
367) cf. gavundaramaga, E. C. VII. Sh. 24.
(970- A. D.)<edda.ntur (41-2)
en (33-3) - my; pron. 1 pers. sg. gen. see an. obi. base
used as gen. cf. ta-n.
enage (333-3 ; 40-2) - for me. pron. 1. pers. sg. dative.
pi. emage, N. K. namage, T. enakku.
enebaru (7-13) - how many persons; s. m. pi. from
the int. pron. en - what or how many+var cf.
sasirvvar; elnurvvaram.
enalu (20-2) - when they also said. inf. of en - to say.
u for tim (see adv. pp. eiiidu; yendu. fut. p. enva.
T. en - to say. Te. enu, anu - to say. N. K. an
and en - to say.
enangottu (62-17)-will inflict (?) adv. pp. of -kodu -
to give. See kotta.
entu (20-2) - show (he will fare); inter, adv. of manner,
replaced in N. K. by hege. T. erru. - like what.
Te. etlu - how. Tu. ernca - how. Probably from
the inter, pronominal base,
entu (33-3; 49-1) - how much, inter, adj. denoting
length or quantity, qualifies ‘ ayusyamen ’. T.
ettanai - how many, how much. M. erra - how
much. Te. emta - how much,
ente (52-l)?-ennte? entu-fe?
ento (62-16) - intr. adj. of quantity ?
G, o. I. 19
 290

aihdu (33-3; 37-3; 40-2; 58-2; 61-9; 62-9) having

said. adv. pp. of en - to speak; ft. p* - enva. T.
enru, erru - having said; M. enra, Te. eni, ani-
Tu. entruni - to say fully. See yendu.
endu (56-1) - when? inter, adv. of time. T'. enru .
when? Te. endu - in which place.
enva (3-8; 63-22) - called, ft. p. of en - to say. See
eriidu.
endo (46-3) - long ago. inter, adv. of time. cf. endu -
adv. of time.?
emage (61-9) - to us. pron. 1 pers. pi. dative, cf. sg.
enage & en.
eydappaduvar (62-13) - will be taken to. fut. passive
3 pi. of eydappadu<eydalpadu - to be taken to,
from eydu - to get, to go to. Also aydu; adv.
pp. eydi (44-4); past. 3. sg. m. eydidan; past. 3.
pi. m. eydidar; adg. s. pi. eydidor, inf. eyde. T.
eydu - to approach, to obtain. M. eydu - to get,
to obtain, Tel. eyidu, eydu - to get, to follow.
eydi (44-4) - having attained, adv. pp. of eydu - to
get, to go to. See eydappaduvar.
eydidan (41-4) - past. 8. sg. m. of eydu - to go, to get.
See eydi.
eydidar (24-3) - did attain. Past 3. pi. (hon.) m. of
eydu. See eydi.
eydidor - those that'attained (?)adj.s. m. pi. (hon.) of
eydu. (21-4) or past. 3. m. pi. (hon). See eydi.
eyde (46-3),- inf. of eydu - to go to, to get, exceedingly
(SMD. 304). See eydi.
eradumnafke (5-11, 6-11) (Rice-of both the nads;
Fleet. Upon two districts). To both the
countries. S. n. sg. dat. (pi. in meaning) naZke<
nadu+ke. N. K. nadige. cf. eradumkeladol. E. I.
XV. p. 87, 1060.
Erevedigala (7-6) - of Erevedi, s. m. pl.(hon.) gen.
 291

erddapam (35-1) - vb. pr. 3. sg. m. of el - to rise, to get

up. 0. K. el dapam>erddapam>eddapaxii (M.K.
N. K. eluttane.
erppa (41-2) ? Probably pp. of ir - to be. or el +ppa-
eriveppaduvorum (62-11) - those that will be affected
adversely; adj. passive of eriveppadu - to be
affected adversely. Tel. eravu - loan, eruvu -
dried dung, suffering in sunshine; Kan. in - to
pierce with a weapon.
ere (29-4) - lord. s. m. sg. nom. T. irai - lord, great¬
ness. m. ira - lord, other kan. form: ereya - lord,
ellaman (62-6) - all. s. n. and pron. sg. acc. probably
from eru - to be full ? T. & M. ellam - all. Te.
ellaru - all. Tu. erku - to be full.
eZtum.(3-3) bullocksf also ?
if so, from il- to pull.
E.

ekasude.ppina (45-2) ?
en (61-9) - what. int. pron. n. sg. nom. T. en, M. e -
what. Tel. emi, N. K. enu.
eri (36-4; 43-3) - having ascended, adv. pp. of eru -
to ascend; past 3. sg. m. eridan; past. 3. m. pi.
(hon). eridar (15-4 ; 25-4 ; 434). adv. pp. with -e.
eri ye T. eru - to ascend; adv. pp. eri. M. eruga -
to ascend; Te. eru - to lift. Tu. eruni - to
ascend.
eridan (56-4) - ascend, past 3. sg. m. of eru. See eri.
eridar (15-4; 25-2; 33-4; 43-4) ascended, past 3. pi.
(hon.) m. of eru. See eri.
eriye (40-3) - only by having ascended, adv. pp. of
eru+e.
erisida (27-1) - that was placed, pp. of erisu - to cause
to be raised<eru - to ascend. Tu. eravuni- to
set up.
19 "
 292
flZaneya (1-4) - the seventh. Numeral adj. n. sg. gen.
from eZu. - seven-f-aneya. N. K. elaneya. T.
eZam - the seventh. M. eZu - seven. Te. edu.
Tu. elu.
eZnurvvaram (59-1) - the seven hundred, men. s. m.
pi. acc. T. eZnuru - 700.
okkalu (65-18) ? a plough of black soil (Rice). (1) inf.
of okku - to tread out corn. (2) s. n. sg. thrash¬
ing corn, a farm, a farmer.
okkaltanam (5-15, 6-15). - farming, husbandry, agricul¬
ture. s. n. sg. acc. N. K. okkaltana, from okkal-
tenancy, a tenant, from okku - to tread out corn,
ontu (35-4) having winnowed in penance, adv. pp. of
one - to winnow, onedu, ontu, ?
odagaundar (51-4)-reached; joined; to become united
with. vb. past. 3rd pi. (hon.) indie, masc. of
odagol—to join.
omdu (44- 5; 46-4 ; 50-3) - a certain, an unusual-num.
adj. n. sg. T. onru; M. onna - one, Te. ondu-
one; Tu. onji - one. cf. Yandu (29-2)
onduta (44-1) - having practised, adv. pr. p. of ondu-
to unite, to get, to use, to experience. T. onru-
to unite; Te. onaru - to unite; Tu. ondavuni-
to gather, to join.
ondutimgal (23-2) - for one month, s. n. sg. nom. adv.
in meaning. See omdu - one; timgal - the moon
a month, from tigal - to shine ; brilliance. Te.
Nela - moonlight, the moon; a month. Tu.
timgolu - the moon, a month,
oppidon (56-2)- he who was shining with. adj. s. m.
sg. nom. from oppida-pp. of oppu-tobe beautiful,
to agree with ; adj. s. m. pi. (hon.) oppidor; inf.
oppe. T. oppu - to agree with ; Tel. oppu - to
agree to; Tu. oppiyuni - to agree to.
oppidor (58-1) - adj. s. pi. (f.) nom.? see oppidon.
 293

oppe (29-1) - shedding lustre, inf. from oppu. See

oppidon.
orumuniyimdal (58-2) S. f. sg. (nom. ?) orumuni - one
sage.
orvan (3-4) - one (man.) s. in. sg. norm from numeral
or v (v) an. M. K. orvan, orban, obban-u ; N. K.
obban-u ; T. oruvan ; Tel. okadu, okarudu - one
man.
osageymh (5-5; 6-5) - the festival dues; dues of a joyful
occasion; from ose - to be delighted. Osage - a
gift, a tax. Te. osagu- to give. T. odavi - a gift.
T. uja, ujar, uyar - to be lifted up, to be glad. T.
uvagai, ogai - joy. K. osage - recording of news,
proclamation, osage - dues for the installation of
an inscription (?). osage - consummation of
marriage, probably dues for taking a procession.
ojar (6T-15) - to be liable to. present 3 pi. m. & f. of
ul - to be, to have, to possess. T. ul, undu, M-ul.
Tel. undu
olippa .... ndu (40-4)‘Z Kittel gives no rt. oZi.
T. oZi - to cease, to forsake, to quit, to die, to
clear off.
oZtu (43-3) - good. s. n. sg. nom. from oZ - good (adj.)
O.K. ollittu, oljitu, olatu, olitu, N.K. olleyadu.
ollitta (61-7); s. n. sg. acc. of ollittu. cf. oZpar-
bbarurh E.C. IV. yl. 41
oljitta (61-7) - what is good. adj. s. n. sg. acc. See
oZtu.
0
or wan (3-11) one man. s. m. sg. See orvvan.
T. oruvan, oruttan, one man. T. or - one
K
Katapragiris’aile (52-6)-in the Katapragiri (the holy
mountain). This is part of a Skt. sloka. Other
 ‘294

names of this holy mountain, found are Katavapra,

Katavapra saila, Katvapragiri, KaZvappu, KaZb-
appu nalgiri, tlrtthagiri, tiltha, rlsigirisile, velgola
(d)adri. The Kan. names KaZvappu and KaZbappu
KaZvappu are corrupt formsof Katavapra >Katva-
pra>KaZbappu . kata - a hearse, a cemetry; vapra -
the slope of a hill. The final -u of kalvappu is
the final -u of Norn. sg. (?) cf. Skt. rupa - Kan.
rupu and rupa, kalvappabettammel (26-2) shows
kalvappa is< katavapra.
Kata .... sthitaradhita .... (41-3) ?
aradhana on KaZvappu.
Katavapravam (40-3) - the holy mountain Katavapra,
s. n. sg. acc. See Katavapragiris’aile.
Katavapras’ailam (21-3) ; s. n. sg. acc. obj. of adaZde,
nom. in form.
katligaviluke (7-12) ?
kattida (61-9) - bound, pp. olkattu - to bind. T. kattu
M. kattu; Te. kattu; Tu. kattu - to bind.
Kadariibamandalaman (62-3) - the Kadamba Kingdom,
(the Banavasi Province s. n. sg. acc. Slw.
0 mandala-.
kanyadana (65-16) - the gift of a virgin. Slw. s. n. sg.
Nom.
Kappe-Arabhattan (61-1) - s. pr. m. sg. nom. Te. kappa
- a frog; Kan. kappe - a frog. Tu. kappe-a frog,
probably from kuppu-to hop, or kappu - to cover;
ara - virtue, bhatta - Pkt. from Skt. bbarta. K
Kappe—a frog; that which hops.
ka.manka.(65-18) ?
kambar (62-16) - those who steal ?
kambuka - a mean person ; an asura.
kamara (8-31) - blacksmith. Slw. karmakara. s. m. sg.
nom. other forms are not found in these inscrip¬
tions; kammara, kammara, kambara, from Skt-
 295

karmakara. kammara, kammara. and karmakara

are found, karnarar nob in Kittel’s Diet. T.
kammalan - a smith, Tel. kammara - a black¬
smith. M* Kammalar-artificers ? Tu • Kam-
mare-a blacksmith.
kammarar (64-5) Note -r- of; the blacksmiths, s. m. pi.
gen. See kamara.
kammarara (63-14) - of the blacksmiths, s. m. pi. gen.
See kamara.
karuum (7-10) ?? - karu - to vomit, v. n. vomitting. S.
a ploughshare. Te. karru. T. karu. Prob. karu-
a calf; T. kanru.
kare-il (33-2) - stainless, adj. n. sg. gen. qualifying
dharmmada. kare - blackness, stain; il
for ilia - not; T. karai - blackness, a stain-
M. kare; Te. kara - a stain. Tu. karel - the
mark on the skin left by wearing anything
tightly, il is used for ilia in “allade phalavadenil
(JNS. 22 and 31). T. ilar - who are not. illar -
the poor. See Capal ilia.
ka.rigaiige ;(63-8) ?
kalapakada (31-3)-of the (Munjagrass) group. Slw.
kalapaka - a bundle in general; the sectarian
mark on the forehead, s. n. sg. gen.
kalige (61-6, 61-7, 61-9) - to the kali age. s. m. sg.
dat. Slw. kali-; kali - a hero,
kaliyugaviparlta- (61-2,—6)-an exceptional man
in the kaliyuga. Slw. °viparxta adj. s. m. sg. nom.
qualifying Kappe-Arabhattan.
kalmanege (1-1) - to the stonehouse. s. n. sg. dab. T.
Kal.-a stone; M. kal. Te. kalu; Tu; kail; T.
manai - a house ; M. mana ; Te. maniki - a dwell¬
ing place; Tu. mane-a house; Te. manu- to
live,
kalluk§ara.nan (65-10)?
 296
kavadim (40-3) - by a stride, s. n. sg. instr. K. kavadu
- not in Kittel. T. kavatu- the length of a step, a
stride.
kaviliya (3-3)-of the cow. Slw. kavile-. S. n. sg. g-1..;
kapila>kapile>kavile>kavili - a brown cow ;
kavile is found in these inscriptions,
kavileyum (5-13; 6-13)-cow also. s. n. sg. ac. in
meaning, nom. in form. See kaviiya.
Kalantiiranaih (21-3) - Him of Kalantur, s. m. sg. acc.
kastajanavarjitan (61-2) - avoided by evil people, adj
8. m. sg. nom. qualifying Kappe-Arabhattan.
Slw. °varjita-
kalu (65-13)-ricefields. s. n. sg. ?
Skt. khalam - a threshing floor,
kalupe (35-1) - inf. of kalupu-to send, probably from.
kaiZ- to subtract. T. kaZi - to subtract.
KaZvappina (25-1) - on the mountain KaZvappu. s. n.
—sg. gen. See Katapragiris’aile. Another form :
KaZbappina; loc. KaZvappinul
KaZbappina (34-2) fo KaZbappu. s. n. sg. gen.
KaZvappinul. (33-3) on th*e kaZvappu mountain, s. n
—sg loc.
KaZvappudurgga .... (37-2) KaZvappu strong,
—hold
KaZvappabettammel (26-2)-on the KaZbappu mountain,
—s. n. sg. nora. used adverbially,
kadu (5-17; 6-17)-so as to preserve, adv. pp. of ka-t
protect. Kittel, ka and kay-. adj. s. m. kadora
(3-8) SMD. ka-to protect No. 3. T. ka-to protect; M.
ka;Te. kacu - to protect. Tu. kapuni - to guard,
kadora (3- )-whoso maintains or protects, adj. s. m.
pi. gen. See kadu,
Kandarbar (6-15) - s. pr. m. pi. (hon.) nom.
Kandarbor (5-5) - s. pr. m. pi. (hon.) nom.
kamba (64-4) s. pr. m. sg. nom.?
 297

kaiamkeydar (26-2; 28-1; 30-1)—expired, past. 3 pi,

(hon.) ru. of kalamkey—to die, to expire. Slw.
kala-
kalanige (45-2)—s. m. sg. dative. Slw. kala-.
Kalavirgguruvadigala (31-1) of Kalavirgguruvadigal,
Slw. guru. s. ru. pi. (hon.) gen.
kige (ge).(63-2) of kig. s. pr. N. sg. ?
Kittura (22-1)—ofKittur. S. pr. n.sg. gen. prob.ki-m-f
ur=small + village. ButR. N.cKlrtipura E. C.
II Introd. 37.
Kittere.yara (18-2)—of Kittere.s. m. pi.
gen.
Killum (3-2) of—Ki}la. s. pr. n. sg. gen. probably killu-f-
prpb. kiru + ere (-a lord) +a-burn.
KiZgabatariiiige (64-2)—to the bhatta of KiZga. s. m. pi.
(hon.) dat. cf. kalariige.
KiZganadevake (62-6)—to the temple of the God of
KiZgana. s. n. sg. dat. Slw. -deva-.
KiZganes’varada (3-2)—of the God, KiZganes’vara.
Slw.-is’ vara- S. pr. IS. sg. gen.
klZtu (14-1)—having uprooted, adv. pp. of kiZ—to
pull out, to uproot. N.K. kittu. T. kiZ— to split,
to demolish. kiZdu and klZtu. in SMD 241, and
KSS 4-66; Bp. 37-24; SSV. 3-42; 4-60.
Kucelam (49-3)—s. m.' sg. note. Slw. bad or dirty
cloth; badly dressed.
Kumdavarmmarasam (62-5)—s. pr. m. sg. nom. Slw.
Kumdavaramma- K. arasam. T. aras’u. M. arasa.
Te. arasu. Tu. arasu.
kumari (yale) (65-7)—a piece of land in a jungle or
forest, on which trees are cut down and burnt
for cultivation for a short period only. Tu.
kumeru—combustion.
kumararin (24-2)—by the sons. Slw. kumara- s. m. pi.
instr.
 298

kulam (3-8)—the family, s. n. sg. nom. Slw.

kudidom (52-3)—joined, attained, past. 3. sg. M. of
kudu- to join; adv. pp. kudi-e; T. kutu, M. kutu,
Tel. kudu, Tu. kuduni—to join,
kettar (61-10)—wereruined. past. 3 pi. m. & f. of kedu-
to be spoiled, to be ruined, adj. s. n. sg. nom.
ket^odu (61-9); optative, keduge. kedisuva: fut.
p. caus. of kedu—to be spoiled ; adj. s. kedisidava:
T. ketu, M. ketu; Te. cedu; Tu. keduguni—to
ruin. In some inscriptions of the 8th and 9th
centuries, kidu - to spoil, kidisu - to cause to be
spoiled, cf. kidugum (E.C. II. 69). kidadajasam
(E. C. II. 133).
kettodu (61-9)—harmful thing, adj. s. n. sg. nom.
from ketta - pp. of kedu. See kettar.
keduge (5-16 ; 6-16) — may that be spoiled ! optative of
kedu—to be spoiled. See kettar.
keydu (40-1; 44-1)—having done or practised, adv. pp.
of key—to do; adj. s. m. sg. keyvon, from fut. p.
keyva, of key—to do; adj. -s, m. pi. keyvor. T.
s’ey, M. cey, Tel. cey—to do. past. 3 m. pi. (hon.)
kalamkeydar; adv. pr. p. pfithivlrajyam keyyutta-;
sometimes voiced before nasals—prithivirajyam-
geyyuttire.
keyvon (5-15; 6-15)—one who does. adj. s. m. sg. of
keyva. fut. p. of key— to do. See keydu.
/ keyvor (61-7)—those who do. adj. s. m. pi. nom. from
keyva—fut. p. of key—to do. See Keydu.
kere (65-13)—a tank, s. n. sg. nom. probably from kir-
to block up, to fence round. T. kulan—tank. T.
ceri—to narrow down, to close up; M. cerukku—
to dam up. Te. ceruvu—a tank. Tu. kere—a tank,
kelege (27-3)—s. n. sg. dat. of keia—to the bottom, the
lower side, from ki2—low, under; -e- of -le is
perhaps due to e on either side. T. klZ—bottom.
 299

pit ; kiZakku—the low land, the east; M. kiZu^

kiZikka, to descend. Te. ki, kinda, kindi—down;
low.
keloy (21-3)—hear, listen. Imp. '2. sg. of kel—to hear,
other form of imp. 2. sg. (not in these inscriptions)
is the root itself. T. keZ. keZ—to hear, to listen
to; M. kel—to hear. Tu. ken—to hear.
ko.s’ala.(65-12).
kotam (8-38)—he gave. past. 3 sg. m. of kodu—to
give (kudu to give according to some) other form
kottan (65-11), past. 3. pi. kottar, kotar, pp. kotta;
adv. pp. kottu; vb. nom. kodamge (8-30)—a gift;
adj. s. m. sg. kodu-vorum; adj. s. m. pi.
koduvorum. kudugum (E.C. II. 69;.
kotta (4-4 ; 8-28; 63-7 ; 63-19)—which is given, pp. of
kodu—to give. See kotam.
kottan (8-29; 65-11)—he gave. past. 3. m. sg. of kodu—
to give.
Kottarada (12-2)—of Kottara. a village. Prob. kotta+
ara. S. pr. N. sg. gen.
kottar (3-10, 64-6)—gave, other form kotar. past 3.
m. pi. of kodu—to give.
kotar (63-4; 63-5)—granted, past. 3. pi. m. of kodu.
kottu (63-4-6-11)—having given, adv. pp. of kodu.—to
give. 1
Kodakaniy| (7-3)—of Kodakani s. pr. n. sg. gen.
kodamgeyanu (8-30)—gift. S. vb. noun. n. sg. acc.
koduvonum (3-5; 3-11)—whoever gives, adj. s. m. sg.
of koduva—fut. p. of kodu.—to give,
koduvorum (62-10)—those that give (whosoever give)
adj. s. m. pi. of koduva—fut. p. of kodu—to give
kontdu (3-7)—taking, adv. pp. of kol—to take,
other form gondu (8-29) inf. kole; adj. s. m. pi.
kolvorum and koZuvorum. T. kol.—to take. M.
kolluka,—konda, Te. konu, pp. koni.
 300

konda. (5-14; 6-14)—for having killed, pp. of kol—to

kill; past 3. pi. m. kondar; T.kol. kollu—to kill.
M. kollu; Tel. kollu Tu. kor—to kill. T. konra (pp)
kondar (62-17)- killed, past. 3. m. pi. of kol—to kill
T. konrar— past. 3. ra. pi.
koredu (40-2) adv. pp. of kore—to cut, to bore a hole.
T. kori—to force off the husks from the grain,
of paddy by the foreteeth, like mice and birds;
M. kure—to cut off, as the splint of trees; Tu.
kurepini, koreyuni—to be excavated, to be bored.
Kolattura (40-1; 42-1)—of Kolattur, s. pr. sg. gen.
prob. the village of the tank.
Kolattursamghadi (39-1)—in Kojattur samgha. s.
n. sg. loc. Slw. samgha.
kole (5-15; 6-15)-—when he took ; inf. of kol--to take,
kolvonum (3-11)—the taker also; adj. s. m. sg. nom. of
kolva—fut. p. of kol—to take, see kondu).
kolvoruiii (3-6 ; 3-7)—those who take or takers also,
adj. s. rn. pi. of kolva.
kojuvorum 64-7)—the takers also- adj. s. in. pi. or
koZuva—fut. p. of kolu—to take.

G.
gaticestaviraharii (34-1)—he who has avoided move¬
ments and gestures. Slw. °viraha-. s. m.s g. nom.
“ Being free from the activity of influences of
former works ”. Dr. L.D. Barnett,
gatiyul (44-4) — s. n. sg. loc. Slw. gati-.
ganti (44-2)—from Skt. gantrl—a wandering nun.
See Anantamatigantiyar. supra,
gandhebhamaydan (14-2)—the five Benses—the
rutting elephants. Slw. gandhebha—s. n. pi.
acc.
gaZdeyuma...reyuman (63-20)—the ricefields.
s. n. sg. acc.? O.K. gaZde. M.K. garde N. K
 301

gadde. T. kaZani—a cornfield. M. kaZani. Tel.

kayya (?) or krayya—a canal ?
gamigarum (5-10, 6-10) the villagers also. Slw.
Pkt. gama, later gava<grama. s. m. pi.
nom.+um.
gamumdarum—see E dey agam undarum.
giritalada (27-3)—of the top or bottom of the mountain.
Slw. giritala—s. n. sg. gen.
giriyan (4-3)—the hill or the mountain. Slw. giri —
s. n. sg. acc.
Gunakirtti (49-1)—s. pr. m. sg. nom. Slw.
gunadin (43-2) —for (her) virtues. Slw. guna- s. n. sg.
instr.
Gungbmatiavvegaja (55-1)—s. pr. f. pi. (hon) gen. Slw.
Gunamatiavve-N.K. awe,-mother, grandmother,
awe, abbe<amba—mother. T. awai, auvai—
mother. Te. avva—mother, grandmother, cf.
Adisr iav vagal u (61), s’ rlawagajam (63) Neimisrl
awagalim (66), Vijayas’ rl-avvagalim (72) E C.I.
10.
Gunabhusitam (27-1)—adorned with good qualities, s.
m. sg. nom. Slg. °bhusita-
Gunami.’50-2) ?
Gunsagaradvitlyanamadheyan (62-2).—With the
other name, Gunasagara. s. pr. m. sg. nom. Slw
°dheya-.
Gunasenaguravar (12-3)—s. pr. tn. pi. (hon.) nom. Slw
guru-
guravam (50-1)—spiritual teacher, master, s. m. sg.
nom. gorava—, a class of s’ aiva beggars (Kittel
probably from guru+avam.—the teacher-he.
But R. Narasimhacar says gorava—tadbhava).
of guru. E.C. II. Tr. p. 3. footnote. T. kuravar—
Elders, gurus, religious preceptors and ministers.
T. kuravan—sg. guru-avam—goravam.
 302

guruvadigal] (31-3)—the spiritual preceptors. Literal¬

ly- the feet of the guru. Like Skt. S’ rlmatbhaga—
vatpadaih. But guruvadigal suggests that guru
pratigal (of the rank of guru; equal to the guru.
gurupadigal>guruvadigal and guravadigal. T,
padi—grade, rank, resemblance. Comparison.
gudalanaradi (03-4)?
gondu (8-29—having taken, adv. pp. of kol.—to take.
T. kondu. Tel. koni.
geZi (27-4)—above, assemblage, s. n. sg.? T. M.—eeri.
Te. geri, Tu, keri. Kan.—geZi, keZi—an assembl¬
age, a row. N.K. keri—a street or an assemblage
of houses.
goravain (21-4) See perggoravaxh-
gomanna (63-7)—s. n. sg. acc? possibly the mud from
the gomala (a public pasture ground) or permission
to take mud or clay from gomala (?)
gosigarum (7-10) a public announcer? from Pkt.
gosaga<ghosakah. s. m. pi. nom. +um.
goliyara (7-11) Probably of the caste of golas. gola -a
widow’s bastard son. s. ru. pi. gen.

GHA
ghanammarittaman (34-1)- s. n. sg. acc. ghanam, rria
(maha)+aritta (arista) m. + an—the great mis¬
fortune ? “ Strong in his fair body, surrendering
other desires ” Dr. L.D. Barnett.

CA.
Candagamundanu (8-37)- s. pr. m. sg. u (m) canda<
candra for gamunda, see Edeyagamundrum.
Candradevacaryyanaman (36-2)- S. pr. M. sg. nom.
Slw. °nama-
candrasuryyam—uiiga (7-14)?- as long as the sun and
the moon last. Slw. °suryya- adv. of time, -umga
 303

till, as long as. O.K. annegam, annam, ulla-

nnegarii—as long as, up to the time of. M.K-
unnevarain, anneveram. N. K. varege, umga—
perhaps ullannegam. Te. undagaa (while it is so.)
capal-illa- (44-2) firm-minded. Slw. capala- adj. phrase
qualifying Mahanantamatlgantiyar cf. upamilla.
T. illakkuti- a poor family. T. illan—M. ilia—no,
not, N.K. ilia—is not. no.
Garita ’s rlnamadheyaprabhu (14-4)- The lord bearing
the name of Caritas’ ri. s. m. sg. nom.
Cittura (19-1)—of Cittiir. s. pr. m. sg. gen.
Citravahanarum (62-4,)- s. pr. in. pi. (hon.). See E.C.
VI. Introd. p. 5. + urn See. Q.J.M.S. Jan. son
of Gunasagara. 1933; D.K.D. p. 309. see Aluarasa,
(supra).
Cendugoli (4-3) s. pr. n. sg. dative ?
JA.
Jannalnavilura (46-1)- s. pr. n. sg. gen. of Navilur, the
place of sacrifice. Janna<yajna-—a sacrifice.
Navilur—the town of peacocks. Navilur is called
Mayuragrama in these inscriptions—cf. Mayurag-
rama.
Jedugura (6-3)- s. pr. n- sg. gen. Jedda in Sorab
Taluk now?
Jelugura (5-4)- s. pr. n. sg. gen. Same as Jedugura.
Jaina sumarggadulje (50-3)—in the good path of the
Jainas. Slw. °ma-rgga-s. n. sg. loc.

Jha- 1
N
T
THA “No words with
Pa these initial sounds.”
Dha I

Na J
 304

TA

tan (36-3)- of his. reflex, pron. 3. sg. gen. and oblique

base. cf. en. N.K. literary tanna—gen. colloquial
tan—gen. T. tan. M. tana. Tel. tana. nom. t&n,
tarn. dat. sg. tanage. pi. tamage.
tanage (35-2; 45-1; 56-1)- Kef. pron. 3. sg. dat.—to
himself. T. tanakku, Te. Tanaku.
tankade(56-4)—without touching (him)- inf. of tanku
(tanku)—to touch, N.K. taku, tagu—to touch,
(cf. N. K. tangu—to halt; M. takku; Te. taku;
Tu. takuni, taguni- to touch, tahguni-to support.
tanige (6-18) may.enjoy satisfaction, Optative
of tani—to be satisfied or satiated, from tani—
to be satisfied, tan—cool, cold; another form is
tanigege, T, tani—to appease, tan—cool; M, tan
cold, taniyuga; Tel. taniyu ; Tu. taniyuni—to
become cool.
tanigege (5-18)—same as tanige, See KSS.
tapaccale (58-2)—firm in penance, cala—Kan. resolu-
teness< chala. s. f. (?) sg. nom. slw.
tapadin (36-2)—in penance, slw. tapa—. s. n. sg. instr.
Slw. sayyama—s. n. sg. acc.
tapamsayyamaman (40-1)—penance or self-control.
and
tapamam.(54-2) penance ?
tappade (25-1)—without failing, neg. inf. of. tappu—
to fail, to commit a mistake. T. tappu, tavaru —
to deviate. M. tappu, Tel. tappu—to commit a
blunder. Tu. tappu—a fault, another form thap-
pade. tha is wrongly written for ta. Some derive
this from tavu—to decrease, cf. tavuva balam.
E.C.VII. Sk. 110—decreasing strength,
tamage (58-3)—Ref. pron (f?) pi. (hon.) dative. See
tan,
 305

tammadigala (18-H—of the priest, an attendant on an

idol. s. in. pi. (lion.) gen. tammadigala—tam
adigala—of the feet of God. Though neuter, it
refers to the priest here- Te. tambali, tammali
tammadi, tambajavadu, tammalavadu—a person
living by conducting the worship of an idol. Is
it likely that it is from dharmma + adigal ?
Tarekada (31-2) of Tarekadu (now Talekadu). s. pr. n.
sg. gen. In some inscriptions TaZekada.
tanada (3-9)—of the place. Slw. tana (Pkt.) Skt.
sthana—s. n. sg. gen. T. tanam—place ; M.
tanam—rank, position; Tel. tanamu—a place;
Tu. tana—a place.
tan (33-3 ; 53-1; 56-4 58-2 (f?)—he, self. Kef. pron. in.
sg. nom. Other forms tam, tain (See tan). T. tan,
M. tan, To. tanu, Tu. tanu—self,
tam (28-2)—same as tan.
tam (44-4, 57-2)—same as tan.
timgal—a lunar month, from tigal—to shine. See
ondutimgal
tilakam.(46-2) -s. n. sg. nom.? Slw. tilaka—
tlradanama (27-2)--the place on the bank. s. n. sg.
ace. Slw. °dana—(tana).
tlrtthagirimel (33-4)-on the top of the holy mountain,
s. n. sg. nom. used as an adv. of place. Slw.
°giri—tirttha—means, remedy ; Jina; holy.
tiZthadol (17-1) - at the holy place, s. n. sg. loc. Slw.
tlZtha for tirtha.
tumgoccabhaktivas’adin (49-2)-through lofty devotion.
s. n. sg. instr. Slw. vas’a—
tuntakada (20-3)- of suffering, s. n. sg. gen. Slw. poss.
tunna—pp. of tud. to strike, to pain, or tuda, a
striking, galling, tudaka and nasalisation ?
teravol (37-1) - like the streaks or openings, s. n. sg.
nom. used as an adv. of manner, tera—a way, a
G. o. i. 20
 306

form. T. tira—to open; tiravu opening. M. tira,

tiravu—a wave ; Te. tere, terre—open, plain.
toradu (33-4 ; 46-3 ; 49-2)-having abandoned, adv. pp.
of tore—to abandon. Other forms torade (34-
2); adj. s. torevarum from fut. p. toreva—from
tore. T. tura—to discard ; Te. toragu—to leave.
Tu. torevum—to adandon
torade (34-2)- adv. pp. of tore- to abandon with e, the
particle of emphasis. See toradu.
torevarum (63-5) --also those that abandon, adj. s. rn.
pi. nom.-fum from toreva—-fut. p. of tore—to
abandon.
tori (37-1) - having appeared, adv. pp. of tor—to
appear. T. tonru, torru—to appear. M. torn—
appearance. Te. tocu—to appear. Tu. torike—
appearance, toj—to appear.
thappade (34-3)—correctly, without a mistake, with¬
out failing ; tha is wrongly written for ta—, See
tappade.
Thittagapanada (18-1)—of Thittagapana. s. pr. n. sg.
gen. probably—Tittagapanada.

DA.

daksinabhagada (21-1) —of the Southern region. Slw.

°bhaga s. n. sg. gen.
Dallaga (38-1)—s. pr. m. sg. nom.
dasadiyuin (5-7) the chief of the Dasas; dasari—a
Vaisnava
(Rice) religious mendicant. Tel and T. dasari—a
Vaisnava religious mendicant. Slw. dasa—s. m.
sg. nom. + um; same'as dasadi—of. skt. daserah—
a fisherman.
dasadiyum (Fleet) (6-7)—by the guild of the Dasas. cf.
dasadiyuin. s. m. sg. nom. + um—s. n. sg. gen.
 307

dvadas’ada (44-1): s. n. sg. gen. Slw. dvadas’a—: to

the twelve kinds. The twelve kinds of penances;
I. External : anas’ana (not taking food).-
avamodarya (eating less than what one desires;
vrttiparisankhyana (a pledge when going to
receive food); rasaparityaga (giving up tasteful
dishes); vivikta s’ayyasana (sitting and sleeping
alone); and kayakles’a (mortification of the
body);
II. Internal. Prayas’citta (mortification of the body,
repurification); vinaya (reverence); vaiyaprltya
(service to the old, the infirm, etc.); svadhyaya
(study of the Scripture); vyutsarga (non-attach
mpnt to the body); and dhyana (meditation).
Tattvarthasutra IX. 19 and 20. and Outlines of
Jainism (pp. 131, 133).
divam (35-4, 56-4)—heaven, s. n. sg. acc. Slw.
duritabhudvrsaman (14-1) —the tree of sin (Rice). Slw.
vrsa—s. n. sg. acc. for vrksa ?
degula.(2-3)—the temple .s. n.?
devakula—a temple. Pkt. de-u-la, M. Amg. JM.
SMg. Dh. (168)—Pkt. de-ulam, Dh. 25, 351.
acc. degulaman:
degulaman (63-2)—the temple, s. n. sg. acc. Slw.
degula—.
Deva.khantiyar (42-2 and 3)—s. pr. f. pi. (hon.)
nom. Slw. kanti—a Jaina nun. ganti<
gantrl—one that goes or moves. T. kanti—a
female ascetic, khanti wrongly for kanti.
devadiyum (5-7)—the chief servant of the god, the
head of the temple establishment. Slw. deva—.
(Rice)
s. m. sg. nom. +urh. devadi—the feet of God.—
adi—the feet as an object of adoration, the
person himself. T. adigal—God ; a priest; a lady;
20*
 308

a sage; a senior ; M. adi—king. Tel. andi—sir. cf.

Skt. pada, deva, bhattaraka; Mahratti—devudi.
N. K. devadi—a raised terrace in front
of the door; devadiga—a priest, same as deva-
diyum.
devadiyum (6-7 and 8)— the head of the establishment.
(Fleet)
of the temple, s. m. sg. nom. + um. Slvv. deva—
cf, J. J3om. Br. RAS. XI. ‘230 “ Mamjes’varadi-
riibadaga”.
devadandadinda (62-11)—by the punishment of the
gods. Slw. °danda s. n. sg. instr. K. danda—a
line, punishment. T. tantam; M. dandam; Te.
dandamu; Tu. danda.
devarke. See Lanjigesaramdevarke. cf. 1. idarkke (E.C.
Iir. TN. 1.) 2. eradarkam. (E.C. VIII. Sb.
299.)
devara (3-3)—of God. Slw. deva. s. in. pi. (hon.)
gen.
devaudevana (3-4)—of the God of Gods. Slw. deva—.
s. rn. sg. gen. poss. for devanarii devana. or
devanadevana.
devedittiyerindum (3-6)—from the devadittiyer. Slw.
deva—s. f. pi. (hon.) instr. + um. possibly dev&di
-fitti—the female attendant on the idol. cf.
s’isittiyar.
Devereyage (8-29)—to Devereya. s. pr. m. sg.dat. Slw.
deva—Deva-(-ereya + ge. ereya.—lord, master. T.
irai—a master.
devalokakke (37-4)—to the world of gods. Slw. °loka—
s.n. sg. dat.
dehan (49-2)—the body. s. n. sg. nom. in form, acc. in
meaning. Slw. deham.
dehama (36-3)—the body. s. n. sg. acc. Slw. deham.
do§am (46-4). Sin. s. n. sg.?
 309

DH.
dharaniyul (37-3)—on the earth. Slw. dharani—s. n.
sg. loc.
dharmma (65-20)—the dharmma. Slw. s. n. sg. nom.
dharnnnagaranigarum. (3-11)—’the royal account
officer in charge of charities. Slw. “karanika—
s. m. pi. (hon.) nom. -f-um. T. karanam—calcula¬
tions, accounts, accountant. M. karnam—deed,
document. Te. karanam- -an accountant. Tu.
karnike—a secretary. N.K. karanlka— a village
accoountant.
dharmmam (29-2)—the Jaina faith (religion); Slw.
s. n. sg. nom.
Dharmmasenaguruvadigala (22-1)—of Dharmmasen-
guruvadigal. Slw. “guruvadi. s. m. pi. (hon) gen.
Dhannekuttareviguravi (11-2)—the nun, Dhanne-
kuttarevi—s. pr. f. sg. nom. subject of mudippidar.
guravi is the feminine of gurava.
dhatrimel (44-1)—on earth. Slw. dhatri—s. n. sg. nom.
used as an adv.
dhone (63-4)—a pond on the hill, a well. Slw. s. n. sg.
acc. T. toni—a boat, a dhoney. Te. dona—a pond
on the hill, donne—a cup made of leaves ; M.
donna—a cup made of leaves ; Tu. doni—a boat,
from Skt. dronih, dronl—a basin, a reservoir, a
valley between two mountains, cf. N. K. done—a
pond on the hill ; donne.—-a cup made of leaves,
dhone for done or lone which are in common
use.
N.
Nagaramum (8-38)—the town also. Slw. nagara—s. n.
sg. nom. + urn.
nadadu (50-3)—having walked, adv. pp. of nade—to
walk; past 3. sg. m.; nadadom (21-2); verbal
 310

houn (?) nade (40-1) in composition with—keydu

(40-1). T. nadai—to walk;
M. nadakka—to walk ; Te. nadacu—to walk.
V.N. nada—a walk ; Tu. nadapuni—to walk. vb.
n. Nade—a walk.
nadadorh (21-2)—engaged himself, past. 3. sg. m. of
nade—to walk. See nadadu.
nade—keydu (40-1)—nade—keydu—adv. pp. of key—
to do—having practised.
natasamyataman (41-1) :—Slw. °atman, adj. s. m. sg.
nom.
Nadirastradujle (36-l)-in the Nadi kingdom, s. n. sg.
loc. Slw. °rastra -
Nandimunipa.(54-3)? s. pr. m.
Nandisenapravara munivaran (37-4) Nandisena, the
chief of Sages. Slw. °vara—. s. m sg. nom.
nam (50-1)—our. Prom 1. pers. pi. gen. nam is the
oblique base in pi. M. dat. pi. ernage, namage.
gen. narnrna. T. nam—our, namar (our people);
M. nammal, nam-we. namakku-tous. Te. manamn
(we, inclusive), gen. mana—; Tu. nama—pi. 1.
pers we. (including the person spoken to),
namage (43-3)—for me. pron 1. pers. pi. (hon.) dat.
namma (21-3)-our. pron 1 pers pi. gen. (see nafh)
Namilurvvarasamghada (53-1)—of the holy samgha or
community of Navilur. s. n sg. gen.; slw.
samgha—
namocintayduse mantraman (43-4)—the mantra
“ namocintayduse ” Slw. °mantra—s. n. sg acc.
naragakke (3-8; 63-23)-to the hell, Slw. naraka—, s'
n. sg. dat. gen narakada (1-4.)—k—>— g—.
narakada (1-4)—of the hell. Slw. naraka—. s. n. sg.
gen.
naltada (43-2)—of goodness s. (abstract n. sg. gen.
from nal—adj. good. T. nal, nalla—good,
 311

excellent; M. nal—good, nalam—goodness; Tu.

nal—good, cheap; nalta (not found in Kittel).
naltapa—good penance (33-2)
Navilura (44-2)—of Navilur. s. n. sg. gen.
Navilura (50-1)—of Navilur. s. n. sg. gen.
Navilursariighada (47-1)—of Navilursaihgha. Slw.
saihgha. s. n. sg. gen.
Nastappa (8-29)—s. pr. m. sg. nom. Slw.
Nagamatigantiyar (21-2)—s. pr. f. pi. (hon.) nom.
Nagasenaih (32-2)—s. pr. m. sg. part of a Skt. s’loka.
Nagasenaguravadigal (32-2)—s. pr. rn. pi. (hon) nom.
Slw, °guru—
Nagennan (3-2)-si. pr. m. sg. nom. T. annan—an elder
brpther ; M. annan—an elder brother • To. anna
—an elder brother; Tu. anne—elder brother. T.
annal—The High Grod; K. T. Te. anna—an.
upwards, above.
nalkene (7-6)—nalku ene- ?
Nayarkhandamum (5-4, 6-3)-the Nayarkhanda (Rice),
the Nayarkhanda (Nagarakhanda) district once a
division of Banavase. (Fleet); Slw. khanda—s. n.
sg. nom.-hum. T. nayar—a high caste landlord
in Malabar; nayan—a master of the slave
(Malabar) Tu. nayire, nayimare—a nayar of
Malabar. Tu. nayer—a plough. T. nayir, the
sun. perhaps the worshipper of the Sun and the
Serpent. See DK1). P. 281 ; I. Ant. XIX. 144
prob. naga-r-a khanda—of the Nagas.
Bilhana speaks of Nagarkhanda (pkt nayar—cf. P.
S.O.C.I. No. 120. Cf. Nagarahavu.
Navalliyarum (5-10; 6-10)-also the people of Navalli,
s. m. pi. nom.+um. Prob. Na (four)+palli
(Villages)
nalampi (52-1)—having wept over ? pp. of nalampu.
nalampi—crying, the weeping sound ?
 31-2

cf. K. aZal—grief, sorrow, mental heat,

K. aZal—to grieve.
K. alapu—weariness, fatigue, alampu—beauty,
ornament.
nikevatu (8-38)—Probably nisevatu—inhabit, honour,
serve, enjoy, Slw.
nittadharmmaman (3-8)—Permanent work of merit.
Slw. “dharmma—s. n. sg. ace.
nidhanama.(45-4)?
Nimilura (43-1)—s. pr. n. sg. gen. Same as Navilur.
niravadyan (38-4)—distinguished for pure conduct.
Slw. niravadya—adj. s. m. sg. nom.
nirasaih.(46-4)—is annihilated ?
nirisidom—caused to be set up. vb. past. 3 sg. m. of
nil—to stand. In causative—-nirisidom. T.
niruttinan. cf. E.C Y. 131. 112 (Nirisida) and
E.C. VIII, Sb. 146 (nirisidar).
nilladan (40-3)—-without waiting (?) adj. s. m. sg.
nom. from nillada—neg. pp. cf nil—to stand,
fut. 3. n. pi. nillavu (37-2). T. nil, M. nil, Tel.
nilu. Tu. nil—to stand, cf nirisiderii
nillavu (37-2)—will not stand (are fleeting): fut. 3. n.
pi. neg. of nil—to stand.
nis’citam (34-4)—is assured, certain; Slw. s. n. Sg.
nom. used as an adverb.
nisi.(42-3)—epitaph ?
nisidige (27-1) epitaph. Other forms nisidhige (18-2).
s. n. sg. nom. Slw. from naisedhikl or naisedhika
—a place of worship of the holiest Jaina monks,
They were usually forbidden places for the lay
people, e. g. burial grounds, dense forests, etc.
(The Heart of Jainism. P. 149) The following
forms are found in the inscriptions of later
centuries:—nisadya, nisadyaka, nisiddhi, nisidhi,
nisidhige, nisiddhi, nisidhi, nis’idhi, nis’idhigej
 313

nisidhige. Even now, nis’idhi, nisidhi and

nisidhige are used by the older members of the
Jain community. It means “ a tomb erected
over the remains of a Jain ascetic ” “ nisidhi of
the venerable one ” is mentioned. (I. Ant. XII
P. 99. (1883) Dr. Fleet).
nisidhige (18-2; 39-2; 47-2; 48-2; 55-2;)-s. h. sg. nom.
see nisidige.
nisthitayas’ah (34-3)—Slw. s. m. sg.?
nltisampannar (60-1)—of righteous conduct Slw.
°sampanna—adj. s. m. pi. (hon) nom.
Nlrilliya (3-11; 6-11)—of Nirilli. s. pr. n. sg. gen. prob.
nlr-—water.+illi-here.
nurentusamvatsaram (21-2)-For one hundred and
eight years.
Slw. saihvatsara—s. n. sg. nom. used as an adverb.
T. nurettu (108); M. nurettu; Te. nutienimidi;
Tu. nurenma.
Nrpauiariyar (65-6)—King Mariar. Slw. nrpa—s. m.
pi. (hon.) nom.
nenevorurh (62-9)—those who think, adj. s. m. pi.
nom. Hhum. Optative—nenege. T.ninai—to think.
M. ninayuka ; Te. nenayuta: Tu. nenepuni—to
think.
negartey (agurii) (54-1)—fame. s. n. sg. nom.? from
negaZte, from negal—to become manifest or
famous. T. nigaZ—to shine, vbal. noun ; nigaZci;
M. nigaZuka, nigaruka—to shine. Te. negadu
(from negadu—to shine)
nenege (58-2)—May they remember. Optative of
nene—to think, to remember; T. ninai.
neradu (59-4)—having completed, adv. pp. of nere—to
become complete, pp. nereda (33-1). T. nirai—to
become full; M. nirai; Te. nerayu—-to become
full. Vbal. noun : neravu—fullness.
 814

nereda (33-1)—possessed of, was full of. pp. of nere-

to- become full. See neredu.
neladi (27-3)—on the ground below, s. n. sg. loc. from
nil-to stand ; norm nelan- um (5-18 ; 6-18); T.
nilam. M. nila; Te. nelamu; Tu. nela—the
ground, earth.
nelanum (5-18; 6-18)—the earth, also s. n.sg. nom.4-
um. See neladi.
nelekondan (45-4)—Settled himself. Past. 3. m. sg.
of nelekoj-to settle down ; kol in composition
with nele - an abode, cf. nela—in neladi. But
nile in s’ivanile padedan (36-4) is used in the
same sense. T. nilai; M. nile; Te. nela; Tu.
nile—the bottom ; depth; firmness.
nodu (33-3)—See. impl 2nd. sg. m. of nodu—to see.
T. nottam-scrutiny, nokkam—a look; M. nokku-
ga—to see. ndttarn—examination. Tu. nota—
sight, nodadruni—to show.
nonta (34-3)—that observed the vow. pp. of non—to
perform a vow (SMD Dh. 430) adv. pp. nontu ;
vb. noun, non pi (33-1); T. ndmpu, nonpu—
religious austerity ; M. nompu—same as T. Te.
nocu—to celebrate a religious performance; nornu-
a religious vow; Tu. nombu—fast, penance,
nompu—-any meritorious act; K. nohi—same as
ndrnpu.
nontu (9-1; 10-1; 12-3; 13-2; 14-4; 16-1; 17-1;
19-2 ; 20-3 ; 21-4 ; 22-2 ; 23-2 ; 25-1; 28-1; 30-1 ;
31-5; 36-3; 44-3; 52-3; 54-2, 4; 56-3; 57-3;
58-2)-having observed the vow. adv. pp. of
non—to perform a vow. (430 SMD). See
nonta—
nontum (54-2)—even having vowed?
 316

P.

pancapadade (46-4)—by the utterance of the panca-

padas. The five padas are the Jinas, the Sid-
dhas, the Acaryas, the Upadhayas and the
Sadhus. Also called panca paratnesthis. Slw.
°pada-. s. n. sg. loc. e. See KKC. I. p. 391.
pancamahapatakan (1-4; 3-12; 7-16 ; 66-18)—(a per¬
son) guilty of the five great sins. These sins are
1. Killing a Brahman ; 2. Drinking spirituous
liquor ; 3. Theft; 4. Adultery with a teacher’s
wife ; and 5. Association with persons guilty of
these four crimes. MS. 11. 54.
pancamahapatakasamyuktan (6-16 ; 7-9)—Guilty of
the five great sins; Slw.°-saihayukta-adj. s. m.
sg. nom.
paficamahapatakasamyutan (5-14)—Guilty of the five
great sins. adj. s. m. sg. nom. Slw. °saihyuta—
paiicamahapatakasamyuttan (3-7)—Guilty of the five
great sins. Slw. osaihyutta- adj. s. m. sg*
nom.
pancamahapatakasaihyuktar (62-10)—adj. s. m. pi.
nom. Slw.
pattiniguruvadigala (23-2)—s. pr. m. sg. gen.
padegam (40-4)—to the multitude; to the host also,
s. n. sg. dat.-j-arh ?
padedum (8-28)—Even having received, adv. pp. of
pade—to get, to obtain; past. 3. m. sg. s’ivanile-
padedan ; T. padai—-to secure. M. padeyuga—to
obtain. Tu. padepuni—to get.
patan (27-4)—pattan ?
pattupona (64-9)-Possibly pattu—ten and pona-pana-
money. N. K. hana. s. n. sg.? T. pattu, M.
pattu, Te. padi, Tu. patt. T. panam, M. panam.
Tu. hana.
 316

paramakalyanatlrthangal (6-17)—worthy recipients of

the most extreme good fortune (Fleet). Slw.
°tirtha-. s. n. pi. nom. used as masc. cf.
parama-kalyanabhagigal (6-17 Rice),
paramakalyanabhagigal (5-17)—Partners in the most
extreme good fortune (Rice), s. m. sg. nom.
Slw. °bhagi-
paramaprabhavarisiyar (15-2; 25-1).—A sage of
supreme glory. Slw. °risi- s. m. pi. (hon.) nom.
paramarttham (37-3)—The supreme truth. Slw.
°arttha- s. n. sg. nom.
parivariya (3-3)—Rice thinks that it is parivariye.
s. n. sg. gen. (?) Probably of what surrounds;
of the members of the temple establishment. But
I think parivariya may be from paripariya—of
different kinds, as parijanam is mentioned in the
next line.
parijanam (3-4)—Attendants. Slw. parijana- s. n. sg.
nom.
parvatadulle (57-2)—On the mountain. Slw. parvata-
s. n. sg. loc.+e. See mahapariitadul.
[palarurge (Dev) 14 E. I. XI. s. m. n. sg. dat.]
Pallavacari (20-5)—s. pr. m. sg. nom. Slw. acari—
Title of acarya. Pkt. acaria—a guru—a title 6f
learned men ; a conductor of religious ceremonies.
Now the surname of the followers of Madhva-
carya and Ramanujacarya in South India.
paZi (56-14)—blame, calumny, s. n. sg. acc. nom. in
form. T. paZi, M. paZi. N.K. hali—to revile.
paZcidor (62-8)—Those who whisper, adj. s. in. pi.
paZeu>parcu>paccu.<parcu (SMD 173 rt.)—to
sound indistinctly. T. paZ(l)ku—to be multiplied
as words, (pal—tooth ; or possibly paZi—to dis¬
parage) Tel. paluku—to speak, to speak ill
of.
 317

prajeyum (5-18; 6-18)—People also. s. n. sg. norn.

um. Slw. praje-.
prathitar (34-3)—The celebrated one. Slw. prathita-
adj. s. rn. p.l. (hon.) nom.
prathitayas’o .... ndakan (36-1) ?
prabhakhyam (57-2)—s. n. sg. nom. Slw.
prabhavati .... (67-1)?
pravajantari . . . . (41-2) ?
prasadamkeydar (5-12; 6-12) —Conferred a favour,
past. 3. m. pi. (hon.) of key —to do, with prasa-
daih—favour. Slw. pasada-
patakan (63-10)—A person guilty of sins. Slw.
pataka-, adjs. M. sg. nom.
pada (40-(a)-l)-—the foot. Slw. s. n. sg. norn.
Panapabhatarar (13-1 and2)---s. pr. m. pi. (bon.) nom.
bhatarar from bhattara from bhartara.
parvvaruriiman (5-13)—The Brahmans also. s. m. pi.
acc.-hum. T. pappan, parppan; M. pappan,
parppan; Te. paruta, parudu-paruva—a Brahman.
N. K. haruva. nom. parvvarum (6-18)—acc.
parvvaruman (6-13).
parvvaruman (6-13)—The Brahmans, s. m. pi. acc.
-hum.
parvvarurii (5-18, 6-18)—The Brahmans, s. m- pi.
nom. um.
pala.(38-2) ?
[palisidom (Dev. 21. E. I. XI)—(is) a protector, adj.
s. m. sg. nom. of palisida-pp. of palisu—to pro¬
tect, from Skt. pal—to protect. T. palikku
(caus.) Te. palincu (caus.)]
paluiii (3-3)—Milk, s. n. sg. nom. um. T. palu, Te.
palu.M. palu. —milk. N.+K. halu.
pavu (20-1)—a snake, s. n. sg. nom. H. K. havu from
pay—to spring. T. pampu. Te. pamu. M.
pambu ; Tu. havu— a snake.
 318

pas’upatamariyadeya (63-15)—s. n. sg. acc. (?) Slw.

°mariyade—Rules of conduct according to pas’u-
upata doctrines. (Sarvvadars’ ana Samgraha:
Ch. VI, pp. 103-112 in Cowell’s Translation.
Ch. VI, pp. 161-173, Text ed. by V. S. Abha-
yankar, B. 0. R. I. 1924.)
prasadantaraman (24-2)—Another palace. Slw.
"antara. s. n. sg. acc.
pin (21-4; 56-3)—the back. adv. of place. T. pin—
afterwards, behind. M. pin—the backside, behind;
Te. pidapa—after. Te. pimrnata—afterwards.
pinduwale (3-1) ruled before? Rice has Pombuc-
cale—while ruling Pombucca.—?
pirigum (37-2)—fut. 3. n. pi. of piri—to separate.
Kittel does not give it in this sense, but gives
hiri—to pull out. T. piri—to disjoin. Tu.
piriyuni—to separate. M. piri—to separate.
prthivivallabha Mamgallsana (l-l)-Of Mamgalisa, the
favourite of the world. Slw. Mamgalisa. s. m.
sg. gen. younger brother of Klrthivarmman I.
KLISI App. p. 2.
w Calukyas of Badarni Rana Vikrama Puli-
kesin I.
I I
Kirittivarmman I (567-598.) Mamgalisa. (598-608.)
I
Pulikesi II (609-642).
I
Vikramaditya I (655-680).
I
Vinayaditya I (680-696).
I
Vijayaditya I (696-733).
punyadi (5-9)—by the fruit of previous good deeds.
Slw. punya-s. n. sg. loc. in form, instr. in mean¬
ing-
 319

purakrtam (61-8)-fche ancient karma (Fleet); the

deeds done in the past. Slw. krta- s. n. sg.
nom.
[pulla (Dev. 14. E. I. XI)—the grass, s. n. sg. acc.
Another form pul lam (Dev. 11) T. pul;
M. pul; Te. pullu; Tu. pullu, hullu—the
grass.]
pullam (Dev. 11. E.I. XI) s. n. sg. acc.
Puspasenacari (47-2) —s. pr. m. sg. nom. Slw. but gen.
in meaning.
puZu (1-4)—a worm. s. n. sg. nom. T. puZu,M. PuZu,
Te. puruga, puruvu. Tu. puri—a worm.
pujyamanan (36-4)—being honoured. Slw. °mana —
adjs. m. sg. nom.
pujedandu (25-2)— having honoured him. Slw. puje-.
adv. pp. of tar—to bring, to give, with puje—
worship. See varapfljedandu (25-2).
pujyasthalaman (59-1)—the place worthy of honour
(worship) s. n. sg. acc. Slw. sthala-.
pudorn . . . li (65-14) ? the fiower garden, a
flower garden ?
puti (3-8)—the name of one of the 21 hells, s. pr. n.
sg. nom.
puti-enva (63-22) called puti (enva—fut. p. of en—
to say, to call.)
puni (1-2)—Having agreed or promised to undertake
adv. pp. of pun—to vow, to promise. But Kittel
and SMD give only pun—promise and not pun
(vide SMD. Dhatupatha 370). T. pun—to under¬
take a course of duties; M. punuka—to be yoked
to, to put to. Tel. punu—to try. In other,
inscriptions pundu. E. C. VII. Sb. 299 ; E. I.
XVI. p. 70.
purvvamariyadeya (63-13)—The ancient usages. Slw
°yade. s. n. sg. acc.
 320

prthivlrajyam keye (5-3; 0-2)—When reigning over

the earth. Slw. prthivirajyam keye—inf. of key —
to do. Another form—rajyangeye.
prthivirajyangeye (65-4)-While ruling the kingdom of
the earth-keye—inf. of key—to do.
Pegurama (24-3)—s. pr. m. sg. nom.
peran (61-6)-another pron. m. sg. nom. From pera—
outer place ; the outside. Other form : peZan
(3-4) ; M.K. hera ; N.K. hora. T. piran—a
stranger. M. piran—another; Te. pera—
another.
peran (3-11), whoever else, adj s. m. sg. nom.
periya (5-5)-Great, heavy, adj. s. n. sg. gen. T. peridu—
that which is great; periya—great; perugu—to
increase ; perukkam—increase, per, peru—great,
large ; M. perukuka—to grow large ; Tel. peru¬
gu—peruvu—to increase ; pedda—great, old.
pelucu, perucu—to increase. Tu. periya—large,
perggoravam (21-4)—-the great guru. Slw. guru. s. m.
sg. nom. re : per, see periya (5-5) and peZcuge
(3-3>. Guravarh, goravam cf. sote and sode for
sudha (Skt.) bojamga for bhujamga; kodu for
kudu. E.I. XVI. p. 81. 1067 A.D.
Perjediya (31-2)—of Perjedi s. n. sg. gen. Possibly
per—big, large, with jedi from jate. N.K. jede.
Perjediya—of big matted hair. N.K. Hejjede.
Pertvanavams’adon (45-l)-He of the Pertvana family.
Slw. vams’a. adj. s. in. sg. nom.
peZan (3-4)—adj. s. m. sg. nom. Another form of
peran (61-6)—No one else). Either Z is a mistake
for r, as in tiZthadol ; or probably Z was original
and r later. See peran (61-6; 3-11).
peZcuge (3-8)—may (it) increase. Optative pi. n. of
peZcu—to increase (not found in Kittel or SMD)
SMD. dhatupatha 165 is percu. N.K. heccu.
 321
T. peZ—largo, great ; perugu—to increase; M.
same as Te. peruca, peluca, pelcana—greatness.
Tu. percuni —to increase. Ch. peZdore, page
71,
periya (6-r>)—Same as periya, adj. s. n. sg. gen. T.
peZ, per ; M. per ; Te. peru—great, large. Te.
perucu—to increase.
peZda (25-1; 34-2; 38-1)—mentioned by, prescribed.
pp. of peZ—to say. N. K. helu. T. pes’u—to
say. M. pecu. Te. prelu, pelu—to speak.
pokka (35-4)—entered. Past. 3. sg. rn. of pugu
(pogu)—to enter. N.K. hogn and hokka. inf.
poge (3-7). pugu probably the more ancient form
and pogu later. T. puku—to enter. Past pukken ;
N. rl’. coll, pugunden; M. puku—to enter. Past,
pukka ; Tu. pogguni—to enter.
pogevogi (3-7)-entering and taking, poge . inf. of pogu
(pugu)—to enter, pogi—adv. pp. of pogu --to go.
poge pogi—pogevogi. pogu—N.K hogu. T.
po. pogu to go. Past—ponen. Poyinen—Fut.
poven ; neg. —p5gen. M. poka—to go. Te. pogu.
povu. po—to go. Tu. popini—to go. DR. p.
154 of AJ P. 1929.
pongolvicitragirikutamayarh (49-3)—of the beautiful
golded mountain. Slw. pongojva-adv. fut p. kol-
Probably poiigojva and citragirikutamaya-. s. n.
sg. acc.
podeda (l 4-1)—That had covered, pp. of pode—to
cover, (pudi—in some inscriptions, cf. pugu and
pogu) T. putai to hide—to cover. M. puta—a
cover, an outer garment. Tel. podi, podugu—to
cover. Tu. pudepuni, podepuni—to put on
clothes, to brood as a hen over her eggs.
poragu (8-30)—The outside, s. n. sg. noin. From
pora—the outside. T. puram—outside, exterior.
G. 0.1. 21
 322

M. puraui—the back, the outside ; Te. pora—the

exterior covering.
polladurh (61-7) The evil also. adj. s. n. sg. nom.
-f mil (N.K. holladu, hole)—T. pol—to agree with,
negative of this is polla. T. polla, pollada—bad,
vicious, (neg. of pon—to shine)—M. polla—to be
bad, evil. Tel. pollu - useless ; Tu. polle—slan¬
der, backbiting.
Polikesiarasara (2-2)—s. pr. in. pi. (lion.) gen.—King
Polikesi’s. T. arasan, irasan-—a king. M. araca—
a king. Te. arasu. Tu. arasu—Caldwell and
Kittel say arasu is from raja.
KLISI E I VIII, App. p. 1.
polipukolliyurii (3-9)—Probably the place for waving a
firebrand ; the granary of good fortune ; pol—
to excel; kojli—-a firebrand, polipu—good luck,
kolli- granary, s. n. sg. nom.4-um.?
po/du (14-1)—having cut asunder, adv. pp. of poi—
to split. T. po/, poZu—to split. M. poZikka—
to cause to be split.

BA.
batarimge (63-4)—to the bhatta. Plw. bbatta>bata.
Skt. bharta. s. in. pi. (bon.) dat. T. pattan—*-a
learned man, especially one well-versed with
philosophical systems ; a lord ; M. bhattan--Te.
bhattudu—a learned man. Tu. bhatte—a priest.
Banavasiya (8-27), (37)—of Banavasi. Slw. Vana-
vasi-. s. pr. n. sg. gen. Kittel: a forest Spring.
Chandombudhi. p. XXXI. not satisfactory, also
called Vaijayanti, DKD.p. 278. I. Ant. III. 273 ;
VIII. p. 244, XIII, p. 329.
bamdu (61-8)—having come. adv. pp. of bar—
to come. T. vandu (pp.) M. vandu. Te.
vacci.
 323

ballittu (61-7)—Strong, adj. s. n. sg. nom. used pre-

dicatively from bal—strength (cf. T. valindadu,
K. balitu).
bra .... iiijge (63-3) ?
Basantakutnara (8-2)—S. pr. m. sg. nom. Slw.
badhippa (61-5)—causing distress, fut. p. of badhisu—
to cause distress, from Skt. badh—to harass, cf.
mudippidar.
Baladevaguruvadigal (22-2)—s. pr. in. pi. (hon.) nom.
Slw.°guru
bale (21-4)—Maiden. Slw. s. f. sg. voc.
bala (21-1)—Of a sword, s. n. sg. gen.
T. val, M. val, To. valu—a sword. Tu. baj—a
razor
bitta (62-7)—that was granted . pp. of vidu (bidu) to
leave—bitte, past. 1. pers. sg. N.K. colloq. bitte,
bidisidaru—past. 3. pi. of bidisu—causative of
bidu ; bitta for bittar. Perhaps the r is left out
by oversight. T. vitta, M. vitta, Te. vidicina.
bittavol (61-9)—in the same way as releasing, adj s.
n. sg. nom. used as au adv. cf. bitta and
vol.
bitte (7-4)—made a grant, past. 1. sg. from bidu—to
leave; colloq. N.K. bitte (past 1. pers. sg.) ?
bidisidaru (7-7)—-granted, caused to be left. Past. 3.
pi. of bidisu—caus. of bidu—to leave.
blranuggi (7-10) ?
besageyvalli (68-3 ; 64-3)—while worshipping. Slw.
besa from vidha—to honour. To worship (?)
according to Kittel. vasa, besa and basa seem
to be more apt.
begam (35-1)—quickly. Slw. s. n. sg. nom. Used as
an adv. N.K. bega. T. vegam— swiftness. Te.
vega, vegamu—quickness; M. vegam—haste;
Tu. bega—speedily.
21 *
 324
BHA.
bhaktiyim (20-3)—with devotion. Slw. bliakti-s. n.
sg. instr.
Bhattarakar, bhattarar, bbantaraka (18-1)—Pkt. for
bharta—venerable or worshipful person, used of
gods, scholars and men of rank ; a kind of saiva
monk. bhatta< bharta—-doctor, a designation
of great scholars, balara is the Tdb. of bhatta-
raka (See E. C. IT. 19. Devanandibajara.)
bhantaraka is from bhattaraka. There are two
reasons for this nasal.
I. -tt- is written in early inscriptions as °t, like
all long consts. The° is like an anusvara
and hence bhamtaraka and later bhanta¬
raka.
cf. (1) hesarani °tu for hesaranittu E.C. IV.
Hg. 112 (1342).
(2) ta° pidavanu for lappidavanu E.C IV.
Hg. 112 (1342).
(3) ca° kravarttige for cakkravarttige E.C. IV.
Hg. 112 (1342).
Why not for -tt- is not known.
(4) ta° naguru (2) do t
(4) a °nadani (8) E.C. IV. HS. 94, 1262.
(6) vu°nata (15) E.C. VII. Sk. 3131. 1390.
(7) ga°de (15) for gadde 5
ffi.C. IV. Hg.
(8) si°daya (16) for siddaya ) 112.
(9) Gopa°na for Gopanna E.C. VII. Sk. 282.
(10) Gu°matanathana(4)')
f E.C. II. 342, (1412).
sa°nidhiyalli (4) 3
(11) .sampa°narum E.C. IV. Hs. 101. (1450.)
This explains some of the nasals in the Pkt.
loan words like Chamtamuni.
 325

II. There is pendara gopajadevaru (E.C. III.

TN. 97, 1276) 29.
pendara—not in Kittel.
T. pantaram—a religious mendicant wearing
beads and yellow garments ; a monk ; Skt.
pindara—a religious mendicant or beggar;
a cowherd ; a term of censure, bhantaraka
may probably be a contamination between
pandaram and bbattaraka.
bhadram (agi) (29-2)—firm, happy, auspicious, pros¬
perous. Slw. bhadram. s. n. sg. noun, subject of
agi.
Bhadravahusacandraguptamuntndrayugmadin (29-1)
—with the pair of the great sages, Bhadravahuand
Candragupta. s. m. sg. instr. Slw. vugma—Sea
I. Ant. XXI. p. 156; E.C. II. Introd. pp. 36-42;
E. I. IV. p. 22 ; DKD. p. 281. JR AS. 1909'23 ;
JRAS. 19Z1'8I6 ; E.l. IV. 339; Vienna Oriental
Journal: VII. 352. Thomas: Jainism or the
Early Faith of Asoka. p. 23.
I. Tradition re Bhadrabahu and Candragupta.
II. Inscriptions: Ec II—67 of 1129 ; 64 of 1163;
258 of 1432.
III. Brhatkathako^a by Harisena 931 AD—B. son
of Somasarma and Somasri, taken by Glovar-
dhana. Candragupta of Ujjain. Bhadra¬
bahu died at Bhadrapada-Ujjain.
IV. Bhadrabahu Carita by Ratnanandi. Caudra-
gupti, King of Ujjain.
V. Munivamsabhyudaya of Cidananda (680) B
Killed by a tiger, C came on a prilgrimage
stayed and died at Bejgola 9.
VI. Rajavalikathe (1838) by Devacandra, C, King
of Pataliputra. became B’S disciple.
 326

VII. Ec II. 1.
Dr. Fleet’s criticism.
But 1. Dr. Leumann V. 0. Journal VII. 382.
2. Dr. Hoernle. IA. XXI. 59-60.
3. Thomas. Jainism 23.
4. Jainism prevalent at the time of Mudra-
raksasa.
Eaia Tarangini, and f . . . . „ ,
? Jainism m Kashmir.
AimaUban. 3
5. C’s disappearance from public life
B. C. 322-298.
6. Dekhan and the north of Mysore ruled by
Mauryas, JliAS 1919. 598.'
Edicts of Asoka in Mysore, Hyderabad,
etc. Ec VIT. SK. 225. stating that
Kuntala (W. Dekhan and n. Mysore) was
ruled by Nandas.
7. V. A. Smith: Oxford Hist, of Tndia 75-76.
Jaina tradition holds the field and no
alternative account exists.
bhamtamurii (3-3)—the paddy produce, s. n. sg. nom.
Skt. bhakta—Pkt. bhatta (shared out)—M. bhat
(n) (IVD), N.K. batta and bhatta. cf. banta
from bhata—a warrior from bhrta—hired,** cf.
bhattamum (24) E.C. IV. Hg. 4. 750, A.D.
bhavavit (50-3)—knower of this existence. Slw. s. m.
sg. nom.
bhagakam (8-3)—to the share of. Slw. bhaga- s. n.
sg. dat. am; acc. bbagamurii; m. nom. bhagi.
bhagamurii (3-9)—the share also. Slw. bhaga- s. n.
sg. acc. uiii.
bhagi (20-4)—-a participator. Slw. s. m. sg. nom.
Bhavagamundanu 8-37)—s. pr. m.sg. norn.-j- (-urn)
re : gamunda. See Edeyagamundarum.
bhumi (4-4)—Land. Slw. s. n. sg. nom.
 327
bhrtasayyamam (52-1)—Filled with concentration or
self-control. Slw. s. m. sg. nom.
bhelli (62-16) Silver, s. n. sg. acc. from bel—White,
bh —is a mistake for b-. N.K. belli, cf. Skt.
rajata. cf. T. velli (silver) whiteness, Venus,
Friday. M. velli (same as in T.) ; Tel. vendi—
silver ; Tu. belli—silver.

MA.
maga (8-29)—son. s. w. sg. dat. in apposition with
Devereyage. T. makan—son. M. makan ; above
and below Te. maga'—manliness; a male:
magadu a man, a husband; Tu. mage—a son ;
magadlu —sons.
mattalu (65-14)—a measure of land (mattar;. mattalu
not given by Kittel. T. mattu —a measure, a
standard, amount, limit; mattukkol—a measur¬
ing rod ; M. mattu—measure, limit; Te. mattu—
a measure; Kan. mattu, matta—measure, limit.
The proposed derivation from vartane—a
measure of 50 mandalas is not correct, matra—
measure, size, height, depth, length, quantity ;
matra—a standard of measure, a foot, mattar
(and later mattal) is from matra.
madure (20-1)—s. pr. n. sg. Slw. madhura.
manjuvol (37-1)—like the dew. s. n. sg. nom. used as
an adv. of manner. T. mancu ; M. manhu; Te.
mancu.
manain (44-4)—(the state of) mind. Slw. s. n. sg. acc.
in meaning, nom. in form. acc. manavam ; loc.
manade.
manade (62-9)—in the mind, Slw. mana-. s. n. sg.
loc.
manavam (52-3)—the mind, s. n. sg. acc.
maranam (35-2)—death, s. n. sg. nom. Slw.
 m
malemel (35-4)—on the top of the mountain, s. n. 9g.
now. used as an adj. of place. T. malai; M.
mala; Te. mala; Tu. male—a hill overgrown
with forest.
Mayuragrarnasaiiighasya (52-5)—Part of a Skt. s’loka
cf. Navilursamgha.
marali (63-3)—again; adv. pp. of maral—to turn
back. Used as an adv. T. marra, mara—another,
next; Te. maralu—to turnback; Tu. rnaru—
next, following.
mariyadeyan (62-15)—The usage. Slw. °yade- s. n.
sg. ace. T. mariyadai—propriety, limit; M.
maryada—limit, custom. Te. mariyada—method,
procedure; Tu. maryadi, mariyadi—custom, usage.
Malanura (23-1)—of Malanur, s. pr. n. sg. gen ; T. ur,
M. ur, Te. urn, Tu. uru—a village, a town.
(Malanur—hi 1 ly town).
Mahanantamatlgant.iyar (44-2)—Holy Anantamatl-
gantiyar. s. f. pi. (hon.) now. Slw. °ganti-
mahagiriuia .... gale (35-3)—ascended the
great mountain ? Slw.
mahajanakkc (7-4)—To the people of the village. Slw.
°jana-. s. n. sg. dat.
mahatavan (35-2)—The great ascetic. Slw. °tav4-.
adj. s. m. sg. nom.
mahatavadi (35-4)—great penance. Slw. °tava. s. n.
sg.loc.
mahadantagradul (21-4)—In the great fangs (of the
cobra). Slw. agra-. s. n. sg. loc.
mahadevan (35-1)—adj. s. in. sg. nom. °deva-.
Mahadev^arum (62-4)—s. pr. f. pi. (hon.) nom. Slw.
°devi. See QJMS. Jan. 1933. See E.C. VI.
Introd. p. 5.
mahaparutadul (20-2)-- on the great mountain. Slw.
“partita—s. n. sg. loc.
 329

Maharajadhiraja Paramesvarabhattarakar (7-2)—

adj. s. ru. pi. (hon.) nom.
madi (7-7)—having done. adv. pp. of madu—to do.
vb. past. 3rd. m. sg. madidoin (65-23) caus. past.
3. sg. in. madisidom.
T. madal—doing ; M. rnaduka—to build, to cons¬
truct ; mattam—making. Kan. mata. Tu. ma-
dauni—to cultivate the land, mata -sorcery.
madidom (65-23)—Made this. vb. past. 3. sg. in. of
madu—to do. See madi.
madisida (2-3) - That caused to be made. pp. of
niadisu causative of inado—to do. T. madal.
manakkar (30-1)—disciple. Tdb. of manavaka. s. m.
pi. (hon.) nom. T. manavakan, manakkan—a
pupil. M. manavan—a boy, a student, manak
kan—a friend of the bridegroom. Te. rnanava-
kudu — a boy. Tu. mani—a Brahmin boy. Skt.
manavah, manavakah—a boy, a Brahmin boy. .
Madhavan (61-6)—Visnu, Slvv. Madbava- s. m. sg.
nom.
madhuryam (61-5)—Sweetness, s. m. sg. nom. Slw.
madhuryarhge—(61-5) to the sweet, s. rn. sg. dat
Slw. madhurya-
manada (27-3)—of self-respect.? Slw. mana- s. n. sg.
gen.
Marananu (8-29)—s. pr. m. sg. nom. -f- anu (m) Slw.
mara-
malakarargge (1-3)—To the garland - makers. Slw.
°kara- s. m. pi. dat. mala—a tatsama. SMD. 297.
Kittel’s Diet. XY. footnote.
Masenar (25-1)—s. pr. m. pi. (hon.) nom. Slw.
°sena-.
mikkudan (25-2)—which surpassed, adj. s. n. sg. acc.
of mikka—pp. of migu—to exceed, to remain
over. ,T. miku—to surpass. Mincu—to exceed
 M.Miku—to surpass; mikkilu—to become great;
Tu. mikkuni and miku—to surpass,
mlsel mideyum (3-6)—first fruits as consecrated, s. n.
sg. nom. + um. From migisal—that whioh is left
for or is different from; anything untouched or
undefiled ; T. mittu—the balance ; first fruits set
apart for sacred uses; Te. mldu—consecrated;
Tu. mi—portion.
M. rai^i—onripe fruit;
Te. midi do
Tu. midi do
K. midi do
unledor (40-2) Those that surpassed, adj.? s. m. pi.
nom. probably from mlrida from miru—to go
beyond. T. miru, M. mxru. Te.'miru, Tu. ml-
runi—to transgress—(l used for r probably),
muttidon (20-1)—he who is bitten or touched by. adj.
s. m. sg. nom. from muttida—pp, of muttu—to
touch ;T. muttu—to thrust against. M. muttu—
to touch; Te. muttu—to touch; Tu. muttuni—
to touch.
mukham(age) (6-11)—The leaders or the prominent or
the first people. SI. mukha-. s. n. sg. nom.
mukhavu (6-11)—same as mukham. s. n. sg. nonf.
mugiva (64-2)-Hfut. p. of mugi—to contract. To
choose, to end. T. muki—to end. mukivu—«
end; Te. mugiyu—to end; Tu. mugituruni—to
finish.
mudippidar (16-1; 17-1; 19-2)-rcaused to end. Past.
3. pi. m. of mudippu—causative of mudi—to end.
other form; mudippidar (12-3). T. mudi—to
end. ruurru—the end. M. mudi—to finish,
mudippu—end. Tel. mudipu—to end.
mudippidar (11-2; 12-3; 13-2; 22-2; 23-2; 31-6;
32-2)-—caused to end. Past 3. pi. (hon.) of
 381
mudippu—oaus. of modi to end. See mudip-
pidar.
(mu) . . . dippidar.?
inudirnegeye (62-5)—dying, inf. of key—to do, with
mudime—becoming full grown, mudime—abs.
s. from mudi—old age. T. mudiyam—a senior,
mudu—old. T. murru—end. Te. mudiyu—tc
grow old; mudimi—old age; Tu. mudiyuni—to
feel worn out; mudiye—adj. old n. an old inan.
muni (50-2)— a sage. s. m. sg. nom. said to be a
Skt. word. But in Te. munivu—anger; K.
munisu, mulisu—anger; Tu. munipu—anger;
muniyuni—to hate.
munin (vratagalnontu) (14-4)—of a muni. s. m. sg.
gen. probably for muniyin. (See muni),
munipungavan (35-1)—The chief of sages: Slw.
munipumgava- s. m. sg. nom. (See muni),
murukanundu u (7-12) ? - muruku—a bit, from mu-
ri— to break ?
murutimgal (19-2)—For three months, s. n. sg. nom.
used adverbially. See ondutimgal. T. munru.
M. Munna. Te. mu^u; Tu. muji.
murudegulaman (63-24)—three temples, s. n. sg. acc.
See. degula. and murutimgal.
muvetmura (3-6)—Of the thirty-three, s. n. sg. gen.
muvettumuradevejanam (62-14)—Those thirty three
gods. s. n. sg. nom. janam treated as n. in such
combinations (SMD 92) Slw. devejanam.
mil .... vvana .... (65-9) ?
muva .... devapadam (7-5) ?
mrtyuvaravan (46-1; 56-1; 58-3).—approach of death.
Slw. mrtyu—s. n. sg. acc. varavan from varavu
from var—to come. T. varavu—coming, arrival.
M. varavu. Te. varavu—a channel for the flow
of water.
 332

meccen (37-3)—I do not approve. Neg. 1. Sg. rn. of

rneccu—to approve, to admire, to esteem. T.
meccu—to admire. M. meccam—excellency,
superiority. Te. meccu—to praise, Tu. mec¬
cu—to applaud. O.K. marcu.
metti (14- 2)—Having trampled on. adv. pp. of mettu—
to trample down. To step. T. mettu, M. mettu,
Te. mettu—to trample down.
mendukam (3-4) ? m. endukum ? in whatever
time ? never ?
mettiyeki (3-10) ?—plastering the floor ? See acca-
kammattiyeki
mensage (62-' 6)—Probably menasuhoge—the pepper-
smoke? or menasige—the name of the menasige
plant. T.milagu, Te. miriyalu. Kan. menasu—
pepper.
Mellagavasaguruvar (26-1)—s. pr. m. pi. (hon.) nom.
Slw. -vasaguru-. K. melja—squint, from mel.—
to roll, as the eyeballs, mellaga—a squinting man.
men (61-10)—and. Conjunction, M. K. men and
menu—what is above, from mel—above. M.
men—what is above: Superiority; menavan—a
superior sudra. (modern M. menon). replaced by
mattu in N.K.
met (14-3; 20-3; 21-1; 27-3; 33-2; 44-3).-The top
on. s. n. sg. nom. used as an adv. of place.
Other forms; melam. mel.—K. the top part; T.
above, the sky; M. what is above; Te. better,
superior; Tu. the upper part. adj. higher, adv.
hereafter.
melam (62-14)—moreover, s. n. sg. nom. am used as a
conjunction—moreover. T. melum—moreover,
further.
modalina (n) (62-7) — former original, s. n. sg. gen. of
modal—the first, the beginning, probably from
 333

mudu—old, adv. from T. mudal—the first, the

beginning; M. mudal; Te. rnodalu, mrolu—first,
Tu. mudel—origin, cause, Mar. modala. cf. padu-
val; mudal, i.e., mudu + inf. suffix = mudal.
modeya (31-3)—of the Munjagrass group, s. n. sg.
gen. Slw. rnurija? Mode from mudu—to ad¬
vance in growth (?) The guru probably belonged
to a particular group which had the rnunja grass
for its emblem.
Mejeura Maniyagamundarum (Rice) (5-9)—s. pr. in.
pi. (hon. nom. + um. E.maniya—superintendence
of temples, mathas, customs —palace charities. T.
maniya- - same as M.K. Te. maniva-kadu. Now
•maniyagara—a subordinate revenue officer.
Molejaramaniyagamundarum (b-9)-Sameas Moleura-
(Fleet). “
Moniguruvadigala (19-1)—of Moniguruvadigal. s. m.
pi. (hon.) gen. Slw. guru- moni for rnauni-.
Moniguruvara (12-1 and2).—of Moniguruvar. s. m. pi.
(hon.) gen. Slw. guru- moni <Skb. maunin.
Mauniyacariyar (50-1)—S. pr. m. pi. (hon.) norn. Slw.
acari; pkt. m6ni. Skt. maunin.

YA.
yatiyam (34-2)—religious vow. i.e., sanyasana. Slw.
yati-. s. n. sg. acc. Skt. yati—an ascetic; re¬
straint ; check ; control.
yipaduy (63-5) ? K. padu—a place of refuge for wild
animals between stones or in rocks ?
yendu (43-3) saying, adv. pp. of en—to speak, to say.
T. enru (pp.) See endu. cf. yalliya (51), yadinatha
(57), yacaryya (58, 84, 87, 93, 94), yamvanam
(59), yastavidha (86), yadu (95) E.I. XY. 337.
 334

RA.

ramyasuralokasukakke (20-4)—To the delightful happi¬

ness or pleasure of suraloka or the world of gods.
Slw. suka-. s. n. sg. dat. see aksimanakke.
Ravicandanum (5*8; 6-8)—s. pr. m. sg. nom.+um.
canda <Skt. candra. Slw. Ravicanda.
ragasankhyagati .... (46-3) ?
ragadvesatamomalavyapagatar (16-1)—Free from the
black dirt of attachment and hatred. Slw. °gata.-
adj. s. m. pi. (hon.) nom.
rajadandamum (62-12)—Also the punishment by kings.
Slw. danda- s. n. sg. nom.+um.
rajapujyam (32-3)—The honoured of kings. Slw. part
of a Skt. sloka.
rajasravitam(age) (5-12 ; 6-Tz)—in the shape of a royal
proclamation, adj. s. n. sg. nom. I. Ant. VIII. p.
286 has the same expression; also ‘ nagara
s’ravitam.’
Rajiiimatlgantiyar (43-1)—s. pr. f. pi. (hon.) nom.
rajyava (45-2)—the Kingdom. Slw. rajya. s. n. sg. acc.
risigirisilemel (36-3)—on the rock of the Risi (holy)
mountain. Slw. silo-, s. n. §g. nom. (adv.)
Revamagaviganu (8-31)—s. pr. m. sg. nom. u (for um)
Slw. gaviga from gamiga-.

LA.

laksanavantar (20-2)—those acquainted with the symp¬

toms. Slw. °vanta- s. m. pi. nom. But here
vanta—the possessor of the knowledge of laksa-
nas ; hence -vanta-- -jna.
laksyam (59-1)—fut. p.—to be indicated, to be
observed; N. object aimed at, aim, prize,
example, disguise.
 335

Lamjigesaramdevarke (1-2)—for the god, Lamjigesara

(Visnu). Slw. °sara- s. n. sg. dat. Te. lamja,
lamjika, lamje—a harlot, from Skt. Lanjika. Skt.
Lanjika, Lanja—a prostitute, a harlot; Laksmi ;
from lafij—to blame, to dwell, to shine, to cen¬
sure.
likitam (20-4)—written. Slw. adj. s. n. sg. nom. from
pp. of (Skt) likh—to write, other form : likhitam
(8-35).
likhitam (8-36)—written. Slw. adj. s. nom. from pp.
of likh—to write.
lekkisadum (58-1)—not reckoning, neg. inf. of lekkisu—
caus. of lekka—Tdb. of lekha—reckoning-j-urh.
Te. lekka—laksyamu, lekkincu—to attend to.
Tu. lekkiyuni—to reckon.
lo.kkalum (64-4) ?

Ya.
vanadol (52-2)—In the forest. Slw. vana-. s. n. sg.
loc.
vandu (inisu) (29-2)—A (little)—numeral adj. sg. nom.
qualifying ‘ inisu ’—this much, vandu for ondu
(one). Seeomdu.
vandu (33-2; 36-1)—having come. adv. pp. of var—to
come. In 33-2, vvandu for vandu. T. vandu
(adv. pp.); M. vanda; Te. vacci (adv. pp.) Tu.
bandu (adv. pp.) ?
vvandu (33-2)—having come. Same as vandu (36-1)
vvarapujedandu (25-2)—having offered holy worship.
Slw. varapuje- tandu—adv. pp. of tar—to bring,
to give with varapuje-. T. tandu (adv. pp.)
Te. tecci (adv. pp.). Tu. tandu (adv. pp.)—See
tandu.
varppin (41-2)—by firmness, s. n. sg. instr. (?) M. K.
balpin, balupin, baluhin,? T. varppu—firmness,
 336

strength. T. val, vali, valu—strength, firmness.

Te. bain—strength. Tel. balupu—strength.
valiyaradili .... ligalge (4-4) ?
Valliggatneyara (6-6)—Of the people of Valliggame
(from Valligrama.) Other forms Vallirgameyara,
M.K. Balagamve (R.C. VII. Sk. 114) (Fleet
PSOCI :.Nos. 152-212 inclusive) N.K. Balagami
(Rice). Slw. Valligrame- s. m. pi. gen. c.f. Balli-
(E.C. Vin Sk. 100).
Vallirgameyara (5-6)—Same as Vallirggameyara.
val (29-1 ; 34-1)—most certainly. Adv. of manner.
Probably from vala—strength (?) Other form
valarii (35-4); valav (-m->-v-) (35-4).
valav (adu) (35-4)—Most certainly. Adv. same as
val.
Vasaritakumara (8-3)—s. pr. rn. sg. nom. Slw.
vratagal (14-4)—The religious vows ; Slw. vrata-, s. n.
pi. nom. in form, acc. in meaning.
vratasllanonpigunadim (33-1)—by virtue of religious
vows, noble character and devotional acts. Slw.
vrata sila- and guna-. s. n. sg. instr.
Vagara, (7-6)— s. pr. n. sg. gen.
Varanasiyaluj (5-13) —at Varanasi. Slw. Varanasi- si
pr. n. sg. loc. Other form Varanasiva-d-ul
(6-13).
Varanasivadul (6-13)—at Varanasi-.Slw. °na6 i - . cf.
Bar&nas ivadal. Ant. XIX.p. 145 and Baranasiva
E.I. VII. p. 202 AD. 856. s. pr. n. sg. loc. probably
contamination between Varanasi and—Siva.
varddhiya (20-3)—of the ocean. Slw. varddhi-s. n.
sg. gen.
vali .... bhagma (64-8) ? Slw. bhaga-. s. n.
sg. acc.?
vaZvu (40-2)—life, living here. s. n. sg. nom. T. val, M.
vaZ, Tu. baju, N.K. balu.
 337

vicitrakanakaprajvalyadira (25-2) —with the splendour

of variegated gold. Slw. "prajvalya-. s. n. sg.
instr.
viccheyam (52-1) ?—vidye? Slw. s. n. sg. acc. Pkt.
viccaya—renunciation; ?
vittu (29-4; 34-1)—having given up. adv. pp. of
vidu—to leave. M.K. and N.K. bittu. past. 3. pi.
m. vittar (5-6; 6-6) adv. pp. in T. vittu; M.
vi^tu; Te. vidici.
vittar (5-6; 6-6)—remitted. Past. 3. pi. m. of
vidu—to leave ; from this vidu—to grant. T.
vittar. M.K. bittan. N.K. bittar-u. I. Ant. Vol.
XIX. P. 145.
vidyullategala (37-1)—of the streaks of lighting. Slw.
vldyullate-. s. n. pi. gen.
vittidalli (6-16)—where it is sown. adj. s. n. sg. loc.
T.K. vittu. from vittida—pp. of vittu.—to sow.
M.K. bittu. N.K. bittu. T. vittu—to sow ; a seed.
T. vitai—a seed ; M. vittu—to sow. a seed ; Te.
vittu—to sow ; a seed. Tu. bittuni—to sow ;
bitt—a seed.
vidrumadhara Santa senamumssan (29-3)—The coral¬
lipped sage, Santisena. Slw. °muni- s. pr. m. sg.
nom.
vidhanadindu (34-2)—In the manner prescribed. Slw.
vidhana. s. n. sg. instr. used as an adv. of man¬
ner. See dvadas ada.
vidhanamukhadin (44-)—according to the rules pres¬
cribed. Slw. rnukha- s. n. sg. instr.
vinayacaraprabhavan (36-2)—s. pr. m. sg. nom. Slw.
prabhava-
Vinayadevasenamahamuni (56-3)—s. pr. m. sg. nom.
Slw. °muni.
Vinayaditya satyasrayaprithivi vallabhar (7-1)—s. pr.
m. pi. (hon.) nom. (Vinayaditya, the refuge of
G. o. i. 22
 338
truth and the favourite of earth). (DKD. p. 337
and p. 367).
viparltamge (61-10)—to the exceptional man. Slw.
viparlta-. s. m. sg. dat. voc. viparita.
viparlta (61-7)—the exceptional man (to the Kali age)
Slw. s. m. sg. voc.
vipulasri Katavapra nalgiriya (44-3)—of thebroad holy
mountain—kata-, vapra. Slw. °vapra—and giri—s. n.
sg. gen. cf. naltapa ; nonpi
vivaralke . , . bbu . . . (4-5) ?
Visokabhatarara (39-2)—s. pr. m. pi. (hon.) gen. Slw.
bhatara-.
visa—(1) weight of exactly 3 lbs. 1 oz. 4 drs. with the
Calukya of varaha; (2) Weight of 12 ozs.
and 2 drs. (1/4 of 1. above). Sanderson in his
dictionary gives visa—1/16 and visa—five seers
or the weight of 120 Rupees. This word ocours
again in I. Ant. VIII. p. 286.
Vrsabhanandlmuni—s. pr. m. sg. nom. Slw.
vettaduj (25-1)—On the mountain. S. n. sg. loc.
Other form betta-. N.K. betta. T. vira—to increase
Vlru —to be great, verpu—a hill. Tu. bottu—
high, lofty.
Vettedeguravadigal (manakkar)—(30-1). s. pr. m.’al.
(hon). nom in form, gen. in meaning, vettede—
vetta and ede—hill and place. Slw. guru-.
Vedevalliyara (6-7)—of the people of Vedevajli.-s. m.
(Rice) pi. gen. Other form Vedevalliyara. (5-8)
(Fleet)
Vedevalliyara (5-8)—Of the people of Vedevajli s. m.
pi. gen. (Fleet).
velege (5-18; 6-18)—May it grow ! Optative, s. n. sg.
ofvele—to grow. To increase. M.K. bele—N.K.
bele. T. vilai—to grow. M. vila-. neg. inf.
vejeyade (546; 6-16).
 339

veleyade (5-16; 6-16)—Without growing, neg. inf. of

vele—to grow. M.K. and N.K. beleyade. T.
vijaiyamal—without growing.
Velgola (29-3)—of Velgola. s. pr. N. sg. nom. in form,
gen. in meaning. In the later inscriptions, Belugula
(E.C. II. 333-10. 1206 A.D. E.C. II. 334-20.
1282 A.D.; E.C. II. 336-20, 1279 A.D. E.C. II.
347-35, 1278 A.D.) Belugujada E.C. II. 341-
1325; Belugula E.C. I. 10, 1544. Belugula E.C.
II. 249, 1723 A.D.
N.K. Belgola. Velgola is from vel—white;
kola—a tank; T. vel and ven—white, kulam —
a tank ; M. vel, ven—white ; Te. vennelagutti—
the moon, where ven- -white, venna—butter ;
Tu. bili—white.
velmadada (22-1)—Probably velmadada, here mada—
a palace, velmada—a white palace, or velmada
may be the name of a village, where mada is the
tdb. of mahadeva. s. m. sg. gen. ?
Vegura (15-2)—of Vegur. s. pr. n. sg. gen.
Vokuliyanu (8-30) s. pr. m. sg. nom. + anu (or).

S’A.
fc’ala . . . a . . . munda (7-13) ?
Santapana (8-28)—of Santapa. s. pr. m. sg. gen. Slw.
Santapa-. appa—the usual termination of
(father) proper names of persons—particularly of
of Saivas, as a term of respect. T. appa, M. appa,
Te. appe, abbe, abba, Tu. amme, Probably from
Skt. amba—father. (Kittel) but <atma.?
Santararasa (64-1)—of Santarasa. s. pr. m. sg. gen.
See. E.C. VI. introd. p. 10.
[&antivarmma (Dev. E.I. XI.)—s. pr. m. sg. nom.
Slw.]
Sapade (20-4)—by the curse, s. n. sg. loc. Slw.
22*
 340

Sasanama (8-28)—the deed or document of gift. Slw.

Sasana.- s. n. sg. acc.
Sikhimele (21-1) —on fire. Slw. s’ikhi- s. n. sg. nom. e
used as an adv. of place.
Silatala .... (59-3) (on) the rock ....
Slw. s. n. sg. ?
Sivanile padedan (36-4)—attained the abode (or
condition) of happiness. Slw. s’ivanile-f past. 3.
sg. m. of pade—to get. with 6’ivanile (happy
condition), (nile is not in Kittel). nela—earth,
nele—a bode, nila, nilavu—the door frame. T.
nilai—state, condition, place. M. nila—place,
position. Te nela—place; Tu. nile—firm. Tu.
nela—earth.
Sisittiyar (19-1)—woman disciple. Slw. s. f. pi. (hon.)
nom. cf. D'evedittiyerinduih. cf. s’isya.
Sistajanapriyau (61-1)—Beloved of the good people.
Slw. °priya. adj. s. m. sg. nom.
Sisya (11-1. f ; 12-2. in.)—disciple. Slw. s. f. and m.
sg. nom. cf. s’isittiyar.
Sisyar (18-1; 22-1; 23-1; 31-2; 32-1; 50-2)—dis¬
ciple. s. in. pi. (hon.) nom. slw.
Siladim (43-2)—by conduct. Slw. s’ila- s. n. sg. instr.
Suddhatmasariiyoddhakar (15-1)—a pure-souled war¬
rior. Slw. °samyoddhaka- adj. s. m. pi. (hon.) nom.
Subhamgade (34-1)—in his auspicious body. Slw.
°ariiga-. s.in. sg. loc.
Sailadul (34-2)—on the mountain. Slw. Saila- s. n.
sg. loc.
Sri (3-1; 5-1; 11-1; 14-1; 21-1; '.3-1; 25-1;
26-1; 27-1; 28-1; 29-1; 30-1; 32-1; 36-1;
42-1; 45-1; 49-1 ; 50-1; 52-1) Wealth. Pros¬
perity. This is used as an auspicious sign at the
commencement of letters, manuscripts and
inscriptions; sometimes for the needs of metre.
 341

Sri AgaZiya (moniguru vara) (12-1). s. pr. n. sg. gen.

Sri is used as an honorific prefix to the names of
eminent and holy persons and places.
Sri Ullikkalguruvadigal (10-1)—The guru of Ullikkal.
slw. guru s. m. pi. (bon.) nom.
Sri Klrnamalapuspa . ... r (15-4)—strewn with
flowers . . . s. in. pi. (hon.) nom.?
Sri Kolattiira (42-1)—of holy Kolattiir. s. pr. n. sg. gen.
Sri Jambunaygir (17-1)—Holy Jambunayakiyar. Slw.
nayaki- s. f. pi. (hon.) nom.
Sri Jinamarggar (60-1)—Follower of the Jaina path.
Slw. margga adj. s. in. pi. (hon.) nom.
Srltapaman (44-1)—Penance. Slw. °tapa-. s. n. sg. acc.
Sri Tlrtthadagurivadigal (9-1)—s. pr. m. pi. (hon.)
nom. Slw. S’rltlrttha and guru.
Sri Devacaryya . . . (48-1)—s. pr. m. sg.?
Sri Navilur Sariighada (55-1)—s. f. of the holy Navilur
sarhgha. S. pr. n. sg. gen.
Sri Neduboreya (13-1)—of holy Nedubora. Nedubore.
central mound, s. pr. n. sg. gen.
Sri Palarama . . . . re (7-9)? S. pr. frornSg?
Sri Purttiya . . . (58-3) of s’ri Purtti.
Sri Puranvaya Gandhavarmma Namita s’risaihghada
(59-2)—bowed to by Gandhavarmma, the fortu¬
nate Lord of Pura family. Slw. samgha- s. n. sg.
gen.
Srlprthivlvallabhamaharajadhirajaparames’vara-
bhatarar (5-2)—adj. s. m. pi. (hon.) nom. Slw.
°bhatara-
Srl Perumalu guruvadigala. (11-1)—-of holy Perumalu
guruvadigal; perumal—big person ? T. perumal.
s. pr. m. pi. (hon.) gen. slw. guru.
Sri Pogillisendrakamaharajar (5-3, 6-2).—s. pr. m. pi.
(hon.) nom. slw. °raja-. DKl). p. 292 ; I. Ant.
XIX p. 142.
 342

Sri Bhantaraka (18-1)—adj. s. m. pi. gen. Slvv.

Srimat (1-1; 47-1)—same as Sri.
Srimatu (62-1)—same as Srimat.
Srimad Gaudadevara (40 (a) 1)—of the celebrated
Gaudadeva. s. pr. m. pi. (hon.) gen.
1. See Citravahana.
2. Alupa King.
3. DKD. p. 309.
Srimaccitravahana (3-1)—s. pr. m. sg. nom. Slw.
Sri Meghanandimuni (53-1)—s. pr. m. sg. nom. Slw.
Srirupaliladhanavibhavamaharasigal (37-2)—the great
treasures of beauty, pleasure, wealth and power.
Slw. °rasi-. s. n. pi. nom.
Sri Vikramadityabhataraka .... (4-2)—s. pr.
m. sg.?
Sri Vijayadityabhatara . . . (65-2 and 3)—-s. pr.
m. sg.?
KLTSI. App. p. 2; DKD. p. 335.
Sri Vinayaditya rajasraya Sri Prithivivallabbamaha-
rajadhiraja paramesvarabhatara (5-1,2 and 3)—s.
pr. m. sg. nom.
KLISI. App. p. 2 ; DKD. p. 336.
Sri Vinayadityaraja sraya Sri Prthivivallabhamaj?a-
rajadhiraja paramesvarabhatarar (6-1, 2and 3).
—s. m. pi. (hon.) nom. See Vinayaditya.
Sri Santarasa (647)—of Santarasa. s. pr. m. sg. gen.
Sri s’ubhanvita Namilura (57-1)—of the auspicious
Namilur, s. pr. n. sg. gen. Other forms of
Namilur, Navilur, Nimilur.
Sri samgamgala (25-1)—of the samghas. s. n. pl.gen.
Srisaihgha . . . . du (46-1) ?
Srisamghadulle ( )—in the holy samgha, s. n. sg.
loc.
Srisa . . na . . (54-1) ?
 343

SA.

sakki (83-1; 38); saksi (83-1, 38)—witness, s. m.sg.

nom. Slw. for saksi; a contamination between
saksi and sakki
sagidu (56-2)—Probably adv. pp. of sagi—to be con¬
trolled, to be humbled. This is not found in
dictionaries. But there is sugi—to fear; and
taggu—to be humbled, saggu—to be humbled
are found in Kan and Te. Tu has only taggu -to
be humbled. In colloquial speech, saggu—to be
humbled, is found. This may become sagu and
not sagi. But there is K. tage—to stop, to stun.
T. tagai. e>iin Kan. and tagi may have had sagi
as in Tu. where s, and t. doublets are found,
sariighada (44-2)—of the samgha. Slw. saiiigha-. s. n.
sg. gen; other forms sarhghada.
samghada (42-1, 57-1)- of the samgha. Slw.
samgha .... (40-1) ?—samgha—s. n. sg. gen.
svarggalayakke (33-4)—to the abode of heaven, s. n.
sg. dat. Slw °alaya-.
sattar (61-10)—died. past. 3 m. pi. of sa (y)—to die.
T. ca—to die. past. Sattan M. ca—to die. Te.
caccu—to die ; pp. cacoina. Tu. say, sai—to die.
pp. satta-.
satya .... nav—(35-3) ?
saddhammada. (27-4)—of the holy dharma s. n. sg. gen.
Slw. °dhama-
santu (7-13) ? Probably a contracted form of sanditu
past 3 n. sg. of sal—to go, to reach. N. K.
colloquial speech, santu for sanditu.
saddhammagurusantanan (27-2)—descended from the
virtuous gurus. Slw. santana, s. m. pi. ?
sanda (7-11)—pp. of sal—to go, to become famous;
past 3. sg. m. sandan (37-4) caus. adv. pr. p.—
 344

salisi. optative: salge; adj. s. sg. sulvon—from fut.

p. m.—salva,adj. s.pl. salvor—from fut. p.-—salva.
adv. salva-vol.
sandan (37-4) — went. past. 3. sg. m. of sal—to go.
samdvigaganatanayan (27-2)—of the Samdvigagana
discipline (?) Siw. naya s. m. sg. noin. ?
sanmargadin (44-3)—correctly, in the right path. Slw.
marga s. n. sg. instr. used as an adv.
sanyasanarhgeydu (37-3)—adopting sanyasana Slw.
sanyasana—adv. pp. of key —to do with Sanya¬
sanam. sanyasanam (sanyasanam)—abstinence
from food ; fasting as a form of suicide ; it is more
or less synonymous with sallekhana and samadhi.
sanyasanam nontu (22-2; 23-2 ; 31-5)—vowing sanya¬
sanam. Slw. sanyasanam. Adv. pp. of non—to
perform a religious vow—sanyasanam. T. non—to
do penance; vb. noun, nompu. M. non. Yb. noun,
nompu. Te. nocu ; Yb. noun’ nomu. K. verbal
noun, nonpi in vrata Silanonpigunadim (33-1)
sanyasana my ogadol (43-3)—in the yoga of sanya¬
sanam. Slw. yoga. s. n. sg. loc.
sanyasanavidhi (32-2)—The rites of sanyasana s. n. sg.
nom. Slw.
samadhikudidom (52-3)—Joined samadhi. Slw. sariia-
dhi. past 3. sg. m. of kudu—to join ; adv. pp. of
kudu is found in sarnadhikudi-f e (40-2). T. kutu
—to join; M. kutu; Te. kudu; Tu. kudavuni—to
join, samadhi is not used here in the sense of con¬
centration of mind as in yogasutra, but it conveys
the additional sense of a religious vow, known as
sallekhana, according to which the Jainas starved
themselves to death. This is clearly indicated
in “ Samadhirnarane prayatitavyam ”. cf also
Ravisenacarya’s Padmacarita II. 187: “ t
masedhim samasadya krtva dehavisarjanam.”
 345

samadhikudie (40) (2)—Joining samadhi only. adv.

pp. of kudu- (to join) with e the particle of
emphasis) See samadhikudidom (52-3)
samadhi Neredon (21-4)—accomplished samadhi. Slw.
samadhi. neredon. Past. 3. sg. m. of nere—to
complete, to accomplish, in composition with
samadhi- adv. pp. neredu (59-4); pp. nereda
(33-1) T. Nirai—to fill. M. nira. Te. nimdu—to
fill (adj. full,—Tu. neriyuni, to be full,
sampige (63-6)—the sampige trees. Slw. sainpige
Skt. campaka—T. Sariipakaih; Te. sampamge.
Tu. sampige.
saretivarador (59-1) ?
Sarppaculamani (60-2) —s. pr. m. sg. nom. Slw.
sarppada (21-1)—of a cobra. Slw. sarppa—s. n. sg. gen.
sarva . . . . n (4-6) ?
Sarvvajnabhattarakar (15-2)—s. pr. rn. pi. (lion.) nom.
Slw.° raka-
sarvaparihararh (62-6)—Free of all (imposts or taxes)
Slw.0 hara s. n. sg. nom used as an adv. Other
form—sarvvaparihara (63-6) (64-6).
sarvvaparihara (63-6 ; 64-6)—Free of all (imposts) s. n.
sg. nom. used as an adv.
sarvvabadhaparihara (7-4)—Free of all imposts or
taxes s. n. sg. nom. used as an adv.
salisi (35-3)—paying, giving, adv. pr. p. of salisu—to
cause to enter, to bestow, See Sanda. T. adv. ppl.
&alutti. from Saluttu-to cause to enter—to bestow.
Salevugeya (8-28, 30)—of Salevuge. s. pr. n. sg. gen.
salge (3-8)—may (he) (or they) enter. Optative. 3. sg.
(PI.) of sal— to go.
salvon (5-17 ; 6-17)—who behaves (Fleet)—who does
(protect) adj. s. m. sg, nom.
salvor (63-23)—Those that go- adj. s. m. pi. nom. o
salva fut p. of sal—to go.
 346

salvavol (21-1)—Like the walking on or passing oyer

s. n. sg. nom. used as an adv. of manner,
sasanada (27-4) ? sasanadi. s. n. sg. loc.?
Sasimati Srlgantiyar (33-2)—s. pr. f. pi. (hon.) nom.
Slw. °ganti.
svarggam (36-4)—to heaven, s. n. sg. nom. in. form,
acc. in meaning.
svarggalokasukhacittam .... madhigaj-s. n.pl.
nom. ?
svarggagraman (15-4 ; 25-2)—the top of heaven (the
high heaven).—Slw. °agra-. s. n. sg. acc.
svargalayam (43-4) —to the abode of heaven—Slw
°alaya—s. n. sg. acc. in meaning, nom. in. form,
svabhavasaundaryyakarangar (57-2)—He of the
natural beauty of body. Slw. °aiiga-. s. m. pi.
(hon.) nom.
svarlokadirii (34-4)—(Rice) Slw. loka s. n. sg. instr. ?
svasti(1-1; 2-1 ; 3-1 ; 4-1: 5-1; 6-1 ; 7-1; 17-1; 18-1;
26-1.; 27-1 ; 34-1; 39-1; 42-1; 45-2 ; 47-1; 50-1;
62-1; 63-11 and 12; 64-1; 65-1)—s. f. nom.
well-being, fortune, success. Hail, farewell used
as an adverb at the beginning of a letter, ms or
inscription as an auspicious word. A letter is
called svastimukhah. *
Saerindum (3-5)—from Saer. s. pr. f. sg. instr.
um
sadhisi (50-4)—having accomplished, adv. pp. of
sadhisu—to accomplish from Skt. sadh—to
accomplish one’s aim, to reach one’s goal,
sadhu (61-5)—Good, kind, person. Slw. s. m. sg. nom.
nom. pi. sadhugal; dat. sg. sadhuge.
sadhugal (36-4)—by the good. Slw. sadhu- s. m. pi.
nom. in form, but instr. in meaning,
sadhuge (61-5)—to the good people. Slw. sadhu, s. m*
sg. dat.
 347

sadhu-gra . . . radhiran (41-1)—the hero of .

?
sandhi vigrahika 6r! Rainapunyavallabhena likhita-
midarn (8-36)—Part of the Skt. portion of the
inscription. This was written by S’rl Rama-
punya, the minister for peace and war. cf.
samdhivigrahilalamam. E. 0. V. AK. 127 (1185).
salambalatapogradi (21-2)—In the practice of severe
penance. Slw. tapogra-. s. n. sg. loc. The mean¬
ing of salambala not clearly known. Probably-
excessive. Kan. adv. sodam badatn—further,
much (possibly from Skt. sodham badham—
borne very well) may have been in use as
salambala. Cp. SMD. 309. Sodambadam—
much more.
sasira (5-13; 6-13)—Thousand. Slw. Numeral adj.
qualifying kavileyum parvvaruman. 3asira<Skt
sahasra-
sasirvvar (25-2)—The thousand (Gods) Slw. sasir-. s
m. pi. nom. cf. orvvan, elnurvar.
sasvatam (41-4)—for ever. Slw. Skt. adv.
svadhyayasampattinim (33-1)—by the wealth of
•constant study of the scriptures (Outlines of
Jainism pp. 131 and 133). Slw. sampattu- s. n. sg.
instr.
svayuhprama .... yak (34-3)—his own life ?
siganu (7-12) ?
Singanandiguruvadigal (30-1) - s. pr. pi. (hon.) nom
simghaman (61-9)—The lion. Slw simgha-. s. n. sg
acc.
siddham (33-1; 34-1)—nom. n. of the Past perf.
passive and as an equivalent of Siddhi. Siddhi
actually occurs in place of Siddham success
(pp. = achieved) used as s’rl and svasti at the
commencement of inscriptions (I.Ant.X.p. 273.)
 348

siddhiyan (21-4; 53-2)—Perfection. Freedom from

laws of Nature, s. n. sg. acc.
siddhasamayan (25-1)—In consonance with the rule
of the siddhas. (Jainism by H. Warren p. 67
Outlines of Jainism—pp. 46, 63, 85) adj. s. m
sg. nom. Slw. °samaya-
siddhisthan (54-4)—possessor of siddhi or perfection.
Slw. °stha- s. m. sg nom (See Heart of
Jainism, pp. 96. 104, 108, 262, 271, 274)
Sinderagatnigarurii (5-11; 6-11)—The people of the
village of Sindcra. s. m. pi. nom.+um-.
siri pa ... . vaha .... (65-22) ?
sirisamghada (43-1)—Of the holy samgha. Slw.
satiigha- s. n. sg. gen.
sthitadehakamalopamamga S’ubhamum (34-4)—(to)
prosperity of one resembling a lotus in body
Slw. °/S’ubha-. s. n. sg. nom.
sthirada (24-3) —of firmness. Slw. sthira- s. n. sg. gen.
supanditan (56-1)—a good scholar. Slw. °pandita- adj,
s. m. sg. nom.
suputra .... la (7-7)?—of the good son ?
suracapambole (37-1)—Like the rainbow. Slw. capa-
s. n. sg. noin-f e.
suralokamahavibhavasthanan (40-4)—The possesgbr
of the great powers of the gods of heaven. Slw.
°vibhavastha- adj. s. n. sg. nom. The penulti¬
mate—ail appears to be superfluous and may be
due to the mistake of the engraver. It is also,
possible that -an -an was in use as -in -in for the
instrumental in inbinin.
suralokada (marggadol) (52-2)—of the world of gods.
Slw. °loka- s. n. sg. gen.
suralokavibhuti (24-3) The splendour of the world of
gods. Slw. s. n. sg. i.cc. in moaning, nom. in
form.
 349

suralokasaukhyada (44-4)—of the happiness of the

world of gods. Slw. °saukhya- s. n. sg. gen.
suravidyavallabhZndrah&uravara munibhistutyakaZ-
bappinamel (14-3)—on the top of the mountain,
Kalbappu, praised by the lords of heavenly learn¬
ing. Slw. 0KaJbappu-.
1. Kalbappina—s. n. sg. gen.
2. mel s. n. sg. nom. adv.
1 may also be taken as qualifying “ Carita 4rl.’’
stutya Kalbappina (14-3)—on the Kalbappu, worthy of
praise, s. n. sg. gen.
sedenevadesi (dal) (54-1) ?
Senavarasarum (3-10)—s. pr. m. pi. (hon.) nom. +um.
sesthe an (7-8)—property, svastya—s. n. sg. acc.
sva asti—land either with a trifling rent or free
from tax.?
Sokkagamundarum (5-8)—s. pr. m. pi. (hon.) nom.+
um. (Rice) sokka from sokku<sorkku — pride.
Sorkkagamundarum (6-8)—same as Sokkagamunda¬
rum (5-8) (Fleet)
saukhyasthan (14-4) Possessor of happiness, adj. m-
sg. nom. Slw. °stha-.
PART III
B. APPENDICES.
 PART Ilf.

B. Appendices.

APPENDIX I.

Proper Names.

Agali (12), Andugi (5 and 6), Adeyarenadu (19),

Amali (5 and 6), Alariivalli (5 and 6), Anes’eti (8),
Aryyanamika (52), Aluarasar (62), Ugrasenaguru-
vadigal (23), (JJlikkal (10), (JJlikkal guruvadigal (10),
RHabhaseuaguruvadigal (32), Edeyagamundar
(5 & 6), EdevoZalnadu (8), Erevedi (7), Kappe
Arabbattan (61), Kajantfiran (21), KaZvappu (33, 34),
KandarJbor (5 and 6), KalavirguravadigaJ (31),
Kittur (22), Ki/ga (64), KiZgana (62), JXillu (3),
Kucelarr) (49), Knndavarmmrrasa (62), Kottara (12),
Kodakani (7), Kolattur (32, 49), Gandhavarrmna (59),
Gruuamatiavvegal (55), Gunasagara (62), Gunasena-
guruvar (12), Oandaganiunda (8), Candragupfca (29),
Gandradevacaryyanarnan (36), Caribasrmamdheya-
prabhu (14), Oittur (19), Citravahana (3 and 62),
Cendugoli (1), Jejugur (5 and 6), Tarekadu (31),
Tlrbthadaguruvadigal (9), Thittagapana (18), Damita-
matT (57), Dallaga (38), Deva.khantiyar (42),
Devereya (8), Devacaryya (48), Dhannekuttarevi
guravi.(11), Dbarmuia Senaguruvadigal (22),
Nadirastra (36), Nandiimmipa . . . (54), Nandisena-
pravaramuuivaran (37), Namilur (53), Navilur (13, 44,
46, 48), Nastappa (8), Nagasenaguravadigal (32),
Nagamatiganbiyar (19), Nayarkhanda (5 and 6),
Navalli (21), Nlrilli (5 and 6), Nedubore (13) Pattini-
guruvadigal (23), Pallavacari (20), Panapabhatarar
(13), Perunjaluguruvadigal (11), Puspasenacari (47),

353
G. o. I. 23
 354

Pegurama (24), Perjediya Modeya Kalapakadaguru-

vadigal (31), Polikes’iarasar (2), Banavase (S),
Basantakuinara (8), Baladevaguruvadigal (22), Bhad-
ravahu (29), Bhavagainandar (8),Madure (21), Mala-
nur (23), Mahadeviar (62), Mahanantamatlgantiyar
(44), Mara (8), Maviabbegal (51), Mellagavasaguru-
var (26), Mcghanandlmuni (53), Moleur (5 and 6),
Mouiguruvadigal (19) Moniguruvar (12), Mauniya-
cariar (50), K,ajnlmatigantiyar (43), Yasantakumara
(8), Yalliggarna (5 and 6), Varanasi (5 and 6), Vinaya-
devasenanarnamahamuni (56), Vis’okabhatarar (39),
Vlrasena Gamundar (66), Vrsabhanandlmuni (53),
Vettedeguruvadiga] (30), Vede Yalii (5 and 6), Vegfir
(15), Vokuli (8), S’antapa (8), Sfantarasa (64) S’anti-
senamunisan (29), S’rT Jarabunaygir (17), S’rlpogilli-
sendrakainabarajar (5), Sri Ramapunyavallabha (8),
Srlvikramadityabhataraka (4), ' Snvinayadityarajas’-
raya (6), Sarppacularnani (60), Sarvvajnabhattarakar
(15), Saluvuge (8), Sasiiuatigantiyar (33), Singanandi-
guruvadigal (30), Sindera (5 and 6), Senavarasar (66),
Sorkkagainundar (5 and 6).
 355

APPENDIX II.
Proper Names.
The pro-er nouns of these inscriptions consist
of: Names of —(1) Kings, (2) Queens, (3) Warriors,
(4) Monks, (5) Nuns, (6) Merchants, (7) .Land-
owners, (8) Writers of inscriptions and (9) Names of
places and countries.
1. Names of Kings —
Alu-arasar (62),Erevedi (7-6), Kundavarmmarasa
(62), Citravahana (3 and62), Polikesiarasar (2), S’anta-
rasa (64), S’npogillisendraka-maharajar (5), S’rlvikra-
maditya bhataraka (4), Srivinayaditya rajas’raya sri-
prthivrvallabhamaharajadhiraja parames’vara bhatarar
(5) , Senavarasar (66).
2. Names of Queens :—
Mahadeviyar (62).
3. Names of Warriors :—
Kappe-Arabhatta (61), Kandarbor (5 and 6),
Nagennan (3).
-1. Names of Monks:—
Ugrasenaguruvadigal (23), Ujlikkalguruvadigal
(3), Rsabhasenaguruvadiga] (32), Kalanturan (21)
Kalavirgguruvadigal (31), Kucelarn (49), Gandhavarm-
man (59), Gunasenaguravar (29), Candragupta (29),
Candradevacaryyanaman (12), Tirtthadaguruvadigal
(9), Caritas’rTnamadheya prabhu (14), Devacaryya (48),
DhartnmasenaguruvadigaJ (22), Nagasenaguruvadigal
(32), \andirnunipa .... (54), Nandi-senapravara
Muni varan (37), Pattiniguruvadigal (23), Perumalu-
guruvadigal (11), Panapabhatarar (13), Puspasenacari
(47), Pegurama (24), perjediyamodeyakalapakada
guruvadigal (31), Baladevaguruvadiga] (22), Bhadra-
vahu (29), Mellagavasaguravar (26), Meghanandlmuni
23*
 356

(53), Moniguruvadigal (19), Moniguruvar (12), Mauni-

yacariyar (50), Vinayadevasena natnamahatnuni (56),
Vis’okabhatarar (39), Vrsabhanandnnuni(53), Vettede-
guruvadigal (30), Sanlisenamunls’an (29), Sarppacdla-
mani(60), Sarvajnabhattarakar (15), Singanandiguru-
vadigal (30).
5. Names of Nuns : —
Aryayanainika (52), Gunamatiavvegaj (55) ?
Damitamati (57), Deva . . , . . khanbiyar (42),
Dhapnekuttareviguravi (11), Nagaiuatigantiyar (19),
Prabhavati (57),MahanaobamatIganbiyar (44), Maviab-
begal (51), Rajnlmatiganbiyar (43), Sri Jambunaygir
(17), Sasimati srlgaubiyar (33).
6. Names of Merchants :—
Aneseti, Devereya, Nasbappa, Basanbakurnara,
Sanbapa (8).
7. Name of bhe blacksmibh : Vasanbakumara (8)
8. Names of Landlords :—
Edeyagatnundar (5 and 6), Candagamunda (8),
Bhavagamundar (8), Mara (8), Moleyfiramaniyaga-
mundar (5 and 6), Vlrasenagamundar (66), Yokuji (8),
Sorkkagamundar (5 and 6.)
9. Names of writers of inscriptions :—
Pallavacari, S’ri Ramapunaya vallabha (8), (20).
Aboub the names ‘ Dallaga (38) ’ and ‘ Narayan-
ayyamgal ’ (66) the details are not known, as the
inscriptions are incomplete.
10. Names of Places :—
AgaZi (12), Andugi (5 and 6), Amali (5 and 6))
Alamvalli (5 and 6), Ullikkal (10), KaZbappu (kaZvappu),
(33,34), Kittur (22), KBga (64), Killu (3), KiZgana (62),
Kottara (12), Kodakani (7), Kolattur (32, 49), Cittur
(19), Cendugoli (4), Jelugur (5 and 6), Tarekadu (31),
Thi^agapana (18), Navilur (43, 44, 48, 46), Navalli
 357

(5 and 6), Nlrilli (5 and 6), Nedubore (13) Banavase

(8) Madure (21), Malanur (23), (66), Moleur (5 and 6),
Varanasi (5 and 6), Valjiggama (5 and C), Vedevalli
(5 and 6), Vegur (15), Sindera (5 and 6), and
Saluvuge (8).
11. Names of Countries :—
Adeyere-nadu (19), Sdevolal-niidu (8), Nadirastra
(36), Nayarkhanda (5 and 6).
The name of Namil-ur (the peacock village) is
translated into Skt. as Mayura-grama (52, 57.)
 358

APPENDIX III.

Verse Inscriptions.

Of tho 66 inscriptions. ‘22 are in verse.

Inscriptions 35, 4J, 46, 51, 54 seem to be in
verse, but the exact nature of the metre cannot be
ascertained on account of the missing words. 46
seems to be in Sardxila or Mattebha vikrlditavrtta- a
samapada metre in Skt.
Of the 22 verse inscriptions, 61 is in Ka’narese
metre tripadi1, excepting the first stanza. It is a
metre of three lines; each line differs from the other
in length and in the number of moras (or matras);
there is alliteration of the second letter of each line.
The distribution of moras in each of these three
lines is: —
1. 20 moras in 4 feet.
2. 17 moras in 4 feet.
3. 13 moras in 3 feet according to Nagavarmma.
But the 2nd foot has more than 18 moras here in
the third and fourth stanzas.
This is a visamapadavrtta in Kanarese.
The other stanzas are all in Skt. metres. They
are.—
No. of the
Name of vrtta. inscription where
it is found.
1. utpalamale (203)2 .... 20, 52.
2. campakamale (206) .... 40, 53.
1. Chandombudhi, 299 p. 98.
2. A descriptive account of these vrttas is given in Naga-
varma’s Karnataka Chandombudhi. The number in brackets
against the names of the vrttas refers to the verse wherein its
laksanas or characteristics are given in the book referred to
above.
 359

No. of the
Name of vrtta. inscription where
it is found.
3. mamgalarh (185) .... 57.
4. mattebhavikrldita (202) .... 33, 34, 44, 45,
50.
5. mallikamale (194) .... 29.
6. rnahasragdhara (210) .... 14, 36, 37.
7. vamsastha (150) .... 57.
8. vasantatilaka (171) .... 49.
9. sardfdavikrldita (200) .... 15, 21, 25, 60.
The characteristics of each of these metres are
the same as those in Skt. except the alliteration (prasa)
of the .second letter in each line in Kanarese. These
are all samapada vrttas or stanzas having four lines
of equal length.
The following verses do not conform to the
description given above :—
Inscription 36—1st line—words missing.
36.—11. 1, 3 and 4 defective—words
missing in 1 and 4, and more
words in 1. 3.
59.— 1st line defective because of
long e. There are only three
lines.
63.—11. 2 and 3 are defective—words
missing in 1 and 4; two matras
are in excess.
In alliteration, there are short and long letters,
bindu and double consonants. When analysed, the
following types of alliteration are found:—1
1. Short letters (laghu): 14, 33, 34, 37, 44, 45,
51, 53, 57.

1. Chandombudhi 43 to 50.
 360

2. Long letters (guru) : (by nature or position.),

15, 20, 21, 25, 29, and Badami (1), 56, 60)
1 (2 and 3).
3. I3indu with a consonant: 50, 52.
4. Double consonants : 29.
Later writers on prosody call 1, 2, 3 and 4
sitnhaprasa, gajaprasa, vrsabhaprasa and hayaprasa
respectively.
In 34 the consonants of a varga are treated as
prasa letters.
The later writers call this ‘ vargodita ’ prasa.1
In 25 there is the alliteration of the first two
letters of each line, which is called by later writers
‘ dviprasa.’2
The prasa in 36: the last two lines have -di- and
-ra-instead of -na of the first two lines. This is
defective, according to later Kanarese writers.

1. Chandombudhi 56.
2. Do 65.
 361

APPENDIX III.

Figures op Speech in the Inscriptions.

The following alamkaras are found :—

A. upauialamkara (bimile)1 21, 34, 37.
B. Rupakalamkara (metaphor)2 14, 15, 20, 29, 33,
35, 44.

1. KVV. 159 ; KRM. Ill 59, et seq.

2. KYV. 161; KRM. Ill 12, et seq.
 362

APPENDIX IV.

Skt. Verses in Kanarese Inscriptions.

In the following inscriptions, Skt. slokas are

found :—
8, 32, 58, and 62.
1. In 8. The first 26 lines ; lines 31-36.
Nagasena managham gunadhikam
In 32, Naganayakajitari mandalam
rajapujyarnanialam sriyarnpadam.
kamadam hatarnadam namamyaham.
This is in praise of Nagasenaguruvadigal who
ended his life by Sanyasanavidhi.
2. In 53. Mayuraggramasaihghesya,
saundaryya Aryyanamika
Katapragiri saileca
sadhitasya samadhitah.
There are a few words missing in this inscription.
The name of the person who ended his life is not
found.
3. In 58 grame Mayurasamghesya,
Aryyika Damitamati
Katvapragirimadhyastha
sadhita ca samadhita
The death by sanyasana of a lady is referred to
here. The name cannot be made out as the word is
only ‘ Damitamati ....
In 8, the history of the grantor is narrated in
Skt. in the first 26 lines. In 11. 35 and 36
“ Mahasandhi-vigrahika sri Ramapunyavallabhena
likhitamidam 6’asanam.”
 363

In the Tattukoti inscription of about 700 A.D.

(62) the following Skt. sloka appears after the first
Kan. stanza:
varan tejasvino nirttyur
na tu manavakbandanarh
mrbtyus tatksaniko duhkbani,
tnanabharhgani dine-dine.
 364

APPENDIX A.

In do-Aryan Loanwords.

The following Indo-Aryan loanwords are found

in these inscriptions.
A. 1. ayyaCarya (SYID. 270, 232)1 ; 2. awe,
abbe<amba 3. appa<atma 4. acari<acarya (SMD.
254) ; 5. IsaraCisvara (SMD. 253, 2S1); 6. kaviie<
kapile (SMD. 258); 7. khanti, ganti<gantrl (SMD.
261); 8. gosiga<ghosika; 9. candaCohanda (SMD.
255) ; 10. candaCcandra (SMD. 261); 11. Janna<
yajna (SMD. 269); 12. Jede< Jate (SMD, 255, 271);
13. tapaccaleCtapacchala ? (SMD- 255); 14. tana<
sthana (SMD. 257, 278, KSS- 149); 15. degula<
devakula (SMD. 295); 16. dhone<droni (SMD. 261,
KSS. 154); 17. nisidige<nisedhika (SMD. 254);
18. padi<prati (SMD. 261); 19. bataCbhattaraka,
bhatara<bharta, bhartara; 20- bhanta<bbakta
(SMD. 295); 21. raanakka<rnanavaka; 22. menasu
<raarica (SMD. 282); 23. njodeCinunja (SMD. 282,
285 ?) ; 24. risi<rsi (SMD. 268, KSS. 159) ; 25. visa
<vims’a;26. sakki<saksi (SMD. 254, 262, 270);
27. sasimatiCs’as’imati (SMD. 254); 28. sasira<
sahasra (SMD. 254); 29. singa, simgha<simhs£
(SMD. 263); 30. siri<s’rl (SMD. 254, KSS. 147);
31. setti<s’resthin (SMD. 254, KSS. 138).
These are treated as tadbhavas4 or words
corrupted from Skt. by later grammarians. But such
a modification of Skt. words in Kanarese is not
1. The number within brackets gives the sutra which
explains the formation of the form.
2. K.R.M. uses this word in II 53 (K.B. Pathak’s Edition)
and II 55 in the Madras University Edition), but K.R.M. is a
translation of Dandin’s Kavyadars’a and this verse corresponds
to tadbhava used in that Book I 32-37, in a different sense.
See SMD. 235, KSS. 138-160.
 365

possible as can be seen from B. infra. Further, these

words are found in Pkt. in almost the same form.
Hence the loans are from Pkt. and not from Skt.
though no Kan. grammarian has stated that these
are Pkt. loans. The rules framed by Kan. grammari¬
ans are practically translations of the sutras of
Prakrtaprakas’a with slight modifications to suit the
genius of the Kan. language.
These Pkt. Kvs. came into Kan. when Pkt. was a
spoken language in the Kanarese country1: (a) The
existence of Asoka’s inscriptions (1) at Brahmagiri,
Siddapura and Jatinga Rames’vara Hill in what is
now the Mysore State; (2) at Palkigundu and Gravi-
matha3 in what is now the Hyderabad State (Deccan)
with later Kan. inscriptions on the other side of the
same rocks; (b) the existence of Pkt. inscriptions at
Malavalli (E. C. VII. Sk. 263) and (c) the prevalence
of Jainism in South India before the spread of
Buddhism, show that Pkt. was used as a spoken
language in South India about the third century B. C.
G-dsiga, degula and nisidige represent the loans
from an earlier stage of Pkt;; bata shows the charact¬
eristic tendency of the Kan. language to shorten long
consonants ; in bhaihta and siriigha, aspirates are re¬
tained ; the nasal of bharhta is noticed by later gram¬
marians, but is left unexplained (N. K. bhatta and
batta.)
B. 1. nagirCnayakiyar; 2. nittaCnitya;
8. partita< parvata ; 4. Banavasi< Vanavasi; begam
<vegam; 5. mattaru<matra; 6. mariyadeCmar-
yada; 7. masena<mahasena (SMJD. 291); 8. moni
Cmauni (SMD. 2S2) ; 9. risiCrsi, probably con¬
tamination between Skt. rsi and Pkt, risi;
10. s’isittiyarCs’isya + ittiyar; 11. samgha.
1. MAR. 1928 pp. 10-14, and I Ant. 1912, p. 23a
2. Professor R. L. Turner. The Gavimath and Palkigundu
scriptions of Asoka (1932)
 366

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 375

“ a paritosad vidusam na sadhu raanye pvayoga

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