Sex and Skeletons 1 Running Head: SEX AND SKELETONS

Sex and Skeletons 1
Running head: SEX AND SKELETONS
Sex and Skeletons: A Rhetorical
Criticism of Agitation Methods as Used
by the American Life League
Timothy J. Burke
University of South Florida

Sex and Skeletons 2
Abstract
The history of rhetorical methods utilized by the American Life League,
an anti-abortion and anti-contraception organization, was investigated.
The primary focus was on the 2002 media campaign designed to both
attack condom use and pro-choice group Catholics For Free Choice. By
application of Bowers, Ochs, & Jensen’s (1993) theory of the Rhetoric
of Agitation and Control, several themes emerge. Among them include
a lateral structure of agitation, the use of petition, promulgation, and
polarization rhetorical methods, and an overall failure to achieve
impact linked to a lack of perceived credibility for uncited statistics.

Sex and Skeletons 3
Sex and Skeletons: A Rhetorical Criticism of
Agitation Methods as Used by the American Life League
The number of American citizens living with AIDS is increasing for
the first time in a decade. AIDS cases increased 2.2 percent in 2002,
the first apparent rise since 1993 (Stein, 2003). Nowhere does this
increase have a bigger and more visible impact than the United States
capital of Washington, D.C. The District of Columbia has the highest
per-capita rate of AIDS of any U.S. city – 119 per 100,000 residents
(Stein, 2003).
It is either irony or strategic targeting, then, that the American
Life League, a Stafford, Virginia-based antiabortion organization, chose
Washington, D.C. as the launch point for its 2002 campaign to
demonize condom use and encourage abstinence (Brandt, 2002).
Metro subway advertisements and full-page spreads in the Washington
Times were elements of the incendiary campaign, which featured the
display of a skeleton wearing a red lapel ribbon and the text, “Faithful
condom user” (Buncombe, 2002).
The proportion of all AIDS cases reported among adolescent and
adult women in the United States has more than tripled since 1986
(Auerbach, 2004). AIDS is the leading cause of death in African-

Sex and Skeletons 4
American women ages 25 to 34 (Auerbach, 2004). AIDS cases among
women in Washington, D.C. occur at ten times the national average
(“CFFC: Anti-Contraception Group,” 2002). Therefore, the rhetoric of an
agent with stated goals which include the deprivation of women’s
personal sexual choice and access to contraceptives must be
examined.
This paper utilizes Bowers, Ochs, & Jensen’s (1993) theories of
the rhetoric of agitation and control. Lomas (1968) defines an agitator
as an individual or group who, citing violation of moral principles,
advocates an opinion differing from the decision-making group and
sustains that opinion for a long term.
As the American Life League’s opposition to traditional AIDS
prevention measures is based in a moral foundation, they qualify for
this definition. Traditional approaches to agitation rhetoric assume an
agitator from the political left, while the American Life League is
considered one of the most conservative political factions in America
(Helm, 2000). This paper will examine the history of agitation rhetoric,
research in contraception, abortion, and AIDS rhetoric, and trace the
paths of the American Life League and Catholics For Free Choice,
before investigating Bowers and Ochs’ theory more in depth and
applying its facets to American Life League rhetoric.
Agitation Rhetoric
Sex and Skeletons 5
Agitation has had a changing definition through history. An early
description is that agitation is persistent, long-term advocacy of social
change, where resistance to the change is also persistent and long-
term (Bowers, Ochs, & Jensen, 1993). This study of agitation rhetoric
examines the use of symbols and their meaning to those present on
both sides of a given issue. Individuals considered agitators through
history include Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Gloria Steinem, Cesar
Chavez, and Susan B. Anthony.
Lentz (1986) discusses Dr. King’s involvement, both bodily and
spiritually, in the 1968 Memphis garbageworkers’ strike. He found that
the standards of a culture dictate the attribution of meaning to
symbols that emerge in an agitation scenario. In this particular
situation, King is posited as an external agitator, or an agent proposing
a position without having agency for that position.
This is in marked contrast to research on the agitation rhetoric of
Gloria Steinem. Steinem, as a feminist and woman, belongs to the very
group for whom she seeks emancipation. Campbell (1973) found her
rhetorical qualities of self-reliance, self-confidence, and independence
a violation of the societally-prescribed female role. The rhetoric of
legal, economic, and social equality was an advocation of change
institutionalized in 1874 and 1961 court decisions (Campbell, 1973).
Cesar Chavez’ rhetorical power as an advocate for farm laborers
came from both his character and his uniquely-organized arguments.

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Hammerback & Jensen (1998) state Chavez utilized reconstitutive
discourse to represent the position of the laborers from the voice and
face of a representative member. Reconstitutive discourse is the
method by which a rhetor has an audience redefine itself with the
inclusion of activist symbols and meanings in order to create a
multilayered personal persona of the speaker. Chavez’ upbringing and
ethos allowed him to overcome oratorical skill considered less than
exemplary (Jensen & Hammerback, 1998).
Finally, research into Susan B. Anthony’s role as agitator
examines her public actions as rhetorical symbols. Bell (1993) explains
Anthony’s performance of feminism came in her public arrests for
violating the laws she intended to overturn – specifically, voting laws.
Contraception, abortion, and AIDS rhetoric
The literature regarding these three areas of rhetorical methods
is immense. It will be attempted here to seek some general qualities
and characteristics of rhetoric in these highly-debated areas. All rely
heavily on the presence of morality to anchor the message.
Contraception Rhetoric
Contraception rhetoric tends to be founded in a selection of
motives. Contraceptives can be understood to fall into the category of
birth control (the pill, Norplant) or protective barrier (condoms, dental
dam, and to a lesser extent, diaphragms and sponges).

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Rhetoric involving birth control utilizes references to personal
choice and humanitarian morality. Sarch (1997) studied early birth
control messages and found current birth control rhetoric barely
resembles that which emerged with the commercial introduction of
such products in the 1920s and 1930s (p. 31). The slow construction of
contraception as a legitimate, respectable medical practice is primarily
the result of the efforts of Margaret Sanger. Her public speeches
desexualized contraception and utilized an agitation method of
polarization: by defining birth control as the opposite of commercial
feminine hygiene (the preferred euphemism of the day for
contraceptive products) and instead elite medical science, she posed
the notions of decent, moral, and clean birth control against vulgar,
immoral, and dirty feminine hygiene (Sarch, 1997). Her efforts
culminated in the 1936 decision to allow physicians the right to
disseminate information about contraception. However, this decision
changed the face of public birth control rhetoric: in 1945, the American
Medical Association announced that contraceptive manufacturers must
follow the same regulations as other drug manufacturers: their
advertising and public messages must be restricted to the medical
community (Sarch, 1994).
The next rhetorical movement in contraception came with the
marketing and introduction of the birth control pill. The 1960 approval
of the Pill by the Food & Drug Administration brought the science vs.
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religion dilemma to the national forefront for the first time. With the
growing ubiquity of television, the public persona of Pill co-inventor
John Rock was pushed to the forefront, as he promoted the drug across
a variety of media (Gladwell, 2000). He did this while maintaining his
strict Catholic lifestyle, attending Mass daily in the face of criticism –
including one particular Catholic bishop who called him a “moral
rapist” (Gladwell, 2000).
Rock’s role as the new face of birth control was integral to its
acceptance in American society. His 1963 book “The Time Has Come: A
Catholic Doctor’s Proposals to End the Battle Over Birth Control”
helped make the Pill seem respectable (at least, ironically, to those not
in the Catholic political hierarchy). The Pill was presented as a symbol
of privacy, of choice, and of proper action (Conley& Rabinowitz, 2004).
These themes emerged again in a controversial 1990 editorial in
The Philadelphia Enquirer. The editorial, later retracted after massive
public outraged, questioned whether welfare mothers in the
Philadelphia area ought to be given incentives to use Norplant, a
recent contraceptive introduction in which capsules are implanted in a
woman’s arm and left there for up to five years (Lule, 1992).
Specifically, the column argued for increased welfare benefits for
women who agreed to use the contraceptive, and at the minimum, its
free availability ought to be offered to women currently receiving
welfare (Kimelman, 1990). It concluded with the words, “All right, the
Sex and Skeletons 9
subject makes us uncomfortable, too. But we’re made even more
uncomfortable by the impoverishment of black America and its effect
on the nation’s future. Think about it” (p. A18).
The publication of the article created tumult both internally and
externally, as editors and writers battled themselves and an enraged
public. However, the rhetorical foundations of the message indicate a
commonality with previously-described birth control rhetoric: a
humanitarian objective (in this case, the emancipation of black
Philadelphians from poverty) – regardless of how insensitive the
method to achieve it may have been perceived publicly.
Currently, contraception rhetoric in the public sphere has dealt
mainly with choice between methods rather than use/nonuse, and
sexual education/abstinence issues (to be discussed later).
Abortion Rhetoric
Researchers have taken myriad approaches to understanding
what has been the primary divisive moral issue in the United States.
Vanderford (1989) explains studies of the abortion controversy have
“(1) contrasted the Judeo-Christian ethic held by advocates of the pro-
life position with the utilitarian orientation of those who take a pro-
choice stand; (2) highlighted differences between the absolute rules of
the pro-lifers and the relativistic standards of pro-choicers, and (3)
revealed discrepancies in the way each views the relationship between
an individual woman and her community” (p. 166).

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However, she also points out the basic goals, assumptions, and
rhetorical strategies between the two sides are shared. Both pro-lifers
and pro-choice advocates see abortion as an important social, political,
and moral issue that should be regulated (in a protective or restrictive
sense) by the government (Vanderford, 1989).
Furthermore, Vanderford indicates the prevalence of vilification
as a rhetorical tactic utilized by both sides of the debate. Vilification, as
a rhetorical strategy, discredits adversaries by characterizing them as
ungenuine, malicious advocates (Stewart, Smith, & Denton, 1984).
Vilification accomplishes four tasks for the rhetor. First,
vilification identifies a specific adversarial force. In essence, it provides
a clear, unambiguous target for the attack. Second, vilification casts an
exclusively negative light upon the adversary. The adversary is shown
to be a corrupt and immoral character, thus allowing the rhetor to
frame him or herself as an agent fighting against evil. Third, vilification
attributes diabolical motives to foes. The enemy is seen to be engaged
in a battle to deprive movement members of their basic identity and
values. Finally, vilification magnifies the power of the opponent. A
movement is not threatened if it does not perceive strength on the
behalf of an adversary. It must observe the enemy’s means to achieve
its goals in order to be motivated to act (Vanderford, 1989).
In 1973, the players of the abortion match found their sides
flipped overnight; pro-life advocates, previously sheltered by the

umbrella of the status quo, now found themselves actively seeking to
thwart that changed status quo. Pro-choice advocates whom had been
outside prescribed law now found themselves placed within it. This
shift from lawfulness to lawlessness and vice versa had a significant
effect on the opposing sides’ rhetoric.
More recent analysis of anti-abortion rhetoric has centered
around ethos. Reicher & Hopkins (1996) explain agents speaking in the
anti-abortion frame must situate themselves as average citizens,
occupying a space with other average citizens (p. 300). By positing
that the anti-abortionist is on a common ground with his or her
audience, it provides the basis for Chaim Perelman’s concepts of
presence, communion, and liason (Foss, Foss, & Trapp, 1991).
Presence can be understood to engage the focus of the
audience. Foss, Foss, & Trapp (1991) explain it as “the displaying of
certain elements on which the speaker wishes to center attention in
order that they may occupy the foreground of the hearer’s
consciousness” (p. 131). Anti-abortion rhetoric can take this role in the
specific utterances of, for example, defining the meaning of “life.”
Communion is Perelman’s term for establishing commonalities or
identifying with the audience (Foss, Foss, & Trapp, 1991). For example,
a presidential candidate speaking to a group of World War II veterans
may choose to start his speech with references to his own Vietnam War
experiences. The shift in anti-abortion rhetoric comes not from rising to

a challenge (for example, if speaking to a group of medical doctors,
citing one’s own medical background, thereby marginalizing
possibilities for rhetors), but from bringing a group down to, as stated
before, a “common” status. Metaphors such as “organisms” or
“breathers” or simply “sentience” can be applied to achieve
communion in these settings (Reicher & Hopkins, 1996).
Finally, liason is Perelman’s method for establishing a bond
between an arguer’s starting point and thesis. Perelman stated these
can be accomplished via quasi-logical arguments, arguments based on
the structure of reality, and arguments that attempt to establish the
structure of reality (Foss, Foss, & Trapp, 1991). For example, a speaker
might take the concept of “value of life” as a starting point and
attempt to create a “liason,” or bond, between “life” and the value of
“abortion” in order to argue and convince an audience to adopt the
moral principle of “abortion is wrong” (Foss, Foss, & Trapp, 1991).
AIDS Rhetoric
The examination of AIDS rhetoric has been a progressive and
popular topic in feminist and communication literature. Furthermore, it
is nearly as divisive a concept as abortion, primarily because of how it
is perceived to target mainly marginalized groups, such as women,
African-Americans, or gay men (Herek & Capitanio, 1999).
Furthermore, the rhetoric surrounding AIDS has had a significant
effect on the progression of public policy regarding the syndrome.

Donovan (1997) found that people with AIDS (PWAs) have been
characterized as either “innocent” or “guilty” in the public discourse
about AIDS (p. 3) and that these categorizations have greatly
influenced the way that policies are designed and justified. An
examination of the Ryan White CARE act of 1990 discovered policy
rationales of lawmakers relied on rhetoric focusing on the most
sympathetic PWAs: “innocent” women and children (Donovan, 1997).
However, more recent research finds women are still left out of
the equation. Women comprise half of the estimated 40 million
individuals worldwide who are HIV-positive yet are consistently left out
of solution-building practices politically (Suri, 2004). This lack of voice
has led to new developments of rhetoric among women to bring the
focus of AIDS research back to a more realistic viewpoint.
The Global Coalition on Women and AIDS was launched in
February, 2004 with the goal of improving prevention and treatment
for young women and girls with HIV/AIDS (“Women with AIDS coalition
launched,” 2004). Executive director Dr. Peter Piot explained the
coalition was necessary because prevention methods recommending
abstinence, faithfulness, and condom use were irrelevant for women
infected by their husbands (“Women with AIDS coalition launched,”
2004).
The organization’s action-over-talk focus is demonstrative of the
new face of AIDS rhetoric. Lindsey & Stajduhar (1998) discovered the
power of action in their examination of living conditions for PWAs. In
their research of a supported-living/respite-care style living
environment for the PWA community, they discovered the necessity of
involving the community itself in the decision making process, and,
indeed, found rhetoric advocating the involvement of the community
within that process to be the only realistic way to create humane living
conditions for these individuals (Lindsey & Stajduhar, 1998).
Perhaps no other rhetorical device in the AIDS public rhetoric
sphere has become as recognizable as the red ribbon. Introduced in
1991 by the Visual AIDS Artists’ Caucus, it was initially a response to
the yellow ribbons that had been popularized in the midst of Operation
Desert Shield/Storm (Richardson, 1997). The symbol then took on a life
of its own, becoming the primary symbol of AIDS awareness, and
nearly infringing on cliché status, showing up in lingerie, Christmas
ornaments, sneakers, and even a British beer (Richardson, 1997).
Background on the ALL and CFFC
The American Life League: A Timeline
The American Life League was founded by Judie Brown on April 1,
1979 in Stafford, Virginia. Its stated goals are the following:
 Proclaim the truth that every man and woman is uniquely created in the
image and likeness of God and deserves respect from the time life begins at
fertilization.
 Emphasize the personhood of the child in the womb. We must be consistent in
our actions and our message. We must ensure that educational and legislative
efforts do not contradict or undermine the moral truth that all human beings
are deserving of equal protection.
 Coordinate with our churches and other local groups to maximize support for
efforts that recognize the personhood of the child in the womb.
 Work to establish social policies that nurture the traditional family as the
fundamental unit of society. Our focus must include an international social
policy through which America supports the rights of families and the sanctity
of the procreative act within marriage.
 Emphasize the destructive effects of the contraceptive mentality on the
traditional family and on society as a whole. We must make known the
statistical evidence that clearly shows the relationship between the practice of
contraception and promiscuity, abortion, escalating rates of divorce, increased
incidence of venereal diseases, physiological and psychological damage (to
both women and men) and the rapid spread of AIDS.
 Continue to emphasize the true nature of the birth control pill, IUD, RU-486,
Depo-Provera, Norplant, morning after pill and other such chemicals and
devices that control birth in several ways, including the aborting of very young
preborn children.
 Reinforce the fundamental values of purity and modesty in equipping young
people to face their future in the light of truth found in Christ.
 Work to protect the weak and vulnerable members of our human family
against the threat of "mercy killing," and pray for the wisdom and compassion
to properly comfort, care for, and dissuade those considering suicide.
 Work vigorously to educate Americans on the dangers of euthanasia and
oppose legislative efforts that would legalize or increase the incidence of such
crimes.
 The ultimate goal of all of these objectives is the ratification of an amendment
to the U.S. Constitution that protects all innocent human beings from
fertilization, without exception. (“American Life League,” 2004).
Judie Brown is a self-described “expert” in the fields of abortion,
contraception, assisted suicide, euthanasia, and cloning (Frank, 2000).
Born in Los Angeles in 1944, she worked for the K-Mart corporation
before meeting her husband and becoming a full-time activist. Her
resume states her having obtained an education at El Camino Junior
College, the University of California, and New York Management School,
but gives no dates of graduation (“American Life League,” 2003). The
Daily Catholic named her 49th in their list of “Top 100 Catholics of the
century,” (“Top 100 Catholics of the Century,” 1999) citing her
“[dedication] to promoting the Sanctity of Life in the face of mounting
pressure from Satan and the culture of death” (p. 4).

The American Life League languished in relative obscurity until
roughly ten years ago, when a rash of killings at abortion clinics,
spurred on partially due to the growth of the Internet and sites
dedicated to promoting the murder of doctors who perform abortions,
led the media to ask for a response from what had quietly become the
nation’s largest Catholic anti-abortion organization. Brown states in
response to the 1994 Tidewater killings, “The death of anyone
diminishes each one of us, whether it be by suction machine or by
bullets shot by a man who was most obviously disturbed” (Pear, 1995,
p.1).
The mid-90s found ALL utilizing technology to spread their
rhetoric, focusing mainly on the discrediting of pro-choice candidates
for political office and appointment. Their involvement in the 1995
rejection of President Clinton’s Surgeon General nominee Dr. Henry
Foster is particularly notable, with nearly 700 news bureaus reported to
have received daily faxes from the ALL dealing with Foster’s (still-
debated) history of performing abortions (Schulte, 1995).
However, ALL’s rhetoric was not aimed just at the media. A 1995
report on Congressional mail volume found organizations like the
American Life League significantly responsible for the massive increase
in mailings to Congress, then blamed for creating a stifling burden on
Capitol Hill staff (Walker, 1995). It is estimated that the handling of
these mailings consumed up to 30 percent of Congressional staff time

(Walker, 1995).
A third area of American Life League involvement seems
extratopical to their stated goals. Also in 1995, ALL began a campaign
to remove Disney movies from video store shelves in the midst of a
controversy involving the film “The Lion King.” Suggesting the film had
a subliminal message to children involving the word “Sex,” ALL
representatives demanded the Walt Disney corporation edit the film,
while encouraging a public boycott of the company (Stratton, 1995).
“Parents should know about this,” stated ALL representative Tracy
Casale. “Disney should be held accountable” (Stratton, 1995, p. A18).
However, the bulk of ALL rhetoric has, through the years,
remained focused on the abortion issue. They are recognized as being
central to the Republican party’s retention of the platform plank
supporting a constitutional amendment banning abortion (Edsall,
1996). They again helped block a Surgeon General nominee due to
pro-choice comments, and contributed to the removal of abortions
from federal employee health insurance plans and the elimination of
federal inmates’ rights to abortion (Arnett, 1997).
A 1998 rash of chemical attacks at clinics where abortions were
performed were linked, by some, to the American Life League. One
particular incident involved the drilling of a hole through a steel door
and the spraying of acid into a lobby area, requiring medical treatment
for eleven individuals (Havemann, 1998). Brown downplayed the

incident, the sixteenth in a three-month period, stating, “Until we really
know more about the allegations versus the reality of this stink-
bombing, it is very difficult to say a pattern is occurring” (Havemann,
1998, p. A02).
The American Life League’s public rhetoric made huge gains in
their role in the adoption in several states, including Florida, of the
“Choose Life” license-plate campaign (Blum, 1998). ALL is recognized
as being central to the reintroduction of the legislation after its being
vetoed by then-Governor Lawton Chiles (Blum, 1998).
ALL shifted its focus in 2000 to opposing the U.S. introduction of
the abortion pill then known as RU-486. The American Life League was
prominent in its opposition to FDA approval, citing, paradoxically, the
safety of women being central to their argument (O’Harrow, 2000).
Particularly, Brown strove to question the credibility of the corporation
manufacturing the drug in the United States, calling it “clandestine”
and “suspicious” (O’Harrow, 2000, A18).
The year 2000 also saw the globalization of American Life League
anti-abortion and anti-contraception efforts. They reacted to an Indian
governmental plan to deliver condoms in the mail with a massive
public campaign associating condom use with genocide (Weinberg,
2000). ALL’s World Life League director Mark DeYoung argued for the
campaign, stating (contrary to economic data) that slowing India’s

population growth would be devastating to their economy (Weinberg,
2000).
It could be assumed that the 2001 seating of George W. Bush as
President of the United States would be embraced as a victory for ALL
supporters. Not so. The American Life League criticized Bush
consistently, with Brown stating, “What is emerging in the Bush list of
appointees is nothing less than a smorgasbord of pro-abortion
Republicans who are well-suited to a type of ‘compassionate
conservatism’ that embraces the abortion of a child for the sake of
political expediency” (Helm, 2000, p. A16). Particularly of disdain to
Brown were the nominations of Colin Powell as Secretary of State and
(current Attorney General nominee) Alberto R. Gonzales as White
House counsel (Helm, 2000).
By 2002, the American Life League had developed into a massive
money machine, taking in over seven million dollars annually (Nolan,
2002). At a 2002 convention in New Orleans, they reinforced their
primary position that any legislation allowing for abortion, even in the
case of rape or in the interest of the mother’s safety, must be
eliminated. This position was described by fellow anti-abortion activist
and National Right to Life Committee legislative director Douglas
Johnson as being “defeatist,” stating, “I think they’re more interested
in making a statement than making a difference” (Nolan, 2002, p. 1).

Regardless of grounding, the American Life League continued to
grow in power and public prominence. They took rock band KISS to
task for selling condoms with the band’s likeness on them (Kemper,
2002), stating “Using a condom is like playing Russian Roulette” (p. 1).
They continued their public promulgation of candidate discrediting,
culminating in a 2003 “California’s Deadly Dozen” campaign featuring
pro-choice legislators (Smith, 2003). Their involvement in the 2004
U.S. presidential campaign was significant, categorizing Catholic
candidate John Kerry as a “non-Catholic” and pressuring Catholic
bishops to deny Communion to he and other pro-choice politicians
(Nolan, 2004, “Abortion opponents’ ads target cardinal,” 2004).
Meanwhile, their influence in the pharmaceutical realm
continued. While two expert advisory panels recommended the
approval of over-the-counter emergency contraception sales (popularly
known as “Plan B,”) the Food and Drug Administration rejected its
approval – a decision linked to election-year American Life League
pressure (Kaufman, 2004). Brown expressed minor approval with the
decision, maintaining “the FDA should never have approved the
various concoctions described as morning-after pills, erroneously
labeled as ‘emergency contraceptives’ in the first place” (Kaufman,
2004, p. A02). Incidentally, one ALL argument against Plan B was that
it would lead to decreased condom use, and thus an increase in

sexually transmitted diseases – a contradiction to their other public
rhetoric (Kerr, 2004).
Finally, the American Life League is central to controversy in
Texas regarding textbook adoption. With the nation’s highest teen birth
rate, the 2004 health textbook adoption campaign and its debate over
the inclusion or exclusion of contraception principles was a fiercely-
argued issue (“Texas groups wage fight over sex education in
textbooks,” 2004). American Life League division STOPP International
advocated the removal of state-mandated curricula requiring the
discussion of contraceptive methods. They achieved victory November
5th, 2004, as textbooks providing scant information regarding
contraception were adopted. Board members “don’t believe it
necessary for textbooks to present comprehensive information on
condoms and other forms of contraception” (LaCoste-Caputo, 2004, p.
1A).
Catholics For Free Choice
Catholics For Free Choice has a slightly lengthier history of
development, being founded in 1973 amidst the Roe v. Wade decision
controversy (McGarry, 1998). The predominant viewpoint of the
organization was that the Catholic Church hierarchy did not adequately
represent the viewpoint of most Catholic Americans. Its founders were
three women whom were colleagues in the National Organization for
Women: Joan Harriman, Patricia Fogarty McQuillan, and Meta Mulcahy.

It entered the public sphere in a famous 1974 public crowning of
McQuillian as Pope on the first anniversary of the Roe v. Wade decision
(“CFFC: About us,” 2004). By the 1980s, the organization had evolved
into the primary and most prominent Catholic advocate for feminist
causes (Peking, 1995).
The current face of CFFC is Frances Kissling. Executive Director of
CFFC since 1982, the former novitiate (nun in training) has overseen
the organization’s evolvement from feminist advocate to educating
entity. She authorized the 1984 full-page ad which recognized dissent
about the abortion issue within the Catholic community, a decision that
led to punitive actions from the Vatican (“CFFC: About us,” 2004). In
1986, she initiated the organization’s international efforts, aiming to
promote contraception in Central and South American countries where
the Catholic Church had previously forbidden them (“The State, the
Church, and Women’s Health,” 2003). Kissling continued an
international focus in the 1990s, campaigning to remove Church
patriarchal influence from the United Nations (“Women unite to disrobe
patriarchy at the UN,” 1999) and bringing attention to the plight of
mistreated women under Taliban rule in Afghanistan (Ruether, 2001).
On World AIDS Day 2001, Catholics For Free Choice launched
“Condoms4Life,” a worldwide campaign with a dual goal: encouraging
safe sex and encouraging the Vatican to change its position on
contraception usage (“About the Condoms4Life campaign,” 2003).

Billboards, subway ads, and newspaper layouts pushed the message
that condoms save lives (and that banning condoms take them). It was
accompanied by a web site, condoms4life.org, tracing the path and
evolution of the campaign and updating the current status of
contraception within the Catholic Church. The site provides individuals
with banners and links to promote condom use and safe sex on their
own sites.
The initial phase of the campaign began in Washington, D.C. with
50 bus shelter and 225 subway poster ads. Full-page ads appeared in
the Washington Post and Britain’s Guardian Weekly. Billboards were
erected in Brussels, Belgium; Cape Town, South Africa; Nairobi, Kenya;
Harare, Zimbabwe; La Paz, Boliva; Santiago, Chile; Mexico City; and
Manila (Silva, 2001).
The campaign centered around the display of couples and the
text, “We believe in God. We believe that sex is sacred. We believe in
caring for each other. We believe in using condoms” with the tag,
“Good Catholics use Condoms” (see Figures 1, 2).

Figure 1. Metro subway advertisement
Figure 2. Newspaper advertisement

Particularly of note is the progressive nature of the campaign.
One newspaper ad shows a gay couple (Figure 3) while yet another is
evidence of the agenda-setting nature of the campaign, pointing at the
Church to act (Figure 4).
Figure 3. Figure 4.
In 2003, the campaign responded to a Vatican official’s claim that
condoms do not prevent HIV transmission with an urge to young
Catholics to use condoms as part of a mature, responsible sexuality
(“About the Condoms4Life Campaign,” 2003). Overall, the campaign
has been recognized as effective and groundbreaking in discussing the
Catholic Church stance on contraception (“Update,” 2002).
The American Life League Response
Reaction to the Condoms4Life campaign was swift. In an 18
January 2002 press conference, Judie Brown referred to the campaign

as “morally bankrupt” (Brown, 2002). She continued to assert that
CFFC was a “group of heretics, not Catholics,” a “tool established by
bigots” and that Frances Kissling was a “shill for the abortion industry”
(Brown, 2002). That same day, an American Life League news release
promised ads in response, to be placed in the Washington, D.C. Metro,
the Washington Times, and other national papers (“ALL ad campaign
will expose attacks on Catholic bishops,” 2002). Soon after, the two
primary ads were released by the organization, one aimed at
responding to CFFC’s maintenance that condoms save lives (see Figure
5), and the other targeting Kissling’s credibility (Figure 6).

Figure 5.
Figure 6.
The condom use ad (Figure 5) juxtaposes a skeleton,
representing death, with a red ribbon, which, as stated above, is the
ubiquitous symbol of the AIDS awareness movement. The text referring
to the “16% failure rate” for condoms is presented without source
citation. The Kissling ad (Figure 6) alleges Kissling’s involvement
running “abortion mills” and maintains that the increased use of
condoms increases, not decreases, incidents of AIDS.
Catholics For Free Choice responded angrily to the ALL’s
announcement. Kissling stated, “It is shocking in its sheer
irresponsibility that the American Life League […] use misleading and
inaccurate statistics to discourage condom use” (Brandt, 2002). She
asserted having never worked at any abortion clinics and called the
charges “libelous” (Buncombe, 2002).
As the American Life League campaign was incendiary,
dangerous, and agitative in nature, it is imperative we examine it in
detail.
Bowers, Ochs, & Jensen’s Rhetoric of Agitation and Control
Bowers, Ochs, & Jensen (1993) propose a new understanding of
agitation rhetoric, to further distance it from traditional forms. They
argue agitation exists when (1) people outside the normal decision-
making establishment (2) advocate significant social change and (3)

encounter a degree of resistance within the establishment such as to
require more than the normal discursive means of persuasion (p. 4).
Agitation ideologies can take one of two forms: vertical agitation
or lateral agitation. Vertical agitation occurs when the agitators
subscribe to the value system of the establishment, but dispute the
distribution of power in that value system. An 18-year-old drinking
alcohol or the 12-year-old behind the garage smoking a cigarette are
examples of vertical agitation (p. 6). Lateral agitation deals with
agitators rejecting the value structure of the establishment entirely.
The high school teen listening to punk rock in the face of his parents’
embracing of Lawrence Welk may be seen to be an example of lateral
agitation (p. 7).
Agitation rhetors choose methods based on situation and
message. General choices can be labeled strategies while specific
choices governed by these general choices can be called tactics (p.
19). Strategies of agitation include petition, promulgation,
solidification, polarization, nonviolent resistance, and Gandhi and
guerilla.
Petition is the standard discursive means of persuasion (p. 20).
Social change requires agitators to approach the establishment to
propose a change. Tactics falling under the definition of petition include
selection of motive appeals, selection of target audiences, selection of
types and sources of evidence, and selection of language (p. 20).

Promulgation includes all tactics designed to win social support
for the agitator’s position. Movements need members in order to gain
attention from the establishment. Tactics of promulgation include
picketing, poster-erection, bumper stickers, leaflet distribution, protest
meetings, and, most importantly, mass media exploitation (p. 21).
Mass media exploitation can be accomplished in one of two ways:
legitimacy-seeking (finding members of the establishment who can
endorse parts of agitator ideology) or event-staging (creating public
conflict or controversy) (p. 22).
Solidification occurs mainly within agitation groups. Tactics of
solification include group narratives, slogans, symbols, terms, and in-
group publications. The goal of solidification is to produce or reinforce
cohesiveness among group members (p. 24). Examples of solidification
include the raised fist of Black Power and the “peace symbol.”
Polarization is found in nearly every agitation movement. It is
defined as the assumption that any individual not committed to the
agitation movement is a supporter of the establishment (p. 34). Two
major tactics of polarization are flag issues and flag individuals. These
are issues and individuals who are particularly susceptible to the
charges made against the establishment (p. 35).
Nonviolent resistance places agitators in a position where they
are violating laws they consider to be unjust. Sit-ins, economic

boycotts, picket lines, and prayer meetings fall under this category (p.
37).
Finally, Gandhi and guerilla strategy confronts the establishment
with a large group of agitators committed to nonviolent resistance and
another group dedicated to physical destruction of the establishment
(p. 43). This combines rhetorical and nonrhetorical strategies in an
aggressive manner. The October 21, 1967 march on the Pentagon is a
primary example of this strategy (p. 43).
The Rhetoric of Agitation and Control has been used to better
understand union organization strategies (Brimeyer, Eaker, & Clair,
2004), temp worker rhetoric (Jordan, 2003), Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.’s
Birmingham protests (Bowers, Ochs, & Jensen, 1993) and, notably,
Operation Rescue’s anti-abortion efforts in Wichita, Kansas (Bowers,
Ochs, & Jensen, 1993).
Application
The American Life League campaign had dual purposes:
persuading a broader audience on condom use and attacking CFFC
director Frances Kissling. While CFFC can itself be assumed to be an
agitation element within Catholic Church followers, its promotion of
condoms as a protective element against sexually-transmitted
diseases will for these purposes be assumed to be a belief held by the
vast majority of the American public, and thus will here be considered
an establishment position.
Since the American Life League is expressing its opposition to
the value structure of condom use, assumed by the establishment to
be an effective barrier to HIV transmission, the ALL campaign falls
under the category of lateral rhetoric. Furthermore, it makes particular
use of the agitation strategies of petition, promulgation, and
polarization.
Petition, as stated before, examines the message and target. Not
only is the ALL campaign aimed at the same market which was the
genesis of CFFC’s campaign, it also is, as stated above, a city greatly
affected by HIV and AIDS. The campaign therefore garners greater
significance based on location alone. This is simply amplified by the
campaign’s message that condoms are a cause of, rather than a
prevention to, AIDS.
Promulgation is accomplished in the ALL campaign through sheer
exposure to the message. The Washington, D.C. Metro trains have a
daily ridership of over 600,000 (“Ridership near capacity,” 2000) while
the Washington Times’ circulation is greater than 100,000 (Beirich &
Moser, 2004). Considering its extremely localized target audience,
promulgation is effective in this campaign.
Polarization forces the undecided audience to choose adherence
to either the agitation rhetoric or to the establishment position. In the
ALL campaign, the red ribbon as a symbol of AIDS awareness is

pointedly appropriated and redefined from a symbol of life to a symbol
of death, by its association with the skeleton figure. Additionally, the
campaign creates a flag individual in Frances Kissling. The ad alleges
Kissling promotes a policy for condom use, with her position being that
condoms reduce AIDS but “Sadly, the opposite is true.” While Kissling
is not a recognizable public figure associated with promoting condom
use, she emerges in the ad as a symbolic figure of condom advocacy,
and, paired with an unflattering photo, is posed as the enemy.
Discussion
First and foremost, the fallacious nature of the American Life
League arguments must be addressed. The allegation of a 16 percent
failure rate for condoms cannot be verified in any credible medical
literature. The most recent Centers for Disease Control study estimates
condom failure rates at a maximum of five percent (Varghese et al.,
2002). Furthermore, the campaign purports to be of a public health
nature, but provides no link to the recommended alternative behavior.
From understanding the American Life League, this recommendation
can be assumed to be abstinence, but without this context, the ad
makes little sense.
No parallel campaign has emerged from the American Life
League in the time since January 2002. It is likely public outrage due to
the campaign encouraged Brown and her cohorts to return to

managing politics rather than public opinion. Clearly, it is an area in
which they have found success, as discussed above. Future American
Life League campaigns can be assumed to exist in spheres where their
fundamental message--which, while not being of an evangelical
Christian nature, shares many policy positions with--is more easily
accepted.
Conclusion
The American Life League, as an organization dedicated to anti-
choice policies, is worthy of future research. It is imperative an eye be
kept on ALL activities and their influence in the social and political
spheres. It is possible ALL rhetoric is more effective when
communicated in a public debate setting, as took place in the Texas
school book adoption situation.
Furthermore, the Catholics For Free Choice organization is also
worthy of its own continued research. As an agitation element itself, it
utilizes ideas found in Bowers, Ochs, & Jensen (1993) for pro-feminist
causes. Frances Kissling states CFFC efforts are helping Catholic
politicians stand strong in the face of attacks from bishops
(Goldenberg, 2004). This political influence must be studied.
Researchers may, in the future, choose to examine how the Rhetoric of
Agitation and Control can be used to effectively wage a public health
campaign worldwide.
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Sex and Skeletons 1 Running Head: SEX AND SKELETONS

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Sex and Skeletons 1

Running head: SEX AND SKELETONS

Sex and Skeletons: A Rhetorical

Criticism of Agitation Methods as Used

by the American Life League

University of South Florida

The history of rhetorical methods utilized by the American Life League,

an anti-abortion and anti-contraception organization, was investigated.

application of Bowers, Ochs, & Jensen’s (1993) theory of the Rhetoric

of Agitation and Control, several themes emerge. Among them include

a lateral structure of agitation, the use of petition, promulgation, and

polarization rhetorical methods, and an overall failure to achieve

impact linked to a lack of perceived credibility for uncited statistics.

Sex and Skeletons: A Rhetorical Criticism of

Agitation Methods as Used by the American Life League

The number of American citizens living with AIDS is increasing for

capital of Washington, D.C. The District of Columbia has the highest

It is either irony or strategic targeting, then, that the American

Life League, a Stafford, Virginia-based antiabortion organization, chose

Washington, D.C. as the launch point for its 2002 campaign to

demonize condom use and encourage abstinence (Brandt, 2002).

Metro subway advertisements and full-page spreads in the Washington

Times were elements of the incendiary campaign, which featured the

condom user” (Buncombe, 2002).

The proportion of all AIDS cases reported among adolescent and

(Auerbach, 2004). AIDS is the leading cause of death in African-

American women ages 25 to 34 (Auerbach, 2004). AIDS cases among

women in Washington, D.C. occur at ten times the national average

(“CFFC: Anti-Contraception Group,” 2002). Therefore, the rhetoric of an

agent with stated goals which include the deprivation of women’s

personal sexual choice and access to contraceptives must be

This paper utilizes Bowers, Ochs, & Jensen’s (1993) theories of

the rhetoric of agitation and control. Lomas (1968) defines an agitator

as an individual or group who, citing violation of moral principles,

advocates an opinion differing from the decision-making group and

sustains that opinion for a long term.

As the American Life League’s opposition to traditional AIDS

prevention measures is based in a moral foundation, they qualify for

this definition. Traditional approaches to agitation rhetoric assume an

considered one of the most conservative political factions in America

research in contraception, abortion, and AIDS rhetoric, and trace the

before investigating Bowers and Ochs’ theory more in depth and

applying its facets to American Life League rhetoric.

Agitation has had a changing definition through history. An early

description is that agitation is persistent, long-term advocacy of social

change, where resistance to the change is also persistent and long-

examines the use of symbols and their meaning to those present on

both sides of a given issue. Individuals considered agitators through

Chavez, and Susan B. Anthony.

Lentz (1986) discusses Dr. King’s involvement, both bodily and

spiritually, in the 1968 Memphis garbageworkers’ strike. He found that

the standards of a culture dictate the attribution of meaning to

symbols that emerge in an agitation scenario. In this particular

situation, King is posited as an external agitator, or an agent proposing

a position without having agency for that position.

This is in marked contrast to research on the agitation rhetoric of

Gloria Steinem. Steinem, as a feminist and woman, belongs to the very

rhetorical qualities of self-reliance, self-confidence, and independence

a violation of the societally-prescribed female role. The rhetoric of

legal, economic, and social equality was an advocation of change

institutionalized in 1874 and 1961 court decisions (Campbell, 1973).

Cesar Chavez’ rhetorical power as an advocate for farm laborers

came from both his character and his uniquely-organized arguments.