Indian Political Science Association

THE INDIAN BUREAUCRACY: ITS PROFILE, MALADY AND CURE

Author(s): S. R. Maheshwari
Source: The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 31, No. 3 (July—September 1970), pp. 222-
237
Published by: Indian Political Science Association
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THE INDIAN BUREAUCRACY: ITS PROFILE, MALADY AND CURE
by
S. R. Maheshwari*

(I)
The primeminister recently(November1969) criticisedthemachinery
of public administration foractingas ťthestumblingblock' in the way of
the country'ssocial and economicprogress. She preferred a civil service
consistingof persons"who would thinkand see thatcertainthingswhichare
necessaryforour progressare implemented properly."1The note on "Basic
Economic Issues," submittedto the requisitionists' All India CongressCom
mitteeheldinDelhi inNovember1969complained:"The presentbureaucracy
underthe orthodoxand conservativeleadershipof theIndian Civil Service
withits upper-classprejudicescan hardlybe expected to meet the requir-
mentsof social and economicchangealong socialistlines.The creationofan
administrativecadre committedto nationalobjectivesand responsiveto our
social needsis an urgentnecessity".2 More recently,JagjivanRam in his
presidentialspeechto the requisitionists'Congress,(held in December1969
at Bombay) referred to the 'neutrality'of thecivil service as a 'hindrance',
addingfurther that "the theoryof neutralbureaucracyis hardlyrelevantto
Indian conditions." We need a service committedto the ideal of
democracy,socialismand secularism".3
A criticismofthebureaucracyby a political party which has held
uninterrupted swayrightsinceIndependenceis unusual. When a certain
politicalpartyremainsin powerfora long duration, the civil service is
often suspectedby otherpartiesof imbibinga distinctpoliticalorientation,
thus,weakeningits capabilityto serveundera differentpoliticaldispensa-
tionwithequal measureof zeal and devotion. In Canada, for example,
when the ProgressiveConservativeParty succeeded the Liberal Party
which had ruled Canada for an unbrokenperiod of twentyyears, it
suspected the bureaucracy's political status and complained about its
infiltrationby the ideologyof theLiberal Party. Thus, a criticismof the
bureaucracyis not withoutprecedentbut in India it has emanated froma
* Readerin PublicAdministration, IndianInstituteof PublicAdministration,
NewDelhi.
1. IndiraGandhi's speechat themeetingoftheCongressParliamentary Partyon
16November1969. TheHindustan Times
, 17November 1969,p. 5.
2. Ibid.,1 December 1969,p. 9.
3. TheStatesman , 29December1969,p. 9.

222

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 THE INDIANBUREAUCRACY 223

partywhichhas beenholdingthe reins of the central government(and,

moststates)uninterruptedly
since 1947.

(II)
The Indian bureaucracyhas been a subjectof adverse criticismboth
at thehands of Englishmenand Indiansfromtimeto time. Lord Curzon,
theviceroyof India (1899-1905)once likenedthe government of India to
an elephant - 'verystately,verydignifiedbut veryslow in its movement.'
He wrotein his own inimitablestyle: "Governmenthere...has become
very ponderous and slow. I am proddingup the animal with most
vigorousand unexpecteddigs,and it gambols plaintivelyunder the novel
spur. Nothinghas been done hithertoundersix months. WhenI suggest
six weeks,the attitude is one of pained surprise; if six days, one of
pathetic protest; if six hours, one of stupefiedresignation."4He was
indignantat the bureaucracy'spassion for noting, and the note that he
wrote to highlightits evils and to suggestremedialmeasuresis of freshness
and validity even today. "I am grapplingwith this vile systemin my
own department, butit has seated itself like the Old Man of the Sea upon
the shouldersof the Indian Government,and every man accepts,while
deploring,theburden."5 Mahatma Gandhi considered the Indian admi-
nistrationas ťtop-heavyand ruinouslyexpensive', adding'for me, even
law, orderand good governmentwould be too dearly purchased if the
priceto be paid for it is to be the grindingpoverty of the masses."6
JawaharlalNehru was always outspoken in his criticismof the Indian
bureaucracy,and thistraithe exhibitedrightthroughhis primeministerial
days. In 1936 he wrote:"...of one thing I am quite sure,that no new
ordercan be builtup in India so long as the spirit of the Indian Civil
Servicepervadesour administration and our public service. That spirit
of authoritarianism is theally of imperialism,and it cannotco-existwith
freedom. It will eithersucceed in crushingfreedomor will be sweptaway
itself. Only withone typeof stateit is likely to fitin, and that is the
fascist type. Thereforeit seems to me quite essentialthat theIndian
Civil Service and similar services must disappear completely,as such,
beforewe can startreal work on a new order. Individual membersof
theseservices,if theyare willingand competentforthe new job, will be
welcome,but only on new conditions. It is quite inconceivablethatthey
will get the absurdlyhigh salariesand allowances thatare paid to them
today. The new India mustbe served by earnest,efficientworkerswho
have an ardentfaithin the cause theyserveand are bent on achievement,

4. EarlofRcnaldshay : TheLifeof LordCurzon, Vol.II, (London,Ernest

Beon,
1928),p. 27.
5. Ibid, p. 27.
6. QuotedinMahatma Gandhi: theManandHis Mission? (Madras,G.A. Nalesun
& Co., 1930)(eighth pp.40-J,
edition),

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224 OF POLITICALSCIENCB
THE INDIANJOURNAL

and who worksforthejoy and gloryof it, and not forthe attractionof
highsalaries. The moneymotivemustbe reducedto a minimum."7Soon
afterbecomingthe prime ministerin the interimcentral governmentin
1946, he observedat the Meerutsessionof theIndianNational Congress"...
the (civil) services were fossilised in their mental outlook. Theywere
weddedto by-goneand obsolete methodsand refusedto move with the
times...It remainsto be seen how long we can functionin thesecircums-
tances. The experienceof thepast three or fourmonths has shown us
that theconductand attitudeof the officers have not changed."8 In 1953
he characterizedDelhi as a jungle of expertsand feltthatone was sure
to getlost in its adminstrativemazes and labyrinths. The machineryof
publicadministration was afflicted witha tendencyto spread itself, ťnoton
all frontsbut in a lop sided way.' 'If onlythehands and legsare to increase
but not head, then there will be no real development. There will be
developmentquantitatively but qualitativelythere will be deterioration".9
Many a time he the
criticised civil servantsfortheir'ivorytower'livingand
alienationfromthe commonman and felt unhappy that the farmer was
absent fromthe conferences supposedto deal withhis problems although
everyone else was present on such occasions.

(Ill)
Politicalindependencein 1947 broughtwithit the sovereignright to
take decisionson matters and issues concerningthe country. A basic
decisionto be takenby independentIndia was about the form of govern-
mentitself. The nation, througha long-drawnprocess of constitution-
making,conferredupon itself,on 26 January1950, a democratic,republi-
can, parliamentary,federal form of government based on universal
franchise. The bureaucracywhich was really governingIndia till 1947
founditselfreducedto a positionof subordinationto thecountry'sparlia-
mentand the politicalexecutive.

A studyof thehistoricalprocessof evolutionoflegislativeinstitutions

in India is necessaryand relevant,forit has in part influenced
the styleand
systemof mutualrelationsand reciprocationsbetween the politician and
the civil service. In westerndemocraciesthe politicalpower of the people
preceded- or, at least, accompanied- the constitutionof the national
civil service. They had, thus, two in simultaneousexistence - the civil
service and the politician. Each matched the other and a dynamic
equilibriumin the society was maintained. India, on theotherhand,

7. JawaharlalNehru,: An Autobiography
, (London, The BodleyHead, 1955)
p. 445.
edition,
8. The IndianAnnualRegister 1946,Vol. II, Calcutta,the
, July-December,
AnnualRegister (yearofpublication
Office, notgiven)pp. 289-90.
9. JawaharlalNehru'saddressat thetwenty-fourth
sessionof the CentralBoard
ofIrrigation
andPower. TheTimesofIndia(Bombay), 27 October
1953,p.5.

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 THB INDIANBUREAUCRACY 225

inheritedbureaucracyfirst. The imperial rule had created a formidable

bureaucracybut did not care, until a much later date, to provideand
diversifypoliticalexperienceto both contain and maintain the former10.
Organized polity was a subsequent developmentin thiscountry. The
Indian National Congresswas thefirstcrystallizationof organized polity,
and was foundedin 1885 while the civil servicein India had emergedin a
completedform by 1858. Although our firstlegislativeassembly was
bornin 1853,it could acquire a somewhat popular base only under the
Montagu-Chelmsford Reformof 1919. The Governmentof India Act of
1919 markedan humblebut distinctdeparture from the old system of
bureaucraticrule in India and made a real beginningin introducing
representative government in India. Thus, in India democracy followed,
not preceded,bureaucracy. Historicallyspeaking,bureaucracywas, thus,
the supremebody exercisingvirtuallyuncheckedauthorityin the country.
It did not take kindly to the emergence,albeit gradual and halting,of
representative whichheld the prospect of keeping, ultimately,
institutions
the formeraccountable to it. The legislaturehad no controloverthe
civil service though it emerged to criticise and challenge the latter.
Witheach wave of representativeinstitutionsthere followed resignations
of manyof theBritishmembersof thecivil service and many who chose
to remainbehind,sulkedand balked.

Independenceof the countrybroughtwithit a fundamental alteration

in the mutualrelationsbetweenits parliamentand thecivil service. Under
theparliamentis a sovereignbody and the civil service is
theconstitution,

10. Anabsenceofpolityto interact withthe bureaucracy madethelatter a wor-

shipperof abstract efficiency. The following episodenarrated by Edwin
Montagu, thesecretary ofstateforIndiaduring 1917-22,is fairly
representative
ofthebureaucracy inIndia. Montagucame acrossan IndianCivil Service
Officer,Marris. He writes : "I toldhim(Marris)I hadnevermeta manwith
greaterdevotion to dutyandgreater industry; I hadnevermeta man witha
betternatural styleandmorerealcommand oflanguage.But, he failed,like
everybody elseinIndiafailed,from havingno politicalinstinct,of despising
political andI toldhimthatI didnotthink
science, hewas capableof making
thebestargument hecould,orofintelligible exposition ; thattheIndianCivil
Servicehadbeenso longaccustomed tostatetheir conclusionswithoutreason-
ingthem. I therefore toldhimthat,whilstleavinghim to do the drafting,
I mustinsistthatI mustbe thejudgeof whether whatI wantedto say was
brought outorwhether whatwassaidwasintelligible."Montagu,EdwinS. :
AnIndianDiary, (London,WilliamHeinemann, 1930),pp. 358-9.
RamsayMacdonald, wholater(in1924)becamethe primeminister of Great
Britain, hadthefollowing to say about the Indianbureaucracy. "Jndiais
governed bya bureaucracy which, though officers maycomeandofficers maygo,
goesonforever,without a breakbeyond thefluctuations in policynaturalto
itsownbeing. No GeneralElectionchangesits majority, no new premier
comesto alterits course,no parliamentary complication modifies
itswill.
It runsinruts. It has no machinery for self-criticism." TheAwakeningof
India, p. 11.

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226 THE INDIANJOURNAL
OF POLITÌCAL
SCIENCE

necessarilysubordinateto it. But the attitude and outlook of the two

are not yetcompletelyor substantially identical. Indeed, both are socio-
logical strangers. The members of parliament(includingthe ministers)
and of the seniorcivil servicedo not sharea commoneducational,cultural
or social background. Parliamentis composed of members whose main
qualificationis victoryin theelection held on universalfranchise. They
representthecommonman of theland. They may not lay claim to any
superiorschoolingand upbringing. A memberof thecivil service, on the
otherhand,is selectedon thebasis of meritconfirmed by an open competi-
tive examination. The interview,called personalitytest, places in effect
premium on such not veryrelevantaspectsas the deportment of the candi-
date,his dress,thefluency withwhichhe speaksEnglish,his accent etc. It
certainlydoes not testwhetherthe applicantcould be a good publicservant.
The personalitytest, by introducingthe class bias of theinterviewers,
perpetuatesthe oligarchiccharacterof theIndian civil service. Since these
are thequalities(plus averageintelligence)whichare importantin gaining
entryinto thecivil service,a candidate who expects to be successfulis
generallyone who has been educatedin an English-medium school and has
perhaps inheriteda distinctbreedingand upbringing. Besides, a civil
servant gets a salary which is out of all proportionto the per capita
nationalincomeof thecountry.The constitutionally guaranteedsecurityof
tenuremakes him secure in his post for life and keeps himbeyondthe
reach of theelectedmemberswho are likelyto be dismissed at the next
election. Clothed that he is withgovernmental authority,he is fearedand
respectedin the society,and he indeedcomes to believesquite early in his
careerthathe is superiorto the restof thehumanbeings. He lives in an
exclusivelocalityand in a big house which,again,conveys to him, in no
uncertainterm,his distinctly superiorposition in the society. Wherever
he goes he staysin circuit houses, guest houses, rest houses, etc. The
consequenceis thathe remainsaloof, domineeringand insensitiveto the
nation'ssocial and economicenvironment and milieu. Let it be frankly
and honestlystatedthat,in view of theforgoing, the term 'public servant'
is a mereeuphemismtoday. A governmental officialhas to travel a long
distanceto considerhimself,psychologically and emotionally,a servant of
the people. He is in thecitizen'seye,a sahib or a barra sahib.

(IV)

As statedearlier,theformof the political systemadopted in India

is of the nation's own choosing. But a similarclaim cannotbe made
about the administrative systemof thecountry. The countrydid not set
out to design it itself. The administrativesystem,which was builtup
by theBritishtò subservetheirown interests,
was inheritedby independent
India,

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 THE INDIANBUREAUCRACY 227

It is axiomatic thatthe systemof a country'spublic administration

includingthe bureaucracymustfitinto and respondto its overall political
system.The civil serviceenjoyspermanenceof tenureand has the attributes
of politicalneutralityand anonymity. The governmentcomes and goes,
dependingupon the wishes of the electoratebut thecivil serviceof the
countryis permanent.It is enjoined to servewhatevergovernment is in
power with equal competence. As the council of ministers
formulates
major policies of the governmentand a ministerdecides on policies
concerninghis own charge,and, further, as parliamentholds the minister
and thecouncilof ministers the
accountableforall acts of thegovernment,
civilservice necessarilyand rightlyremains anonymous,neithergetting
creditnor blame.

The primeministeris reportedto have further added : "The country

would be in a rutif it followedtheBritishsystemin which civil servants
were not supposed to be concerned about whichpoliticalpartywas in
power"11. This observationis fraughtwith dangerous implicationsand
consequences.A civil servicewhichgetsmotivatedby 'whichpoliticalparty
was in power' would be one which knowinglypractisesdiscrimination
betweenthe variouspoliticalpartiesof the land. This would be fatal,fora
bureaucracywithsuch an in-builtor inducedcapabilityis the accompani-
ment of totalitarianism. A civil servicedesignedto serveboth the levels
of theunion,and thegovernments of all politicalpersuasionswould render
itselfunacceptableto thecountry'spoliticalsystemif it is made to venture
on such a path of deliberatediscrimination.

A 'committed' bureaucracyin this sense (regulatingits tune in

accordancewith'whichpoliticalpartywas in power') is apt to be a sinister
and disruptiveforceand, in practice,completelyunworkablein a coalition
systemof government.India has, since 1967, entered an era of coalition
governments,of short-livedgovernments,rather kaleidoscopic political
changes. We are to witnessstrangepoliticalbed-followswith all possible
combinationsand permutations. Which political party(or parties)in a
coalitiongovernment thecountry'sbureaucracyoughtto servemoreloyally
and whichone (or ones) withdiminishedor evencompletelack of commit-
ment are questionswhichreadilyexpose the impracticability of thetheory
of commitment. In an era of political fluidityand longer legislative
hibernations,the bureaucracyis sure to acquire more and morepower.
Indeed,the powerand strength of bureaucracywill show an increase in
direct proportionto the frequencyof changesin government.Justas the
country'spolityis firmand unanimousin discouragingthe armyto actively
interestitselfin any way in the politicalmattersof theland, itshouldadopt
a similar attitude with referenceto the country'sbureaucracy. A direct

1969,p. 5.
Times,17November,
11. TheHindustan

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228 OF POLITICALSCIENCE
THE INDIANJOURNAL

provocationto it to getcommittedin theabove sense is a move towards

the generalweakeningof thelargerpoliticalsystemof the land.

'Political neutrality'is the hall-mark of our civilservice. A civil

servantis precludedfromindulgingin activitiesof a political nature and
convassingforpoliticalsupporton behalfof any political party. He has,
like restof thecitizens,a rightto vote but he mustexerciseit silently. His
political beliefs are his private concern, and no one else need- indeed,
should- know about them. He is underan obligationto serve whichever
political party is in power. This is whatis meantby the termpolitical
neutrality'. When,historicallyspeaking,thecivil servicetransitedfrom a
systemof spoils to permanenceof tenure,it had necessarilyto abandon an
activepoliticalrole in favourof one of strictneutrality. Neutralityis the
pricewhichthecivil servicepaid forsecuringpermanenceof tenure.

The term"politicalneutrality"is, nevertheless,not entirelywithout

ambiguity; it degeneratesinto a drag and a stumblingblock whengivenan
over-stretched or broadermeaning. Neutralitydoes not mean absence of
emotional involvement,so vital forthecompletionof complextasks. It
does not implyindifference towardsactionin hand or passivityof mind. It
does not suggest inertia,mechanical application to work or work to
rule practices. It does not connote soullessnessin implementationof
policies. It does not conveyan absence of dynamism,zeal, enthusiasm,
push and drive. Above all, it does not postulatea lack of commitmentto
the basic philosophy and injunctionsof thecountry'sconstitution. The
conceptof 'neutrality of thecivil service'mustnot be invoked to cover or
justify non-performance, poor performance,or shoddy performance, of
tasks.

Different political partiesare operating in the country,each having

its own partyprogramme. Nevertheless, a large area of basic agreement
exists,in reality,among themall. This is not unnatural. Each political
partyis necessarilycalled upon to come to gripswith thecountry's major
problemsand to formulatesolutions. But thecountry'sbasic problemsare
evidentenoughand it is also evidentas to what needsto be done. The point
of dispute and contentiongenerallyis how soundlyor poorlya particular
programmeis being administered. In other words, the major political,
economic and social problems and issues ultimatelyboil down largelyto
the problemsof efficient administration.A civil servantmustever remain
'committed'to such an area of commonnationalagreementand to the
needforprovidingan efficient administration.Indeed,our constitutionwith
its heavysocio-economicoverlayhas itselfforgedthe directionin whichthe
Indian nationis to move, and both the country'spolityand itsbureaucracy
cannot be allowed to shy away fromit. More concretely, thenational
five-yearplan spells out this common area of agreement,and thecivil

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 THE INDIANBUREAUCRACY 229

serviceshouldimplementit with,'flamingenthusiasm'. It is this quality

some like V.P. Menon fromthe restof theirtribe.
whiehdistinguishes

A word needsespeciallybe said about thecountry's diplomatic civil

service.A memberof thelatter,whenposted in a foreigncountry, virtually
performs the functions which, on the domestic front,are primarilythe
responsibility of a -
minister outlining,upholding and the
promoting policies
of thegovernment he represents. He cannotexpectto leave an impact on
the countryof his postingifhe himselfis not emotionallydedicatedto the
policiesof his government and functionswithmissionaryzeal witha 'sense'
ofcommitment. The Committeeon theIndianForeignService(1966) pointed
to 'the need for a diplomatistto have faithin his government's policies
and to speak in a clear and unambiguous voice presentingthem". It
rightlyemphasized: "Whatever other forms of communicationmay be
available and be used for inter-governmental contact,an ambassadoror
the
highcommissionerremains principal channel ofcommunication between
his governmentand the governmentto whichhe is accredited. On him
devolvesthe dutyof explaining,interpreting and defendingthepolicies and
viewsof his government, both at the officiaiand at numerous other levels.
This is a positivefunction,goingfarbeyondthe mechanicalone of "saying
one's piece", and class forinterpretative skill of a highorder. To succeed
in persuasion,however,skillneeds to be sustainedby integrity of mindand
purpose. Where he from
differs headquarters, the representative has the
freedomto seek,throughthe channelsand subjectto the limitsprescribed
by establishedprocedure,a modificationor reconsiderationof particular
policies. In no circumstances, however,should he let others outside get
eventheremotesthintof such differences of opinion; that would not only
his
seriouslycompromise government's positionbut also eventuallyreduce
his own effectiveness"12.
A civil servant enjoys full internalfreedom to express his views
franklyin tendering serviceto his seniorofficerand to the minister. This
cannot be emphasized too greatly. Vallabhhbai Patel elaboratedit so
bluntly: "If you wantan efficient all-India service,I advise you to allow
the servicesto open theirmouthfreely. If you are a premier,it would be
your duty to allow your secretary,or chiefsecretary, or otherservices
working under to
you, express their opinion without fearor favour. But I
see a tendencytoday that in severalprovincesthe servicesare set upon
and told,"No, you are servicemen,you must carry out our orders"...
Today, mysecretary can writea note opposed to myviews. I have given
thatfreedom to all my secretaries. I have told them, "if you do not give
yourhonestopinionforfearthatit willdispleaseyourminister, please then
had bettergo. I will bringanothersecretary". I will neverbe displeased

12. Reportof the Committee on the IndianForeignService of

(Delhi,Manager
1966),p. 40,
Publications,

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230 THE INDIANJOURNAL SCIENCE
OF POLITICAL

over a frankexpressionof opinion. That is what the Britishersweredoing

with the Britishers"13.Just as a civil servant should advice his senior
officerwithhonestyand frankness,he should encouragethe officersunder
him to behave similarlytowardshim and commentfearlessly. Many an
officer,today, neithergives honest advice nor is in a mentalframeto
A functionary
tolerateit fromthe subordinatefunctionaries. has evencome
to expectpersonalcommitment fromhis underlings.All thiseats into the
vitalityof administration.
Once, however, a decision has been taken, it is a civil servant's
boundendutyto carryit out enthusiastically, faithfullyand competently.
He should everdraw inspirationfromAttlee's followingobservation: 'I
recall a time when I was working with the late Lord Addison,
Ministerof Agriculturein the second Labour Government, whenhe was
the
framing Agricultural Marketing Bill. Sir ArthurStreet an outstanding
civil servant,offereda most strenuousoppositionto it, but threeweeks
orderagainsthimas itsonlybegetter14.
laterone could have got an affiliation

(V)
It is of paramount importancethat the policy is clearly defined,
leavingno room forambiguityand confusion. Once laid down, it must
not be changed or modified too often. Frequent changesin policyare
indicativeof a vascillatingattitude,whichprecludesfirmness
and consistency

13. ConstituentAssembly Debates , Vol.X, No. 3, 10October 1949,p. 51.

L. Urwickpointsout the danger, bothmaterial and spiritual, befalling
an organisation in whichinternal freedom ofexpression is deniedorremains
narrowly restricted.He writes :
"Thatis whythegreatest crimetheadministrator cancommit is to be too
authoritative, too impatient of criticismanddiscussion, toquicktoresent as
disloyalty frankdifference of opinionas to policy. Disloyalty ariseswhen
decisions havebeentaken, inlackofenergy inimplementing them, neverin the
processes through whichtheyareformulated. To treatopposition as something
tobe crushed orsweptasideis to startthe insidiousprocessby whichcandid
officialsare turnedinto"Yes-men",creatures whofirst enquire whatwillbe
"liked"bytheirsuperiors before formulatingtheirown views,who have lost
thetasteforhonesty whenthinking abouttheaffairs oftheorganisation. Once
thatprocessis started itwillcorrupt a wholeundertaking likea leprosy.The
directionwillbe robbedofthegreatest contributionthepersonnel can maketo
the undertaking, unbiasedandfearless statement ofthebestthought ofwhich
theyare capable. Enthusiasm will be stifled,
abilityfrustrated andenergy
turned inwards toconcentrate onself-seeking. Theadministrator whogivesway
to the temptation to usehisauthority to suppressrather thantodevelopthe
viewsofhissubordinates is committing thesinagainsttheHolyGhost".
TheElements ofAdministration . (London, SirIssacPitman & Co., 1947)p. 89.
14. Earl,Attlee, 'CivilServants, Ministers,ParliamentandthePublic',in William
A Robson,(Ed.) : TheCivilService inBritain andFrance , (TheHogarth Press#
1956),p. 17.

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 THE INDIANBUREAUCRACY 231

in execution. Also it should not be overlaid with riders. Such a course

is sure to provoke one to say : "You show me the personand I will
quote the suitablerule". Ridershave a tendencyto obscure, obstructand
defeatthe over-allpolicy.Theremustbe adequate provisionforfollow-upand
feedback. Having fixeddefinite responsibility,lapses on the part of any
should be instantlyvisited by punishment. Finally, it must be clearly
bornein mindthatthereis no substituteto a policy. As LyndallUrwickso
pointedlymentions,"administration and organisationcannotbe morethan
means to ends. And they may be directedwithgreatefficiency to bad
ends as well as to good."16

But bad administration of even a good policyis apt to spell misery

and hardship. The civilservice,underthe pretextof political neutrality,
should not lose sightof the spiritpervadinga policy. There are innumer-
able instancesin India of policiesbeing implementedin such a way that
the originalpurposeunderpinning themwas completelydefeated. It should
rememberthe old adage : "example is betterthanprecept": it must itself
practisethatit has been called upon to implementand administer. It is
commonknowledgethatthe policy of prohibitionhas met with failure
because the civil servantsthemselvesdo not practise abstinence. The
nationalpolicyregardingthe gradual adoption of Hindi as the official
languagehas not made any headwaybecause the civil servantsthemselves
have no faithin it.

The country'sbureaucracysuffers from lack of professionalismand

achievement-orientation, not lack of competence. In sheer intellectual
attainments,it can hardly be surpassed by any otherprofessionin the
land, but its besettingsin,today,is rampantcareerism,whichhas enfeebled
its sensitivityto public interest.

The politicalexecutivemustset an exampleto othersby its devotion

to publicinterest, hard work,sincerity
integrity, of purpose, austerityand
firmness. It must itself practise what it professes; it cannot be per-
mittedto have a duplicate character-one private and another public.16
An effectiveremedymaylie in a suitable strengthening, both qualitative
and quantitative,of the politicalwing of the government.Each ministry
should have, in additionto theminister,a fewjunior ministers,depending

15. L. Urwick,: TheElements af Administration

, (London,Sir Issac Pitman&
Co.. 1947)p. 8.
lo. Mahatma uananinascorrectly ooservea: •*mereis inmoaern litea tendency
to ignorealtogether thecharacter of a publicworkerso longas heworks
as a unitinanadministrative
efficiently machinery.It is said thateverybody's
is hisownprivate
character concern.ThoughI haveknown thisviewto have
beenoften taken, I haveneverbeenabletoappreciate, muchlessto adopt,it.
I have knownthe seriousconsequences overtakingorganisations thathave
countedprivate as a matter
character ofnoconsequence."

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232 OF POLITICAL
THE INDIANJOURNAL SCIENCE

upon the nature,varietyand volumeof work. The political wing should,

withcrusader'szeal, addressitselfto the task of layingdown, in full con-
sultationwith the civil service, clearly definedpolicies, preparingtime-
bound programmescompatible with these policies, and overseeingtheir
implementation in accordancewiththe time-schedule.It may not here be
out of place to referto the personal cabinet which a ministerin France
constituteson assumption of his office. The personal cabinet of the
Frenchministerhas a capabilityto offerthe advantages of the prevalent
Americanpracticeof choosingtop departmentalofficers from the political
supportersof theadministration in power,ensuringa quicker and faithful
execution of party programmes. Contraryto popular expectation,the
personalcabinetdoes not have manypoliticianson it ; instead, it consists
of civilservants,of rather junior level, temporarilydetached from their
departments and a fewexperts. This has over a period of years becon e
a device to gain faster promotionsin the department,not to prod the
bureaucracyon. Nor is it a brains' trustof theminister,strictlyspeaking.
Besides,it entailstwo otherdisadvantages. It sometimessecures political
coordinationat the expenseof administrative coordination; the minister's
policy is kept to the fore, but its detailed because the
executionsuffers
members of this cabinet possess less experiencein administrative work
thanthe permanentofficialsof longer standing. Secondly, the existence
of the personalcabinetwhichhas somejunior civil servantson it dampens
the moraleof the seniorcivil service.

(VI)
theadministrative
The maladies afflicting machineryare too pervasive
and deep to be curvedby stray, isolated or half-hearted measures. The
machinery is groaning
of administration under its own size ; it must con-
siderablyreduceits weightin order to be active and resilient. There is
a lot of deadwood the administrationhas accumulated graduallybut
steadily,whichit mustbe getrid of. The functionshave been allowed to
growand multiplyas thegovernment apparentlymakes no discrimination
betweenthesubjectsfiguringunder the union list and those under the
statelistundertheconsitution;17indeed, the central governmentis most

17. TheEconomy Committee, setup bytheCentralGovernment in1948,expressed

itsconcernat 4'theincreasing bytheCentralGovernment,
encroachment parti-
cularlyintheMinistries ofEducation,Agriculture andHealth,overthefunctions
ofprovincialgovernments. : "It is appreciated
It observed thatthesesubjects
cannotbe treated as matters ofpurelyprovincial concern.ForIndiato develop
onhealthy lines,itis essentialtoensurethattheeconomicand socialdevelop-
mentofthevariousprovincial andstatesunitsis,as faras possible,
uniform.
The
Centrehasa useful function toperforminactionasa coordinating and advisory
bodyandinassisting provincesin the implementation of theirdevelopment
schemes.Butitwouldbe wrong fortheCentre, undertheguiseofcoordination
or,onthepleathattheprovincial administrationsareinadequatelyequipped,to

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 THE INDIANBUREAUCRACY 233

anxiousto becomethe state governmentalso. Coupled with this deep-

seated reluctanceto reconcile itself with the federal character of the
is thecentre'sdesireto have 'nationwide' coverage for every
constitution
schemeand plan, and its refusalto be guidedby a sternsenseof priority.18

Public administration has been over theyears eatingmorethanit can

chew. Good administrationlies in a realistic assessmentof available
resources-Manpowerand others-of requisitequality and quantity,which
should determine theupperlimit of a schemeor plan. This thought is
seldom taken into account in this country. It is naivelybelievedthat
financeis the only relevant criterionto determinethe acceptaace of a
scheme, and, if thisis assured,the schemeencountersno difficulty.It is
littlerealizedthatthegreatestlimitationin the way of implementation of a
schemeis paucityof qualifiedpersonnelitself.As developmentof personnel
is a long-drawneducational process, persons cannot be made available
overnight. A consequenceof such an abstract administrative thinkingis a
significant deteriorationin the qualityand quantityof work expected of
a particular office,the cumulative effectbeinga widegap betweenwhat
was hoped and what finallyensued. A contributoryfactor has been the
civil servanthimself,who, insteadof concentrating on hisjob, remainsever
on the look out fora betterone or drowned in laziness. As a result,his
own outputis necessarilyless and his supervisionover his subordinatesis
apt to be superficial and inadequate, leadingto reducedoutputall along
theline. This is, then,sughtto be offsetby a demand for more hands.
Thus occursa steadyproliferation of personnelwithouta clear realization
thatan unnecessarily large staff is itselfthe begetterof delays and ineffici-
ency and grievances in addition to generatinginfructuousworkof a house-
keeping nature. A completeinventory of the functionsthe CentralGovern-
ment has been presentlyperformingneeds to be preparedand thenon-
essentialactivitiesshould be disbandedforthwith, and the non-priorityones
de-emphasizedby reductions in theirbudget and personnel. This should

undertake directly whichare essentially

activities provincialfunctions.It is
perhapsdifficult to drawa line as to whereadviceends,andintereference,
begins, buttheexamination oftheministriesandtheir activitieshas convinced
us thatat leastas faras majorprovincesareconcerned, the Centrecould with
advantagerestrict its "advice". As regardsminorprovinces, the primary
difficultyseemsto be theinability of theprovincial services
tocopewiththe
tasksthatiall on them. The propersolution in suchcasesis fortheCentre
toassisttheprovinces indevelopingtheirown services.Provincial autonomy
without provincial is detrimental
responsibility to the growth of a healthy
governmental machinery."
General ReportoftheEconomy Committee, pp. 5-6.
18. "...in all sectors,in everytierand at each level,the size of government
machinery hasgrown andappearsto be growing unabated."
The StudyTeamReporton PersonnelAdministration , (Delhi, Managerof
Publications, 1967),p. 18.

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234 OP POLITICAL
THE INDIANJOURNAL SCIENCE

bringabout a morethancorresponding reductionin the numbersof govern-

mentalpersonnel,forthegovernment alreadyhas too many employees on
its payroll.19
It has happenedthat,whilethe linejobs are generallyunder- staffed,
the staffjobs, whichhave indiscriminately proliferated,have an excessive
concentration of personnel. The staffjobs are cushyand have an especially
irresistibleappeal to action-shycomfort-loving Indians.20 The imbalance
must be rectifiedby a rational development,afternecessarytraining, of
the surpluspersonnel.Officialsin keyposts shouldbe keptin theirjobs for
at least threeor fouryearsto enable themto produce the results expected
of them. Responsibilities should be clearly definedforall levelsof admi-
nistrativehierarchyand all functionaries.Responsibility should carry
commensurateauthority. A civil servant must operate at his level ; he
mustneitherseek to over-stretch and over-reachnor fallbelow therequire-
mentand expectationof his post in the administrativehierarchy. Habits
of devotion to one's work, good behaviour,punctuality,disciplineand
courtesywhich are all but gone from the intermediaryand lower
levels of administrationmust be restored by effectivesupervision
backed by advice, warningand punitiveaction. Resort to committees,
conferences and seminarsmust be reduced drastically. Loquacity is our
national trait; our emphasis should be on actionratherthan21on mere
talk.

(VII)
Administration is essentiallyteam workinvolvinga group of persons.
Fulfilment of a task makes it essentialthat there should existin thegroup
feelingsof brotherliness and comaraderie.These qualitiesare summedup in
the word 'morale', which holds the key to successful administration.
Morale in thebureaucracyis verylow, whichmay be ascribed largely in
the adoption of the present form and style of 'merit'as thebasis for
promotion. This certainlysounds paradoxical,yetis true.
A deliberatedenigrationof seniorityand extollingof 'merit'has
triggeredoff an unseemlyrivarlyin the civil serviceforgettingan 'out-
standing*character roll. As a consequence,colleagueswho have to bend
19. The CentralGovernmental expenditure on the wages and salariesof its
employees was 124crores in1953-51; itrosetoRs. 468in1964-65.
¿u. Becauseoi toreign rule in the country, Indianscame face tofacewiththe
administrative
challenges ofa modern societywitha lackofmany centuries
of
administrative
experience.Coupledwithit has beenourwell-known specula-
tivebentofmind. As a consequences, we are deficient
in action-mindedness
ofa scalerequiredto telescope
bothTimeandSpace.
21. In 1953JawaharlalNehruexpressed hisconcernforan unusually largenumber
ofconferences
heldinIndia. He feltthattimehad cometo'drawa curtain' on
theseconferences
andstopthem. «Peopleshouldinsteaddo worksilently* he
observed.TheTimesofIndia(Bombay), 27October 1953; p. 5.

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 THE INDIANBUREAUCRACY 235

theirenergiestogetheer to getjobs accomplished have concealedrivalsand

competitors, creatinga relationshipcharacterizedby all-round suspicion,
mistrustand lack of confidence. The openings at thehigherleyelsare
necessarilyfewerin number. In thisscramble for 'meriť, therefore,only
a fewstandto succeedwhileall are apparentlyin the race. The result is
an enermousgrowthin frustrations of civil servants. Assuming that the
promotionsare made on a 'fool-proof' system of merit, it is wise
to have an army of angry, discontentedpersons on the pay roll ?
Both security of tenure and inadequacy of employmentopportunities
outside tendto keep them to their jobs ; they remainbehind, nursing
frustrations and chantinggrievances. The term 'merit' itself is highly
subjective,more so whena characterroll is made the sole basis for assess-
mentof merit. Often,it is difficult to distinguishmerit-scouting
fromshear
arbitrariness.As this term is interpretedtodayin government, it, at its
worst, stands for disguised favouritismand, at its best, a measureof
personalsocial relationshipbetweenthe supervisorand the subordinate.
N.V. Gadgil, recallinghis experiencesas a union minister,observed:
"Each departmenthas a promotioncommittee. Theretoo I foundthat
cliques,caste,community and provinceplay considerable part. In some
cases, favourable or unfavourablereportsare arrangedfarin advance of
theexpectedhighervacancy...appointments and promotionswerelargelya
matterof 'pull'22. A largenumberofotherwisepublic-spirited, achievement-
oriented,conscientiouscivil servantsare soon overtakenby a feelingof
despondencyand disappointment whentheysee thoseindulgingin intrigues
and politickingreaping all rewards and their own hard workremaining
unsungand unrecognized.
Thereis, today,a deliberateattemptto inflatethe ratingsof govern-
mentalemployees. Therehas occurreda steadygrowthin the number of
officialsgettingtheratingof Outstanding'. This impliesthatthe efficiency
in thecivil servicehas improved,which is doubtful. 'A reportingofficer
seldomdares to recordhis honestopinion23.
'Merit' should be built into, and should emerge from,seniority.
Seniorityis a fact; merit a matter of mere opinion. It is not truethat
22. Gadgil,N.V. . Governmentfrom Inside,Meerut,(MeenakshiPrakashan, 1968)
p. 158.
23. StatedbyB.N. Chakravarty, Governorof Haryana,whileinaugurating the
seminar oncivilservices
ina developing democracy, held at Chandigarh in
1969. Chakravarty wasa member oftheIndianCivilService. He continued :
"Thereasonis thattheconfidential reporthasto be shownto the subordinate
andthisalmostinvariably leadsto unseemlycontroversies.It is thereporting
officer
whois putonthedockandhasto defend hisreport.The juniorofficer
hasnothing to losebymaking thewildestallegationsof malafides.Failureto
provesuchallegationdoes not bringhimany punishment. The relations
betweenthe two get strainedand thereafter the seniorofficer canneither
enforce norgetworkoutofhisjunior",
discipline

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236 OF POLITICALSCIENCE
THE INDIANJOURNAL

seniorityand merit are dichotomous. As recruitmentof governmental

employeesis alreadymade on the basis of merit,seniorityis merit plus 'x'
yearsof service. If the public servicecommissionis doing its job well-
and supervisorstheirs-seniorityis merit. If, however,seniorityis consi-
deredto be such a greatsinner,the cure should be sought right at the
stage of recruitment(and, also that of probation). The failingsand
foiblesof thepublic servicecommission,if any, should not be transferred
to and foistedon the systemof seniority.

To make theprincipleof seniorityfool-proofas the basis of pro-

motion,it musttake into fullaccountone possibilityand ask forsuppor-
tiveaction. As our civil serviceis recruitedat an earlyage, it is likely to
have some who turn out to be 'early deterioraters',and some who are
'late developers'. The formerclass mustbe identified and segregatedfrom
the rest. Those who are discovereddeficient persistentlymustbe made to
leave government on proportionatepension- as is alreadya practicein the
army. As regards the 'late developers',this is more a myth than a
reality. At any rate,an organizationframesits rules and regulationsfor
an average employee, not for an extra-brilliantperson. One need not
show unnecessaryconcernforhim ; he, beingextra-brilliant, can be safely
trustedto take care of himself.

(VIII)

The Indian civil servicehas a core of exceptionallyhard-working,

dedicated, conscientiouspersons but they,to-day,stand overwhelmingly
outnumberedby thosenot so well endowed. Generallyspeaking,the bure-
aucracysuffers froma sense of complacencywhichitmustbe madeto shake
off. It allows itselfto remainobsessed withfactorslike status, rank and
emoluments,whichit mustovercome. It is also rathertoo muchaddicted
to habits of personal luxury and indolence, which it must shed. The
bureaucracyat presentenjoysexcessivesecurityof tenure; it should have
less of it. An increasedflowof personnelat different
age-groups,from as
well as to the public administrationis over-due. In short, the Indian
bureaucracymust consciously sec out to professionaliseand humanize
itself. At present,it is not endowed with these qualities in sufficient
measure. It mustspirituallyalign itself with the followingadvice given
by theFatherof the Nation : Said Mahatma Gandhi, "I will give you a
talisman. Wheneveryou are in doubt,or whenthe selfbecomestoo much
withyou, trythefollowingexpedient. Recall the face of the poorest and
the most helplessman whomyou may have seen and ask yourselfif the
stepyou contemplateis going to be of any use to him. Will it restore
him to a controlover his own lifeand destiny? In other words, will it
lead to Swaraj or self-ruleforthe hungryand spirituallystarvingmillions

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 THE INDIANBUREAUCRACY 237

? Then you will find your doubts and yourself

of our countrymen
meltingaway."24
The reformof thecivil servicehas ultimatelyto take into account
an externalfactorwhich,whenconsideredin perspective,is of undoubted
importanceto its healthand vigour. Indeed,this is valid for any social
institutionoperatingin today's society with its necessary feature of
increasing inter-dependence and inter-action among institutions,
groups and people. The effectiveness of an institutionis sustained
and conditionedby the efficiencyof the infra-structure in the society.
The reformof thebureaucracyalso demandsthatthe society's infra-struc-
ture- politicalparties,voluntaryassociations, interestgroups, economic
to name a few- should be strong,
organizations,educationalinstitutions,
wholesome, and
resilient vigilant.

24. D.G. Tendulkar,

LifeofMohandasKaramchand
GandhiVol. VIII (Bombay:
TheTimesofIndia,1953),p. 88.

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