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Introduction
I remember reading this article one evening sometime in 1988 after I had put my two-year old
boy to bed. My husband had brought home a photocopy from his graduate class at UP, and I
remember the outrage I felt within me. How dare this Fallows guy kill my dream of a changed
Philippines? Our family was away in the Netherlands during the People Power Revolution and
we had come back full of enthusiasm to take part in rebuilding the nation. In fact, I had started
a small school in Old Balara, an urban poor settlement across Tandang Sora behind the UP
Campus, as an expression of our family’s romantic notions about helping the poor.
Today, 25 years later, I am glad I can read Fallows more soberly, having experienced a seesaw
of feelings, from excitement to disappointment, within months after election of presidents who
followed after Cory. Informed by formulations encountered in graduate courses in education,
psychology, and anthropology over the past few years, I see that Fallows wrote from a
perspective that viewed culture, power, history and education as discrete analytical categories.
While his views seemed valid on the face of surface events he had written about, his article
failed to help readers (particularly Filipinos) understand what was going on. Instead, he
managed to infuriate Filipinos enough to be declared persona non grata. By laying the blame
on culture, it was like him saying the problem with people was they were human. Fallows was
like saying the problem with Filipinos was that they were brought up in the Philippines by
Filipinos.
Why blame Filipinos for their culture? Is culture a cause? Or an effect? My thesis is that it is
both a cause and an effect, just like much of life. It is produced, and reproduced, in all of life,
particularly in schools. People like Fallows, and his country America, who introduced their
brand of culture, were very much a part of the whole process.
In the United States the coming of the Aquino government seemed to make
the Philippines into a success story. The evil Marcos was out, the saintly
Cory was in, the worldwide march of democracy went on. All that was left
was to argue about why we stuck with our tawdry pet dictator for so long,
and to support Corazon Aquino as she danced around coup attempts and
worked her way out of the problems the Marcoses had caused (Emphasis
mine).
and in his last:
2
who I am, mine is from a powerless position. In the corridors of world power, my voice and
those of thousands who marched in EDSA, were probably not heard because America loomed
large in Fallows’ article, and he saw events as an American accomplishment, in the global
march of democracy. Of course, in 1987, America was still powerful. The democracy rhetoric,
then and now, is what would appeal to an American reader (given their notions of being the
greatest country on earth). Fallows chose to remain silent on the people of the Philippines
rejecting Marcos as their democratic icon. I am not sure if he was ignorant of us, but as I said,
we are powerless and so we did not matter. Instead, he and the US promoted the idea that the
new icon Cory Aquino was theirs, after they rejected the previous one. Fallows was just being
American. Every leader on the planet needed to blessed by America.
In writing about Filipinos, Fallows presented us as an Other. People like Fallows who come
from a position of dominance consider it normal to take or give the right to determine what is
valuable for a people, and label those in subordinate positions (Filipinos in the Philippines) as
defective or substandard. Culture is a tool for making Other ( Abu-Lughod, 1991).
What Fallows may not realize is that an outsider never really stands outside, but is actually
positioned within a larger political-historical context. What he has written about the
Philippines are but partial pictures of Philippine society, and should be seen in the context of
socio-cultural-political-historical forces which his own country and people helped produce.
Fallows’ perspectives
Static view of culture
In his article, Fallows’ view of culture seems to be static. Culture is reified, and made capable
of causing underdevelopment, of bringing out the “the productive best in the Koreans (or the
Japanese, or now even the Thais),” and in Filipinos, their “most self-destructive, self-defeating
worst.” But culture is not static. Anthropologists view that culture as a social structure that
powerfully impinges on people’s behaviors (for instance as a set of behaviors, customs,
traditions, rules, plans, and programs, to name a few), it is nevertherless learned and can change
(Abu-Lughod, 1991). Hence, it is dynamic rather than static (Hytten, 2011).
Ignoring role of history and power
Even as Fallows lays the blame for Philippine underdevelopment at the feet of culture, he
could have interrogated the way history and power relations in society intersect in people’s
everyday lives so that he might better understand Filipinos rather than resorting to moralizing
or blaming. To do this, he could have examined how schools produce and transmit the damaged
culture he wrote about. In this context, it is useful to refer to Nader's (1997) conceptualization
of the term “controlling processes” to understand why Filipinos seem to be behaving in ways
that are contrary to their own interests, hence suggesting a damaged cultural frame.
Controlling processes refer to the transformative nature of central ideas (such as Marcosian
New Society ideology and development rhetorics) that emanate from institutions (the State, in
the case of Marcos, and schools/industries, in the case of globalized US interests), operating as
dynamic components of power.
Schools have been a favored site for the shaping of Philippine culture ever since the US sent
the first batch of Thomasites to “educate” our people. In the case of Marcos, schools and
teachers were favored intruments for implanting his ideologies for a New Society and imposing
docility and acquiescence among the people.
3
When Fallows came to the country in 1987, a number of ideas had been encoded in the people
as they went through life in or out of school, and these found their way into ways of thinking
and behaving that came to be considered “natural” and “logical” as good for society (thereby
creating consent). This way of thinking was described by Fallows as a damaged culture, as if
there was a perfect one that was possible. Perhaps at this time, 2013, with America having a
government shutdown, he knows for sure that he is not living in one. Theories of power
indicate how ideologies and policies emanating from social institutions download ideas that
are accepted by people (either by choice, persuasion or by coercion and compulsion). In reality,
as shown in the table below, the ideas eventually work against people’s interests, even if they
participated in the practice as Fallows correctly identified in his paragraphs.
4
Business /industry Made in the USA is Buying stateside Inferiority complex,
better, White is products lack of pride in being
better Filipino, brain drain
Marcos opposition, Marcos is source of Restoration of old Crony elitism,
Cory government problems elite monopolies
later continue.