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International Journal of Educational Research 48 (2009) 381–394

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

International Journal of Educational Research

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ijedures

Teaching in the Yukon: Exploring teachers’ efficacy beliefs, stress, and job
satisfaction in a remote setting
Robert M. Klassen a,*, Rosemary Y. Foster b, Sukaina Rajani a, Carley Bowman a
a
University of Alberta, Department of Educational Psychology, Edmonton, AB, Canada T6G 2G5
b
University of Alberta, Department of Educational Policy Studies, Canada

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Article history: This article presents a mixed methods examination of teachers’ job beliefs in the Yukon
Received 14 April 2009 Territory in northern Canada. In Study 1 we used questionnaires to examine job beliefs for
Received in revised form 10 December 2009 221 teachers from the Yukon and western Canada. Teachers’ self- and collective efficacy
Accepted 8 April 2010
and workload stress were lower for Yukon teachers, but levels of overall stress and
satisfaction were similar across settings. In Study 2 we conducted interviews to examine
Keywords:
how geographical, community, and cultural factors were related to Yukon teachers’ job
Teachers
beliefs. Results showed that job stress and job satisfaction were influenced by physical and
Motivation
Job stress human geography, level of connection with the community, and by the community’s
Job satisfaction cultural transitions. The findings highlight the influence of cultural and community factors
Remote settings on teachers’ working lives.
Yukon ! 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Canada

1. Introduction

Teachers’ motivation—beliefs that determine the extent to which teachers feel engaged and energized in their teaching
(Evans, 1998)—has emerged as a topic of interest in recent years, but little attention has been paid to how motivation beliefs
like self- and collective efficacy, and job-related factors like stress and satisfaction, are influenced by social, cultural, and
geographical factors. In fact, most studies of teacher motivation and job beliefs have relied solely on de-contextualized self-
report questionnaires that may overlook the complexities of teaching in particular situations (Henson, 2002). Qualitative
approaches that may provide insight into the context of teacher motivation have been ‘‘overwhelmingly neglected’’
(Tschannen-Moran, Woolfolk Hoy, & Hoy, 1998, p. 242), and mixed methods approaches—deemed necessary to flesh out the
‘‘bare bones of statistical evidence’’ in educational research (Elliott, 2004, p. 142)—have not been widely undertaken. The aim
of the current article is to examine teacher self- and collective efficacy, job stress, and job satisfaction in a particular context—
the Yukon Territory in Canada’s far North—by using a mixed methods approach. The article begins by comparing teacher
motivation (self- and collective efficacy) and job-related beliefs (job stress and job satisfaction) in two settings, one remote
and northern (the Yukon), and the other urban1 and western Canadian2. We then extend our quantitative findings by using a

* Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 780 492 9170; fax: +1 780 492 1318.
E-mail address: robert.klassen@ualberta.ca (R.M. Klassen).
1
We use the term urban as synonymous with the Canadian term census metropolitan area, which is defined by Statistics Canada (2009) as a large urban
area with a population of at least 50,000 persons, which may include an urban core and an urban fringe of contiguous communities. In our experience,
American usage of the term urban is frequently suggestive of inner city or low SES neighborhoods. Our use of the term refers to the location of schools from
several school districts in a city of about one million inhabitants, and is not suggestive of low SES.
2
Western Canada is usually used to refer to the four westernmost Canadian provinces: British Columbia, Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Manitoba.
Technically, Yukon Territory is also in western Canada, although most Canadians would refer to the Yukon as located ‘‘up north,’’ and Yukon residents might
refer to the 10 provinces as ‘‘down south’’.

0883-0355/$ – see front matter ! 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.ijer.2010.04.002
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382 R.M. Klassen et al. / International Journal of Educational Research 48 (2009) 381–394

qualitative approach to explore how working in the Yukon influences teachers’ job stress and job satisfaction. Together, the
two studies provide general findings and specific examples about how key variables operate for teachers in a remote setting.

1.1. Teaching in remote settings

Teachers in remote settings face challenges that not all teachers encounter. In addition to geographical isolation that
impinges on convenience of travel and access to some urban amenities, teachers in remote settings face a measure of
professional isolation marked by a lack of professional development opportunities and specialized support services that are
often more readily available in more populated school districts. This geographic isolation is not unique to Canada’s North;
teachers in many isolated regions of the world can be located hundreds or even thousands of kilometers away from teaching
colleagues and urban amenities. In addition, teachers from majority cultures working with indigenous peoples in some remote
settings may face cultural challenges related to working in schools where students’ cultural background contrasts sharply with
their own. Teachers in these communities face challenges when community members and parents may hold different values
and beliefs than those reflected by the curriculum, teachers, and educational leaders (Goddard & Foster, 2002; Mills & Gale,
2003). Although not usually considered by teacher motivation researchers, it is plausible that professional, cultural, and
geographical isolation may influence teachers’ motivation beliefs and the stress and satisfaction experienced while teaching.

1.2. The Yukon context

This article focuses on Canada’s Yukon Territory, located above the 60th parallel in the northwest corner of the North
American continent, and bordered by Alaska to the west, British Columbia to the south, the Arctic Ocean to the north, and
Northwest Territories to the east. The Arctic Circle (66.68 North) runs through the northern third of the 480,000 square
kilometer territory (an area about the size of Spain), with climate ranging from short, intense summers to long, cold winters
with extended periods of darkness. The population of about 32,000 residents (0.1% of total Canadian population) is made up
of people largely from European (70%), and First Nations/Aboriginal (25%) origins, with 14 separate First Nations groups
(Government of Yukon, 2008). There are 28 schools in the territory serving over 5000 students, with 14 schools in
Whitehorse, and 14 schools in towns and villages scattered throughout the territory. In general, school comparisons show
Yukon schools with lower academic performance than provinces to the south (Fraser Institute, 2009). Although there is a
small teacher education program in the capital city, most teachers are graduates of universities in southern Canada, and
many of the school principals are late-career administrators who have earned credentials and experience outside of the
Yukon (Blakesley, 2008).

2. Teachers’ job beliefs

2.1. Teachers’ self- and collective efficacy beliefs

This study looks at two aspects of teachers’ motivation beliefs, self- and collective efficacy, and two job-related beliefs, job
stress and job satisfaction. Teachers’ self-efficacy is a ‘‘simple idea with powerful implications’’ that reflects teachers’
confidence about teaching, and influences student and teacher outcomes (Tschannen-Moran & Woolfolk Hoy, 2001, p. 783).
According to Bandura’s social cognitive theory (1997), self-efficacy refers to a person’s beliefs or confidence in the
capabilities to successfully carry out a particular course of action, with high levels of self-efficacy leading to greater
persistence, effort, and resilience in the face of challenges. Teachers with low levels of self-efficacy experience more
difficulties with student behaviour at the classroom and school levels, are pessimistic about student learning, and experience
lower levels of job satisfaction (e.g., Caprara, Barbaranelli, Borgogni, & Steca, 2003; Skaalvik & Skaalvik, 2007). Teachers’
collective efficacy refers to teachers’ beliefs that school staffs are collectively able to influence student outcomes, even in
challenging conditions (e.g., Tschannen-Moran & Barr, 2004). Goddard (2001) called teachers’ collective efficacy a ‘‘neglected
construct’’ (p. 467), and found that collective efficacy significantly predicted student achievement, even after controlling for
prior achievement and demographic characteristics. Caprara et al. (2003) found collective efficacy to be strongly predictive
of teachers’ job satisfaction. Few studies have explored how social, cultural, and geographical factors influence teachers’
motivation beliefs, even though ‘‘context variables may be particularly salient. . . among teachers who move into a new
setting’’ (Tschannen-Moran & Woolfolk Hoy, 2007, p. 947).

2.2. Teachers’ stress and job satisfaction

Teaching is a stressful occupation, with demands from administrators, colleagues, and students compounded by work
overload, shifting policies, and a lack of recognition for accomplishments (Greenglass & Burke, 2003). Teacher stress—
defined as the experience of negative emotions resulting from a teacher’s work (Kyriacou, 2001)—is inversely related to
teacher self-efficacy (Yoon, 2002), and positively related to poor teacher–pupil rapport, and low levels of teacher
effectiveness (Abel & Sewell, 1999). Although many studies of teacher stress have used single item or uni-factor measures
that ask teachers to rate overall stress levels, the sources of stress from teaching are likely multi-faceted. Kyriacou (2001)
listed 10 sources of teacher stress, with ‘‘maintaining discipline’’ and ‘‘time pressures and workload’’ especially relevant to
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overall stress (p. 29). Boyle, Borg, Falzon, & Baglioni (1995) noted, ‘‘workload and student misbehaviour are the two major
contributors to teacher stress’’ (p. 62), and other researchers (e.g., Chaplain, 2008; Greenglass & Burke, 2003) have concluded
that workload and student behaviour are two primary components of teacher stress.
High levels of teacher stress are not inevitable in challenging conditions: teachers with high levels of self-efficacy cope
better with challenging teaching conditions (Bandura, 1997), and teachers in schools where there is good communication
among staff and a strong sense of collegiality report lower levels of stress, and higher levels of commitment and job
satisfaction (Kyriacou, 2001). Job satisfaction—perceptions of the fulfillment derived from day-to-day activities—is
associated with long-term job commitment, and with higher levels of performance at work (Judge, Thoresen, Bono, & Patton,
2001). Little is known, however, about how job-related factors like stress and satisfaction operate in rural or remote settings.

2.3. Current study

The current study poses three questions about teachers’ motivation beliefs in the Yukon: (a) what is the relationship
between teachers’ efficacy beliefs, job stress, and job satisfaction for teachers in the Yukon? (b) Are the levels and patterns of
relationships different for teachers in remote and urban settings? (c) What do teachers in the Yukon say about factors that
influence their job stress and job satisfaction? In order to answer these questions, we used a sequential mixed methods
design in which quantitative and qualitative data were collected over multiple visits to the Yukon over a 2-year period. Data
were collected during four visits to the territory, with time spent in three communities. Integration of the quantitative and
qualitative data was accomplished through creating an interview protocol that continued with the investigation of teachers’
beliefs about job-related variables. A visual model of the sequential explanatory design (Ivankova, Creswell, & Stick, 2006)
outlining the phases, procedures, and products of our mixed methods design is provided in Fig. 1. The study began with
quantitative data collection and analysis using well-established measures, and then transitioned to qualitative data and
analysis. The final phase of the study involves an integration of the quantitative and qualitative phases through an
exploration of the similarities and differences of findings from the two phases of data collection.

2.3.1. Study 1: quantitative phase

In Study 1 we examined self- and collective efficacy, job stress, and job satisfaction for teachers in the Yukon, and
compared levels and patterns of these variables with a comparison group of teachers from several school districts in a city in
western Canada.

3. Methods

3.1. Participants

Yukon participants in Study 1 were 107 teachers who were attending one of two territory-wide teachers’ conventions
(elementary and secondary foci) held in the Yukon. As part of the agreement with territorial education authorities, we did
not ask participants to identify their school or community on surveys, but based on conference attendance data, it is
estimated that participants represented all or almost all of the 28 schools in cities, towns, and villages in the territory.
Participants were 64% female, had a mean of 13.35 years of experience (SD = 9.45), and taught in a variety of Yukon school
configurations, including K-12 (22%), K-9 (30%), and 7–12 (43%). Teachers were mostly of European ethnicity (i.e., Euro-
Canadian, 80%), with 8% of teachers identifying as First Nations heritage, and 12% ‘‘other’’ or not indicated.
Participants in the comparison group were recruited at a large mandatory teacher convention with over 6000 attendees
from a number of urban/suburban school districts in a metropolitan center in western Canada. Teachers in the comparison
group were 61% female, had a mean of 13.1 years of experience (SD = 10.15), and were mostly of European heritage (86.5%).
Demographic characteristics were similar for teachers from the Yukon and western Canada, and there were no significant
differences between the two samples for age, teaching experience, or gender. In addition, teacher-reported SES (‘‘SES of the
majority of students in your school’’) was not significantly different in the two settings.

3.2. Procedure

Teachers in each setting were approached in a display hall at the conferences and asked to complete a brief survey on
teacher motivation, with an estimated participation rate of between 70% and 80% of those approached. Because the
conferences were well-attended events, and because of the high response rate, we believe the samples are representative of
teachers in their respective locations.

3.3. Measures

We used reliable and well-validated measures of teachers’ self-efficacy, teachers’ collective efficacy, overall job stress,
sources of job stress, and job satisfaction. Participants responded to all measures using a 9-point measure, with descriptors at
1, 3, 5, 7, and 9 (e.g., ‘‘I find teaching to be very stressful’’: disagree strongly, disagree, neutral, agree, agree strongly). Item
content, means, and standard deviations are provided in Table 1.
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Fig. 1. Visual model for mixed methods motivation in Canada’s North.

The self-efficacy measure—Teachers’ Sense of Efficacy Scale, or TSES—was created and validated by Tschannen-Moran
and Woolfolk Hoy (2001), and contains 12 items which were summed to create a composite score of teachers’ self-efficacy
(e.g., ‘‘How much can you do to help students value learning?’’). Researchers have investigated the TSES and found evidence
of reliability and validity in a variety of settings (e.g., Klassen et al., 2009). The TSES has been labeled ‘‘superior to previous
measures of teacher efficacy’’ because it is closely aligned with self-efficacy theory (Woolfolk Hoy & Burke Spero, 2005, p.
354). The 12-item teachers’ collective efficacy measure from Tschannen-Moran and Barr (2004) assessed teachers’
perceptions of their colleagues’ capabilities to influence student learning (e.g., ‘‘How much can teachers in your school do to
promote deep understandings of academic concepts?’’). The measure has shown evidence of reliability and validity in a
variety of cultural settings (e.g., Klassen, 2010).
Following the approach used in previous studies of teacher stress (e.g., Boyle, Borg, Falzon, & Baglioni, 1995; Chaplain,
1995), overall job stress was measured with a single item (‘‘I find teaching to be very stressful’’). The sources of job stress
were measured using seven items representing two factors (workload stress and stress from student behaviour) from the
Teacher Stress Inventory (Boyle et al., 1995). Factor analyses in previous research have shown these two sources of job stress
to be distinct (e.g., Boyle et al., 1995; Klassen, 2010). The sources of job stress items were presented with the stem, ‘‘As a
teacher, how great a source of stress are these factors to you?’’ with responses ranging from 1 ‘‘No stress’’ to 9 ‘‘Extreme
stress.’’ Job satisfaction was measured with four items: the three-item scale from Caprara et al. (2003), e.g., ‘‘I am satisfied
with my job’’ plus a single descriptive item measuring participants’ satisfaction teaching in the current location, i.e., ‘‘I am
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Table 1
Item content, means, and standard deviations for Yukon and western Canadian teachers (N = 221).

Scale and item content Yukon teachers Western Canadian d

(N = 107) teachers (N = 114)

a M SD a M SD

Teachers’ self-efficacy* .87 85.25 10.19 .85 88.37 7.36 .34

How much can you do to control disruptive behaviour in the classroom? 7.33 1.46 7.63 1.06
How much can you do to motivate students who show low interest in schoolwork? 6.58 1.27 6.67 1.31
How much can you do to get students to believe they can do well in schoolwork? 7.03 1.12 7.11 1.07
How much can you do to help students value learning? 6.85 1.19 6.94 1.20
How much can you do to craft good questions for students? 7.64 1.21 7.80 1.05
How much can you do to get children to follow classroom rules? 7.42 1.22 7.69 1.01
How much can you do to calm a student who is disruptive or noisy? 6.98 1.15 7.36 1.15
How much can you do to establish a classroom management system 7.62 1.25 7.81 1.00
with each group of students?
How much can you do to implement a variety of assessment strategies? 7.17 1.57 7.78 1.08
How much can you do to provide an alternative explanation when students are confused? 7.81 1.21 7.92 .98
How much can you do to assist families in helping their children do well in school? 5.76 1.65 6.15 1.57
How much can you do to implement alternative strategies in your classroom? 7.04 1.48 7.38 1.03

Teachers’ collective efficacy** .91 82.32 12.92 .89 88.99 9.86 .58
How much can teachers in your school do to produce meaningful student learning? 7.55 1.26 7.64 1.05
How much can your school do to get students to believe they can do well in schoolwork? 7.01 1.30 7.27 1.04
To what extent can teachers in your school make expectations 7.35 1.54 7.96 1.09
clear about appropriate student behaviour?
To what extent can school personnel in your school establish rules 7.13 1.70 7.84 1.17
and procedures that facilitate learning?
How much can teachers in your school do to help students master complex content? 6.92 1.29 7.43 1.08
How much can teachers in your school do to promote deep 6.75 1.23 7.26 1.16
understanding of academic concepts?
How well can teachers in your school respond to defiant students? 6.18 1.65 7.02 1.45
How much can school personnel in your school do to control disruptive behaviour? 6.27 1.78 7.06 1.39
How much can teachers in your school do to help students think critically? 6.60 1.31 7.27 1.09
How well can adults in your school get students to follow school rules? 6.33 1.82 7.22 1.31
How much can your school do to foster student creativity? 7.02 1.43 7.42 1.18
How much can your school do to help students feel safe while they are at school? 7.16 1.59 7.75 1.23

Overall job stress

I find teaching to be very stressful – 6.47 2.20 – 6.45 1.78 .01
**
Workload stress
How great a source of stress are these factors? .66 14.74 5.46 .64 18.11 5.09 .64
Too much work to do 6.12 2.01 6.74 1.89
Having extra duties because of absent teachers 4.04 2.64 4.89 2.53
Large class size 4.57 2.54 6.47 2.28

Stress from student behaviour

How great a source of stress are these factors? .85 22.78 6.62 .83 22.66 6.41 .02
Difficult class 6.58 1.80 6.63 1.81
Noisy students 5.27 1.99 5.35 1.81
Maintaining class discipline 5.21 1.95 5.30 1.92
Students’ impolite behaviour or rudeness 5.72 2.22 5.41 2.19

Job satisfaction .86 28.54 7.12 .84 29.57 7.44 .14

I am satisfied with my job. 7.01 1.55 7.30 1.46
I am happy with the way my colleagues and supervisors treat me. 7.06 1.94 7.50 1.40
I am satisfied with what I achieve at work. 7.18 1.40 7.34 1.25
I am satisfied with teaching in my current location. 7.11 1.94 7.44 1.53
*
p < .05.
**
p < .001.

satisfied with teaching in my current location.’’ Caprara et al.s’ (2003) job satisfaction measure has shown strong evidence of
reliability and validity in previous studies.

3.4. Analyses

Study 1 was designed to compare levels and patterns of relationships among the key variables in two settings, and to
explore predictors of job satisfaction. After providing descriptive statistics for the four key variables, we examined the
bivariate correlations among the variables, and examined how teachers’ self-efficacy, collective efficacy, and job stress
predicted levels of job satisfaction. Finally, logistic regression was used to illustrate how teachers with low and high overall
job stress can be reliably distinguished from the study variables. As has been the case in previous studies (e.g., Knoblauch &
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386 R.M. Klassen et al. / International Journal of Educational Research 48 (2009) 381–394

Woolfolk Hoy, 2008), we opted to use composite scores rather than separate sub-scale scores because of the relatively small
sample sizes and to ease interpretation.

4. Results

In addition to item content and means, Table 1 presents reliabilities, scale means, standard deviations, and Cohen’s d
effect sizes for the variables in the study. Most measures displayed adequate reliability (i.e., a > .80), but the workload stress
reliability coefficient was low for participants in the Yukon (a = .66) and in western Canadian (a = .64). Results from
MANOVA revealed that the combined dependent variables were significantly different between the two groups, F(5,
210) = 12.16, p < .001, Wilk’s L = .775 (Wilk’s lambda, L) is an effect size metric which represents the variance accounted for
by the best linear combination of DVs (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007). A lambda of .775 is considered to be a large effect size.
Follow-up ANOVAs revealed that the means for overall job stress, stress from student behaviour, and job satisfaction were
not significantly different between the two settings, but teachers in the Yukon rated three variables significantly lower than
their urban peers: self-efficacy F(1, 214) = 6.10, p = .01, d = .34, collective efficacy F(1, 214) = 18.24, p < .001, d = .58, and stress
from workload F(1, 214) = 22.16, p < .001, d = .64. Results from three individual items are worth highlighting. Most teachers
(57% in Yukon and 55% in western Canada) agreed or agreed strongly that teaching was very stressful, and most teachers in
each setting (50.5% in Yukon and 56% in western Canada) agreed or agreed strongly with the job satisfaction item ‘‘I am
satisfied with teaching in my current location.’’ Third, teachers in the Yukon rated workload stress from large class size lower
than teachers in western Canada.
Table 2 presents the bivariate correlations among the four main variables for the two settings. The correlations among the
variables showed similar directions and magnitudes in the Yukon and western Canada, with self- and collective efficacy and
job stress significantly related to job satisfaction in both settings. Applying Fisher’s Z-transformation test revealed no
significant differences in correlation coefficients between the two samples, although the difference between the two
samples for the collective efficacy–job satisfaction relationship approached significance (p = .06).
Table 3 presents results from a hierarchical multiple regression conducted to examine the influence of self- and collective
efficacy, and job stress and its sources on job satisfaction for both groups combined. We combined the samples from the two
settings because (a) the pattern of bivariate correlations in the two groups was very similar, and (b) we could test for
differences in the strength of the predictor variables between groups through the use of a Chow test (Dougherty, 2007). We
chose job satisfaction as the dependent variable based on past research (e.g., Caprara et al., 2003), and also for conceptual
reasons, arguing that teachers’ motivation beliefs and level of stress precede and influence levels of job satisfaction (while
acknowledging that the regression results do not show evidence of directionality).
Job stress and its two sources (workload and student behaviour) were entered at step 1, followed by self- and collective
efficacy at step 2. Job stress and its two sources significantly predicted job satisfaction at step 1, R2 = .16, F(3, 215) = 13.64,

Table 2
Bivariate correlations for TSE, TCE, academic climate, job stress and job satisfaction for Yukon and western Canadian teachers (N = 221).

Variable 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
** **
1. TSE .49 .11 .03 !.32 .41**
2. TCE .47** .01 !.25** !.20* .35**
3. Overall job stress !.10 !.12 .37** .43** !.31**
4. Workload stress !.24* !.34** .39** .47** !.28**
5. Std. behaviour stress !.37** !.27** .36** .48** !.45**
6. Job satisfaction .42** .55** !.35** !.26* !.24*

Note: TSE is teachers’ self-efficacy. TCE is teachers’ collective efficacy. Correlations for Yukon are below the diagonal; for western Canada above the diagonal.
*
p < .05.
**
p < .01.

Table 3
Summary of hierarchical regression analysis predicting job satisfaction (N = 221).

Variable b R2 DR2 DF
*
Step 1 .16 .16* 13.65*
*
Job stress !.23
Workload !.03
Student behaviour !.23*

Step 2 .38* .21* 36.00*

Stress !.28*
Workload !.02
Student behaviour !.06
TSE .24*
TCE .33*
*
p < .001.
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p < .001. The addition of self- and collective efficacy at step 2 significantly increased explained variance (DR2 = .21), resulting
in total R2 = .38, F(5, 215) = 25.29, p < .001. At step 2 collective efficacy was the strongest predictor of job satisfaction (b = .33,
p < .001), followed by job stress (b = !.28, p < .001), and self-efficacy (b = .24, p < .001). The sources of job stress—workload
and student behaviour—did not significantly contribute to the prediction of job satisfaction of teachers. The Chow test
revealed no differences in the predictor variables between groups.
As a final quantitative analysis, logistic regression was used to explore differences between teachers with high and low
job stress across settings. A direct logistic regression analysis was performed with overall job stress (high stress was defined
as ratings of ‘‘much stress’’ or ‘‘7’’ and above on the overall stress item; low stress was defined as scores of 6 ‘‘moderate
stress’’ and below on the overall stress item) as the outcome variable and teachers’ self-efficacy, collective efficacy, job
satisfaction, and stress from student behaviour and workload as predictor variables. Logistic regression helps establish
whether or not there is a relationship between group membership (i.e., high stress group and low stress group) and a set of
predictors, provides prediction of group membership, and examines which variables predict group membership. The full
model, tested against a constant-only model, was statistically reliable, x2 (5, N = 221) = 52.21, p < .001 (Hosmer and
Lemeshow test, p = .32, indicating a good fit of model to data), suggesting that the predictors, as a set, reliably distinguished
between teachers with high and low overall job stress. The overall correct prediction rate was 70.8%, with a success rate of
64.3% for the high stress group, compared with 76.3% for the low stress group of teachers. A look at the Wald criterion and
levels of significance showed that teachers’ self-efficacy (p = .004), stress from student behaviour (p < .001), and job
satisfaction (p = .001) were variables that reliably distinguished between teachers with high and low overall job stress.

4.1. Study 2: qualitative phase

The qualitative phase of the study was designed to elaborate and provide deeper analysis of the quantitative findings,
with a particular focus on teachers’ job satisfaction and job stress. In Study 1, we found that teachers in northern Canada and
western Canada showed similar levels of job stress (with the exception of job stress from class size) and job satisfaction, and
that self- and collective efficacy influenced levels of job satisfaction and job stress. We realized that the deductive measures
used in Study 1 afforded a limited understanding of the factors that influenced teachers’ work beliefs in the North. In Study 2
we wanted to dig deeper to explore the factors that northern teachers understood to influence the stress they experienced in
a work setting, and the satisfaction they derived from teaching in the Yukon. In order to carry out this goal, we conducted
individual interviews with 20 teachers and asked them about living and working in the Yukon.

5. Methods

5.1. Participants

We stratified our qualitative sample according to teaching level, sex, and geographical location. The 20 teachers who
participated in face-to-face interviews were selected from a larger pool of volunteers who had indicated their interest in
being interviewed on the quantitative survey, or who had indicated interest during our visits to various schools and
communities. The sample included: 10 participants who primarily taught secondary grades and 10 who taught primarily
elementary grades; 9 males and 11 females; 5 participants from the capital city; 8 participants from a mid-sized town; and 7
participants from a remote community. We selected interviewees to represent a range of teaching experience, ranging from
two teachers in their first year of teaching through to two teachers in their final year of teaching.

5.2. Procedures

We kept running field notes to keep track of themes and issues that arose through our observation of schools and informal
conversations with education stakeholders over the 2 years of the study. The field notes are not directly reported in this
article, but were used to guide the line of questioning of the face-to-face interviews. Formal interviews were guided by a
semi-structured interview protocol that reflected a priori assumptions about teacher motivation, and that was also informed
by conversational interviews with teachers, administrators, teaching assistants, education officials, and parents during
multiple visits. For example, the interview protocol included sections on general teaching (e.g., ‘‘What is the most satisfying
thing about teaching for you?’’), context of teaching (e.g., ‘‘What are the greatest challenges facing teachers in the Yukon?’’),
and beliefs about teaching (e.g., ‘‘Do you believe you can effectively teach all students?’’). The protocol categories, however,
were not static, and other questions evolved during interaction with participants over the four visits to the territory.
We audio-recorded and transcribed the 20 formal interviews, and reviewed transcripts, compared field notes, and
discussed emerging codes and themes among research team members over the 2-year period of data collection. Informal
interviews and discussions with teachers, administrators, teaching assistants, education officials, and parents were not
recorded, but were captured in field notes that were used to guide the direction of probes during interviews. Because we
made multiple trips to the territory, we were able to examine the validity of our data analysis by reviewing and assessing
emerging themes from previous interviews with subsequent interviewees. In several cases, we encountered participants on
multiple visits (i.e., at the teachers’ convention, in the schools, and in the community) and were able to discuss emerging
findings as a form of ‘‘member check’’ (Lincoln & Guba, 1985, p. 313).
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5.3. Analysis approach

We used a constant comparative method of content analysis that included deductive and inductive coding procedures
through the various waves of data collection over 2 years. Analysis of the data began with a set of ‘‘start codes’’ that reflected
the guiding questions of the study (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Three researchers independently organized and coded
interview data using the a priori start codes, and collectively (through discussion) developed a set of further codes that
emerged through multiple readings and coding of the interview data. The reliability of the coding process was established by
following two verification procedures outlined by Miles and Huberman (1994) and reiterated by Creswell and Plano Clark
(2007). To begin, two coders independently reviewed the interview transcripts and then collaboratively discussed and
agreed upon initial coding strategies. Codes were exclusive; i.e., interview data segments were included in only one code
category. Next, the two coders independently coded sections of two interviews, and then collaboratively resolved coding
disagreements (e.g., missing and superfluous codes, and differently coded text segments) through discussion. Internal
consistency (number of agreements over total number of agreements and disagreements) after the first section was low
(70%). Reliability was increased through a second round of coding of the first interview (close to 90%). The same process was
followed with the second interview, with a resulting reliability of over 90%. Thereafter, the two coders worked independently
to code the remainder of the data, with a total of 24 codes established through the coding process. The second reliability
verification is provided by including a table of code frequencies and level of endorsement by participants.
Table 4 presents descriptions, code frequencies, and level of endorsement by participants (i.e., number of participants
represented in the code category). The number of instances and level of endorsement by participants do not necessarily
reflect the importance of the codes to the participants, but simply give an indication of how frequently the participants
brought up the code category in discussion with the researchers. As suggested in Miles and Huberman (1994), the code
frequencies were used to protect against bias, to verify our hypotheses about relationships among variables, and to keep the
researchers ‘‘analytically honest’’ (Miles & Huberman, 1994, p. 253) in relation to emphasizing certain codes and themes. The
themes are presented in the affirmative, e.g., Building connections with the community leads to teaching satisfaction, but the
inverse relationship was also found for each theme, e.g., Lack of connection with the community leads to dissatisfaction.
The codes were further distilled into three themes using procedures described by Miles and Huberman (1994) in which
the coded data are manipulated and then graphically displayed in order to identify relationships, patterns and themes (see

Table 4
Code names, descriptions, and frequencies.

Code Description Code frequency and endorsement

(# of participants)

Administrative support
Career cycle
Collective efficacy
Community experiences
Cultural practices
Effective teaching
External relationships
First Nations
Individual efficacy
Internal relationships
Job satisfaction
The land
Professional development
Recruitment and retention
Remoteness
Resources
School climate
Seasonal affect
Social flexibility
Social isolation
Social problems
Stress and coping
Student achievement
Yukon contrast
Specific references to support or lack of support from admin, including 16 (8)
district structures (principal)
Years of experience, retirement, post-retirement, new teachers, balance 38 (11)
of personal and professional
Collective efficacy; the feeling that the school or a group of teachers 16 (9)
can succeed even in challenging situations
Experience that builds teaching strategies or life experiences 55 (19)
References to cultural/community practices that influence education 37 (20)
or social conditions
References to teaching practices that work. Meeting academic, social, 15 (8)
emotional needs of students.
Teacher/School and community, including parents 37 (20)
Any reference to First Nations, including cultural issues, languages, traditional 33 (19)
life (living off the land), hunting, trapping, food (caribou)
Any reference to teachers confidence 13 (8)
Within-school: teachers–teachers, and teacher–student, and student–student. 29 (15)
Support from fellow teachers, principal–teacher
Specific mentions of satisfaction from teaching 79 (20)
References to the land and physical location 22 (14)
References to specific training, workshops, conferences related to 14 (5)
teaching. . .required hours, credits
Attracting teachers, encouraging them to stay, giving support and mentorship. 9 (7)
How long will you stay? Family issues?
References to proximity to cities, access to schools, resources, food 37 (12)
School-based resources (computers, books, etc.) 18 (6)
Mood or spirit in the school 28 (11)
Darkness and light. Also climate 34 (14)
Open to new ideas; willing to try new methods, adapt curriculum as needed 48 (12)
Feelings of social isolation, loneliness 33 (15)
Issues faced by the students and the community (violence, substance abuse) 63 (18)
Specific and general sources of job stress and coping strategies 82 (20)
References to student performance, pressures, exam performance; but also 29 (13)
lower level achievement and student completion rates
Specific references to differences/similarities teaching in the Yukon 121 (20)
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Fig. 2. Map of relationships between codes and themes.

Fig. 2). Network mapping, also referred to as concept mapping, provides a way for readers to better understand the
researchers’ analysis and interpretation of qualitative data (Daley, 2004; Jackson & Trochim, 2002). Due to the multiple
relationships between codes and themes, we allowed themes to share codes; that is, one code could be represented under
two or even three overarching themes. Qualitative research analyses are designed to uncover the latent content or themes
from the data (Krippendorf, 2004), and the three themes reported in the current article reflect teachers’ beliefs about
teaching in the North. Not all teachers espoused each facet of the three themes; rather, the three themes reflect teachers’
general consensus and recurring strongly held views that characterized northern teaching. Only 17 of 24 codes are reported
in this article, with seven ‘‘foundational codes’’ not specifically related to teaching in the Yukon context not explicitly
discussed in the qualitative phase of the study. The seven foundational codes reflect data that are relevant to teachers’ work
in general, but are not specifically focused on the northern context.

6. Results

Participants have been given pseudonyms, and certain details have been altered to protect identities of teachers in the
smaller communities. Quotes are provided to reflect the voices of participants and to verify analysis procedures (Creswell &
Plano Clark, 2007).

6.1. Theme 1: physical and human geography influence job stress and job satisfaction

In addition to the expected sources of job stress and satisfaction (e.g., foundational codes of self- and collective efficacy,
and administrative support), teachers in our study emphasized how the physical and human geographical context
influenced job stress and satisfaction. Codes that suggested the influence of geography on job beliefs included seasonal affect
(i.e., emotional response to hours of light and darkness, but especially darkness), availability of resources (positive and
negative instances), restricted access to professional development, physical remoteness (e.g., difficulty travelling south),
social isolation (loneliness from disconnection to peers), and access to ‘‘the land’’ (proximity of outdoor recreation
opportunities). Although teachers in many settings have opportunities for recreation and experience restricted access to
social options, the stress and satisfaction from teaching in the Yukon was strongly influenced by the geography and outdoor
recreation opportunities of the setting. In fact, almost all of the teachers interviewed (18/20) indicated that the ready
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availability of outdoor activities in the Yukon was a factor that attracted them to teaching in the North or provided them with
current satisfaction about their living and teaching conditions.
Geography was viewed as a factor inducing stress and satisfaction, sometimes only obliquely related to actual teaching
duties. Geographical isolation is not unique to northern settings, but the harsh climate and patterns of extended light and
darkness are conditions that are not often found in more southerly settings. For example, climate and hours of daylight were
included as factors that influenced teachers’ work-related stress and satisfaction: teachers commented not only on the
psychological struggle of the long periods of darkness in winter, but also on the sense of isolation produced by geographical
context. David talked of his difficulty adjusting to his first winter:
I can recall some disorienting times where I would wake up and my body would tell me it was the middle of the night.
I’d be walking to school, and I couldn’t tell the difference between whether it was 3 a.m. or 11 p.m. when it was actually
8 o’clock in the morning, so that was really weird when it came to teaching.
Anne noted, ‘‘You know I’ve noticed the darkness makes you feel a little more tired and unmotivated at work,’’ and Tracey
commented:
There’s certainly a lot of energy—positive energy—here, but at the same time, you know lots of the year is in darkness,
you know you get a few hours of light, and you have certainly a few months with a long dark period, and that has a
profound psychological effect on people in the school.
A sense of isolation brought on by distance and remoteness was highlighted by teachers contrasting the Yukon with other
settings (i.e., Yukon contrast), and was noted by teachers when discussing sources of job stress. Anne noted, ‘‘It’s hard to see
whether I can make this a permanent place to teach for me, because I’m very far from my family and friends, and from what
I’m accustomed to. I’m a long way from home.’’ Meredith believed that the geographical environment placed heavy demands
on teachers:

The isolation can be a really big challenge if you’re not somebody that, I won’t say is an introvert, but somebody that
can’t spend a lot of time cooped up in small spaces with other people or by yourself, then it’s definitely not the place to
come and teach.
The isolation affected not only emotions and psychological well-being, but also availability of resources in schools:
Because we’re so isolated, it’s costly for us to go out, so the professional development is usually manifest in an expert
coming up to the Yukon. . . When I was down south I did a lot more professional development, like actual workshops,
but here you have to rely on journals (Tracey).
Not all teachers experienced isolation in similar ways. For some, the sense of isolation was minimized due to previous
experiences (Yukon contrast): ‘‘This place is very similar to Newfoundland—I find zero isolation up here. Honestly, I don’t feel
one bit isolated’’ (Frank). Almost all of the teachers interviewed explicitly stated that geographical factors drew them to
teach in the Yukon in the first place, with particular focus on the land and outdoor recreation opportunities. Other teachers
noted that social isolation was reduced by technology. Tammy, who had spent several decades in a small Yukon community
noted: ‘‘It’s much more sophisticated here than it used to be. . .we’re pretty integrated with the whole world now—the whole
world has come here. It’s not really the case anymore that we’re isolated, and we’re much more integrated now.’’ Newer
teachers coming from southern Canada were most influenced by the geographical isolation, especially in the smallest
communities, whereas teachers with more experience in the North commented on a general reduction in isolation over time.
Teachers noted that although the physical geography of the Yukon contributed in positive and negative ways to stress and
satisfaction, and even provided a motive for teachers to come to the Yukon or stay in the Yukon, the human geography (i.e.,
interaction of people and land) of the territory also influenced emotions and motivation. The human geography of the Yukon
is inextricably tied to the First Nations people who have strong historic and modern ties to the territory. Teachers’ discussion
of First Nations issues—politics, traditions, educational goals, and social functioning—cut across all three of the themes in this
study. The First Nations population density varied across the three settings, but all teachers in the mid-sized town and
remote community noted the cultural geography, i.e., makeup of cultural norms and expectations of their setting, influenced
their work, including their motivation to teach, the stress they experienced, and also the satisfaction they derived from their
work. Relationships with First Nations students, parents, and in some cases, tribal leaders influenced teachers’ day-to-day
teaching satisfaction and stress, particularly in the remote village setting. For example, Simon noted, ‘‘There’s a sense in our
community that the First Nation people do not see themselves reflected in the school system. Teachers are uncertain about
the goals they should have for their students, and some of us worry about what our focus should be.’’ Clearly, teachers’ beliefs
about their teaching were influenced not only by physical geographical features, but also by the human geography of the
Yukon.

6.2. Theme 2: building connections with the community leads to teaching satisfaction

Teachers in the Yukon, especially in the more remote communities, noted the critical influence of community
relationships on their job satisfaction. The community connection theme was related to experiences with ‘‘the land,’’ social
isolation, stress and coping, job satisfaction, external relationships with parents and community members, social flexibility,
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and cultural/community practices. Again, the presence of First Nations students and families in the community was viewed
as a strong influence on teachers’ connection with the community, and provided challenges and rewards for teachers coming
from outside the territory. In communities that were predominantly First Nations, community integration involved cultural
integration. Frank, working in a small village, noted:
Teachers can be more effective if they get out into the community. I know people who try to put our (Euro-Canadian)
culture into theirs (First Nations culture), like this is right, but you just can’t do these things. It took them (the First
Nations community) a long time to accept me, and it’s made all the difference.
Establishing a strong connection with the community presented cultural challenges for several teachers, especially in the
smaller communities. Tracey noted that the cultural practices of the community resulted in feelings of disconnection and
social isolation:
There’s a difficulty living and teaching in the community—it’s a very, very small community where you might be one of
the few non-native people, so there might not be a social circle for you. I’m not suggesting that the two (cultural)
groups are not integrated, because to a large extent they are, but they’re different cultures, and it’s very difficult for
teachers to remain in communities unless they have developed a social community, and in a lot of isolated regions,
there isn’t a developed community for them.
The sense of cultural separateness and social isolation from the community influenced how teachers integrated into the
community and ultimately, teaching beliefs and satisfaction. Patricia underlined the importance that external relationships
played in successful teaching: ‘‘I don’t think that teachers successfully get out into the community as a whole—I don’t think
we communicate well enough with parents, and that influences the support they give to their children.’’ Teachers
commented on how hard it was to integrate into the community, and noted that attempts to socially integrate were not
always successful. The lack of community connection was a source of stress for teachers like Eve, who commented, ‘‘Well, it’s
stressful for new teachers coming to the Yukon. There’s a distance between the community and the school, and new teachers
really feel it.’’
Greg pointed out that teachers in small communities are constantly under the spotlight, and that the resulting attention
was especially difficult to cope with for new teachers, who wished to disconnect from the community at times:
Teachers are highly, highly visible in our community. We know that teachers are held to a higher professional and
personal standard. And the community has great expectations of them, and when you consider that it’s generally the
younger and less experienced people that you have going out to rural communities, that’s a lot of pressure on them.
Meredith noted that community integration took time, and for her, job satisfaction was derived from spending time in
outdoor activities (‘‘the land’’), social flexibility and integration with the community, which she accomplished by spending
time with community members:
I like to learn things from other people, so when I first came here I went up river with an elder, and helped her out. It’s
important to meet people that way—helping them out and breaking the ice, and learning things from people and
valuing their knowledge and what they have to say. . . it’s good meeting new people, and I’m a better teacher when I
know the community.

6.3. Theme 3: cultural transitions in the community lead to teachers’ professional stress

Teachers in the Yukon, especially in the towns and villages outside of the capital city, expressed varying degrees of stress
and uncertainty about the tensions between academic and cultural expectations. Cultural transitions in the community were
defined as the conflict between traditional ways of First Nations people and the modern world, conflict between generations
within First Nations communities, and conflicts between various groups regarding student achievement levels. As viewed in
Fig. 2, the theme of cultural transitions was related to participants’ community experiences in and outside the Yukon,
cultural practices of teachers and other community members, especially First Nations members, social problems in the
community, school academic climate, and levels of student achievement. Social problems in the community, spilled into
school settings, with teachers commenting on difficulties in cultural transitions leading to high levels of alcoholism and drug
use in the more isolated communities: ‘‘People are still walking around with those memories (of) residential schools and
who didn’t get raised by their parents in the traditional ways’’ (Simon). The uncertain cultural traditions were linked with
social problems that resulted in stressful teaching situations and poor student achievement.
Understanding the cultural transitions within communities and within the territory was a challenge for most teachers,
and resulted in a lack of confidence and anxiety about teachers’ roles. Dennis’s comments highlight the tension between
building First Nations cultural heritage and supporting higher levels of student achievement:

There is an inconsistency in the message given to students from home and from school. The First Nations community
has priorities and things that they believe pretty strongly, and then you’ve got the Yukon Board of Education that
focuses on exam results, and how do you bring these two together? You get a community that struggles to support
their kids in education. Parents really don’t have a picture of what (success) looks like, and it affects how teachers do
their job.
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This cultural tension presented a challenge to the focus (i.e., academic climate) of many schools, and teachers expressed
uncertainty about the proper balance between academic achievement and culturally traditional learning. When asked about
how teachers’ levels of job stress and satisfaction were influenced by cultural practices from the community, Meredith
pointed out that the cultural context of the community was not straightforward, because, ‘‘It’s the elders who are really
pushing education, and it’s the next generation (i.e., the students’ parents) who lost the traditional learning (due to
increasing modernization) that are really pushing the traditional learning.’’
Meredith’s comments characterized many of the teachers’ ambivalence about their role in educating children from a
culture unfamiliar to most of the teachers. The inherent stress, tension, and uncertainty in a situation where predominantly
Euro-Canadian teachers taught children from a First Nations heritage was noted by Meredith:
I think that being a successful teacher you have to realize that you’re in a predominantly different culture, and also that
you’re working as part of this foreign institution (i.e., school), and I think successful teachers recognize that and work
on building bridges as opposed to trying to hammer people through a particular system. I don’t think that works. I
think a big part of my job satisfaction is learning to understand where the children are coming from—their background
and their not having learning support from parents.
All of the teachers in the town and village settings commented that the cultural transitions of students, parents, and other
community members increased the challenges and stress inherent in teaching in the North.

7. General discussion

The current study used a mixed methods approach to examine teachers’ self- and collective efficacy, job stress, and job
satisfaction in remote northern Canada. Two aims characterized the current study. The first aim was to compare levels and
patterns of self- and collective efficacy, job stress and its sources, and satisfaction for teachers in a northern Canadian and
western Canadian setting, and the second aim was to examine how geographical and social factors influence work-related
factors, especially job stress and satisfaction, for teachers in a remote setting.
The results from Study 1 suggest considerable similarity in the motivation beliefs (i.e., self- and collective efficacy),
overall job stress, sources of stress, and job satisfaction of teachers in the Yukon and teachers from an urban center in
western Canada. Most teachers in both settings agreed that teaching was highly stressful, but also satisfying, and there was
no significant difference between the two groups on these two variables. There was a significant difference on the sources of
stress variables, and teachers from western Canadian schools reported higher workload stress, especially due to large class
size. Stress from student behaviour was viewed in similar ways across settings, and both sources of stress were significantly
correlated with overall job stress in the two settings.
The job stress levels were higher than found in previous research: in our study about 55% of teachers agreed teaching was
very stressful, whereas Jepson and Forrest (2006) reported that 41% of teachers indicated high levels of occupational stress,
and Kyriacou (2001) and Manthei, Gilmore, Tuck, and Adair (1996) reported that about 25% of teachers regard teaching as
stressful or very stressful. The samples we collected in each setting were diverse and likely representative of the population
from which they were collected, leading us to conclude that differences between our samples and samples from previous
research are the result of methodology (e.g., question format or response bias), or actual differences in the population, with
Canadian teachers experiencing both higher stress and higher job satisfaction. Future studies could provide evidence for
either of these two possibilities.
Teachers in the Yukon reported significantly lower levels of self-efficacy and collective efficacy than teachers in the
western Canadian setting, although the differences were small for self-efficacy and medium-sized for collective efficacy
(conventionally accepted descriptors for Cohen’s d). It may be that the educational challenges facing teachers in the Yukon
negatively influence teachers’ confidence to individually and collectively teach all students, but our study did not empirically
test the sources for teachers’ self- and collective efficacy beliefs. Efficacy beliefs are most strongly influenced by successful
past experience, and it is possible that Yukon teachers’ self- and collective efficacy is influenced by the relatively lower levels
of student performance in the Yukon than in other regions in Canada (Fraser Institute, 2009). Teachers’ self- and collective
efficacy were significantly correlated with job satisfaction in both settings, and results from the multiple regression showed
that although job stress lowers teachers’ job satisfaction, teachers’ individual and collective beliefs about their capabilities to
reach all students enhances job satisfaction. The logistic regression provided insight into teachers’ overall stress. Teachers
who perceived teaching to be a high stress or low stress job were reliably distinguished by their self-efficacy beliefs, their
levels of perceived stress from student behaviour, and by their job satisfaction. In other words, stress levels were not
distinguished by perceptions of collective efficacy of the school or by workload stress, but by the individual beliefs about
student behaviour, individual confidence, and the satisfaction derived from teaching.
Teachers’ collective efficacy has less frequently been studied than self-efficacy, but the results from Study 1 show the
important link between beliefs about collective capabilities and individual job satisfaction. The bivariate relationship
between the two was especially strong for Yukon teachers, although levels of collective efficacy were lower than for teachers
in the western Canadian setting. Jarzabkowski (2003) noted the importance of collegial support for teachers in remote
northern Australian schools, and claimed that ‘‘collegiality appears to become much more significant in a geographically
isolated environment’’ (p. 143), because it builds the resilience necessary for teachers in challenging settings. Although
collegiality is not the same as collective efficacy, it stems from similar roots in group-influenced beliefs and actions, and
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underscores the importance of group-based motivation beliefs in situations where demands are high. Group-oriented
cognitions and emotions may be particularly important in certain settings where external support networks may be limited,
and where educational and social demands are high. The results from this study suggest that collective motivation beliefs
may play a particularly important role increasing job satisfaction in settings where external pressures and demands are
highest.
The findings from Study 1 underscore the similarities of how key variables operate in the two settings, but also hint at the
inadequacy of using a single methodological approach when attempting to better understand how motivation and job
factors operate in diverse settings. The findings from Study 2 highlight the importance of geographical, social, and cultural
factors for teachers working in remote settings, and the interconnectedness of geographical, cultural, and community
factors. The three themes relating to geographical, cultural, and community influences on job stress and job satisfaction
emphasize the benefits of including an insider or emic perspective when examining teachers’ beliefs, and highlight points of
view that were largely hidden from view in the quantitative phase of the study. In our interviews, teachers spoke of in-school
factors (e.g., student behaviour, administrative and collegial support) that influenced their job satisfaction and job stress, but
they also emphasized how school life and teaching extends beyond the classroom, and encompasses geographical,
community, and cultural variables that influence the job of teaching. These contextual influences have been overlooked in
much motivation research, and the traditional quantitative and psychometric roots of the discipline are ill equipped to
examine environmental influences surrounding teachers’ beliefs about teaching (Turner & Meyer, 2000). Bronfenbrenner’s
much-cited ecological approach (1979) continues to provide a useful model for understanding contextual factors in teaching
and the teaching environment. Influences on teachers and teaching involve more than the microsystem (e.g., factors in the
classroom), but also include influences from the broader layers of the mesosystem (e.g., factors in the school), the exosystem
(community factors), and the macrosystem (cultural factors), the latter three layers that have been largely ignored in teacher
motivation research.

7.1. Implications for theory and practice

Teaching is a more complex undertaking than is usually portrayed by quantitative models that show within-teacher
motivation beliefs directly influencing teaching-related outcomes. The teachers we interviewed experienced uncertainty
and stress about their working lives due to varying degrees of connection with the community and ambivalence about
balancing cultural and educational goals. Cultural mismatches between teachers and students have been noted in a range of
settings (e.g., Labone, 2004), and may play a role in lowering teachers’ motivation beliefs and job satisfaction. Research that
focuses on exploring how contextual influences like community engagement and social and cultural mismatches influence
teacher motivation and other job-related factors may help point the way to more nuanced understanding of teachers and
teaching.
Teachers in remote northern settings do not necessarily experience lower job satisfaction and higher stress than teachers
in western Canadian settings, but the factors that influence job satisfaction and stress depend on the context, and depend on
outside-of-the-classroom factors just as strongly as school-based factors. For teachers working in remote settings, whether
in northern Canada or other situations, the links with community and social factors play a crucial role in the satisfaction and
stress in the classroom. Although most quantitative research has focused on within-school factors like student behaviour,
workload, administrative policies, perceived lack of autonomy, the results from this study suggest that broader
environmental factors play an important role in teachers’ work-related beliefs.
The implications of these findings for professional practice are significant, because job satisfaction has been shown to
influence career decisions and to enhance motivation and performance (Judge et al., 2001). For teachers in remote northern
settings, community connections may play an important role in raising job satisfaction and lowering stress. The novel
contributions of this study are three-fold: (a) teachers in remote northern and urban settings experienced similar levels of
job stress and job satisfaction, even though the surroundings were markedly different, (b) teachers’ efficacy beliefs may be
moderately lower in remote settings, and (c) contextual factors influence teachers’ job beliefs: geographical, community, and
especially cultural contexts are perceived by teachers to influence job stress and job satisfaction.

7.2. Limitations

The study is limited in its generalizability to other remote settings by its reliance on data collection from only one of
Canada’s three territories and one Canadian city. To reduce the sampling bias in the Yukon we stratified our sample to
represent a variety of settings in the territory, and our participation rate was high. Teachers who completed surveys did not
identify their school, which, along with a relatively small sample size, precluded more sophisticated multi-level analysis of
our data. Although we collected two forms of data, the studies relied solely on subjective data, and shared method variance
could have inflated associations between key variables. Future studies might include objective measures (absenteeism rates
or physiological variables) to assess key variables like job satisfaction and job stress. The contextual factors discussed by
teachers in this study may not translate well to settings outside of northern Canada, although we believe the general context
is shared by other remote settings in other parts of the world. Finally, we did not conduct a parallel qualitative investigation
of urban western Canadian teachers’ perceptions of community factors that influence job beliefs, and our claims about the
uniqueness of Yukon teachers’ responses are restricted by this methodological limitation.
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Acknowledgments

The authors gratefully acknowledge the support of a grant provided to the first two authors by the Social Sciences and
Humanities Research Council of Canada: Northern Research Development Program. In addition, we thank teachers in the
Yukon for participating in this research and the people of the Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation for their warm hospitality.

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