TABLE OF CONTENT

CHAPTER ONE – INTRODUCTION

1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
1.3 OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY
1.4 RESEARCH QUESTION
1.5 HIPRTHESIS
1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY
1.7 SCOPE AND LIMITATION
1.8 OPERATIONAL DEFINITION OF TERMS

CHAPTER TWO –
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
LITERATURE REVIEW

CHAPTER THREE –
RESEARCH METHODOLGY
RESEARCH DESIGN
METHOD OF DATE

CHAPTER FOUR – DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS

4.0 INTRODUCTION
4.1 DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
4.2 DISCUSSION OF FINDING
4.3 POLICY IMPLICATION OF FINDINGS

CHAPTER FIVE – SUMMARY, CONCLUSION, AND

RECOMMENDATION
5.1 SUMMARY
5.2 CONCLUSION
5.3 RECOMMENDATION
CHAPTER ONE
1.1 introduction
The role of the youths is crucial in the sustenance of democracy because it
translates the votes cast in elections to form of the legislative and
government representation whereby are won by parties and candidates.
The electoral process is often manipulated by the politician because of the
power it confers in determine which party or candidates wins or loses
elections and by extension therefore, which party would control the
apparatus of governmental power. The electoral processes in Nigeria seem
to have always faced many challenges.
The greatest challenge that every government implement, face in the ate of
transition programme theoretical all time fails is to put in place a sound
electoral process that will ensure the conduct of free, faw and credible and
peaceful elections that would earn the support of the citizens who would
also have confidence in the outcome of elections.
Violent conflicts have been a characteristic features of Nigeria’s polity since
the recommencement of democratic rule in may 1999. The various
chinension of conflicts witnessed ranges from ethno-religious, inter-
communal, post-election violence, and soon. Over 187 ethno-religious
conflicts were reported between May 1999 and April 2009, and since 2009
boko haram activities have been on the increase and over 115 attacks
reported in the North. Nigeria is thus seen as a conflict prone society as no
geopolitical zone is immune. Scholarly account peanut to the youth as the
prosecutors over 90% of these violent conflicts and the youths constitute
about 70% of Nigeria’s population. But are the youth victims of these
violent conflicts or the perpetrators? A critical analysis of the situation
using secondary data revealed that over 60% of youth lack access to
employment and development opportunities. 90% of the 1,430,000 youths
that graduated from tertiary institutions between 2004 and 2014 roam the
streets and become victims for manipulation by corrupt political elites and
their associates to perpetrate and pros-cute violent conflicts on their behalf
in order to strengthen or legitimize their political and economic positions.
Critically youth are more of the victims of Nigeria’s democratic process that
deny them opportunities and being the perpetrators of the violent conflicts
is but a manifestation of this denial. Therefore, value reorientation for
political elites and more job creation programs for youths in both private
and public sector of Nigeria’s polity is strongly advocate.
In a recent study of three thousand eligible voters that voted in 2003
general elections polled the rural-townships outside local government
headquarters in three geopolitical zones of the country.
It was discovered that 614 percent of those who voted did not believe that
their votes would make a meaning – put impact of the polls while 49
percent of those who voted actually did see because they only wishes to
fulfilled their nationalistic obligation colaleye 2007, 397.
Nigeria is a country that pays inadequate attention to the plight of the
youths ranging from incessant strikes in the universities to the lack of
adequate learning infrastructure, the lack of jobs to engage them and the
pittance that is dedicated to the educational sector by the federal and state
government not with standing that out of its population of 140 million
people, 65 million are youths.
This inept attitude towards the Nigerian youths is what has led such youths
to act that are morally wrong and violent.

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Nigeria is a country with device ethnic group and corrugated different
political motive ranging from the individual with Nigeria electioneering
process is the wheel to be on power at all cost nor minding the interest of
the masses, every political party that is on power for their selfish interest,
while doing this, they map out strategies that will enable them to rig the
election either by crook or hook, this things are not mostly peculiar with the
Nigeria system alone but is common due to the part that most of the
leaders even come out openly to declare their stands to fight with their last
breath to win election.
During the campaign of the last election the immediate past president chief
Olusegun Obasanjo once stated that “people democratic party (P.D.P) will
surely produce the next president no matter the trundles” with this, one will
quickly deduce the fact the election was because INEC has been tailored
along the line of P.D.P candidate even if the party brings a weakling as
their presidential candidate, in this regard the job of INEC is to deliver the
favoured candidate of the ruling party P.D.P as the president of the country.
It is also on revered that most states won by P.D.P are manned by P.D.P
governors and all the ether parties hest their beds in such states, while in
some states where we have other party, such party also won in their states,
take for instance in Lagos state Alhaji Asineeyu Bota Ahmed Tinubu
delivered its state to Action Congress (AC) while in Abia State Uzor Kalu
delivered its stat to Progressive people Alhances (PPA) in Imo state.
In an attempt to do away or eradicate electioneering challenges which is
characterized with political malpractices that stain Nigeria image abroad
and affects the psycho of Nigerian. It becomes imperative for government
to employ the service of National Orientation Agency (NOA) to carry out
political education to enlighten the youths. On the danger of those
negations activities that posed threat to the sustenance of our nascent
democracy and the corporate existence of Nigeria.
The need for political education by the National Orientation Agency (NOA)
canniest be over emphasized as its orientation and mobilization should
cover programmes such as War Against Indiscipline and Corruption
(WAIC), operation keep Nigeria clean and the judiciary and democracy
workshops, youths and discipline programme co-operation with various
organization and establishment for wider reach in mass mobilization
through for example National Council of Woman Societies (NCWS) and
other Non Governmental Organization (NGO, public elections in Nigeria
have continued to play host in hooliganism, gangsters, apathy, rigging and
consistent rejected results while the youth has continued to wallow in
underdevelopment, post – election crises and needless experimentation.
Violence has often accompany post elections in Southern Ijaw Local
Government Area (SIJGA) has been attributed to the culture of thuggeny,
the physical bottles between supporters of different parties and candidates
that backing down of people with dangerous weapons, various acts of
arson and inflicting grievous bodily having on person etc the intensity of
electoral conflict is often fuelled by widespread solicit that the other party is
planning to rig election, has hired things and accumulated dangerous
weapons and arms to actualize its plans, failing which it will unleash on its
opponents.
It is against this background this study was carried out.
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The general objective of the study is to assess the role youths play should
in the electioneering process in Nigeria in general and Southern Ijaw local
government in particular.
However, the specific objectives are to –
1. Assess the challenges facing republic democracy in its effort towards
successful electioneering in southern Ijaw local government area in
Bayelsa State.
2. Examine the factors that political education would play during
elections in southern Ijaw local government area of Bayelsa State.
3. Assess the level of achievement in curb has electoral violence and
malpractices.
4. Examine the effects of orientation on the political behaviour of the
youths of southern Ijaw local government area.
5. Proffer possible solutions to the electioneering challenges in southern
local government area.

1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The following research questions are posed to guide the study –
1. What factors call for electioneering challenges in southern Ijaw local
government area ?
2. To what extent has the youths activities affected the electoral process
in southern Ijaw local government area?
3. Do political orientation has any effect on the political behaviour of the
youths in SILGA?
4. What solutions would you proffer in order t overcome problem
associated with electioneering?

1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The study will be useful to the people in the academia and perhaps those
casual readers who may want to enlarge their wealth of knowledge.
The work will give more cause for more investigation into issues bordering
on the role of youths in fourth Republic democracy and electioneering
challenges.
The findings of the research well help the government formulate policies
and programmes towards the reduction of threats in electioneering
malpractices and challenges in southern Ijaw local government area.
It will also provide comprehensive and pragmatic paradigm for curbing
electioneering malpractices as well as scrutinize the relationship which
exist between the activities of youths in practices and political education in
SILGA.

1.6 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

This research therefore, shall depend on the use of primary and secondary
materials and other available documented information that are related to
the subject matter under research for the ultimate attainment of the
objective of the research.
The researcher used question naive method through the use of structured
question naives and intervenes as a method of collecting information.
The population of this study will consist of the whole youths in southern
Ijaw local government council in Bayelsa State.
The technique used in this study is simple random sampling.
The technique is bean adopted due to the categories of staff invoiced in the
research and because of its operative flexibility.
The sample size in this research study is the total number of youths in
southern Ijaw local government metropolitan council are 100 respondents
were selected. The sample was drawn randomly from the four local
government wards within the local government area. They are Angiama,
Onyoma Angiama, Oheel Korogha and Osokiama, for each ward 10
questionnaire were administered.
The instrument used in data collution were questionnaire. This random
sampling was adopted as the technique of administering the questionnaire
as such a copy of the self administered questionnaire to the respondents at
the workplace and hence was personally distributed by the researcher.
They are asked to fill the required information at their own convenient.
Collection of the questionnaire was also collected by the researcher. And a
covering note was attached to each questionnaire assuming the
respondents of strict confidentiality of their comments and response.
The data will be presented in cross tabulation and interpretation will be in
percentage and analysis in tabulation table.

1.7 THEORITICAL FRAMEWORK

The theoretical perspective that would be used to guide this study would be
anchored in the maxist tradition karl marx in his book “the Ideas of the
ruling materials force of society is at the sometime its ruling intellectual
force and the class which has the means of material production at its
disposal consequently also controls the means of mental production so that
the ideas of those who lacked the means of mental production are on the
whole subject to it. It is our contention that the role of youth in fourth
republic democracy and electioneering challenges meant to inculcate the
idea and values of the ruling class into the masses.
This position further articulated by Gransel who pointed out that “the ruling
class is able to internalize its wordily outlook in the subordinated masses
and created a situation of compliance through the process of “Hegemony”
Hegemony according to Gransel is the permeation throughout society
including a whole range of structure and activities like trade unions schools,
beliefs and morality that is in one another supportive of the established
order and the class interest that dominate it.
Hegemony in this sense might be defined as an organized principle or
world view or (combination of such a world view) that is differed by
agencies of ideological control and socialization into every area of daily life
to the extent that their prevailing consciousness in internalized by the broad
masses. It becomes port of common sense that all ruling class or elite seek
to perpetuate their power, wealthy status, they necessarily attempt to
popularize their philosophy, culture, morality e.t.c and render them
dischallengeable which is part of the national order or things for Hegemony
to assert itself successfully in any society therefore it must operate in a
dualist manner as scholastic programmes or advice by a sector of
intellectuals, Hegemony is, therefore the domination of the subordinate
class in the society by the ruling class.
“the ruling class is able to impose heir domination over the society through
coeravie organs of the state and administered state policies, laws police
and court. Domination is also carried out through the ideological apparatus
of the state in the form of mass media, churches, school, government
institution, political parties e.t.c. hence orientation manufactures the
consent and acceptance of the system by the people.

1.8 SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF THE STUDY

The study has its focus on the role of the youths in fourth republic
democracy in the 1999 general election in southern Ijaw local government
area of Bayelsa State.
The study will assess the role of the youths in the fourth republic
democracy and electioneering challenges as it relates to political
mobilization, election management and monitoring as well as campaign
management.
One fundamental limitation of the study was the geographical location of
local government area situated around the Atlantic ocean which made it
nearly impossible for the researcher to get to the youths in the local
government area thereby restricting the researcher mostly to the data
supplied by the youths.
Another problem encountered was fundamental constraint prevented the
adequate sourcing of information needed to carry out an important study of
this nature.

1.9 OPERATIONAL DEFINITION OF TERMS

ROLE: Means a set of connected behavious, rights, obiligations, beliefs

and norms as conceptualized by people in a social situation.
YOUTH: Means different thing to different people.
However, it can generally be refer to as the time of life when one is young,
and often means the time between childhood and adulthood. It also means
the appearance, freshness, vigor, spirit.

REPUBLIC: Means a form of government in which the country is

considered a “public matters” not a privates concern or property of the
ruler.

DEMOCRACY: Means a system of government in which the citizens

exercise power directly or elect representative from among them selves to
form a governing body such as parliament.

ELECTIONEERING: Means the activities that politicians and their

supporters carry out in order to persuade people to vote for them or their
political party in an election.
CHAPTER TWO
2.0 INTRODUCTION
There is a growing interest in the role of youths in the fourth republic
democracy among scholars. The interest is so much that there is lot of
literature on the variables concerned. This makes it hard to know where to
start, however, for the purpose of deity to ensure the understanding of the
study, the systematic approach is used in the review of literature.

2.1 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Political orientation (2007) political orientation is the process of gingering of
youths and emboldened to be involved the programmes of government and
for them to support, as regards to their rights, function, responsibilities and
duties and economic empowerment. It is also a process of energizing
people for good and positive attitudes, such as political participation, voting
and also support particular policies of government and respect legitimate
government.
However, the symbiotic relationship between democracy and good
governance is globally acclaimed. This is borne out of the belief that
democracy is premised on the principle of the rule of law and
constitutionalism is capable of ushering in good governance and societal
development. It is equally believed that democracy conforms to principle of
justice, equity and fair – play as a democratic state is based on consent
and popular participation. However, since the caption of the fourth republic
in 1999, it is observed that the military into Nigeria government and politics
is such that has permeated the body politics to the effect that observance
of basic democratic tenets seems difficult for those saddled with political
power and responsibilities. Thus, the political class continues to dispose
and demonstrate known military attributes and values in issues that are
character is tidally civil and democratic.
Authoritarianism tendencies continues to shape the character of polities as
reflective in limited regard for the constitution and the illiberal dispositions
of the political elite and the civil society.
Rather than producing good governance, and developed the state, the
above scenario has resulted in bad governance and further pauperized the
youths.
Olalege (2007) sees political orientation is a strategy or mechanism
adopted by government as a feedback between the government and the
youths and the mechanism does not only aid the government in knowing
the people’s and programmes that also assist them to find tune such
policies outputs to accommodate, articulate and aggregate their civil
responsibilities and duties to the nation.
The concept of political orientation, according to Olaniyi (2007) is common
in the field of political sociology. According to him, it in dudes specific
programmes of directed political socialization curricular and mass media
aimed at mobilizing youths to the task of nation building.
Hence, preueitt argues that programmes of political education are expected
to be explicitly aimed at installing in the youths of a nation.
These various appropriate for national youths ( preueitt (1971:2).
Leeds (1978) stated a particular person’s orientation towards polities can
be particularly explained in terms of his own personality, character, the
operates, his own political socialization, his personal experience and
circumstances in fact the impact of the entre environment in his life.
According to kousenlns (1987) the political orientation of youths are grafted
into a person’s mental and emotional makeup as the individual goes
through a variety of experiences related in some way to government and
politics. The orientation may come about slowly through the deliberate
efforts of other members of the political community (especially of those who
act in some capacity as agents of the state) or imperceptibly through the
cumulative effect of events and development in a person’s life. A person’s
political orientation never really reaches a final point.
Political orientation changes as one encounter new situation and
personalities, pacesetting political programmes, political and economic
crises, and a host of other developments in the domestic and international
political setting.
A problem which one may encounter is the problem of knowing the
direction of political orientation in a political entity.
Parkin (1971) goes on to observe that the extent to which are legitimized in
society is largely more likely to flow in a downward direction than in upward
direction.
Consequently moral assumptions which originate within the subordinate
class tend to wan lift acceptance among the dominant class. The reverse
process however, is much more marked so that socialization is one class
by another, rather than as in dependent class agreement or consequence
of values.
Parkin (1971) went further to argue that those groups in society which
occupy positions of the greatest power and privilege well also tend to have
the greatest access to the means of legitimization.
This particular concept of dominant values system as he notes derived
from marx’s celeberated statements that the ideas of the ruling class in
every age the ruling class.
In contradiction Brown and Gray (1977) stated that it is not however
possible simply to accept a prior that orientation or values are much more
likely to flow in downward direction than upward.
The changes which took place in the Bolshevik political culture in Russia
are instructive.
Olalege (2007) stated that nationalism quickened political orientation
among youths in Nigeria as regard to their rights in demand for self-
determination.

TYPES OF DEMOCRACY
It is pertinent to introduce types of democracy adopted by various regimes
or government in conceiting the populace towards accepting the form of
government.
The main forms of democracy are; direct democracy, representative
democracy, presidential democracy, parliamentary democracy,
authoritarian democracy, participatory democracy, Islamic democracy and
social democracy.
Every country interprets the meaning of democracy in their own particular
way. With a wide rage of different geopolitical atmospheres, we see a large
spectrum of democratic governments in existence around the globe.
However, I went to try to shed light on some of the major types of
democracy seen today if not all.

DIRECT DEMOCRACY.
It is when citizens get to vote for a policy directly, without any intermediate
representatives or houses of parliament. If the government has to pass a
certain law or policy it goes to the people. They vote on the issue and
decide the fate of their own countries.
The people can ever bring up issues themselves, as long as they have a
substantial consensus on the issue. Ever taxes cannot be raised without
the public support. When the population is small, educated and mostly
homogenous (at least politically), a direct democracy doesn’t seem like a
bad idea. Switzerland, for instance, has had a long history of a successful
direct democracy.

REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY
Representative democracy or indirect democracy is when people choose to
vote for who will represent them in a parliament. This is the most common
form of democracy pound across world.
Its emphasis lies on protecting the rights of not only the majority of the
people in the state, but also the minorities. By electing a more qualified
representative, a minority population would be able to vocalize its
grievances in a more efficient manner.
Most of the representative democracies of the world consider themselves
to be liberal democracies.
This is because they value the needs of their individual citizens more them
that of the entire state. This is why in countries like India and the USA, it is
difficult to proclaim a state on emergency.

PRESIDENTIAL DEMOCRACY
Under a presidential democracy, the president of a state has a significant
amount of power over the government.
He/She is either directly or indirectly elected by citizens of the state. The
president and the executives branch of the government are not liable to the
legislature, but cannot, under normal circumstances dismiss the legislature
entirely. Similarly, the legislatur cannot remove the president from he/her
office either, unless the case is extreme. In a presidential democracy, the
head of state is also the head of government.
PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY
A democracy that gives more to the legislature is called parliamentary
democracy. The executive branch derives its democratic legitimacy only
from the head of government, and both have varying degree of power.
However, in most cases, the president is either a weak monarch (the united
kingdom or a ceremonial head (eg India).

AUTHORITARIAN DEMOCRACY
This is when only the elites are a part of the parliamentary process. The
individuals of the state are allowed to vote for their chosen candidate, but
“regular people cannot enter the dictions.
Therefore, in the end it is only the ruling elite the decide on the various
interest of state’s population.
Modern – day Russia under Vladimir piclin is a classic examples of this
types of governance.

PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY
The exact opposite of an authoritarian democracy is the participatory for m
of democracy. There are different types of participatory democracy, but all
of them yearn to create opportunities for all members of a population to
make meaningful contribution to the decision. Making process it empowers
the dis-empowered by breaking up the state into small networks and
prefers to empower community – based grassroots politics. It value
deliberation and discussion, rather than merely voting.

ISLAMIC DEMOCRACY
This form of democracy seeks to apply is Islamic law to public policies,
while simultaneously main taking a democratic framework.
Islamic democracy has three main characteristics. Firstly, the leaders are
elected by the people. Secondly, everyone is subject to the sharia law
including the leaders. Thirdly, the leaders onust commit to practicing
“sharia” a special form of consultation practiced by prophet muhammed.
The only counties that fulfill these three Afghanistan, Pakistan and
naalasysia.
SOCIAL DEMOCRACY
It is a political, social and demonic ideology that supports economic and
social interventions to promote social justice within the framework of a
liberal democratic polity and capitalist economy. The protocols and norms
used to accomplish this involves a commitment to representative and
participatory democracy, massacre for income redistribution and regulation
of the economy in the general interest and welfare provisions.

ISSUES RELATING TO ELECTIONEERING

Solomon (2007), stated that since independence, the electioneering
process in Nigeria represents a combination of pluralistic institutions
cultivated on a primordial sentiments and considerations rather than on
dear-cut ideological platform. This institutions were tripolaristic.
Transmutation of either social, religious or tribal changes of location factors
in political influence.
Aclebayo (2007), notes that rather than create homes for tripolan political
modelist the electioneering process has became a heaven for opportunistic
radials and jobbers with little or no focus on common social welfare
whatever.
This has restricted in the elevation of political popularize as a response to
the failure to resolve the problem of post in dependence transition.
Olalege (2007) stated that although, other issues such as inherent
relatively for system abuse, winner takes it all syndrome and relevant
access to the capitalistic instrument of governance also remain highly
relevant in the practice of democracy.
It is therefore correct to say that although the culture of ballet box
democracy is not strange in Nigeria, it started and remained at elitist device
and institution without any meaningful effort at domesticating the process
sufficiently for the local populace to own and invest their interest and
political future into it thereby building confidence in it.
The system and process generally adopted in the formation of political
parties in Nigeria is wealthy of note at this furniture also.
According to Olalege (2007), since independence and self rule was gained
through the nationalistic struggles and efforts of individuals activities the
formation of political parties similarly followed patterns and formats.
Political parties usually commence as a liable created, formed or
established by and individual activists to serve as a lobby agent or social
group for the attainment of his selfish political and social ambition or
agenda.
The ownership and structure of political parties therefore is not different
form that of a common private co-operate structure in every ramification.
Under such arrangement, the public will never be able to access correct
undiluted nationalization in formation from political parties agans a
characters.
Addayo (2007), stated that every arrangement for public electorate
reckoning inclusion and in evolvement in the electoral process has always
been from parodial mirror lenses of respective political parties.
The faultiness in this relationship lies principally in the partiality, selectivity
and abridgement that vital information relating to the election were been
administered to electorate usually in insufficient and in coherent and times
with outright deception.

CHALLENGES IN PRODUCTIVE POLITICAL EDUCATION.

Political education in Nigeria is face with many challenges which has
continuously ensured the below standard performance of the electioneering
at the country according to Olalege (2007), orientation before and during
election was below standard generally because most of the alleged riffing
perpetuated during the election could be traceable to lack of orientation.
These problems were vote selling to the highest bidder by many as
witnessed in Bayelsa State during the 2015/2016 gubernatorial election
where by many voters enabling those cards to be used for voting by
unauthorized party people, poor logistics whereby some persons were
accepted to have been unable to fund the appropriate polling stations to
cast their votes, voided votes in the form of wring thumb – printing of the
ballet papers thereby rendering the votes void.
Olalege (2007) has stated that the greatest challenge to political education
in Nigeria is illiteracy and ignorance.
Ethnic politics reared its head and had ever. Since remained an endemic
problem in the country’s political dictionary.
Parties therefore become sectionalized since the country is predominantly
and illiterate society, the parties were found not to be effective in mobilizing
people to their parties course as a result of the use electronic media, mass
media, orienting of manifested and giving public lectures and organizing
symptoms, more than open political campaigns.
This was evident in the low tarn-out during the annulled June 12 1993
presidential election.
Adebayo (2007) noted that the masses to have cultivated their own
negative notions about elections and elective personalities that the eletist
power holding class are oppressor of the masses rather than public
servants unto whose hands the destines of society are entrusted and as
such persons holding or aspiring to attain such class are evil and ungodly
undeserving of support.
Olalege (2007) went further to state that a challenge of political education si
corruption. This manifest the form of security misconduct by many security
agents that were caught engaging in acts definitely beyond their term
duties and lacking training of polling agents of political parties who handing
understood the specific functions as many engaged in harassing voters.
Solomon (2007) also stated that one problem with political education in
Nigeria is inglorious history of national elections. This has created negative
impression in the minds of majority of Nigerians.
This has also permeated their psychological behavoural psyeho to the
extent that they no longer behave that any good thing can come out of
Nigeria electrical process either now or in the nearest future.

CHALLENGES FOR SUCCESSFUL ELECTIONEERING.

It is germane to start a discussion of challenges facing Nigeria
electioneering process with the police. According to Coatman (1959:8), a
student of the political institution of any country desirous of understanding
the ethics of any country’s government can hardly do better make a close
study of Okeke underscored the important role that polices play in election
when he states that the success or failure of elections in Nigeria will be
dependent on the conduct of police officers on election duty.
The police have succinctly described by Ossi (2006), as violating the basic
rights of the people they are supposed to serve ranging from torture and
other form of crucial in human and degrading treatment, preventing the
exercise of legitimate rights to assemble and associate jeopardizing equal
access to justice and failing to protect basic rights.
Alemika (2007), wrote that the police need to distinguish between national
and state security and regime security. When a regime undermines the role
of law, disobeys court orders, implements policies that impoverish the vast
infirmity and enrich a small minority, it is inevitably creating conditions for a
public disorder and insecurity.
Solomon (2007) stated that problems such as religious intolerance,
ethnicity, fear of domination of one group by another, political tugging etc.
have compounded the situation and have made them more complex. This
has culminated in the wild, waist.
Olalege (2007:401) described the challenges thus the ostentation within
very short political sojourn in public office has not only produced the
thinking and values of the common class but has created more sojo-
economic desperation among aspiring politicians with consequential
cataclysmic prevention, thus making the task or reorientation more
avenues.
According to Adebayo (2007) on e remarkable phenomenon that has
characterized the current political dispensation is the issue of incessant
political wrongly which has often led to explicable insurgence in the north
east assassination of key political figures without any strong cable trace.
Cases of unresolved murder has claimed the likes of chief Bola Ige, Chief
Douboh, chief Naarshal Harry, Engineer Fanso Williams, Dr. Obi Wali etc.
violent act of this nature usually serve to erode confidence in the electoral
process encouraging desperate politicians to be tempted to make private
arrangement far their personal security, while also scaring away moderate
ones from the field.
Dada (2011) described the concept of Godfather’s as a serious challenge
to the electioneering success of Nigeria.
It is a notorious fact that he who pays the piper dictates the tunes. A
godfather that bank rolls or imposes a candidate can only be driven by
selfish interest and much would like to control the machinery of governance
and decision making.
Kura (2008) pointed out the presidential system as a challenge in the sense
that the system gives abundant power to the president to appoint all
strange officers, such as all members of the electoral institution, top ranking
police officers and among commanders etc.
These officers in a state characterized by dientelism and neepatrunonalism
have become instrument of ruling party (s).
They are used to destabilize opposition parties and instruments of electoral
malpractices the ruling party has unlimited access to state resources it
uses in wooing opposition politicians through clientelism networks.