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 Compliments and responses to compliments
Learning communication in context

Noriko Ishihara
Hosei University

This chapter focuses on the speech acts of giving and responding to

compliments, including its multiple functions and discourses that expand
beyond single-statement compliments. First, specific linguistic realisations of
these speech acts are summarised, in addition to a discussion of cross-linguistic
differences in pragmatic norms. Interlanguage pragmatics research is also
reviewed in which compliments were taught in English as a second/foreign
language and Japanese as a foreign language. The majority of the chapter is
devoted to a pedagogical proposal that shows how these speech acts in English
can be taught and how learners’ pragmatic development may be assessed in the
classroom. Because learners’ subjectivities are closely intertwined with their
pragmatic use, the instruction and assessment procedures facilitate learners’
negotiation of identities through giving and responding to compliments.

1.  Introduction

Compliments and responses to compliments are among the most researched

speech acts across languages. Earlier research on the syntactic and semantic cat-
egories and word choice of these speech acts have been widely disseminated; fur-
thermore, many other studies reveal social norms and cultural values associated
with compliments and responses to compliments in a variety of languages. These
findings will first be summarised, as they can be directly applied to second/for-
eign language (L2) pragmatics instruction and serve as its theoretical backdrop.
In addition, interventional studies show that pragmatics is teachable and learnable
(e.g. Kasper & Rose, 2002), and compliments and responses to compliments have
been found not to be an exception in this regard. After reviewing the literature, a
pedagogical proposal and practical tools will be offered that illustrate instruction
on giving and responding to compliments in English, as well as classroom-based
assessment of learners’ pragmatic development.
 Noriko Ishihara

2.  Definition of compliments and responses to compliments

Compliments express one’s admiration or approval of other’s work, appearance,

tastes, abilities, and the like, and often function as a social lubricant, establishing
and maintaining solidarity (Manes, 1983; Herbert, 1990; Golato, 2005). Compli-
ments and the discourses that expand beyond single-statement compliments can
also serve multiple purposes. Speakers may give compliments which also function
as various other speech acts such as greetings, thanks, apologies, and congratula-
tions (Manes & Wolfson, 1981; Wolfson, 1989a). Compliments can also function
to soften face-threatening acts such as apologies, requests, and criticism (Wolfson,
1983; Brown & Levinson, 1987) and serve as a conversation strategy for open-
ing and sustaining conversation (Wolfson, 1983; Billmyer, 1990; Dunham, 1992).
Through compliments, speakers can express gratitude for and appraise the per-
formance or abilities of others (Golato, 2005) and reinforce desired behaviour
(Manes, 1983), or even flirt (Campo & Zuluaga, 2000). The major referents of com-
pliments include attributes of the interlocutor such as: appearance/possessions
(e.g. You look absolutely beautiful), performance/skills (e.g. Your presentation was
excellent), and personality traits (e.g. You are so sweet) (Knapp et al., 1984; Nelson
et al., 1993). In what follows, linguistic realisation of compliments and responses
to compliments in American English is summarised, as well as pragmatic variation
in sociopragmatic norms across languages.

2.1  Syntactic categories and word choice for compliments

In the 1980s, Wolfson and Manes collected over 1200 naturally-occurring com-
pliments in American English. More recent studies investigating compliments
appearing in the current U.S. media also found roughly comparable distribution
of these grammatical structures (Rose, 2001; Tatsuki & Nishizawa, 2005). The nine
categories that Manes and Wolfson (1981: 120) identified are listed below:

1. Your blouse is/looks (really) beautiful. (NP is/looks (really) ADJ)

2. I (really) like/love your car. (I (really) like/love NP)
3. That’s a (really) nice wall hanging. (PRO is (really) a ADJ NP)
4. You did a (really) good job. (You V a (really) ADV NP)
5. You really handled that situation well. (You V (NP) (really) ADV)
6. You have such beautiful hair! (You have (a) ADJ NP!)
7. What a lovely baby you have! (What (a) ADJ NP!)
8. Nice game! (ADJ NP!)
9. Isn’t your ring beautiful! (Isn’t NP ADJ!)

Eighty-five percent of compliments were found to fall into one of the first three
structures and 97% used one of the nine (Manes & Wolfson, 1981). The most
 Compliments and responses to compliments 

commonly used adjectives in compliments according to Manes and Wolfson

(1981) were: nice, good, pretty, great, and beautiful, although the list may be some-
what dated and may differ for other varieties of English (see the pedagogical section
for how the data could be updated).1

2.2  Semantic categories of responses to compliments

Semantically, common responses to compliments can be categorised into accep-
tance, mitigation/deflection, and rejection with sub-categories within each. Below
are categories and examples of compliment responses (adapted from Pomerantz,
1978; Herbert & Straight, 1989; Nelson et al., 1996):

1. Acceptance
–– Token of appreciation (Thanks/Thank you)
–– Agreement by means of a comment (Yeah, it’s my favourite, too)
–– Upgrading the compliment by self-praise (Yeah, I can play other sports
well too)
2. Mitigation/Deflection
–– Comment about history (I bought it for the trip to Arizona)
–– Shifting the credit (My brother gave it to me/It really knitted itself)
–– Questioning or requesting reassurance (Do you really like them?)
–– Reciprocating (So’s yours)
–– Downgrading (It’s really quite old)
3. Rejection
–– Disagreeing (A: You look good and healthy. B: I feel fat.)
4. No Response
5. Request Interpretation
 ddressee interprets the compliment as a request: (You wanna borrow
–– A
this one too?)
In some cultures, compliments may often be interpreted as an implicit request
(as in #5) (Holmes & Brown, 1987), so a response to a compliment on someone’s

1.  More statistical information regarding compliment exchanges in world languages can be
found by referring to the research links provided in the individual language pages of the
CARLA website http://www.carla.umn.edu/speechacts/compliments/index.html (accessed
June 22, 2009).
 Noriko Ishihara

possession may be: You can have it/It’s presented to you (lit.)2 (in Syrian Arabic,
Nelson et al., 1996: 425). In fact, Arabic and Turkish speakers often use formulaic
expressions and routines both in giving and responding to compliments (Dogancay,
1990; Nelson et al., 1993; Nelson et al., 1996). In other cultures, a flat rejection
of compliments is often preferred as a strategy of self-praise avoidance; a com-
pliment on one’s appearance or class presentation may be responded to with No,
I look like an old woman (in Korean, Han, 1992: 24), No, I don’t [look great]. Don’t
make fun at me [sic]. I know I’m just plain-looking (in Chinese, Yu, 2008: 42; also see
Chen, 1993) or No, that is not true (in Japanese, Daikuhara, 1986: 120). In con-
trast, in other languages an equally positive compliment may appear in a response
in a way that may not be typically English (Golato, 2002, 2005; Huth, 2006;
Kasper, 2007), as in Great, right? (in German, Golato, 2002: 566). As these examples
show, appropriate or typical responses to compliments can vary greatly across lan-
guages. The following section takes this further by discussing the complexity of
pragmatic variation with regard to compliments and responses to compliments.

3.  Research on compliments and responses to compliments

3.1 Further pragmatic variation with regard to giving and responding

to compliments
An appropriate or preferred range of pragmatic norms manifests itself differently
depending not just on the interlocutors’ culture (see Meier, this volume), but also
on their social backgrounds and individual personalities (e.g. regional, social, gen-
der, ethnic, and generational backgrounds) (macro-social variation, Schneider &
Barron, 2008). An example of macro-social variation with regard to compliment-
ing is found to be in its frequency. In some cultures, compliments may be given
more or less frequently than in some English-speaking cultures. In Barnlund and
Araki’s (1985) research, for example, American participants are reported to have
given a compliment within the previous 1.6 days, whereas in the case of the Japanese
this occurred only within the previous 13 days. Because speakers of American
English pay compliments as a way of acknowledging and praising positive attri-
butes, failing or neglecting to do so in this culture can be interpreted as a sign
of disapproval (Wolfson & Manes, 1980; Manes, 1983; Wolfson, 1989a). Further-
more, the use of piropos (flirtatious remarks) tend to be more socially accepted in

2.  A compliment response like this is often responded to with a formulaic expression, It looks
much nicer on its owner (Nelson et al., 1996: 425).
 Compliments and responses to compliments 

some Latin American cultures than in other Spanish cultures and in American
culture in general (Campo & Zuluaga, 2000; Sykes, 2006).3
Research also shows evidence of possible gender differences in the use of
compliments in some varieties of English.4 For example, women predominantly
used first or second person compliments (e.g. I love your purse! You look great! as
in Category #2) and exclamatory forms (What lovely earrings! As in #7), whereas
men preferred impersonal expressions (Great shoes! as in #8) (Holmes,  1988;
Herbert, 1990). Moreover, women may give and receive significantly more compli-
ments to each other than they do to men or men do to each other (Holmes, 1988).
Compliments offered by males may be more likely to be accepted especially by
males than those given by females (Herbert, 1990). Compliments by females may
often be employed as a negotiation of social distance and used to increase or
consolidate solidarity between the interlocutors, while those by males might be
viewed as face-threatening, indicating desire for the object being complimented
(Holmes, 1988).
Aside from macro-social variation, pragmatic language use is also sensitive
to various (and often subtle) contextual factors leading to micro-social varia-
tion (Schneider & Barron, 2008), (i.e. variation depending on, for example, the
interlocutors’ relative social status, psychological/social distance, and degree of
imposition). For instance, according to Wolfson (1989a), whereas compliments on
appearance or possessions can be given relatively freely regardless of the status of
the interlocutors in American culture, those on abilities or accomplishments seem
more restricted in their distribution. Speakers in higher positions are capable of
evaluating the performance of those of lower status, thus utilising compliments as
a means of reinforcing positive behaviour (Wolfson, 1989a).

3.2 Research on the effects of instruction on giving and responding

to compliments
Utilising the research findings such as those summarised in the previous sections,
L2 researchers and educators have attempted to incorporate this information into
L2 pedagogy. Research on pragmatics instruction has explored the relative effects
of explicit and implicit instruction and found explicit instruction to be generally

3.  Piropos are typically issued by males to females about their physical appearance (e.g. My
god! So many curves and me without brakes!, Campo & Zuluaga, 2000). The acceptability and
interpretation of piropos depends on various factors such as the interlocutor’s regional variety
of Spanish, age, occupation, and education.
4.  The research findings regarding gender differences in giving and responding compli-
ments may be due partly to the data collection procedures and need to be considered with
care (see Golato, 2005).
 Noriko Ishihara

more effective than the implicit approach (e.g. Kasper & Rose, 2002). Past studies
have investigated classroom instruction specifically on giving and responding to
compliments to determine whether and in what ways learners would benefit from
such instruction. These studies vary in terms of the research design and aims, the
data collection methods, the participant profiles, and the instructional times and
procedures, which can, in fact, help to assess potential effects of instruction across
a range of methodologies and instructional contexts.
Billmyer (1990) has investigated the effects of tutorials about compliments
and compliment responses on nine English as a second language (ESL) learners
and found considerable improvements in their pragmatic language use. After the
instruction, tutored learners produced a greater number of appropriate and spon-
taneous compliments, used a more extensive repertoire of semantically positive
adjectives, and adopted many more compliment-deflecting strategies in performing
compliment-inducing role-plays.
Rose and Kwai-fun (2001) examined the effects of inductive and deductive
instruction on ESL learners’ performance in relation to compliments and com-
pliment responses. While 16 learners in the deductive group were provided with
metapragmatic information through explicit instruction before engaging in exer-
cises, 16 learners in the inductive group conducted pragmatic analysis exercises
with an expectation that they arrive at the relevant generalisations themselves. The
authors found that both approaches assisted in pragmalinguistic improvement,
although only the deductive approach led to sociopragmatic development as mea-
sured by written discourse completion questionnaires.
Ishihara’s (2004) ESL classroom research also lends support to the positive
effects of instruction reported elsewhere. As the instruction progressed, 31 par-
ticipants produced longer written complimenting dialogues on appropriate topics,
approximated native speakers in their use of syntactic categories of compliments,
and utilised newly-learned response strategies in their written vignettes. One
year after instruction, a subset of learners demonstrated retention of central skills
through written vignettes although a limited number of response strategies were
marginally employed.
More recently, compliment-response sequences have been taught to 20
American learners of German based on naturally-occurring data (Huth, 2006).
After the 100-minute instruction, learners’ post-instructional telephone dialogues
with each other showed that they were able to anticipate and co-construct a typi-
cally German compliment-response sequence. Huth’s conversation analysis (CA)
of the spoken data also documented instances of negative pragmatic transfers,
conversational repairs, and awkwardness in concluding the sequence. In addition,
learners also produced a typically-German discourse sequence with a distinct
voice quality to mark the foreignness as a way of negotiating their cultural orienta-
tion. Huth (2006) and Huth and Taleghani-Nikazm (2007) point out benefits of
 Compliments and responses to compliments 

using naturally-occurring data as a basis of pragmatics-focused instruction, and

argue that CA-based analysis and materials can effectively serve language education
(see González-Lloret, this volume).
In a Japanese as a foreign language (JFL) context, enhanced pragmatic aware-
ness was observed in L2 learners’ reflective journaling written in their first lan-
guage (L1) after explicit instruction on giving and responding to compliments
through online self-access materials (Ishihara, 2007). Learners demonstrated an
understanding of the importance of, for example, appropriate word choice and
semantic strategies in giving and responding to compliments according to the
interlocutor and the situation, maintaining appropriate distance in giving a com-
pliment, and the use of an appropriate pragmatic tone. In sum, research findings
reported in this section appear to suggest that L2 learners can benefit from formal
instruction on giving and responding to compliments in becoming more effective
communicators in social interaction in the L2.

4.  Teaching the speech act of compliments and responses to compliments

4.1 Theoretical frameworks for pragmatics-focused instruction

and implications for pedagogy
A primary cognitive framework that serves as the backdrop of the instruction in
the above-mentioned studies is an awareness-raising approach grounded in the
noticing hypothesis (e.g. Kasper & Schmidt, 1996; Schmidt, 2001). The assumption
is that pragmatics can best be learned through explicit instruction, where learners
consciously attend to both specific linguistic forms and relevant contextual factors
and understand the relationship between the language and the context.
Another framework that becomes relevant to the instruction of L2 pragmatics is
second language socialisation theory (e.g. Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986; Watson-Gegeo &
Nielsen, 2003), which views language learning as socially situated in communi-
ties of practice (Lave & Wenger, 1991; Wenger, 1998). Novice community members
(such as language learners or children) learn to use language appropriately through
exposure to and participation in the practices of the local (or an imagined) com-
munity. Knowing linguistic patterns and appropriate language use, in turn, allows
the novice members to become competent communicators and central participants
in the community.
However, language socialisation theory contends that novice members are not
necessarily passive recipients of sociocultural practices, but rather may actively
and selectively co-construct existing norms in the community and the outcome
of the interaction (e.g. Garrett & Baquedano-López, 2002). Due to their multi-
cultural subjectivities, L2 speakers have been found to intentionally resist what
 Noriko Ishihara

they perceive as native-speaker norms at times despite an awareness and linguistic

command of such norms (e.g. Siegal, 1996; LoCastro, 2003). Learners’ pragmatic
choices, whether an accommodation or a resistance to perceived community
norms, are borne out of their negotiation of subjectivities and exercise of agency
(Ishihara, 2008). Thus, care must be taken during instruction not to impose native-
speaker norms upon learners’ language production (e.g. Thomas, 1983; Kasper &
Rose, 2002) and, in assessment, not to penalise learners for non-target-like behav-
iour for which they deliberately opted.
In fact, a key to instruction and assessment of pragmatics may be to utilise
distinct strategies for (1) learners’ awareness of community norms and pragma-
linguistic control, and (2) their pragmatic L2 use as a way of negotiating their
subjectivities. Teachers need to inform learners and assess their pragmatic compre-
hension based on the range of L2 norms so that learners are more able to interpret
the intended meaning of community members according to the given social inter-
action. It is also important to ensure that learners become linguistically capable of
producing the L2 if this is indeed the intention of the learners. At the same time,
culturally-sensitive teachers would evaluate learners’ pragmatic use of language
not in terms of how much it approximates the range of native-speaker norms,5
but based on the intended meanings and the nuances that the learners choose
to communicate. Accordingly, the teachers’ task should include raising learners’
awareness of potential consequences of emulating or flouting community norms,
such as their interlocutors’ possible interpretations and reactions to their prag-
matically divergent behaviour (see Martínez-Flor & Usó-Juan, this volume). With
these issues in mind, the following section provides a pedagogical proposal for
teaching giving and responding to compliments.

4.2  A teaching approach

As many have argued, pragmatics instruction should not depend solely on a teacher’s
or curriculum writer’s intuition but should be drawn from research-based

5.  Because non-native speakers can be as pragmatically effective as some native speakers,
and because not all native speakers are necessarily pragmatically competent, I wish to depart
from the misleading dichotomy of native vs. non-native speakers wherever possible. Par-
ticularly with regard to English, the demarcation between native and non-native speakers is
becoming increasingly blurred with the spread of English as an international language. Rather
than relying on this questionable distinction, I view one’s pragmatic competence as contextu-
ally constructed in interaction that is often negotiable in context, whoever the speaker and the
listener may be. This is another reason for emphasising the speaker’s goals and intentions, the
way that they are interpreted by the listener, and the likely consequences of the interaction in
pragmatics instruction.
 Compliments and responses to compliments 

information as much as possible to reflect authentic language use. Research find-

ings, such as those summarised in the last two sections of this paper, have been
directly applied to the instruction proposed below. Because learners’ subjectivities
are closely intertwined with their L2 pragmatic use, the instruction and assess-
ment procedures suggested below are specifically designed to take this issue into
account by facilitating learners’ cross-cultural interpretation of the speech acts
of giving and responding to compliments and by supporting their negotiation of
identities through the use of compliments and compliment responses. The instruc-
tional objectives can include one or more of the following:

1. Learners will be able to identify differing norms of behaviour across cultures

with regard to giving and responding to compliments.
2. Learners will be able to assess appropriateness and sincerity of compliments
and responses to compliments, considering the relative social status of the
interlocutors, their familiarity with each other, and the suitability of the refer-
ents of compliments.
3. Learners will be able to express their intentions by producing: (1) compli-
ments using appropriate adjectives, referents, and syntactic categories, and
(2) responses of various syntactic categories according to the context.

The instruction can be composed of activities at several stages, such as: (1) intro-
duction, (2) discussion of functions and syntactic categories of compliments,
(3)  learners’ data collection and analysis, (4) analysis of compliment responses,
(5) interactive practice, (6) discussion of sociopragmatic norms across cultures/
sub-cultures, and (7) assessment and learners’ reflection.
The instructional model proposed below can be used with intermediate learn-
ers, taking approximately 300 minutes of class time given in multiple sessions
(i.e. six fifty-minute sessions). Alternatively, various sections of this lesson can be
incorporated into a regular ESL and English as a foreign language (EFL) curricu-
lum when the topic becomes relevant. It should be noted that these activities, the
instructional time, and the sequence in which they are presented are merely a set
of illustrative examples. In reality, various factors, such as learners’ proficiency
and characteristics, the teacher’s principles and professional preparation, and con-
straints in instructional contexts, would play a role in determining how best this
particular area of pragmatics can be taught. Below, each of the instructional stages
is described and some are illustrated with actual learner responses. The student
worksheets can be accessed from a link at: http://www.i.hosei.ac.jp/~ishihara.6

6.  A similar lesson plan and materials designed for intermediate/advanced Japanese can be
found in Ishihara and Maeda (in press).
 Noriko Ishihara

4.3  Introduction
At the initial stage, learners’ knowledge of their L1 pragmatics can be elicited and
utilised as a point of comparison with L2 pragmatic norms. After the teacher gives
some examples of compliments and defines the term, learners can engage in role-
play demonstrating a dialogue that includes compliments in their L1.7 Learners
can then be asked to role-play the same situation in the L2 and discuss differences
in the range of pragmatic norms that they may already be aware of. Learners’ L1
may be used strategically for the purpose of illustration or discussion.
For the sake of cross-cultural analysis, it may be effective to use a scenario in
which speakers of L1 and L2 often respond differently. For example, for Japanese
EFL students, a suitable scenario may include one complimenting his/her interloc-
utor’s spouse or family member in the role of an acquaintance. In Japanese culture,
intimates are often considered in-group members and even part of oneself, and
a typical response would be to flatly reject (or at least deflect) the compliment
(No, that’s not true) (Daikuhara, 1986). This is in sharp contrast with a gener-
ally acceptable English response of agreeing or even upgrading the compliment
received (Yes, I’m proud of my son, Wolfson, 1989b). Because the rejection of the
compliment typically constitutes avoidance of self-praise, a virtue in their culture,
learners may choose to use the same strategy in English in an attempt to express
their humility. This creates a teachable moment when students, with the teacher’s
guidance, can learn about the range of pragmatic norms and underlying cultural
values associated with the L2 (e.g. the value of gracefully accepting compliments,
the virtue of expressing love and family pride). With the guiding questions shown
in Example (1), learners may be able to analyse how differently their response could
be interpreted in the home and target cultures and why that might be the case:
(1) Guiding questions
– How would a rejection of a compliment, No, that’s not true, sound to a typical
Japanese speaker? How might it sound to an English speaker?
– What would a response, Yes, she is beautiful and intelligent. I’m so proud
of her sound to a typical Japanese speaker? How might it sound to an
English speaker?
– Give another situation where Japanese speakers may refuse a compliment
they receive. What would they say? What might other Japanese speakers
say in response to the same compliment? How might most English
speakers respond in the same situation? How else might they react?

7.  At this stage, learners’ L1 compliments and responses may not accurately represent actual
use. At a subsequent instructional phase, learners have an opportunity to observe authentic
compliments by collecting and analysing naturally-occurring compliments in the L1 and L2.
 Compliments and responses to compliments 

In this discussion, it is important to avoid stereotyping either of the cultures and to

incorporate pragmatic variation as much as possible as in the last prompt. Incor-
porating examples of L1 intra-lingual variation in compliment and compliment
response behaviour is one way to do this, particularly in a foreign language setting
where learners share their L1.
Depending on the level of the proficiency and pragmatic awareness of learn-
ers, as well as the instructional time available, additional discussions may follow.
The guiding questions can include the following (Example 2):
(2) Guiding questions
– What do people compliment others on? (What are some of the topics
of compliments?)
– Who is giving and responding to the following compliments?8 Pay
attention to what they say, and imagine who they are, where they are
from, and what their relationship may be.
a. “Nice shirt!” – “I just dug it out of my closet.”
b. “I like the colour of your lipstick.” – “Oh, thanks.”
c. “What an unusual necklace. It’s beautiful.” – “Please take it.”

These prompts can stimulate discussion on gender differences in complimenting

and appropriate referents of compliments across cultures. For instance, an inter-
action such as b is likely to be acceptable between females in English, although it
can also be appropriate between a male and a female in some varieties of Spanish
(Campo & Zuluaga, 2000; Ishihara, 2004). The idiomatic expression in response
c may be uncommon in English while it can be acceptable in Samoan and Arabic
cultures (Holmes & Brown, 1987; Nelson et al., 1996). The discussion about these
examples may deepen learners’ understanding of world cultures and help to pre-
pare for interaction with World English speakers. In a foreign language context,
metapragmatic discussion may be more effectively conducted in learners’ L1.

4.4  Discussion of functions and syntactic categories of compliments

Research-based information can be utilised in order to deepen learners’ under-
standing of multiple functions of compliments and provide some pragmalinguistic
practice. Learners can work in small groups to match short dialogue samples with
functions of the compliments. Learners can also be introduced to the syntactic cat-
egories of compliments (above) and practice using each structure in pairs, giving,
as far as possible, natural and spontaneous compliments as possible.

8.  Examples a and b come from the data from Ishihara (2004); example c comes from
Holmes and Brown (1987: 526).
 Noriko Ishihara

4.5  Learners’ data collection and analysis

In this part of the instruction, learners observe complimenting behaviour of
pragmatically-competent speakers of English in the community or in the media.
Although language in the media is sometimes scripted and often delivered with
exaggerated gestures and actions, the dialogues in these sources are not written for
instructional purposes and thus can provide a relatively authentic model for prag-
matic use, especially in language contexts where learners’ authentic input might be
limited (e.g. Eslami & Eslami-Rasekh, 2008; Martínez-Flor, 2007).
Using a worksheet, learners are to record three or more compliments that they
give, receive, or overhear outside of class. Learners follow the format in the hand-
out (see Appendix) and analyse the appropriateness of the referent and language
of compliments in consideration of the given contextual factors (e.g. age, gender,
social status, role, and distance of the interlocutors). Then learners can assess
the overall level of perceived sincerity, spontaneity, and appropriateness of each
interaction. This process of data collection and analysis can be modelled using
authentic data, such as a scene from the film, Father of the Bride (see Appendix).
Learners can also be asked to give compliments and record their own interactions.
In paying compliments, learners are advised to be mindful of appropriate referents
in relation to the recipient of the compliments and the context of each interaction.
The initial learner involvement in this notebook data collection can raise learners’
pragmatic awareness, provide authentic linguistic input/output, and create a learner-
centred class. Since complimenting could be naturally initiated by learners, they can
practice this with other speakers during the course of the conversation. Examples (3),
(4) and (5) provide some of the learners’ data quoted as written:
(3) A. Your jacket is cool!
B. My favourite!
A. Expensive?
B. No.
(4) A. You speak English very well. You speak fluently.
B. No, I want to speak English more fluently.
(5) A. Hi, there.
B. Hi. You’re looking sharp!
A. Really? Thanks.
B. Yeah. Your tie really matches your suit.
A. Thank you! This tie is actually a gift from my daughter.
B. Wow, I must say she has a great taste.

Part of such learner-collected data can be shared with the entire class not only to
review and identify the syntactic categories and adjectives used in the compliments,
but also to identify the context in which these interactions occurred. For instance,
learners can guess the relative social status, age, gender, the level of familiarity,
 Compliments and responses to compliments 

and cultural backgrounds of the interlocutors, the cultural meaning and inten-
tions that the interlocutors probably intended to convey, and the likelihood
of those intentions being successfully communicated. Such data collection and
analyses can function to update research-established information about pragmatic
norms (as summarised in the second section of this chapter) and identify a range
of pragmatic norms in the learners’ community or in the media (also see Lee &
McChesney’s discourse rating tasks, 2000).

4.6  Analysis of compliment responses

This is another phase of instruction where research findings can be directly shared
with learners. Students can analyse examples of complimenting interactions and
identify the semantic categories of the responses summarised above. Alternatively,
learners can match the examples with the categories given in a random order. For
additional practise, learners can go back to the data they collected themselves and
analyse the semantic categories of the responses in the data. For intermediate or
advanced learners, a sample of naturally-occurring dialogue may also be useful
so that they can analyse the organisation of interactional discourse and the way
compliments are used to open, develop, or close a conversation.

4.7  Interactive practice

The giving and responding to compliments can be practised interactively in a min-
gling activity. Learners form two concentric circles, each one facing a partner
(see Figure 1 below for this visualisation and an alternative). One compliments
the other and the other responds. They then sustain the conversation until they
are asked to discontinue and change partners. At this point, the outer circle rotates
and each takes on a new partner. This procedure is repeated, making sure to switch
the roles after learners have practiced a given role sufficiently. In this activity, the
learners can be instructed not always to accept compliments, but are advised to
express themselves in the most comfortable manner using the newly-learned
expressions of self-praise avoidance when appropriate.

In concentric circles In rows

Figure 1.  Interactive practice for giving and responding to compliments

 Noriko Ishihara

In the case where learner production observed in this interactional practice

is awkward or not sufficiently diversified, it would be helpful to expose learners to
additional authentic language data. Learners can role-play authentic interactional
samples provided by the teacher, analyse these in terms of the word choice and
semantic categories, and produce similar role-plays to enhance their pragmalin-
guistic control.9 Subsequent class discussion can also enhance learners’ awareness
of the nuances of the interactions (e.g. how sincere or appropriate the compliment
sounds, how the interlocutors are likely to interpret each other’s pragmatic behav-
iour, and what the consequences may be).

4.8  Discussion of sociopragmatic norms across cultures/sub-cultures

A reading assignment or additional class discussion can be provided utilising
excerpts about pragmatic norms and values of a certain (sub)culture (e.g. positive
values of mainstream Americans in Wolfson, 1983: 113–114) and prompts for critical
reflection. Example (6) below provides some sample guiding questions. Teacher
feedback can be given individually in writing or discussed in class as a whole.
(6) Guiding questions
– Does the positive value of being slender apply to both men and women in
the U.S.? Why/why not?
– What possible danger can accompany a compliment with regard to
losing weight?
– What does it mean in mainstream American culture when new appearances
or possessions are not complimented on?

4.9  Assessment and learners’ reflection

Assessment can be conducted not just by the teacher but also by learners themselves
or by their peers. Informal assessment in particular does not have to wait until the
end of instruction but can be incorporated into the regular instructional routine
as a way of providing feedback.10 For language-focused assessment of learners’
production, the rubric in Assessment sample 1 (Table 1 below) can be used or
adapted after the teacher (and ideally, the learners alike) gains a clear understanding
of each of the criteria. This rubric is designed to assess the pragmalinguistic con-
trol of the learners by asking them to role-play what they think typical speakers
of the L2 would say, rather than how they would negotiate their subjectivities.

9.  Student worksheets for this additional input are available from the above-mentioned link.
10.  Learners may need step-by-step scaffolding in learning to self-evaluate. See the student
worksheet online for an example where learner and instructor feedback is juxtaposed to facili-
tate reflection on the part of the learners.
 Compliments and responses to compliments 

Assessment samples 2 and 3 (Tables 2 and 3) illustrate an assessment of learners’

pragmatic use in relation to what they intend to convey. The written format of this
assessment facilitates the learners’ reflection and the teachers’ analysis, and is conve-
nient in the context of a large class. More authentic learner language may be elicited
through role-play, and the teachers’ assessment can be provided based on audio- or
video-recorded interactions. The sample instructor comments below serve to raise
learners’ awareness of the range of community norms as well as of their interlocu-
tors’ probable interpretations of pragmatic behaviour. While these examples are of
informal assessment using narrative feedback, a slightly amended format can be
used for quantifying learners’ pragmatic awareness and production, which would
be useful for a more formal assessment (see Ishihara, in press a, b for more details
about numerical assessment and assessment of receptive pragmatics skills).
Table 1.  Assessment sample 1
a. Overall directness, politeness, and formality, tone (e.g. use of intensifiers, 4  3  2  1
word choice, use of space, eye-contact, and gestures)
b. Choice of complimenting/responding strategies (e.g. choice of topic and use 4  3  2  1
of grammar in compliments, choice and use of compliment response strategies)
c. Overall comprehensibility (in terms of conveying intention) 4  3  2  1
(e.g. pronunciation, word choice, grammar, sequencing)

Table 2.  Assessment sample 2

Your friend, Kate, is giving you praise. Write
your response as if you were talking to her.

Kate: I like your hat.

You: Keep liking.

Indicate your intention as a speaker.

X_ I want to make a response the way most
people do in the community.
__ I would want my response to sound (a little)
more (formal/informal), (polite/impolite),
or ________ than most other people.
__ I choose not to use common behaviour
because __________________________
__ Other (Specify: ________________)

Teacher’s comments:
Because you and Kate are friends, your level of
formality is appropriate. Your response carries a
humorous tone because your word choice, keep
liking, is uncommon in American English (even
though keep –ing is grammatical). However,
Kate will most likely understand your message
fine. Most people would say, “Thanks,” “(I’m)
glad you like it,” or “I’ll wear it more often.”
 Noriko Ishihara

Table 3.  Assessment sample 3

Your friend, Steve, is complimenting you on your class
presentation. Write your response as if you were talking to
him.

Steve: Nice job!

You: No, I didn’t do well.

Indicate your intention as a speaker.

__ I want to make a response the way most people do in the
community.
X_ I would want my response to sound (a little) more
(formal/informal), (polite/ impolite), or humble than
most other people.
__ I choose not to use common behaviour because
__________________________________________
__ Other (Specify: _______________)

Teacher’s comments:
Because you and Steve are friends, your level of formality is
appropriate. Steve may understand your modesty and
politeness if he knows you well. Other people may feel
rejected if you have a sharp or flat tone of voice; direct
refusal of compliments is very strong and can be impolite.
Most English speakers phrase their modesty this way: “Do
you really think so?” “Well, I didn’t think so myself, but
thanks,” or “I think it could have been better.”

At the end of the instruction, learners can individually or collectively reflect

on what they have learned about giving and responding to compliments and what
questions they may still have. The instruction can conclude with a discussion of the
ways in which learners are able to discover answers to their own queries or an infor-
mal survey of the other areas of pragmatics which learners may be interested in.

5.  Conclusion

Literature has heavily documented instances of embarrassment, dismay, and

offense experienced by learners in giving and responding to compliments in
English (Holmes & Brown, 1987; Dunham, 1992). Lack of pragmatic compe-
tence can easily lead to a negative interpretation of the interlocutor’s personal
traits and stereotypes of other cultures (Wolfson, 1989a). Because compliments
and responses to compliments reflect positive values underlying learners’ home
and target cultures, instruction regarding these can enhance learners’ cultural lit-
eracy as well as their linguistic control of such speech acts. Compliments can also
 Compliments and responses to compliments 

serve as a conversational tool whereby learners are able to establish solidarity and
become more integrated into the target culture as they wish. Through instruction,
teachers can assist learners in interpreting others’ compliments and responses as
intended. Learners can also be encouraged to practise negotiating their own val-
ues, intentions, and subjectivities through giving and responding to compliments
in preparation for authentic cross-cultural interactions. The endeavours of both
teachers and learners in this respect will hopefully contribute to the enhancement
of cross-cultural understanding in today’s globalising world.

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Appendix

Learners’ worksheet for their data collection and analysis

For the next coming week, pay attention to any compliments that you give,
receive, or overhear in English or in Japanese. Jot them down in the original
 Noriko Ishihara

language in your notepad as accurately as possible after the conversation has

ended. Observe carefully the context in which these compliments were given and
received in terms of gender, age, social status, distance, role, and compliment top-
ics. Fill out the following form and then decide how appropriate the interaction
seemed to be. (L1 instructions here if necessary)

Gender Distance Compliment Appropri-

Age Role topics ate?
Social Status Sincere?
Example (from Father of the Bride):
(note-taking and analysis to be M→F very close appearance appropriate
modeled in class)
Dad: You look all lit up inside. 40s → early 20s father → perfume and sincere
Annie: Oh, I feel all lit up inside. status equals daughter
Mom: Maybe we should go to Rome
for a few months, honey.
Annie: Oh, you two would love it.
It’s the most romantic place
on earth.
Dad: You smell pretty good, too.
Annie: Oh, you like it? It was a present.
Interaction 1
(allow appropriate space on actual
handout here and below)
Interaction 2
Interaction 3

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