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The Politics and Morality of Deviance

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SUNY Series Ronald in Deviance A. Farrell, and Editor Social Control

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The Politics and Morality of Deviance

Moral Panics, and Reversed Drug Abuse, Stigmatization Deviant Science,



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State Published University by of New York Press, Albany © 1990 State University of New York Allrightsreserved Printed in the United States of America No articles part and of this reviews. book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical

State For information, University Plaza, address Albany, State University NY 12246 of New York Press, Library of Congress Cataloging­in­Publication Data Ben­Yehuda, Nachman. deviant p. The cm. politics — science, (SUNY and and morality series reversed in of deviance deviance: stigmatization and moral social / panics, Nachman control) drug Ben­Yehuda. abuse, Bibliography: Includesindex. p. ISBN 1. 3. HM291.B3863 Deviant Deviant 0­7914­0122­7.—ISBN behavior—Philosophy. behavior—Comparative 1990 0­7914­0123­5 2. method. Power (Social I. Title. (pbk.) sciences) II. Series. 302.5'42—dc19 89­4201 CIP

2. method. Power (Social I. Title. (pbk.) sciences) II. Series. 302.5'42 —dc19 89­4201 CIP 10 9

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2

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Erich To Goode Victor and Azarya

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Part One: General Theoretical Foundations Chapter One: Theoretical Foundations: Deviance


Chapter Two: Theoretical Foundations: The Micro­Macro Link


Part Two: The Politics and Morality of Deviance: Theory Chapter Three:


Chapter Four:


Part Three: The Politics and Morality of Deviance: Cases Chapter of Moral Five: Panics A May 1982 Drug Scare: Toward a New Sociological Synthesis


Chapter Symbolic­Moral Six: Drug Universes Abuse Social Meet Policy in Comparative Perspective: When


Chapter Seven: Deviant Sciences: Early Radio Astronomy


Chapter Degradation,Stigmatization,andDeviantization Eight: The Politicization of Deviance: Resisting and Reversing


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Part Four: Concluding Discussion Chapter Nine: Concluding Discussion


Part Five: Notes and Bibliography Notes






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Writing patient during a book this is a process. long process. My gratitude I would is first also and to our foremost parents, like Dina, to express Hanna, my and deepest Yehuda. gratitude to Etti, Tzach, and Guy, who were most loving, understanding, and

Einstein, Menachem S. N. and Eisenstadt, Delila Amir, Ruth Gideon El­Roy, Aran, Kai Zvi Erikson, Ariel, Yaron Said Arjomand, Ezrachi, Ken Ivan Feldman, Chase, Nils Norman Christie, Goodman, Erik Cohen, Don Handelman, Stephen Cole, Ziv Gerald Hassid, Cromer, Menachem Steve Horowitz, Dubin, Stanley Mike Seligman,MichaelShalev,BoasShamir,VeredVinitzky­Seroussi, of Inbar, various James ideas. Inverarity, Einat Usant, Roberta Karant, Baruch Kimmerling, and Rachel Pat Wasserfal Lauderdale, all Rafael helped Mechoulam, with good advice, Israel information, Nachshon, Dan and Patinkin, sometimes Jim lengthy Rule, Adam discussions

Grote chapter Gary Albrecht Reber eight provided are and greatly Judith indispensable appreciated. A. Levy provided advice The late on most Joseph radio useful astronomy. Ben­David's suggestions comments and comments on the for early chapter work five. in radio Harvey astronomy Goldberg's were constructive most helpful. and Woodruff essential T. comments Sullivan on and Victor Azarya, Stanley Cohen, Moshe Lissak, Barry Schwartz and William Shaffir gave me some of the most valuable suggestions, ideas and constructive comments. deeply my My colleagues. discussions acknowledged. with Erich The Goode, amount his of effort detailed and and constructive continuous criticism suggestions that went and comments, into reading valuable a long manuscript and generous and help commenting and support on are it in gratefully, fact keeps admirably, renewing my and faith in

ways. I am most thankful to the five anonymous readers whose comments on the original draft helped to improve the quality of the manuscript in numerous and constructive

I am also very grateful for the competent technical assistance given to me by Ora Dill, Michal Falk, Sabina Honigwacks, Anna Ketof,

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and Nili Sobol. I am grateful to Advanced Communications in Jerusalem and, particularly, to Libby Lazewnik's endless patience and superb typing. The former "Mercaz Letiud" in the Department of Sociology, Hebrew University, provided the necessary newspaper clips for chapter eight.

University. The funds to I am begin particularly this research indebted were to provided Nava Enosh, by Keren whose Eshkol advice (research was most contract fruitful. no. The 0381037) study was and later the funded research by fund the Israeli of the Faculty Foundations of Social Trustees, Sciences, research Hebrew strength support, This contract department to sometimes no. continue 86­01­007. provided during and finish I all am difficult the very the necessary project. grateful times, of means to my both colleagues that for enabled their at support. the and Department helped My gratitude me of to begin Sociology is to this the study and Department Social during Anthropology one of Sociology fruitful sabbatical. at at Hebrew State University The University firm, enthusiastic, of most New certainly York, and Stony gave continuous Brook. me the Foote, I am very production grateful editors, to Rosalie for M. their Robertson, most essential my most help. helpful I am also and very cordial grateful editor to from Professor SUNY Ronald Press, Farrell, for all her whose efforts help and and kindness, advice were and to most Sharon valuable. Lougheed and Dana The project practical, from the emotional, realm of the and imagination moral support into given the realm enthusiastically of reality. by Goggie and Al Blitstein, our most cherished and deeply loved second family, helped transform this

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Theoretical Chapter One Foundations Deviance

The Puzzle of this Book morality,anddeviance. This book attempts to provide one interpretative answer for the intellectual and empirical puzzle regarding the sociological nature of the connections among politics, The different sociology and specific of deviance case studies has been in accused an explicit of trivializing and continuing itself. attempt The Politics to drive and the Morality sociology of of Deviance deviance into charts mainstream first a theoretical sociology. framework I argue that and deviance then applies should it to be four analyzed interpreted as as a relative the product phenomenon of negotiations in different about and the changing nature of cultures morality vis­à­vis and the change use and and legitimization stability in the of power. boundaries Mills's of different (1940) concept symbolic­moral of motivational universes. accounting Deviance is systems brings on deviance. together, is utilized in an throughout unconventional the text way, in order neofunctionalism, to illustrate how non­Marxist processes conflict in the micro approach, and macro and symbolic levels of interaction analysis can theory be integrated. to create Thus, an integrated the theoretical new analytical framework look

I will argue that the legitimization of power should be thought of in terms of a moral order that in turn defines the societal boundaries of different symbolic­moral

power or universes. which and are Problematic morality, directed would from behavioral the fall periphery into acts, the which area of a of symbolic­moral take politics place and at the deviance. universe realm of toward the seams, its center where and boundaries vice versa, of and different which symbolic­moral involve challenges universes (use or meet abuse) and of touch

those I make in a the distinction centers, between and political political elements deviance, in ''regular" which includes deviance. direct The and last explicit category acts refers that either to exposing challenge and the social order, or the abuse of power and morality by

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analyzing the elements of power and morality in so­called regular deviance. of The drug four abuse. different The case second studies case are compares presented drug in four abuse separate social policy chapters. in the The United first case States is an and analysis Israel. of The the third development case details of the a moral development panic that of was early focused radio astronomy on the issue process from a deviant of deviantization. knowledge In claim all the to cases, an orthodox the analysis science. s based The fourth on the case confrontations examines how, and negotiations and why, in between a particular different case, a symbolic­moral political figure was universes able to and totally on the reverse use and a case legitimization is interpreted of power. in such The a way concept so as of to motivational provide the largest accounting possible systems basis is for used generalizations in each case in within order sociology to bridge in the general micro­macro and the levels sociology of analysis. of deviance Furthermore, in particular. each The the analytical book is divided approach into that nine is chapters, taken in this organized book regarding in five parts. deviance. The first The part second includes focus chapters is on motivational one and two accounting and is focused systems on as two a bridging topics. The mechanism first is a discussion between the of micro power. and The macro third part levels consists of analysis. of four The chapters second that part provide includes detailed chapters analyses three and of four the cases. and analyzes Part four the presents complex the analytical concluding relationships discussion, among and part deviance, five the morality, notes and and bibliography. Introduction: Deviance 1 Defining solution of by they what others still the to tend deviance as the specific a to sociologically problem place has nature it always of on definition of the constructed deviance been margins problematic. has is. of analytical apparently In mainstream addition, With concept. not there sociology. the yet exception been Furthermore, exists found One the of dichotomy must the (e.g., while general be see reminded, for Lemert of statement many deviance 1983; however, scholars that being Rock deviance deviance that approached 1985). while is has Such focused the been by specific a some broad identified around as content definition, one the as facade violation of a legitimate what however, of actually of a defined norms, sociological only constitutes social a begs satisfactory the reality specialty, question and

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"deviance" Goode 1984a). changes from one culture to another, as well as within one culture, deviance itself as a social and analytical category is a universal one (e.g., Schur 1979;

Since its inception, the sociology of deviance seems to have suffered from at least two major problems. The first is a theoretical chaos. This problem was raised that originally " … theorizing in 1943 by in C. contemporary Wright Mills deviance and was has again stagnated." mentioned Thus, in 1981 even by today Piven the and sociology in 1984 of by deviance Scull. Terry can and be characterized Steffensmeier as (1988, fragmented 60) have and recently theoretically pointed chaotic. out

consider prostitution, The second total major the social hit problem man, structures the was con and also man, fell mentioned the into check a deep by forger, (yet C. Wright interesting) the drug Mills user, trap in 1943 and of small­scale the and like. was Rock echoed studies (1973a) by about Scull even various in claimed 1984. esoteric, This that is the sensational the emphasis fact that types in the the sociology of sociology deviance, of of deviance such deviance as call failed on girls, to studying (1974) reconstruction also the claimed phenomenon of the that social the has world sociology given as rise seen of to by deviance a those radical living had type created in of it) phenomenalism and an artificial essentialism contradiction that (searching views society between for the as underlying phenomenalism a collection properties of small (emphasizing units of the lacking social the an order). need overall for an structure. accurate Later, and reliable Rock

Elsewhere (Ben­Yehuda 1985), I argued that the sociological study of deviance must consider total social structures and/or processes by examining deviance as a relative boundaries. deviance phenomenon should This be approach reframed and as is part consistent (Goffman of larger 1974) with social those within processes envisaged general of change societal by Piven and processes, (1981), stability Scull in in a the dynamic (1984), realm and historical of Terry symbolic­moral and and Steffensmeier political universes perspective. (1988) (Berger in maintaining and Luckmann that 1966) the study and of their

stability This by coherently conceptualization and change. integrating This means the book, micro­macro that however, the sociological goes levels beyond of study analysis, my of 1985 deviance using formulation, the need concept not first, of be motivational problematic by focusing accounting or not marginal, only on systems. and morality could but be used also on to explain the political major sphere societal too; processes and second, of

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foundations" Second, To achieve I shall the part above explain will goals, be how dominated and I shall why first by the explain these concept considerations. how of motivational the concept of accounting deviance can systems be interpreted can be used within to bridge such mainstream the micro­macro sociological levels of concepts analysis. as The change "theoretical and stability. Deviance, Change, and Stability Complex pluralistic societies are characterized by a multiplicity of centers, each one enveloped by a particular symbolic­moral universe that demarcates its moral phenomenon introduce boundaries. elements Reactions within of the flexibility to context deviance, of and societal in hence this context, change. change and would This stability conceptualization either (a help fuller to redefine discussion fits very the well of moral this the particular boundaries more general conceptualization of these theoretical symbolic­moral orientation will be presented of universes viewing in in chapter deviance a rigid three). way as a or relative help to This importance analytical lies approach with the fact obviously that the reinforces social construction the stand that of deviance, deviance, and as an the empirical way it is phenomenon reacted to, may and be a utilized theoretical as key concept, analytical is an concepts important if sociological we wish to better construct. Its understand conversely,remainrigid. change and stability; the ways symbolic­moral universes meet, negotiate, and clash; and how the societal moral boundaries of these universes change or,

The interpretative constructed. concept of Consequently, analysis deviance (e.g., that deviance emerges see Orcutt may from 1983, become this 59–62; book, an and important Geertz from 1973; my concept previous Walzer in interpreting work 1987). (1985), It implies processes is anchored that of deviance change in a specific and is a stability. relative theoretical rhetorical framework device that that is focused is socially on an


successful, as to enforce and their enforceable, definition social and version construction of morality of a particular on others. label This of process deviance always depends involves on the delineating ability of and one, emphasizing or more, groups boundaries to use between (or generate) different enough symbolic­ power deviants and the social environment in which they

moral universes. What this theoretical approach implies is that the process of negotiating the moral meaning of rhetorical devices is continuous and ongoing between


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live and function. Deviance, in this analytical perspective, always results from negotiations about morality and the configuration of power relationships. Deviance as a Relative Rhetoric The implication of the above theoretical stand is relativistic and negates the opposite absolutist or normative and narrower approach (e.g., see Hills 1980, 8–11; 15–21), Douglas the and perspective Waksler 1982, presented 8–25; here Orcutt is modern. 1975, 1983, It emphasizes 3–29; Thio deviance 1988, 3–24; as a (1) and relative a similar phenomenon; argument by (2) Woolgar subjective and experience; Pawluch 1985). and (3) 2 voluntary In Thio's terms act. (1988, The placed "relativity" in the pillary of deviance on public is easily display. illustrated Today, labeling in the following the husband two examples. a 'male chauvinist "In Pilgrim pig' America would be of only the 1600's, one of several a wife who possible defied responses the wishes to a of husband her husband who could treated be his Cartwright, wife in any M.D., such and manner" which only (Suchar affected 1978, slaves. 7). Conrad Its major and symptom Schneider was (1980, running 35) notice away from the "disease'' the white called masters' "drapetomania," plantations. which was discussed in 1851 by Samuel

nonproblematic intrinsicallycriminal While the relative (e.g., conception … positivism) [because] of deviance crime most certainly is seems a form do almost of not behaviour adopt self­evident, the defined relative it by has position. the been powerful attacked. In 1975, to control Theoretical Wellford the attributed powerless approaches to … the that "(334; labeling take see the approach also existence Pearce the of 1976). following deviance The stand: as concept "no of act is deviance the result presented of a long process in this book of negotiation. is much more This complex process does than the mean above that robust the powerless and simple can attribution resist deviantization. made almost thirteen years ago. Deviance, as presented here, is

While "hard" it types is easy of deviance to see how as such murder, "soft" theft, types or burglary. of deviance I shall as homosexuality, next show that pornography, even such "hard" and deviances marijuana are use relative. are relative, it is not so easy to see the relativity in such

The first example cited by Wellford (1975) as an illustration that deviance is not relative is that of murder. In order to demonstrate how

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even "homicide" is a relative rhetorical device, I shall broaden the basis of the interpretation (based on Ben­Yehuda, forthcoming).

killing rhetorical Following is treated devices the biblical differentially have command been developed in different "Thou to Shall times make Not and such Murder" cultures an act may (Nettler "explainable" be interpreted 1982). or It "justifiable." is to also mean treated that These, taking differentially in another turn, in depend human the same on being's the culture. interpretation life is Hence, a universal different of the crime. circumstances. types It is of not. accounts The act and of

The usually rhetorical type mean of devices rhetorical that the as "deceased," actor device has that finished "passed will be what away," used we to may or describe simply consider the "died" death his/her would of natural an be actor typically life depends, span employed and first dies, of without in all, this on particular whether any intentional we case. view help that from death him/herself as natural. or A another natural person. death would Such

"suicide" willed When death and and wished, is its not variations being to die. defined If (e.g., the answer hara­kiri), as "natural," to this "euthanasia" other question rhetorical is (with positive, devices consent), then are a and invoked. small the pool like. One of rhetorical very basic devices issue in becomes this case available. is whether For the example, potential the victim rhetorical agreed, device or even called The and violent other possibility act. is that the potential victim does not agree or wish to die. The act of taking the victim's life against his/her wish thus becomes a typically forceful

Let us examine briefly some of the possible rhetorical devices that have been developed and employed to interpret acts of taking other peoples' lives against their will. When even rewardable a situation with is defined some by high­powered the rhetorical symbols. device called Hence, war, under then normal taking combat other humans' circumstances, lives is not we only do not excusable; say that it a is soldier mandatory murdered for so­called his enemy combat or vice soldiers, versa. Wars, of war). however, do have some rules, and some acts of taking other people's lives—even in a war situation—may in fact be regarded as murder (e.g., killing prisoners

Such "assassinations," rhetorical devices may also as "self­defense," be used to justify or and "blood explain revenge" acts of in taking some Middle other people's Eastern lives societies against (e.g., their see will, Ginat 1984), as well as genocide or "lynching" and

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as well as such other ritualistic situations defined as vendettas, human sacrifices, and duels.

The famous rhetorical device called homicide may itself be classified into criminal and noncriminal. Each of these devices is further divided into finer distinctions. felon; two State Criminal forms for see, this homicide of e.g., particular noncriminal Scharf is defined rhetorical and homicide: Binder differently device: 1983). excusable murder, Furthermore, in different (i.e., voluntary in countries specified some manslaughter, people and automobile states. view involuntary Goode abortion accidents) (1984a), as manslaughter, homicide. and justifiable for example, and (i.e., criminally draws a policeman our negligent attention shooting to homicide. the what legal may He accounts also be defined draws used our as in New a attention fleeing York to We Goodés can realize, (1984a, therefore, 221) conclusion that acts that of taking "the taking other peoples' of human lives life against is tolerated their will under get different certain circumstances" labels as different is rhetorical clearly valid devices (see also are utilized Reid 1982, to describe 214–19; them. Bonn Thus, 1984, cultures acts of 187–91; taking provide other Barlow a variety people's 1984, of rhetorical lives 135–47; (for a devices, review Conklin vocabularies see 1986). Nettler Circumstances, 1982). of motives Furthermore, and however, accounts murderers are (some not just tend of "given" which to develop are and institutionalized typically their own require vocabularies in definitions the law), of aimed motives and interpretations. at defining for justifying differentially Hence, murder

(e.g., see Dietz 1983; Hepworth and Turner 1974; Levi 1981).

similar sensitivity intellectual regarding exercise property, can almost be made all with social another systems "hard have core" rules deviance forbidding called the taking "theft." of This property time, I by shall force. make However, the exercise many very so­called short. guerrilla Reflecting movements various degrees (which later activities. came In to the power) histories not only of these allowed movements, and encouraged such acts but are even justified sanctified and accounted operations for such as acts as theft, against armed oppressors. robbery, and burglary in order to secure the means for their



does Deviance socio­religious not exist, such the as theft meaning and swindling of theft will can be be very shown different. to be A related contemporary to very basic and relevant assumptions example concerning concerns the fund­raising sacredness techniques of private property. among various Where "world­transforming" private property

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movements (e.g., the "Moonies" or "Hare Krishna"). Bromley and Shupe (1980) show that fund raising becomes a central component of the individual member's role contributing corrupt, and a major and focus manipulative. to the of salvation daily missionary These or spiritual movements, activity. improvement therefore, Fund raising of all have mankind. becomes developed a Many sacred special of activity the vocabularies activities and is included ideologically of motives in such that legitimized fund allow raising, members by being however, to linked neutralize could with be the the easily negative movement's defined implications goals, as deceptive, of such practices. The Hare Krishna calls such practices "transcendental trickery," while the Moonies call it "heavenly deception" (Bromley and Shupe 1980, 231–33). Deviance process. persons. Its and importance moral boundaries. lies with the Delineating fact that in this moral process boundaries power between and morality the "right" are utilized and "wrong" to mark the socially "appropriate" constructed and "inappropriate" differences between is an important different groups sociological of

Traditional sense of helping theories a process of deviance of societal have change usually into emphasized being and the change "negative" societal aspect symbolic­moral of deviance or boundaries took it for as granted. well, not The to view mention that deviance power, is can less be widespread "positive," (e.g., even see in the Dodge societal 1985). reaction This into "positive" being in side a way of that deviance either was reaffirms illuminated moral originally boundaries by (1933:70–110) Durkheim's statements or changes on deviance, them (1938:65–73). that is, that This deviance viewpoint can be was "functional" further amplified in helping by a Erikson's work (1966), as well as by others. Since cases, Durkheim's a functional original way of essays coping (1933, with pressures 1938) on exerted the functionality by the social of deviance, order is to there commence have been and/or numerous maintain scholars a deviant who career. utilized Thus, this idea Cohen to illustrate (1966, 6–11), that, in Box many (1981), Farrell and Swigert's review (1982 ch. 2) and Pfohl (1985 ch. 6) suggested several functions for deviance such as creating integration cohesion and solidarity;

facilitating manifest functions; flexibility; contributing being a safety to the valve clarification, for unhappy maintenance, members of and society; modification serving as of a social warning rules. signal Harris that (1977) something even implied is wrong that in society; deviance helping designations to clarify may latent help from draw lines between the powerful and the powerless. 3

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sociological "somehow" Hence, one theoretical generate, work. One or line possible even of argument manufacture, way to going continue deviance from this Durkheim "in claim order" is by through to making define Erikson moral a distinction boundaries. to more between recent While sociological the interesting, temporal formulations and this spatial particular dimensions could claim be taken remained of how to suggest moral unrefined boundaries that for societies decades are of intersocietal significant and redefined. reinterpret In and (or the past profound internal) temporal events, changes boundaries dimension, thus causing in both and we a external collective change could redefine in moral and the personal cognitive boundaries, moral boundaries identities. images that is, that In in between the social the spatial present actors an inner dimension, or have make societal of what past one differentiation boundaries. Schur could make (1971, Rewriting a process 52–56) distinction and called histories an between external a "retrospective in this attempts process. way may to interpretation," redefine certainly cause different Another way social of actors, conceptualizing depending this on problem time and was place, suggested to the label by Lauderdale of "deviant" (1976). (see also He Shapiro, indicated Lauderdale, that society's and moral Lauderdale boundaries 1985). fluctuate constantly, exposing While many scholars followed the idea of reactions to deviance as attempts to enhance stability (e.g., Erikson 1966; Bergesen 1984; Pallone 1986), fewer followed he but the called idea it is also of "normative deviance the only flexibility." as major producing source Douglas, change. of creative much Coser's adaptations more (1962) explicitly, of and rules Douglas' suggests to new (1977) the life term situations" works "creative are (60). clear deviance": Thus, exceptions. Douglas "Deviance Coser suggests is pointed the that mutation whole out that that societies deviance is generally may may change destructive contribute through of to society, what deviance. More recently, Dodge (1985) argued that sociologists should in fact start to study "positive" deviance. In emphasized my previous the work approach (1985), taken I indeed in this examined subsection. how the social construction of deviance, and reactions to it, could be interpreted within an analytical framework that

Conceptualizing nonexistent (see deviance also Hagan in this 1977; light Schur makes 1979, it clear 1980; that, Conrad while and "deviance" Schneider as an 1980; analytical and Turk and empirical 1979, to mention category only is universal, a few). Deviance a universal is content essentially of deviance socially is constructed and is

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therefore system's could either value always create structure, culturally cohesion or relative. moral and rigidity universes, In order or help to and understand reflect the specific such a a specific configuration(s) situation, type while of deviance, other of power forms we relationships. of have deviance to understand Depending could either its context on create the sociohistorical within or reflect the flexibility. social context, system Furthermore, some and, forms in particular, the of deviance same the type of deviance in certain circumstances could create rigidity while leading in other circumstances to flexibility. The members macro of sociological these universes, assumption and within of this them, work can takes assume for granted the form the of existence processes of of a stigmatization, number of symbolic­moral deviantization, universes and criminalization. within one society. The negotiations between

Deviance becomes a thus crucial viewed factor is no in our longer understanding a peripheral of phenomenon the social order but rather itself. a central element of any functioning social system. The analysis of social deviance hence

morality, Prima faci, status, it appears and respectability. that processes These aimed concepts at changing bring or us stabilizing unavoidably the moral to politics. boundaries The possibility of symbolic­moral that deviance universes does not must necessarily involve negotiations have to be evil about and power, dangerous, be or polluting part of) processes and "dirty" of social (Douglas change, M. 1966; thus negating Scott 1972) the is idea closely that deviance linked to necessarily politics and and deviance. pointlessly There, flouts deviance order. may Thus, clearly, the application explicitly, of and politics—that deliberately is, generate of power (or specific how and morality—to deviance behavioral can deviance be patterns thought may, as of bad, as on evil, intimately the one polluting, hand, associated illustrate and dirty. with vividly On processes the how other deviance of hand, change, the can analysis closer be thought to of Coser's political of as "normative preserving deviance flexibility" and a specific of political symbolic­moral (1962) elements and Douglas' in universe deviance (1977) through may "creative illustrate designating deviance." Politics terminology. and deviance; The concept power of power and is morality. essential Entering to this area the because area of politics it basically and helps deviance us to means understand that we who have can to deviantize develop new, whom. or use existing, concepts and

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power view The concept many may different be of generated power centers alone, and enveloped however, moral boundaries is by insufficient. corresponding negotiated. Power symbolic­moral This must conceptualization be legitimized, universes, and means which moral that confront, universes it is not conflict, always (or morality) the and case negotiate provide that the with that powerful legitimacy. one another. would In In this necessarily these perspective, negotiations, deviantize we may hierarchies a the settlement. powerless. of Discussing credibility, The powerless politics and accounts. may and persuade deviance inhabitants necessitates of other therefore symbolic­moral using concepts universes of power, in the moral "truth" universes of their and cause, boundaries, be engaged moral in power entrepreneurs, generation, moral and crusaders, negotiate Having political clarified deviance my proper; theoretical the other orientation consists toward of analyzing the area political of politics elements and deviance, in so­called I argue regular that this deviance. area should be divided into two distinct domains. One domain is,

symbolic­moral guardians who legitimacy Political were deviance abuse invested of those universes their proper with in power power. power consists (or and These cultures). and twist of legitimacy. acts three and usually mock classes Those aim their of at deviant moral social transforming obligations, actors acts. One are, moral class supposedly, committing universes consists the despised and of guardians acts changing done and of by harmful moral symbolic­moral one boundaries. person, acts of or deviance. a universes The group, second Third that and challenge class class their consists consists boundaries. the authority of of deviant clashes Sometimes and acts between by these those that specific important, The the second very symbolic­moral although domain attempt often included to define universe implicit, in a politics particular upon political other and behavioral elements—that deviance universes. pattern involves Applying is, as elements "deviant" the a process designation of power is of inherently deviantization of and particular morality. a political behavioral does Exposing act. not, This however, patterns these attempt elements as necessarily is "deviant." based is not on mean This always using that process power an the easy application (Pfuhl to task. impress 1986) It can the would contains be view claimed be of some a

successful and culminate in the actual identification of one person (or a group of persons) as deviant (e.g., see Ben­Yehuda 1987). The micro­macro link. One axis of the theoretical framework is the emphasis on deviance, power, and morality in an historical dynamic

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context. The other axis emphasizes the micro­macrolink. A major problem in sociology has always focused around attempts to integrate the analysis of processes between the micro and macro levels (e.g., see Knorr­Cetina system that and Cicourel this can, necessity and 1981; should, exists Collins be in the thought 1986; sociology Scheff of as a of 1986; bridging deviance Alexander, mechanism as well. Giesen, In for the the second Munch micro­macro part and of Smelser the levels theoretical 1987; of analysis; Wiley foundation, 1988). what follows Terry I will and in argue the Steffensmeier next that chapter the concept is (1988, the of explanation. 61–62, motivational 64) emphasized accounting ConcludingSummary The theoretical framework is focused along two complementary axes. The first axis, which was presented in this chapter, emphasizes that the analysis of deviance in change this book and will stability. not be confined It is focused to phenomenalism. on the moral boundaries It seeks to of continue the different the reframing symbolic­moral of the study universes of social of which deviance society within is constituted. the more general Deviance sociological is interpreted context here of as a and discourse relative, interpretations emergent, is an explicit within and goal socially larger of this constructed theoretical book. formulations concept. Put in in sociology, this fashion, preferably the problem within for the the context sociology of politics of deviance and history. becomes Developing one of integrating this particular its specific type of observations sociological

The second axis is focused on an attempt to link processes in the micro and macro levels of analysis and is presented in the next chapter.

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Theoretical Chapter Two Foundations The Micro­Macro Link

Motivational Accounting Systems: Convergence of Micro­Macro Levels of Analysis

In order to bridge processes on the micro and macro levels of analysis, we shall, to some extent, have to break from the Durkheimian oriented view that was emphasizedthusfar. terminology does not 1 provide With the the exception concepts of necessary the concept to perform of "anomie" the synthesis. and its possible interpretation as a dispersion of the individual's cognitive maps, Durkheimian

sociological which approach The analysis meaning leads considerations of us the is directly created, maintenance to sustained, filter problems or down the or change of to changed. social the personal of interaction, moral The social level boundaries and symbolic interaction vice must versa. interaction, between be supplemented and and among motivational by people an analysis accounting is the of unit vocabularies to systems analyze because of if we motives are these to and understand are subjective the mechanisms how meanings. macro through This Symbolic Interaction Social symbolic interactions are the loci where values, motivations, tensions, desires, and interests find expression; there, symbols are exchanged and negotiated. On directed, the "meaning."Thefactthatsymbols one hand, influenced, through and symbolic shaped interaction by individual individual interpretations. behavior Symbolic is shaped interaction and constrained poses a continuously chronic problem by social for the pressures; understanding on the of other such hand, terms social as "social processes reality are and

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1976; may have Meltzer, many Petras, "meanings" and Reynolds and be subject 1975; to Karp interpretations and Yoels 1979; and reinterpretations Blumer 1969; Manis requires and the Meltzer development 1972). of specialized research strategies and tools (e.g., Hewitt Briefly stated, symbolic interactionism interprets human existence and identity as a process of becoming. The identities of interactants are being constantly negotiated influenced the through social exchanges setting, by a number prejudices, of symbols of independent power, within and the elements interests. framework including of an significant interaction others process. (family, The interpretation, friends), primary negotiation, relationships, and meaning social control of the agents symbols (police, exchanged psychiatrists, are considerably judges),

short, as Goffman a theater establish (1959) (see a Karp specific indicated and "definition Yoels that each 1979; interaction of a Messinger situation." situation 1962; The dramaturgic is Douglas inherently and analysis tense Waksler and of daily fluid 1982). because symbolic This tension each interactions participant is of crucial reinforce seeks theoretical to this unfold viewpoint importance, a specific by conceptualizing self, for maintain the fact that credibility, social identities interaction and, are in negotiated elements as means existing that norms, the potential morality for and change values, lies patterns within each of deference, interaction. and A social simple distance. social interaction On the other will, hand, on the within one hand, such situations, reflect and meaning maintain is such negotiated, macro level conceivably Thomas and giving Thomas' rise (1928, to new, 571–75) innovative famous deviant dictum, interpretations "If men define and definitions situations of as situations real, they are that real may in diffuse their consequences," to the macro level shows and that thus it cause is not change important in that whether level. a particular where continuity situation is is, maintained in fact, real and as where long as changes the definition may occur. of the It situation is possible is real. to analyze In this such sense, interactions everyday using rituals Turner's of symbolic (1977a, interaction b) concept are of the "liminality." time and place Every both symbolic formulation are created interaction and is further emerge, may strengthened but be also thought on by the of the macro as perception a potential level of of "rite politics, the of social passage" economics, order where as a ideology, negotiated old traditions and order. the are like. Order reemphasized The is negotiated two levels and where influence not only new on each forms the other, micro of interaction and level, the as negotiated identities are introduced. character and selves This of the

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social order means that stability and change are integrated into such situations. Let us look into three examples.

into comparative In the simple early day­to­day decades perspective) of this language because century, and various prohibition interactions. respected laws When societal regarding the gay moral the movement consumption agents (Becker militantly of 1963) alcohol (Teal defined were 1971; enacted alcohol Kitzinger in consumption the 1987) United demanded States as immoral. that (Gusfield homosexuality This 1963; moral see definition and Dingle lesbianism 1980 filtered for not down a be and portrayed defined Europe as in a who psychopathic popular used and marijuana scientific manifestation, has literature forced the moral as psychiatric a menace. agents profession to In reevaluate the last yielded decades, their to attitudes. however, the pressure Many the 2 formal states and changed in and the informal United its nomenclature. pressure States have of the Likewise, decriminalized millions for of years people the use the in of use the marijuana, of United cannabis States which was class, changed was no educated, longer drastically. considered and affluent. In these a characteristic two Thus, cases, in the changes simple of lower from terms class, the of uneducated, micro day­to­day level impoverished, changed social­symbolic the macro minority interactions, level. groups. the It "definition has become of the the situation" ''thing to do" regarding for many the among use of marijuana the middle has

marijuanauser. drug's Becker effects, (1953) and suggested to define that the becoming drug's effects a marijuana as pleasant. user This encompasses is a learning the following process whereby three consecutive an individual stages is being of learning: influenced how by to the inhale social the environment drug, how to to recognize become a the Becker describes a process that provides the novice user not only with technical knowledge but also with a value system. The very process of "becoming" gives the pleasant; provides novice access the it provides novice to a particular user him/her with symbolic­moral with a vocabulary social acceptability, of universe motives by support, and which provides and he/she security him/her can justify, against with a and motivation societal meaningfully stigmatizing to use interpret, marijuana. processes; his/her It helps and experience last, him/her but not to in define a least, way the the that effects process increases of of the the "becoming" drug probability as that he/she will use the drug again. This process is infused with values and needs from three directions: first, the group's symbolic­moral universe,

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which support, recruiting includes acceptability, others its and needs, the and more values, pleasure­sensation users norms, there and are, definition the seeking, more of are pressure social being reality, would negotiated is then transmitted and be applied met through to upward the novice his/her to change drug joining user. macro the Second, group. antimarijuana Third, the novice's the values more needs, successful and such norms. as "pot" social users approval, are in

The withamotivationalaccountingsystem. end­product of this process is that a novice drug user may "become" a regular user. In other words, the process of "becoming a marijuana user" provides the user

Motivational Accounting Systems

morality, from social The credit one character and group for as developing because to such, another a vocabulary they this because enable concept these of people motives must vocabularies be to be serves given integrated to as reflect C. a prime Wright into moral internal social Mills. stands. groups source In 1940, Mills and of (1940) he social provide published notes control. the that: a actors paper Mills with in was which directions aware he of argued the for fact subsequent that that statements vocabularies actions. of motivation These of motives motivations have would a basic reflect differ

agent A motive vocalizes tends or to imputes be one which motives, is to he the is actor not trying and to to the describe other his members experienced of a situation social action. an unquestioned He is not merely answer stating to questions "reasons." concerning He is influencing social and others lingual — conduct…. and himself. When (P. 907) an The verbalized motive is not used as an index of something in the individual but as a basis of inference for a typical vocabulary of motives of a situated action. (P. 909)

constructed. Vocabularies conflicting) According of motives to Mills, constitute motives a large vary reservoir between of small rhetorical preindustrial devices, villages, from which where individual only a small and explicit variety motivational of motives exists, accounting and industrial systems towns, are constantly where many (even

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vocabularies of motives exist. Mills's distinction is consistent with the differences between simple and complex social systems, once we accept its translation to mean vocabularies thusintroducedintosociologicalliteraturebutwas,unfortunately,largelyignored. societies characterized of motives by available very few in symbolic­moral these two ideal polar universes types versus of social those systems characterized obviously by differ a multiplicity significantly. of such This universes. concept of The "motivational size, quality, accounting and number systems" of was

Theoretical Developments Associated with the Idea of Motivational Accounting Systems Four whichtheydefinedas: theoretical developments can be linked to the idea of motivational accounting systems. The first is Lyman and Scott's (1970, 111–43) discussion of "Accounts,"

"A by verbally linguistic bridging device employed the gap between whenever action an action and expectations. is subjected to Moreover, valuative accounts inquiry. Such are "situated" devices are according a crucial to element the statuses in the of social the interactants order since and they are prevent standardized conflicts within from arising cultures statement so made that certain by a social accounts actor are to explain terminologically unanticipated stabilized or untoward and routinely behavior expected (p. 112). when activity falls outside the domain of expectations. …By an account …we refer to a

and emerge Furthermore, Lyman from (1968a, the they group's clearly b) point definition state out (p. that of 136) what a situation. that: makes Every one account account is more a manifestation acceptable than of the another underlying is the fact negotiation that it is consistent of identities with (emphasis the group's in expectations, original). Elsewhere, which in Scott turn

attempt The those second of to others. understand development The study those is of factors focused the causal within on the interpretations social theoretical interactions and people empirical that make, come studies into play called when "attribution the actors theories" attempt (e.g., to interpret see Crittenden their experiences, 1983; Hewstone including 1984). their These own actions theories and

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so as to give sense to events in their environment, is of central importance in attribution theories. A major thesis of attribution is that the expectations, cognitions, and

actions such social of people behavior are as based drug on abuse, their prostitution, motivation and alcoholism, ability to and control mental the illness. causal environmental network. Thus, attributions of lacking responsibility are usually linked to

behavior. but Motivational also provides When accounting a a call rationale girl systems claims, for future provide for example, actions. social that Of actors related she with performs interest ready­made an are important the attributions, works service by Snyder, explaining for society, Higgins, events this and motivational not Stucky only after (1983) accounting they and occur, Potter system but and also not Wetherell giving only explains cause (1987), to past future which behavior examine, from a psychological point of view, the issues of excusing, discourse, and accounting.

A third theoretical development relevant for the study of motivational accounting systems is Sykes and Matza's (1957) theory of delinquency, particularly the emphasis

However, on techniques these of delinquents neutralization. were 3 Sykes simultaneously and Matza also found impervious enough evidence to demands to suggest for conformity. that delinquents The researchers experienced suggested, a sense therefore, of guilt and that admired delinquency, law­abiding similar to persons.

criminality, was rationalized in the form of justifications that were accepted as valid by the delinquent but not by the legal system or society at large.

for denial Sykes his and of acts, injury, Matza and help where thus him isolated the in delinquent future five delinquent types feels of that motivational behavior: his behavior (1) accounting denial did not of really responsibility, systems cause that harm were where despite used the by delinquent the deviants fact that defines and it was that himself against could negate as the not law; guilt, responsible (3) 4 denial givethedelinquentajustification for of the his victim, deviant where actions; the (2) delinquent that they are insists hypocrites, that the deviants injury was in disguise, not wrong etc.; in (5) light an of appeal the circumstances; to higher loyalties, (4) condemnation where the delinquent of the condemners, may see himself where as the caught delinquent up in rejects a dilemma, his rejecters, the resolution claiming of which is at the cost of violating the law. The (Frazier fourth 1976, comparison, 49). This a book more is complex one, is focused on so­called social control theories. According to these theories deviance is not caused but is made possible

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strongly influenced by Durkheim's ideas, and in the area of social control theories, Durkheim also made some of the classic statements. In his work, particularly that on over Durkheimstatesthat:"Societycannotdisintegratewithouttheindividualsimultaneouslydetachinghimselffromsociallife,withouthisowngoalsbecomingpreponderant suicide, those he of specifically the community, mentioned in a word that when without the his hold personality of society tending (or groups to surmount within it) the on collective the individual personality. weakens The deviance more weakened occurs. One the page groups 209 to of which Suicide he (1951), belongs, the agree less he to depends call this on state them, egoism the more … we he may consequently call egoistic depends the special only type on himself of suicide and springing recognizes from no excessive other rules individualism." of conduct than Thus, what Durkheim are found implies in his private a causal interests. connection If we that thence between "when come social society the disorganization sudden is disturbed rise in by the and some curve personal painful of suicides." deviance. crisis or States by beneficient of anomie but are abrupt another transitions, example it of is this momentarily causal relationship. incapable of On exercising page 252, … Durkheim influence (1951) (on the pointed individual); out

In to prevent past years, it. Control a number theories of social not control only spell theories out when emerged. and where They all deviance shared becomes the assumption possible, that but deviance also specify did not the simply conditions occur, under but became which no possible deviance due will to an take inability place. Most sphere control varies theories (e.g., see use Reiss both 1951; concepts Nye (external 1958; Reckless vs. internal 1967; control) Hirschi and 1969). give specific content to each control sphere. However, the relative importance of each

Let me use the example of Matza's most interesting control theory (1964; 1969) as an illustration for the relevance of control theory to motivational accounting systems. those between factors social Matza intervening actors claims and that between society it is overly becomes lack simplistic of control possible. to and assume The deviance. first that concept whenever Accordingly, refers control to he the posited weakens technique that deviance "neutralization" of violating will follow conventional and almost "subterranean automatically. norms without convergence" In rejecting his view, explain them, one must through how identify a rupture neutralization. The second concept refers to the mixing of elements from conventional culture with a deviant, or delinquent, subculture. The convergence occurs in

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a way in which conventional values actually lend support to deviance. In this way, conventional morality is neutralized; for example, a conventional justification may

exempt social actors from responsibility, once they can claim to have been in a temporary state of insanity. points Both subterranean out, these motivational convergence accounting and neutralization systems are provide derived actors from with the motivational morality that accounting characterizes systems society to as justify a whole. deviant While behavior these motivational and annul guilt. accounting As Matza systems rightly thrust referring by facilitate temporarily the deviance, to person the removing learning into they the certainly through act" the restraints (1964, experience do not 181). that guarantee Matza ordinarily that deviance suggested its control occurrence. can, that members and the They probably missing of enable society, element may, actors but occur; of is to 'will.'' enter itself and it a However, desperation. situation supplies no "will" of A "drift," irreversible drifter, itself which is therefore, activated commitment "makes eternally by delinquency two or compulsion other hovers conditions: possible between that or would deviance preparation, permissible suffice and to


delineate hand, On the control one the hand, boundaries theories control also of theories chart specific the chart symbolic vocabularies the macro moral of motivational universes motives that and accounting deviants provide — control systems on the agents sanctioning, micro with level the — or vocabularies encouraging, use to justify of particular their motives behavior. behavioral needed Thus, to justify patterns. in Matza's their These actions. (1964) systems analysis, On the in fact other and to macro a lesser levels degree of analysis in Hirschi's are bridged. (1969), In one this can way, follow the role the motivational that motivational accounting accounting systems systems that are play employed as mechanisms within situations of social control of interaction becomes to evident. map how the micro and

Finally, is a sociological in 1971, procedure Blum and McHugh for describing examined how organisms the sociological show status themselves of motives. as persona" They pointed (p. 108). out In that 1983, "motivation" three works has were a strong published. sociological Wallis aspect and Bruce and that and a Bruce "motive

and Wallis published two papers where they argued that the study of accounts should take a central position in sociology. 5 In the same year, Gilbert and Abell edited

focusing a book containing on the the lectures given at the Surrey Conference on Sociological Theory and Method. This book contains about ten different papers on accounts,

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of possible the actors? methodologies The different to be participants' used and what papers now show seems how to intriguing, be an almost fascinating, eternal problem and useful — (however, can (and should) also problematic) one infer from the use accounts of motivational anything accounting about the real systems intention can of research be. In this was collection, continued Gilbert in Gilbert and and Mulkay Mulkay's (pp. 8–34) 1984 book. suggest There, a specific they examine methodology the ways providing scientists illustrations provide varying for accounts accounts from for the their sociology actions of and science. beliefs 6 Thisline in

different explain and social justify situations. errors and Of mistakes. special interest is chapter four, where we can learn of the types of accounts, and the ways in which scientists construct accounts, to

Generalized Motivational Accounting Systems

accounts. One need not In this confine way, the institutional concept of justifications, motivational which accounts are generated to the micro by level large only. organizations, We can conceptualize could be thought ideologies of too in and terms values of motivational as forms of generalized accounting systems motivational (see accounting actions, also Douglas and systems in M. attempts 1986). in much to Institutions delineate the same and and way control negotiate individuals agents moral do. develop boundaries. In this specialized way, The these amounts (sometimes macro of societal power even organizations and peculiar) credibility vocabularies are that involved large of organizations in motives reality and construction, consequently typically enjoy in justifying use usually motivational past surpass and future the amounts Despite the held amounts by individuals; of power institutions and credibility therefore that these are very organizations influential. However, have, they much can be like challenged individuals, successfully. generalized To motivational illustrate this accounts idea, I shall are not use accepted the area automatically. of medicine and deviance. The apply process their expertise of the medicalization to unconventional of deviance behavior. (e.g., Conrad and Schneider 1980; Smith 1981) gives us a case of powerful and credible organizations attempting to

Nye half of (1984) the nineteenth provides an century illustration for using medical motivational accounting systems on a national level. He argues that French politicians, and the public, in the last

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adopted scientific theories of the causes and treatment of French national decline, cultural crisis, and social deviance based on a medical vocabulary of motives. Although stigmatized in healthy some cases people using as medically deviants. As provided Conrad motivational and Schneider accounting (1980, 222–23) systems emphasized, for deviant behavior one of the is a dangers positive of step, medicalizing in some other deviance cases and its abuse turning has crime mistakenly into "illness" is the resulting emergence of a therapeutic tyranny. 7 The political elements in such a process are obvious. The deviant's motivational accounting systems, if any, are interpreted as further symptoms indicating the seriousness of the condition. Although the decision to

transform decision. Well­known reformism' A the and regime examples identity hospitalized that of include for a "criminal" various [them] countries reasons for into their that one feels opposition treat of a uncomfortable "sick" political to individual dissidents the political to deviantize may as order'' mentally superficially or (Conrad criminalize ill: "with appear and diagnoses Schneider an to be undesirable grounded such 1980, as political in 'paranoia 75). a scientific opponent with rational counter­revolutionary may ethos, send that it is opponent in nature delusions' a for political "treatment." and 'manic

homosexuality, defined. Social pathology, prostitution, as any other leisure­time pathology, drug can use, only gambling, be determined masturbation after establishing can be defined a definition as "pathology" of the nonpathological, only because the or normal. opposite, Such "normal" forms condition, of deviance can as be clearly

The coercion danger and of oppression. therapeutic For tyranny example, lies in the the Nazi fact leaders that under apparently a purely believed therapeutic it necessary approach to first to crime, define health political standards opponents and regulations as mentally can ill before become ordering little more their than extermination. tools for political (Conrad and Schneider 1980, 223)

Without thus making a doubt, medicine manufacturing a central agent medical of social motivational control. accounting This statement systems is particularly to interpret valid what in is the defined case of as mental deviance illness shifts and responsibility psychiatry. The into the widespread hands of use a few of the experts, powerfulnewpsychoactivedrugs(e.g.,Valium)fordailyfunctioningverifies

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unbearable disobedience Chambers, life Inciardi, and conditions riots and can Siegel's can likewise all theory be be "treated" attributed (1975) by of using to "chemical brain medical­pathological malfunctions. coping," or the chemical terms such control as "depression'' of large populations. or "anxiety," Thus, to be unhappiness, treated by drugs stress, such and as agony Valium. over Civil

Conrad unthinkable behavior, and excuse Schneider horrors humankind to a (1980, few pathological not 251) only noted from personalities. that individual pathologization responsibility Medical of generalized evil, but as from illustrated motivational collective in the responsibility cases accounting of Hitler, as systems, well. "Son when of Sam," used Charles as explanations Manson, for and deviant Idi Amin or destructive has attributed

MacAndrew (1969, 488–491) applied this idea to cases of social actors who drink excessively ("alcoholics") when he stated that:

When dispassionate made against an accounting him inquiry, and is a but called defense of the for is assessment in being situations called of such for. one's as And blameworthiness. this because [excessive the drinker drinking], …In himself effect, what then, is is typically at in issue calling is incapable not the an chronic explanation, of providing drunkard but "good to a account, justification. reasons" that in is, The defense in context asking of his of him discourse continued "why," a is trouble­making charge not that is of being a …he formality. is deemed What, properly after all, could deserving a convincing of censure justification and/or punishment…. possibly look In like? allowing the chronic drunkard this opportunity to justify himself, we are actually engaging in empty

motivational found Finally, in the the concept elective accounting of affinities motivational systems and constitute words accounting … rhetorical It is this systems order devices in is also the that universe fully construct compatible of a possible Weberian with actions the universe Weberian which of makes meaning concept [Weber's] of "to elective which social actors affinities science orient (see possible their Howe actions …"(p. 1978). … 382). [O]rder That is, is to be

The Crime, and Accusations, of Witchcraft The use of motivational accounting systems as a bridging

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mechanism for the micro­macro levels can be colorfully illustrated, particularly in the area of magic and witchcraft as deviant belief systems.

which He Evans­Pritchard addresses the individual the stated mangu has that little, in witchcraft his if stomach any, control: among beseeching "Generally, the Azande it to a become (who witch were will inactive" protest located (1929, his in the innocence 38). 1920s Likewise, in of the intention Southern in the and sixteenth Sudan) his ignorance century, is identified of when the with harm some a that psychological nuns he is were doing suspected substance to his neighbour…. of over being witches, Apparently, a witch who Teresa this confessed of particular Avila was suggested motivational not executed. to the accounting Inquisition In these cases, system officials the saved motivational that the the nuns nuns' accounting were lives "comas (Sarbin systems enfermes" 1969). that In this "explained'' ("as respect, if sick"), it witchcraft implying is interesting shifted that to they note responsibility had that no in control the from 1692 over the Salem their conscious behavior. witch­hunt, individual to external and uncontrollable elements. The motivational various ideology officials accounting of the of the European Church, system witch­craze postulated for the confusion of that the the fourteenth and world agony had to with become seventeenth which a battlefield they centuries had to between cope. (Ben­Yehuda Simply God and put, 1980, the the devil. ideology 1985) People gave of the the could witch­craze, masses help an the easy­to­use good developed powers generalized and win supported the battle by against motivational the devil accounting by detecting system and to eliminating explain the his misery human people servants were — experiencing. the witches. This solution was embraced and accepted popularly and served as a generalized

Monter (1980, 33) notes that: "secular judges … remodeled popular beliefs in order to make them conform to official 'notions' of how witches ought to behave." The "official" committed questions,thesuspectedwitchesgavealmostuniformconfessions,usuallyconfirmingthewitch­craze demonology the terrible crime was well of conspiring reflected in with the witches' Satan against confessions. God. Consequently, Due to the nature a witch of the had crime, to be it tortured ideology. became into obvious This confessing. should that a not witch Under really would torture, surprise not uniform confess us. However, loaded easily and to some having leading sources (e.g., Parrinder 1958; Hughes 1952) also report on cases where people voluntarily confessed to witchcraft and then were put to torture to

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make sure and verify that their confessions were not false. Trevor Roper (1967, 125–26) notes that: "For every victim whose story is evidently created or improved of spontaneity, by a torture, confession, there rather people are than two accepted the or three confessions who the official genuinely themselves, demonology believe which in and its convinced truth…. freely admitted Again rational and to men an again imaginary that … the we details crime. find witches were true." confessing Thus, we … can without see how, an evidence despite the of torture…. terrible consequences It was this witchcraft. The vocabularies This ideology, of motives coupled that were with used contemporary in the confessions social stress, reflected provided the official in turn ideology the motivation (i.e., the and generalized the accounts motivational for the confessions, accounting systems) as both constituted regarding a powerful transformation positive feedback servants. that loop. The brought general Apparently, about stress, the some production the official of the people of ideology, new who identities and freely the — confessed degradation witches — had ceremonies which a strange received (and (Garfinkel the for meaning, us 1956) unintelligible) that content, the accused pleasure and motivation suffered, from the for produced fear their they existence generated a cultural from and as the Satan's social official demonological theories and, in turn, reinforced them. Thus, a true micro­macro level link was in operation Previous Works on Deviance that Used the Concept of Accounts While C. Wright Mills published his original work in 1940, not very many works have since utilized this innovative concept, nor has a tradition of research using the

for concept the theoretical emerged. formulations It thus becomes presented important here to concerning examine the motivational few works accounting in deviance systems. that did In utilize the following the concept review, and how I shall much confine support, myself or only challenge, to those are works found that there have some relevance and bear directly on motivational accounting systems and deviance. 8

The or current use of in motivational a specific culture accounting (Cressey systems 1962). in kleptomania and pyromania was found to help deviants to explain their behavior in terms that were popular, sanctioned,

McCaghy (1968) found that persons convicted of sexual offenses

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against children tried to maintain an identity of being "normal" by either denying the act or by attributing the act to excessive consumption of alcohol. Bart (1968) examined motivational compared the the accounting types accounts of meanings used systems by two and used groups motives by the of two that females industrial groups seeking were saboteurs linked help in to use one the to of different explain two hospital and social justify departments: backgrounds their sabotage. neurology from which and these psychiatry. females She came. found Taylor that and the Walton different (1971) the significant It appears early 1970s. that contributions the From field that of between motivational time on, the for early accounting reasons 1970s that and systems are the not mid drew at 1980s all some clear, were sporadic British indeed sociologists attention made by from British began American sociologists. to be attracted sociologists, to the including field (e.g., some see of Taylor its "classical" 1979), and statements, some most until

Taylor be allowed (1972) to exist examined as an motivational alien element accounting in an otherwise systems rational among system. sex offenders, The individual explaining does that: not have "as long to come as the to desire terms can with be it described in the same as way an uncontrollable as he has to come urge, to it can terms control with agents his gave belief accounts in democracy" containing (p. 30). drug­abuse In 1973, issues. Auld investigated Auld shows the how accounts "drugs" given were by used drug to explain addicts many about "crazy" themselves, behaviors. and how For the example, printed when media the and 1970 various Miss World nonsense crazed Contest man" and (p. commented was 159). interrupted that the by interrupters members of "must Women's be on Liberation, some kinda Bob dope'' Hope (p. (who 157). was Likewise, the star the guest) police tried explained to "make murder sense" as: out "it of looks what like to him the seemed act of a drug­ utter

Hepworth and Turner (1974) claimed that societal processes influenced a particular type of motivational accounting system — that of confession to murder. "The

personality process their 1984 of secularization book). structure Clearly, but a which this different study we referred order links or micro­macro to relationship earlier as societal conditioning to God process through the by men, nature illustrating was of confession accompanied how people's and by enhancing the confessions emergence men's to awareness of murders murder echoed as not mass only larger entertainment" of a societal newly discovered processes. (p. 43; see also

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production In the 1976, actors' Taylor use of a of group considered language of British constructs, the stated poets. and or In accounts. another recorded 1976 These motives study, constructs of Henry homosexuals protect Stuart argues persons outside that: the from, "the "institutional and facilitation make them apparatus of criminal oblivious of criminalization" activity to, the by possibility drug (p. addicts 97), of State by is, focusing in punishment part, made on the and possible literary allows by them to maintain a self conception of 'goodness' in the face of adverse moral judgment" (p. 91). Ditton managed (1977) to sustain found a that definition bread salesmen of the act regularly as merely "fiddle" "trifling." small Ditton amounts showed of money how these from deviant their customers. salesmen were Although able to this manipulate practice was, their simply vocabularies put, stealing, of motives the salesmen in such a way identity shame. that, and despite self­image. an unpleasant Ditton also objective showed reality, that alibis they could were negate produced the publicly guilt and and escape neutralized responsibility, blame, thus while sustaining aliases were a positive generated construction privately of and reality neutralized and of their feelings of

more case generalized In 1979, depended 'space' Hardiker motivational for on offering and the circumstances Webb a accounting greater examined variety system. of the the of treatment case. explanations They found ideology that: than "the has held structural often by probation been context appreciated" officers. of probation In (p. the 1) terminology work and that — the utilitarian specific I suggested justice given­and­accepted earlier, and casework we could treatment account regard this in notions each ideology individual — creates as a

In 1981, Marshall's and Levi's works were published. Levi's work focused on how the novice hit man develops a system of motivational accounts that helps him "respondents monetary reframe (in gains Goffman's were and providing losses" [1974] (p. socially sense 725). of acceptable the term) vocabularies his experiences of motives and neutralizes to defend guilt self and by shame. neutralizing Smith the and social Preston's stigma (1984) attached work to gambling on gamblers and/or suggested justifying that: one's

Ben­Yehuda "explain" the existence and Einstein of the (1984) largest examined methadone the written maintenance accounts program given in by Israel thirteen in the government midst of the offices largest and other major organizations in Israel. They were asked to

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garbage dump in the country. Analyzing these accounts revealed a distinct and consistent pattern of "institutional violence" (Liazos 1972) against heroin addicts. Finally, Boles and Myers (1988) described the accounts which were used in the unlawful practice of sending chain letters through the mail. ConcludingSummary levels This chapter of analysis constitutes through the the second concept axis and of mechanisms the Theoretical of motivational Foundation. accounting It argues systems. that we should create an analytical integration of processes on the micro­macro Accounting potentially, a situations liminal ritual are primarily where macromoral bargaining boundaries situations and of society are therefore can be fluid, routinely constantly reaffirmed changing by virtue and giving of the rise motivational to emergent accounting identities. systems This means to be that raised, they rejected, can be, or accepted. Situational situations interactions, moralities of that motivational symbolic influencing are being interaction. accounting definitions constantly On generated of systems the situations, one provide hand, and participants' negotiated macro a link sociological between on roles, the the and face­to­face level micro the interactions' elements, and interaction macro such outcomes. sociological as level institutional can On levels influence the other values, of analysis. values, hand, morality new meanings, This and orientations, two­way interests, and link orientations values, infiltrate materializes meanings, face­to­face of a within whole and defined social system. resulting Thus, either the in the content reinforcement and structure of stability of motivational or in change. accounting systems are basically fluid, negotiated among various societal levels as well as within each level,

Accounting situations, therefore, are a potential source for projected innovation, deviance, and change, to be filtered upward and to help cause change in the moral situations boundaries and, of society. no doubt, These influence situations the outcome also reflect of bargainings changes in the over macro the question level. Values, of what power, type of status, motivational ideology, accounting and interests systems all play can crucial be used roles in a in particular accounting situation. Viewed in this fashion, the question whether situational motivational accounting systems provide us with the true intent of the actors

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becomes a marginal, really unimportant, question. Any given motivational accounting system must be interpreted as a question "is this a good and acceptable accounting their explanation motivational system of…." accounting Once is, therefore, accepted, systems limited rejected, until and this very and/or bargaining specific reacted to process to a culture, in other is exhausted to ways, a symbolic­moral the and actors then are finished universe, free to or invoke stopped. and to the a The specific use "truth" of particular social in, or construction validity vocabularies of, of any a of situation. specific motives motivational To and claim to remold that these used, patterns. which is, motivational they in Vocabularies my are opinion, used. accounting Thus, of misleading motives Fauconnier systems and and motivational analytically hold, (1981) perhaps, notes fruitless. accounting that: an objective "Truth Furthermore, systems values or transcendental are constitute the not study external the of truth, essence motivational to individuals regardless of symbolic accounting of and how, the interactions where, course systems when, of and cannot events should and be … why isolated they not they be are separated from were … linked actual manufactured from behavioral to the the context action and in and value power of a proposition of individuals …'' (p. belonging 183). "The to a rule­governed truth expressed social is accepted system. as The relative testimony to context of those rather who than hold absolute" social power (p. 184). may be the only observable clue to the truth

moral motivational The types universe of motivational accounting and culture systems, accounting and, therefore, the analytical systems also the the break individual way from moral Durkheim chooses boundaries to is use not are are complete. changed not random or Durkheim stabilized. inventions. certainly Because They considered morality reflect the is morality type an important of and justification values tool in as acceptable symbolic most important interaction in a specific and in mechanisms in achieving social integration and control.

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Politics Chapter and Three Deviance

Introduction meant The area to acquaint of politics the and reader deviance with the has problems been somewhat involved chaotic and suggests and seems a solution. to be much less crystallized than other areas of deviance research. This part of the book is I into shall some first definitional describe the problems historical and emergence suggest a of new the analytical sociological solution interest for in the politics problem and of deviance. conceptualizing This part politics is crucial and if deviance. we are to The understand analysis the will field. reveal Then, that I the shall area delve of politics usually and considered deviance as should regular, be thought nonpolitical of in terms deviance. of two broad divisions: first, there is political deviance itself; second, we have political elements in what is

The Development of Sociological and Criminological Interest in Politics and Deviance Although sociological Eve's interest crime in implies politics that and the deviance origin of did political not develop deviance, until in the which last decade. authority There is being are challenged, a few reasons lies for back this. in biblical times, the fact remains that a real

Therefore, Political deviance the history always of political entails some deviance form is of also, a conflict in an inverse between fashion, two, or the more, history symbolic­moral of morality and universes: the distribution that of the of challengers power. However, and that in of the those popular being and challenged. older professional literature, political deviance was usually taken to mean challenges against the power and legitimacy of the rulers, not vice versa.

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of When thought. according Athenian to Athenian society, through law Socrates the moral was defined agents who as a defined criminal its and moral condemned boundaries, to die, used his the "crime" generalized was so motivational labeled out accounting of a moral system—in conviction that the rejected form of the freedom which law—to reflected condemn a different and execute symbolic­moral Socrates (and universe. possibly In a the few culture others; in see which Stone Socrates 1988), lived, who justified his persecutors his activity had using more a legitimized very different power, motivational so when the accounting two symbolic­ system, primary insane moral universes asylum. virtue. In Giordano and other opposing regimes, Bruno systems died the individual because of vocabularies he who challenged exercises of motives the freedom Ptolemaic collided, of thought, worldview Socrates or challenges lost. and In the today's morality the "order," Western that supported is democratic liable to it; find Galileo societies, him/herself as well freedom imprisoned suffered of thought because or committed is of hailed this as to a an worldview. Freud's theory, which revolutionized psychology and psychiatry and enriched other disciplines, was originally criticized heavily on moral grounds. The question of who interprets whose behavior, why, where, and when is very crucial:

revolutionary from Is, for the example, Palestinian hero? the leader Is terrorist Nat of Turner, in loose­knit Israel who in 1978? bands executed (Lauderdale of hit­and­run Virginia slave 1980, killers owners 5) of British and their soldiers families a "homicidal in 1830, in maniac," the same a "crazed category? cult Is killer," the Jewish or a terrorist "bandit''? in Or Palestine is George in 1948 Washington distinguishable a

The "political" nature of some of these past cases seems irrefutable (see also Cohen S. 1986a). While worldview societal were reactions all employed to assumed to define acts the of boundaries drug abuse, of prostitution, symbolic­moral abortion, universes, homosexuality, to create as rigidity well as and rigid block sanctions change, against there those can be who no doubt challenged that both the Ptolemaic Socrates and Joan of Arc provide examples of "political deviants" who were severely punished for a deviancy that actually served as a turning point for change. Joan of Arc, a peasant girl who believed she was acting under divine command, was instrumental in leading the French to a decisive

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victory and the subsequent coronation of Charles VII. Joan was later captured, put on trial, and convicted as an heretical "deviant." She was executed in 1431, and Robbins 489 years 1959, later, 282–87). she was canonized Obviously, by the Pope vocabularies Benedict of XV. motives In 1920, that the were French given government by her prosecutors declared and her the festival, ones given May 30, to justify a national her canonization holiday (Schafer in 1920 1974, vary 50; greatly.

framework and In February not to the that 1431, Church put she blame (which was on accused, Joan the judges of among Arc's represented), shoulders. other things, and She of of was disobeying wearing cast into masculine her an parents, apologetic dress. of claiming position These accusations and that had she to would paved explain go the to behavior way paradise for she her and had accusers had been been proud to responsible explain of. From her only behavior her to point God in of a Joan opposingmoral­symbolicuniverses. separate, view, of these Arc's contradictory accusations guilt and the sets and other of her interpretative prophecies, in the form visions, of moral her own vocabularies and beliefs voices that justified of motives what her the were perception Church applied interpreted that to the she same was as "deviant" experiencing type of behavior, were, signs in fact, one of signs divine in the of form intervention divine of formal grace. and Again, accusations grace. a Thus, clash implying of two two

awarded The last illustration his first Nobel I shall prize bring in chemistry in this context in 1954. is a more During modern the 1950s, one—that Pauling of the campaigned famous U.S. very Nobel militantly laureate and chemist aggressively Linus against Pauling nuclear (e.g., bomb Goodstein testing. 1984), In 1958, who he was brought campaign States. He to primarily was the United interrogated on Nations the genetic by a a petition subcommittee and biological signed by of damages the thousands U.S. these Senate of scientists tests and were was from causing. prevented different His from actions countries, attending were requiring not international taken to lightly put scientific an by end contemporary to meetings. tests with At nuclear political some weapons. figures point, he in He was the based United not very his far for action, from peace, how being recognizing respectability arrested. his After endless can the be international negotiated efforts in this and treaty area. created, Societal that put and a reactions ban on atmospheric to Pauling's nuclear acts illustrate testing how was contradictory signed, Pauling interpretations received in may 1962 exist a second regarding Nobel one award—one man's

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parties signifies how something to the this fact controversy that that was moral once in meanings the defined 1950s were as and "deviant" in 1960s fact negotiated and may now be redefined in and the that 1980s as moral heroism obviously boundaries and reflect appropriate did these change. changing later The by differing vocabularies concepts and of of clashing morality. motives symbolic­moral that were employed universes. by the This different change The would above certainly illustrations reflect this. indeed They indicate also point that one to the can fact trace that easily while the the concepts examples of and politics cases and for deviance political deviance from biblical were times available to the for present. anyone Any who particular would have choice wanted of cases to interpret them, the interpretations were not made. One definitions historical of what development is, and what that is facilitated not, deviance the development became problematic of the area (e.g., of politics see Douglas and deviance 1970a). was the development of pluralistic and complex cultures where the very

interruptions From the classical until the approach 1960s, virtually to positivism. no attention Beginning was paid with to the the so­called element of classical power school in deviance. in criminology That was in true the for eighteenth the perspectives century and of "social continuing pathology," with almost "social no disorganization" theoreticians elusive pathological and implicit. nature who (and worked were As the Stanley "Chicago self in these evident" Cohen perspectives, School"), (p. (1986a) 468; "deviant see pointed the also political behavior," out: Cohen, ''The nature 1986b). and faith of the of deviance These positivist positivist approaches simply perspective criminology escaped accepted, in was general. their that to attention. a there 1 very While was large For the a them, 'thing' extent, moral the out a nature nonproblematic power there—crime—whose of element deviance in and was deviance consensual very existence clear remained to and interpretation of the social system, hence followed a nonproblematic definition of the "real" nature of deviance and crime. The deviance value­conflict and crime. approach However, of the the approach 1930s (Rubington itself did and not last Weinberg for long 1971, and was ch. 4; overpowered Davis 1975, by ch. the 6) tidal helped wave bring of positivism. into a clear and sharp focus the political nature of

Developments in the 1960s and 1970s. The 1960s and 1970s witnessed the rise of a few approaches in the sociological study of deviance.

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While approaches, they did drew not attention focus on to politics various and aspects deviance of power exclusively, and morality. their methods, These included formulations, the dramaturgical, and interpretations, existential, as well ethnomethodological, as their challenge to and previous phenomenological theoretical approaches interactionistinspired to deviance labeling (e.g., see approach for reviews (e.g., Thio see Becker 1988; Goode 1963; 1984a; Schur 1971; Douglas Goode and Waksler 1978; Dotter 1982). and The Roebuck most influential 1988). approach, however, was the symbolic

Becker (1963) defined the approach as:

is has Social not successfully a groups quality create of been the deviance act applied: a person by deviant making commits behavior rules but whose rather is behavior a infraction consequence that people constitutes of so the label. application deviance, (P. 9) and by by others applying of rules those and rules sanctions to particular to an "offender." people and The labeling deviant them is one as outsiders…. to whom the Deviance label

Erikson (1962) added that:

Sociologically, case Deviance of deviation. is not then, a (P. property the 308) critical inherent variable in certain is the forms social of audience behavior; …since it is a property it is the audience conferred which upon eventually these forms decides by the whether audience or which not any directly given or action indirectly or actions witness will them. become a visible

In this approach, a deviant was defined by the societal reaction to a presumed violation of expectations (Rubington and Weinberg 1971; 169). The acts of labeling the deviant approach than argues on the that acts deviance of the respondents. is essentially This relativistic approach and focused interactional, attention that not it only is the on product the deviant's of lengthy own negotiations, reactions to and the labels that it is but less also dependent on the actions on the of social thus shifted control attention agencies from and the actors individual who were deviant themselves to the environment producing deviance and emphasized through the the conflictual creation of nature moral of panics, the labeling laws, stigmatization, process. and labeling. Labeling theory

The labeling approach's characterization of deviance introduced—quite

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constitutes why explicitly—elements rules are deviance, made and of and power who if deviance holds and morality the is power not a into property to deviance invoke inherent the research label in "deviance." any in a particular way similar Once behavioral to this the conclusion older pattern, value is but conflict made, one that the approach. road is a conferred to politics If society property, and creates deviance then the rules one is almost must whose ask open. infraction how and

An political by those illustration and committing criminal of the them. labeling indeed constitute approach political to the study crime. of political His approach deviance totally is Ingraham's disregarded (1979) the actual work, nature where of he the stated acts, power, explicitly morality, that all and those motivational acts that officials accounts consider given

All elements the above­mentioned of power and morality. approaches, with labeling at the front, emphasized the problematic nature of deviance and hence called much more explicit attention to the

Lauderdale 1960s (1985) and adds 1970s and that, Inverarity by during studies these (Lauderdale of years: the relativity 1980, of ch. deviance, 1) noted the that, theoretical in addition case to studies these developments, of changes in definitions the approach of deviance, to a political and analysis the antipsychiatry of deviance movement. was furthered Kooistra in the

Alleged glorification) discriminatory of criminals prosecution from minority of political groups, dissidents illegal governmental by agents of activities the government, conducted the for investment political advantage—ranging of "ordinary" crime from with symbolic violations political of civil rights meaning, to breaches the politicization of (and international demonstrations—were law in Viet forms Nam—political of behavior trials that such begged as the for trial analysis of the and "Chicago classifications. Eight" and (P. 100) some forms of mass dissident—ranging from urban riots to peaceful college

Two interest other, in conflict more significant theories, especially developments as developed contributed, in British perhaps criminology more than in others, the 1970s. to the increased interest in politics and deviance: control theory and the revival of

Control theory. Control theory, which has long been a part of the sociological study of deviance, did not seek direct answers to questions

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43–50). "something" relating to Deviance, the but causes is rather therefore, of deviance, thought occurs to but be when rather made a society asked possible about loses because the control source(s) social over systems individual of conformity. (or members, specialized Conceptualized ergo parts Nettler's in them) within (1972) fail this to perspective, observation prevent its that occurrence deviance while is human (Frazier not thought beings 1976; of "may Thio as caused be 1988; by nonproblematic; issue domestic by stating animals that see … the they also sociology Gibbs need domestication" 1985). of social control (p. 333). focuses Durkheim's on the analysis classical of study the processes on suicide that and tend anomie to counteract also illustrated deviance this (assuming, point. Parsons of course, (1951) that summarized "deviance" this is Social control theories assume the existence of two types of control mechanisms. First, there are the "inner mechanisms" which are thought to be somewhere within the parents, individual, the for law, example, police, and ego, community. superego, and In some conscience. cases, Second, the distinction we find is the hazy, "external especially mechanisms," if one starts which analyzing are thought the "inner to be representation" outside the individual, of external for events. example, For example, while "conscience'' should be considered an inner mechanism, its development, formation, and crystallization are certainly due to "external" factors. 2 Finally, in recent years, sociologists of deviance and criminologists have begun to focus attention on control theory on the macro levels—control and the state, control control and politics organs. (e.g., It is see not Cohen entirely and clear, Scull however, 1983; Cohen whether 1985; these Davis two and different Anderson approaches 1983; Black to social 1984). control—the In this way, micro whole and social the later systems macro—are may be compatible, conceptualized and as if so, in what way. 3 Neither the control theories mentioned here nor the statement that control theories have traditionally focused on internal versus external factors should mislead us about of processes the ethical nature codes, of of socialization. control. are translated Every Norbeck ideology into actual, (1961, or religion micro ch. 10) provides level pointed behavior various out that of control individual morality mechanisms, construction actors. Adherence some is an of essential which to rules are is part external, often of every justified while religion by others a moral and are that internalized universe these constructions, (or through code of various ethics) in the that form was either inspired or dictated by a sacred deity. Religious (or cultic) moral

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explanations If, universes however, are one for typically temporal goes astray, embedded occurrences. supernatural in a specific Adherents punishment and to finite religion will cosmic follow. are order, told Reinforcement that linked if one with leads awesome, of these a pious ideas transcendental, life­style, (about what supernatural universal is morally rewards deities. and socially will Furthermore, ensue acceptable (e.g., all eternal religions and appropriate life offer in paradise). behavior) forces religions level may can exercise help coupled give us credibility link powerful with the a micro­macro complex to control; various system such man­made level ideologies of motivational divine laws. as rewards The Marxism accounting confession and or punishments Maoism systems, in Christianity have is the a similar very idea illustrates of effective powerful control this form on control point the of macro social (e.g., mechanisms. see level control. Hepworth is linked Although As Norbeck and easier the Turner to noted, idea the 1984). of idea a social belief of However, generalized control in supernatural on not the only micro motivational accounting systems. Control moral universes. is linked intimately Davis and not Anderson only to (1983) particular state symbolic­moral that: "social control universes, is always, but to in the the use final of analysis, power to experience enforce the of moral power…. dictates The and social boundaries control institutions of these symbolic­ are 'packages' Control assumption theory of is power that has people explicit techniques" must political be (p. politically overtones. 318). It should controlled. Morality not, therefore, and Likewise, power surprise Davis' are understood (1975, us to find 192–224), in that terms interest such chapter as in control "internal on social theories control" control, also and contrary raises ''external interest to other control," in texts politics and in social control and deviance. deviance, theory's 4 is basic heavily influenced by a model of political conflict and interprets social control as part of a specific politico­economic perspective. Conflict theory, general, theory. and The the second new significant British criminology development in particular that aroused (for sociologists' short reviews, interest see Pfohl in political 1985, ch. factors 10; Goode in deviance 1984a, were 70–79). non­Marxist and Marxist conflict

The approach, society;labeling Marxist and theory they may of deviance encompass is actually the following a variant theories: of the more subcultural general theories conflict maintaining theory. Modern that conflict subgroups theories promote, in deviance values that stem oppose from the those older of the value­conflict surrounding

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theories and economically emphasizing dominant the societal groups response in society to assumed (Hagan 1977, acts of 103–42). deviance; Marxist and group theories conflict of deviance theories stating are included that conflict in the third leads category. to deviance from the activities of socially

privileges structure The Marxist was as: approach "the closely possession linked genuinely to of deviance that tried which to because associate is valued it deviance determined by a particular directly who social received with the group elements various in a given societal of sociological historical privileges period" analysis and why. (p. in 20), general. This and analysis he Krisberg further represents (1975), claimed a for that stratification example, the societal defined problem, privilege directly shape the related social to and the political Marxist institutions. analysis of deviance, Thus, the which structure claimed of society that crime as a whole is a by­product is perceived of as an "criminogenic" unjust and alienating (e.g., Schur structure 1969; of economic Reasons 1974a; institutions, Galliher which and in turn McCartney 1977; Quinney and Wildeman 1977; Chambliss 1978; Greenberg 1981;Beirne and Quinney 1982. See also Alexander 1982). 5 Stanley Cohen (1974) portrayed the complicated development of the fields of criminology and sociology of deviance in Britain, noting that:

points political the very to categories and two moral cases: dissent" of "it's crime becoming …then, and deviance increasingly in connexion …are apparent problematic with drug to a legislation, in whole specifically generation if one political asks of criminologists questions ways. That such is, and the as how sociologists, field the has political something that structure it is to increasingly do with ever control, allowed difficult power, laws to like distinguish legitimacy, this to be between ideology. passed, crime "as Skolnik a and criminologist or sociologist you necessarily come into the field of political science" …the problem is the structural and political loci of definitions of deviance. (P. 5)

In Criminology: the early 1970s, For a a group Social of Theory British criminologists of Deviance (1973), developed written a new by Marxist Ian Taylor, criminology. Paul Walton, 6 The and most Jock representative Young and originally presentation published of their by ideas Routledge appears and in The Kegan New Paul. This book, one of

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the from finest the neo­Marxist critiques in the British field group of the of sociology sociologists of deviance, (see e.g., clearly Carlen leaned and Collison toward Marxist 1980; Cohen conflict 1981). theory. The book was the first of an entire literature that emerged

sociology aspects American of of deviance. scholars, deviance. such It is This interesting as criminology, Quinney, to Chambliss, note often the called topics as well "new" that as were or others "radical," included (e.g., paved in see Taylor Goode the way and 1984a; Taylor's for the 38–39), political (1973) responded analysis volume, of by Politics deviance developing and and Deviance: their for the own investigation brands crime, corporations, of Marxist­oriented of the political and the American show how social various order; forms social of behavior control may in Cuba; be interpreted housing; psychiatry as deviant and by using the university; a political hippies; perspective. among others. Clearly, the authors chose these problems in an attempt to

These into the two halls developments—control of criminologists and sociologists theory and the of deviance. new "radical" criminology—have during the last decade brought very forcefully the topic of politics and deviance

Summary. This part provided a brief review of the concept of politics and deviance within the sociological study of deviance.

same and approach The the descriptive attention 1970s) in the as attempted sociological analysis traditional given this study areas task, here of of more explains deviance deviance successfully both analyzed research, the late in explicitly such the emergence last as mental decade, the of analytical illness, the within field drug combination a of very politics abuse, particular and sexual of politics deviance theoretical deviance, and and, deviance. framework. juvenile in part, delinquency, The its Politics chaotic value­conflict nature. and and deviance others. For approach a very have long (both never time, of received the no 1930s the Conceptual Background: Power and Morality even As can pointed be inferred out that from "being the political above, the … relation generates between its own politics pressures and for deviance, fraud. To and be the political definition is to of be this entangled area, has by always the need been to attain elusive and (Kooistra maintain 1985). power, Nettler through (1972) the

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appeasement of the politician…"(pp. of conflicting 181–182). interests, within the limitations of a real world. This entanglement stimulates lying—to oneself and to others…. Lying is a vocational hazard

Ingraham their Problems real nature (1979), of definition. or in the the motivation spirit Schafer of the (1974) of labeling those suggested who approach, committed that chose political them. to criminals define political are those crime who as believe those acts that that their public criminal officials actions regard will as result political in an and improved criminal, social regardless order. of

act Lauderdale's as political (1980, according 3–12) to work the nature distinguished of the act between itself. An two act alternate would be approaches considered to political the definition deviance of political according deviance. to the magnitude The first approach of harm caused. defines Examples a specific of deviant distinction deviance in between this category "political" are exploitation, and "nonpolitical" sexism, deviance racism, imperialism, lies in the consequences profiteering, of and the consumer act (depending fraud (Lauderdale on the moral 1980, evaluation 6). This of the approach consequences), implies that and the may etc., contradict concepts and why." of the power view The and that ideological morality deviance context of is those a relative of making defining phenomenon. the something evaluation. Even as Thus, ''political in this I find approach, deviance" the category however, as based of "universal" one on the has magnitude to crime—as answer of such harm implied questions done by is this as of "who approach—extremely crucial defines importance— what as sexism, problematic. as well racism, as the

political proscribed Lauderdale's deviance acts alternate … consisted which definition are of motivated those of political forms by of the deviance deviance desire is to and according influence crime with to public the political intent policy motivations, of or the power deviant. relations perpetrated Minor through (1975), by altruistic the who commission examined individuals: of thoroughly the "Political crime, this and crime approach, which is defined are noted characterized as legally that by concern for group or societal welfare over considerations of personal gain" (p. 395). Minor's interest fall and into Lauderdale's the category focus of is general, on the nonpolitical deviant's motivational deviance. accounting However, if system the deviant as a means acts are of attributed defining intent. to the Deviants interests of who an justify oppressed their group, actions the on deviant the basis is of self­ considered

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political. Thus, a spy motivated by ideals is somehow perceived as more respectable (and dangerous) than one working simply for a salary (e.g., see Hagan F. 1987). distinction, Another Robbing difficulty a bank however, for with personal may focusing become gain on is easily intent considered confusing. is that a the regular deviant's For example, crime, motivational while if someone committing accounting steals the food systems same in the act may self­interest for not an underground always of reflect not starving, movement his/her is original this is considered a crime motivation. or a is political it Frequently, political act. deviance? This a motivational reality, or of specified accounting selves system (e.g., is provided make the for deviant the deviant appear by as interested insane, hero, parties repentant in order sinner, to impress and the particular like). The audiences determination in the validity of intent, of particular therefore, constructions depends on the of situation and is socially negotiated and constructed. Patricia Hearst illustrated this problem. When addressing booked them at to the different San Mateo symbolic­moral County Jail, universes. Patricia Hearst She first changed the motivational accounting systems that she used several times in rapid succession, fitting and

defiantly an criminal alternative in listed nature psychiatric her and occupation intent…. definition as What "urban of makes her guerrilla". behavior this …particular as In illness the course induced episode of the unusual by legal traumatic proceedings is the episodes ease and against of rapidity solitary her with involving confinement which bank a single and robbery, extreme actor moved assault, anxiety. from and Ultimately kidnaping, political to her Patty medical behavior Hearst to criminal was came defined to accept as definitions of the same behavior….(Inverarity 1980, 104)

Sagarin system, in (1973, the distribution viii) states that of political violations powers, of the or law in the that structure are motivated of political­governmental by political aims—that bodies—are is, by the intent political of deviances. bringing about (or preventing) a change in the political

Kooistra's legal categories (1985) that work are summarized presumed to critically describe what acts he which saw are as the political three broad offenses theoretical by nature." approaches (p. 101) The to the second definition "stresses of "political the motivation crime." The of the first offender "consists as of the codified key for

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determining whether a crime is political." (p. 101) The third "contends that the essence of political crime is the social reaction it elicits" (p. 101) The applicability of sub­category me these start, three therefore, approaches of deviance. by clarifying to my Crime approach a possible implies is limited. that conceptual specific To begin problem: state with, made that we rules/laws of have the distinction to were ask ourselves violated, between about and political state the pre­determined nature deviance of the and relations political punishments between crime. are Generally politics, applied crime following speaking, and apprehension deviance. crime is a Let to crime. and keep trial, Second, the Hence, analytical the there relativistic level are various on the position broadest forms I of take level deviance precludes of generalization, which the first are criminalized of I Kooistra's shall focus by approaches. on the the state broader Because My intersection approach political would of crime politics touch is a and sub­category the deviance second and and of political third not on approaches. the deviance, more limited and in political order

The issues of power, threat, and legitimacy. Conrad and Schneider (1980) pointed out that the question of who defines who as "deviant" is determined by social deviance of power power and are in "The societies linked power closely is intimately to … to the define dominant linked and to construct social deviance, control reality especially institutions is linked regarding intimately in … such society" to issues the (p. structure as 17). social Thio of consensus power (1988, in chap. a about society 4) what takes at a is a given right similar historical and view, what pointing period is wrong, … out constructions and that the the type distribution of of deviance Michalowski powerless. expected (1985) from all state both that the political powerful deviance and the powerless. involves, somehow, 7 Sykes (1978), power and Thio that (1988) political Box deviance (1983), Haskell always involves and Yablonski a struggle (1983), between Bonn the (1984), powerful and and the

Haskell maintaining and "powerless" and Yablonski power play (see a (1983, futile also Turk game 415) 1982, is state not 14). that new However, political (Schafer deviance the 74, perception ch. 4). is usually As early that committed deviance as 1898, in Proal either general pointed to affect and out political changes that power deviance in the was political in an particular important or social is an factor system arena in or wherein political for the the deviance. purpose "powerful" of Garofalo's well­known book, Criminology, first published in 1885, also viewed political crime in this context.

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It seems that all crimes and deviance have a political nature because "social groups create deviance by making the rules whose infraction constitute deviance" (Becker sufficiently. 1963, 9). This After approach, all, there however, are numerous must consider cases of rules the problem and laws of against who makes the powerful, the rules and and while why. The societies concept can of be power, characterized in itself, by cannot conflict, possibly there is explain also much the issue Foucault's consensus. (1980): It should "Power not surprise can be us analyzed to find that as something political deviance which circulates…. and crimes may It is be never committed localized by here the or powerless there…. and Power the powerful. is employed This and view exercised is consistent through with a netlike power terms,helpdefinewhowilldeviantizewhom. organization" is a necessarily (p. 98). As analytical we shall element see in chapters if we are five to assess to eight, correctly power the is indeed nature dispersed of deviance and and can politics. be used It and is clear generated that power by different and conflict, groups in and the individuals. broadest sense Hence, of the

In this sense, we can even state that deviants are those who simply do not have enough power to prevent others from defining them as such. Horowitz and Liebovitz organized those (1968) rules" stated small (p. that: 282). groups "Deviance Lofland with little (1969) is a power conflict further are between strengthened strongly at feared least this two by definition a parties: well organized, superordinates when he sizable stated who that minority, deviance make and or majority, was: enforce "The the who name rules, have of and a a conflict large subordinates amount game in of whose which power" behavior individuals (p. 14). violates Schur or loosely contest" of (1980) public coined are opinion" the the major term (p. 135). mechanism "deviantization for such process,'' processes: referring "partisans to the in process collective through stigma which contests particular are widely groups engaged of people in the become manipulation deviantized, of political and stated symbols that "stigma for the control

that only Scholars "deviations a contest writing between are from whatever the the perspective powerful is felt, consciously and that the emphasizes powerless, or not, the to then be element threatening" we must of power also (p. ask in 466). deviance who The can "threat" be and threatened politics potential tend and implicit sometimes why? in The deviance to real add answer the is a "threat" very to this interesting potential. question idea. is Turk not If (1979) who "deviance" but noted what. is Mizruchi (1983) noted that "dissident

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behavior may be perceived as a threat to the normative system of a society" (p. 11). Although Mizruchi's statement is in the right direction, he did not go far enough. Bonn actions "The concept (1984) that constitutes rightly of perceived noted a threat that threat in to political society'' provides crime (p. a key 358). "the link Schur symbolic between (1979) meaning the stated overall of that the or deviance, criminal basic boundary­maintaining act politics, is more and important social change function than the should of act deviance itself" be thought because defining of "it as and is one the the theoretical symbolic emergence nature construct: of particular of their collective definitions of deviance within specific social contexts" (p. 24). Hence, Schur implied that a society actually "gets the deviance it deserves." The because reason the that concept deviance of power and politics itself is insufficient involve a threat to explain potential, this and phenomenon. that the symbolic nature of the political deviance is perceived to be of such importance, is precisely

Max Weber (1947), made a distinction between legitimate power (which he referred to as "authority") and illegitimate power (which he referred to as "coercion"). In a invented negotiated very fundamental and social given order sense, in order the power use to justify of has power to the be must act legitimized. of be using explained power. Attempts and Therefore, accepted. to use a sheer clever An naked acceptable, utilization power individual, of alone an accepted to stigmatize collective, motivational or or deviantize generalized accounting would motivational system probably can accounting fail justify because a political system in a must be face acceptable deviance of power by motivational the is powerless usually accounting masked and help or partially systems, them gain, replaced might or generate, lose by some a set power of — legitimations or and in the in this long way which run help all exact — promote of a their more social power. or less change. Rock willing (1973b) The compliance powerful, added from that who the in might complex ruled" use (p. power societies 144). without "the coercive providing On what grounds can power, or its use, be legitimized or accounted for? Weber's (1947, 324–92) classical work distinguished among three major types (or bases) of legitimation: complex societal generalized system charismatic, of symbols: motivational rational, morality accounting or traditional. (or ideology), system Here, on which I the would macro in itself like level may to go that be beyond delineated provides these actors by types. a charismatic, with Let rules me suggest rational, that or the traditional use of power source. is legitimized Morality can through be thought the use of as of the a

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sociological and legitimizes nature the of use morality of power. and It then can locate also justify the analytical resistance place, to those meaning, who are and considered implication to of be morality powerful within by developing social systems. a countermorality. I shall next examine the The and deviances issue of morality. have a political Deviance nature is linked because intimately socially to upheld what is prohibitions perceived as always conventional defend a morality specific and value serves system as its or mirror morality image. (Schafer In this 1974, sense, 19). it However, is true that although all crimes the the problem complex of interaction understanding between deviance the two. in Rock general, (1974) and politics even claimed and deviance that the in sociology particular, of is deviance linked very has closely failed to with study that morality of morality, systematically very little has and been that if written we are about to understand deviance we must first understand the moral order. Morality goals but is defines an important the legitimate sociological ways concept, to achieve its them. main Morality, function being in any to society, orient and is represented direct social by actions a complicated toward specified structure goals. of symbols Morality that not are only communicated determines and social establish the significance attached to various societal issues.

A value system, or morality, can be broadly defined as those ideals, mores, or criteria that shape normative behavior. Thus, the value of the sacredness of life would

dictate the norm of "do not kill." Not all values, or morals, are of equal importance in the individual's cognitive map or within a particular culture. A hierarchy of morals

is, therefore, usually established in which some values gain priority over others. 8

over also Doing the time morality outcomes within is one of the complex society. process In through negotiations complex which and about pluralistic an object morality. or societies, process Negotiating morality is evaluated morality is negotiated. as means good that or Laws evil. the and What moral punishments is boundaries regarded therefore as of good society or reflect are bad constantly varies not only among society's fluctuating. societies moral According and hierarchies fluctuates to but Becker skillful use (1963, of publicity, ch. 8), in and certain success periods in neutralizing and places, opposition people arise are who successful by virtue in of forcing their initiative, their interests, political ideologies, power, and influence, values onto connections, society as access a whole to decisionmakers, (see

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also Hills 1980, 35–37). Becker called these people "moral entrepreneurs" or "moral crusaders," and he termed the process through which they help shape societal explain promote moral boundaries the social situation change a "moral and as make well crusade." (e.g., it meaningful. homosexuality, A successful Under moral the prohibition, proper crusade conditions, may antidrug create use, such awareness pro a moral marijuana to crusade particular use, may abortion, issues give rise by etc.; providing to see, dynamics e.g., appropriate Kitsuse characteristic and vocabularies Spector of "social 1975; of problems" motives Spector that and and help Kitsuse 1977; and chapter five).

reflects different The sociology different interest of moral groups the law ideas and provides does in society. not a most necessarily As interesting sociologists embrace illustration know the all legitimate for too the well, application needs the law of reflects large of the sections concepts the final of outcome moral the population entrepreneur of a long (e.g., process and Hagan moral of 1985). interaction crusade. Marijuana The and law negotiation laws symbolizes in the among United and States today demonstrate this problem.

Marijuana has become the "new Prohibition" in contemporary American society, with upwards of 40 million persons having used this illicit drug, perhaps one third of them using it adult moral on a more public and or political are less ideologically regular beliefs basis. that opposed these Effective dominant to enforcement total decriminalization. groups of find the repugnant law has Use become of (e.g., the hedonism, drug impossible. is symbolically sexual The use promiscuity, associated and sale of altered in marijuana much states of the remain of public consciousness, illegal, mind however, with radicalism, many primarily kinds irreverence of because activities, most towards lifestyles, of the older and authority, and so on) (Hills 1980; 38).

Morality of credibility," runs deeper which provide than its "technical" a stratification or "definitional" principle in the aspects moral (e.g., hierarchy. see Astrachan These hierarchies 1985; Jayyusi mean that 1984). specific First, members Becker (1967) of society noted — that by societies virtue of their have social "hierarchies position — are perceived to be more credible than others. Second, Rock (1973b) pointed out that:

In complex societies, the distribution of deviant phenomena is

Page 52 closely and moral linked properties to the distribution of the members of power of a society…. and life­chances…. A system of A stratification control, based system on authority can also rests, be viewed in part, as on a moral a recognition system: of a major the moral organization right of the of beliefs authoritative about to the make rights, duties decisions…. moral worth. (P. Thus, 47). in a stable, but unequal society class position is often identified with moral position — the higher one's position in a stratification order, the greater is one's

Rock's thesis established a clear relationship between moral status and social position. If a particular type of "deviant" occupies a lower social position, the probability meaning of his/her and being the regarded "threat" potential as an actual of the deviant deviance. and thus Thus, acquiring particular a deviant classes identity of actors increases. in any society A change may in be the more social susceptible position to of being the deviant charged could with transform moral inferiority the moral and probability we deviance shall see than of that ideas other the being classes change branded of in the actors type "deviant" (Duster of population increases 1970, 247). using in direct Two illicit relation illustrations psychoactive to the for social substances this idea status appear was (within closely in academia) this linked book. of to In changes the the scientists case in of morality deviant promoting sciences, and, them. therefore, we In shall the to second changes see that illustration, in the society's principally educational, reaction through and preventative toward law enforcement. these one, drug and users. When, the emphasis When however, drug on educated, use law was enforcement restricted middle­class diminished. to the youth lower started class, abusing scant attention drugs, the was response paid to changed the problem, to a therapeutic, and societal rehabilitative, response was

Religion, renders a most politics, important medicine, service the arts, to society and sciences through are defining other areas its boundaries. that define morality through complex sets of symbols in the form of ethics and rituals. Morality thus

primarily One politicians, must in realize law pluralistic, enforcement that competing heterogenous agents, moral lawyers, societies crusaders psychiatrists, where and morality moral social panics, itself workers, is all subject reflecting and to negotiations. a "collective Morality search for debates identity" are (Klapp usually 1969), carried can out be by widespread moral agents, phenomena such as

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media people. Complex societies are morally heterogeneous, and different sections of society present different moral universes.

professional Society's moral squad, stratification a medical has squad a few or implications. a lawyer squad. Douglas Doctors, (1971) lawyers noted and that other "Every professionals … police force … are has allowed a vice squad to police and themselves, narcotic squad, so that but their no criminal police force activities has a do not often become officially categories as crimes, whereas the lower classes have their policing done for them by the police" (p. 92). 9 Morality and values systems are important concepts for our understanding of the nature of deviance because the differential damages attributed to various deviant acts have crime] than (e.g., a to drug physical is ask committed abuse, whose threat. prostitution, morality? … Durkheim's it is the How homosexuality) common (1933) powerful conscience keen are are observation the peripheral upholders which that is to attacked" of the "An the main act offended (pp. is offense, criminal 70–110), moral which when system? corroborates is it a offends moral And one. to strong this what A conclusion. moral and extent defined challenge do If, they states in essence, feel may of threatened? the be crimes perceived collective damages as conscience…. far more morality, threatening When then we [a Deviance, power and morality. Understanding politics and deviance means that, in addition to understanding societal power negotiations and configurations, we have systems, boundaries to examine aimed how (e.g., to the Jayyusi construct use of 1984). that specific power Thus social is Rock's legitimized realities, (1973b) in either the statement form reinforcing of that morality political existing negotiations. deviance moral boundaries "is These deliberately negotiations of what organized is considered means to that persuade, right actors and exchange convert what wrong, or motivational force or aiming others accounting in to redefining change these important sectors of the world" (p. 100) becomes meaningful. Diagram 1 may be useful to clarify the issue:

In universe. brief, the These diagram moral describes crusaders moral try to entrepreneurs generate power who and initiate influence moral in crusades order to in restructure order to persuade societal moral other boundaries social actors and in the consequently validity of to the redefine formers' morality, symbolic­moral values and conduct norms which in turn define the ideological and behavioral parameter of the social order. Deviance, and political deviance, are

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Page 54 defined by existing moral boundaries, but they also challenge them. Regular deviance does that

defined by existing moral boundaries, but they also challenge them. Regular deviance does that implicitly; political deviance does that explicitly. Political deviance is considered thus influenced as deviants, by the process, e.g., conscientious but it also influence objectors, it. war While resisters, political Robin deviance Hood is types. located It on is societal the right reaction side of the to the chart, challenge moral entrepreneurs of (political) deviance may sometimes which may be be context chart. helpful Primarily, in of the sociological process however, of processes redefining political of deviance, moral change boundaries. and constitutes stability. Thus, an explicit when political challenge deviance on moral become boundaries. formalized, This is it how may we itself can start conceptualize a cycle similar political to the deviance one described within in the the moral The flow boundaries through and this a chart relatively may be high easier degree to interpret of cultural in a compartmentalization. simple social system but more complicated to follow in a pluralistic social order characterized by negotiated So meaning, far, I clarified and implication the nature of morality of morality within in the social context systems. of power, politics, and deviance. The other issue I have to address now is that of locating the analytical place,

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theoretical The concept tradition of a symbolic­moral that integrate different universe provinces has become of meaning very central and to encompass my analysis. the Berger institutional and Luckmann order in a symbolic (1966) characterize totality. … symbolic symbolic universes processes as: are "bodies processes of of Furthermore, signification that they refer suggest to realities the concept other of than "universe those of maintenance," everyday experience. claiming … that the when symbolic two, or sphere more, relates contradicting to the most symbolic comprehensive universes level (i.e., of moral legitimation" sets) meet, (p. a conflict 113). is universe unavoidable: in question" "heretical (p. groups 124; see posit also not Scott only 1972). a theoretical In other threat words, to the a specific symbolic symbolic universe, universe but a practical helps its one inhabitants to the institutional to better understand order legitimated their reality, by the to symbolic make sense particular Ben­Yehuda, out of what vocabularies might and otherwise Aviad of 1987) motives) seem offers senseless. that its are adherents utilized A symbolic by a symbolic­moraluniverseandthederivativemotivationalaccountingsystems.Thedifferentmotivational the universe inhabitants therefore to explain provides and justify its inhabitants their past with and the future necessary behavior. motivational In this sense, accounting each elective systems center (based (Cohen, on accounting systems expressed by inhabitants of different symbolic­moral universes would necessarily expose the symbolic differences between these groups. 10

of power Viewed these and universes in this in attempting way, is vitally deviance to interested widen and the deviantization not basis only of its in its legitimacy become own survival central — that but phenomena is, also these in showing symbolic­moral when two, its moral or more, universes superiority. symbolic­moral are Thus, involved each universes in symbolic­moral moral, meet, power, compete, and universe stigma negotiate, is contests. engaged and in The clash. generating ability Each of different where, and symbolic­moral when. universes to generate and use power, as well as their ability to legitimize their claims, will eventually determine who will deviantize whom,

Where crucial role morality in such is continuously negotiations. negotiated, The perceived moral threat boundaries of any particular are constantly real, imaginary, fluctuating. or Moral assumed entrepreneurs, type of deviance moral is crusades, an important social issue power, for and basic interest boundary­ groups play a maintaining or boundary­changing functions of deviance.

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However, always The analysis the the case so process far that points the of "powerful" defining out that any every get particular their deviance way. behavioral has Furthermore, a political pattern laws nature as sanctioning "deviant," because, and basically, a specific persecuting power behavioral those and morality pattern who adhere are determine not to always it, is who primarily enforced. would based deviantize For on example, negotiations. whom while, (Schur It for is 1980). many not years, Clearly, have realenforcementfollowed. this the a law. law few in They groups Israel were (especially did also not acutely allow the homosexual religious aware that, parties), acts for other (even in Israel moral between were reasons, consenting able to this mobilize law adults), was enough not the enforceable. Israeli power police to persuade Thus, did not the others enforce law existed, that this it law was the — symbolic important unless there message — symbolically was was a complaint. there, — but to no

considered Another type to of represent deviance negotiated, happens when agreed­upon deviants morality distinctly abuse threaten the the power moral and legitimacy morality vested of those in them. who have the power, or when those who have the power and are Thus, moral Spector entrepreneurs. and Kitsuse This is (1977) an interesting map the way ways to in examine which specific how social issues change may be may transformed be introduced into via a "social societal problem" reactions as to a "claim real, imaginary, making activity" or assumed (ch. deviance. 5) of different

Wallwork Simple and 1972). complex Discussing societies: Durkheim's power, morality, (1933) conceptualization and deviance. Durkheim of morality (1973) inevitably was brings well aware us back of the to what problem he felt concerning was the very the moral core of structure society: of the society collective (see also its conscience, own life; which one may he call defined it the as 'collective' follows: "The or 'common totality of conscience' beliefs and … sentiments It is independent common of to the average particular citizens conditions of the same in which society individuals forms a are determinate placed" (pp. system 79–80). which Thus, has life the realm collective is associated of values conscience and with beliefs…. his/her is the society's This essence central collective that value defines conscience. system the moral is the It boundaries central follows zone that of of Shils's any society" social (1970) (p. system, "center" 1). Durkheim's and is it equivalent therefore collective is to regarded the conscience collective as sacrosanct. conscience: Each "The individual's center … meaning is … the of

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closer and Shils's one is center to the also moral parallel center, Parsons' the higher (1971) is the "societal credibility, community": respectability, "the salient and decency foci of tension attributed and to conflict, that actor and (Duster thus of 1970). creative innovation" (p. 121). Obviously, the In simple societies, the collective conscience (or center) appears quite specific, simple, and integrative. In complex societies, the existence and role of the collective for conscience this idea become can also problematic. be found in Durkheim's 11 In such societies, discussion a few of the competing "non­contractual and different elements centers of contract" exist; yet (Durkheim society still 1933: maintains 111–115, some general 206–219). form Despite of integration. the existence Support of is different, shared by or differentiated, all members of collective society. Once consciences, this situation there withers is still a social symbolic­moral disintegration universe is inevitable. (or enough This overlapping situation obviously between facilitates the different both symbolic­moral variety and organic universes) solidarity. that In characterized both simple by and fewer complex competing societies, symbolic­moral the consciousness universes, of likeness and by is greater a problematic stability, issue. social While change relatively does occur. simple, By integrated, the same token, and cohesive while change social systems appears are to be a hallmark regardingsocialchangeandsocialstability. of modern, complex, and pluralistic social orders, such orders also exhibit elements of social stability. In both types of society, deviance plays a crucial role

In less simpler problematic social systems, there because the societal moral reaction statements triggered are clearer. by deviance In more will complex typically and strengthen pluralistic rigidity societies, and general help define consensus moral and boundaries. acceptance Interpreting of moral deviant statements acts are will be more the meaning difficult of to such achieve. terms The as "loyalty" more abstract or "traitor" such statements is clear, but are, in a the pluralistic more problematic society, the they meaning become. of these Douglas terms (1970a) may become pointed vague. out that, Hence, in a the monolithic meaning social and order, interpretation common cause, of and morality cultural and heritage. deviance While there deviance become problematic. in such societies The primary can, and trait often of does, such help societies maintain is change, stability, with it much also contributes effort invested much to to create processes feelings of social of likeness, change. By definition, a more complex and pluralistic social system, based on negotiated agreements, is characterized by multiplicity of

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value Many elective and of centers these belief universes that systems are enveloped and compete advocate with by symbolic­moral life­styles. one another Each for universes widespread of these centers (see legitimacy, Ben­ can Yehuda be resources, defined 1985; and followers, Cohen is surrounded and and Ben­Yehuda influence. by its own, These 1987; more­or­less symbolic­moral Cohen, Ben­Yehuda identifiable, universes periphery. and present Aviad 1987). alternative Complex societies are considerably different than simple societies, especially regarding the number of centers and symbolic­moral universes available, their relative relied (Rock meaningful openness upon 1973a) and as contacts overlappings. and a formal situationally and mechanism hence These also problematic, of societies limited social access control, both possess to to members integrating few specific so­called reservoirs of all society those geographically of who and empirical to live the within segregated sociologist. knowledge. its political cultural Criminal The jurisdiction social spheres law meaning in and a (Hills complex are of 1980, described deviance society 35). more in may such accurately therefore societies become as becomes having increasingly essentially limited Toward a New Conceptualization of Politics and Deviance In order to say something meaningful about politics and deviance, I developed the concepts of power, legitimacy, center, symbolic­moral universes, and boundaries universe, of together. power I (influence, identifiable argued that political, by differrent its own monetary, moral societies boundaries etc.). allow These the and existence symbolic­moral unique of vocabulary a different universes of number motives. may of be The competing in social contact groups centers, and competition that each inhabit of which for these a is variety universes enveloped of resources, possess by a particular different and consequently, symbolic­moral amounts and a types conflict is unavoidable. Furthermore, characterization outcome of this this fact of picture this is that immensely can these be centers hopelessly complex and system complicated their enveloping does not because lie moral exclusively actors universes may with consider keep the negotiating concept themselves of "conflict," both members power but and of with more morality. that than of They "consensus" one symbolic­moral offer potentially as well. A universe. new rational Therefore, and real the

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members, actively involved and old in inhabitants, competing the for possibility new members to recentralize, (i.e., many revitalize, of the new and religious change movements; the moral boundaries see, e.g., Ben­Yehuda of their individual 1985, social ch. 3; worlds. Cohen, Some Ben­Yehuda, of these and universes Aviad are 1987; Something Wilson all these 1981; different Wallis 1984; elective Stark centers, and Bainbridge with their enveloping 1985); others symbolic­moral try to enforce universes, their version strive of for morality, is widespread or parts moral of it, legitimacy. on other symbolic­moral universes.

also the Scientology, Not dimension all has symbolic­moral its inner Transcendental of moral widespread stratification. universes Meditation popularity, enjoy The the (T.M.), legitimacy, closer same one Gay amount and is Liberation, to acceptance the of legitimacy. center and of among others that Clearly, universe, the varies different the significantly. the amount higher symbolic­moral of is legitimacy Therefore, one's position universes. enjoyed the various on the by Each Moonies, hierarchies symbolic­moral symbolic­moral Hare of credibility Krishna universes universe (Krishna and may separately, morality. be Consciousness), stratified however, along Gouldner's these Furthermore, universes (1970, the paints vocabularies 266–73) the particular terms, of motives, the symbolic ''language and interaction therefore of morality," the of its motivational members. the integration accounting of the micro­macro systems, that levels each symbolic­moral of analysis — are universe expressed arms in its the inhabitants particular with color — that in each of

This characterization view fits very of politics well into and the deviance conceptualization is as follows: of deviance (and reactions to it) as a relative phenomenon within the context of change and stability. My

periphery deviance. Problematic of behavioral a symbolic­moral acts, which universe take toward place at its the center realm and of the vice seams, versa, where and which boundaries involve of challenges different symbolic­moral (use or abuse) of universes power and meet morality, and touch would or which fall into are the directed area of from politics the and

Politics universe. and Processes deviance of thus shaming characterize vilification, particular stigmatization, interactions deviantization, between different and criminalization, symbolic­moral and universes counterprocesses, as well as similar interactions within one symbolic­moral

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are the hallmarks of these interactions. This particular conceptualization of deviance is totally consistent with the relative conception of deviance presented in this book. crime In some as very that which shallow public sense, officials this approach define as may such). resemble This may the labeling be so because, approach one to may deviance ask, who and decides to Ingraham's what is (1979) a "problematic approach (which behavioral essentially act." This defined approach, political likelihood governments"(pp.xvii–xviii). however, is of much invoking closer the to label Giddings The politics approach (1898), and deviance who presented stated increases here, that "political however, significantly. crime" goes beyond has two these meanings: approaches "crimes and against specifies government the conditions … [and] and crimes analytical perpetrated locations by where the Politics and deviance refer to behavioral patterns that are defined as deviant by social actors in relevant and significant symbolic­moral universes. This process of criminalization, deviantization (Schur but they 1980) need clearly not necessarily involves explicit have to issues do that. of Much power depends and morality. on the Such specific deviant moral behavioral negotiations patterns about may the invoke interpretations processes of of such deviantization acts. Furthermore, and respectability specified Similar acts that acts challenge moral involving and universe decency the power power and (e.g., and trusted and/or see morality morality with Thio legitimized by 1988; inhabitants of a Michalowski specified power, of the symbolic­moral may 1985). center abuse should their universe be privileges included are and here not commit the as well. only acts ones These of to deviance inhabitants, be included under trusted in the the camouflage with category guarding of and politics prevailing protection and deviance. morality of in a The boundaries. concept These of politics challenges and deviance are different implies, in nature: first of some all, that explicit any analysis and some in implicit. this area The has to challenges direct itself in regular into the deviance nature of are challenges: implicit, and of power, the challenges legitimacy, in political and moral deviance must not only are more be made; explicit. they Challenges must also be from made the public periphery so that are likely power to may be accompanied be generated and by explicit legitimacy attempts gained. to gain In contradistinction, as much publicity challenges as possible. from There the center the challenge are not likely to be accompanied by any attempts for publicity. On the contrary, challenges from the center subvert the respectability and camouflage

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given by the center's structural position to basically abuse, bend, ignore, and/or violate the rights of the periphery to have a fair "game" in the social system. Although

this is an obvious political challenge, the last thing the challengers want is publicity. One final note is that the challenges discussed here are not within the accepted "rules

of the game," but are within the realm of deviance. We have to notice, however, that what is — and what is not — defined as deviance is in itself negotiable.

One vocabularies illustration of motives, for this approach accounting is the systems, increase and in boundaries, the organization and attempting of various deviants to generate into some unique power, and different legitimacy, symbolic and influence. moral universes, This development developing received their own a

dramatic expression in recent years with the establishment of many self­help groups for a variety of deviants. Among these groups we find such organizations as

others Anonymous, therapeutic (e.g., communities Gartner Parents and Anonymous, Riessman for drug addicts Lesbian 1984). (e.g., and Synanon, Gay self­help Gateway groups, House, Fat Americans Phoenix House, (e.g., see Odyssey Goode House, and Preissler Daytop, 1983), First Genesis, Overeaters and Anonymous, others), Alcoholics and numerous While over major one might issues mistakenly of power and infer morality. that what Although is involved the actual here are patterns marginal of behavior actors that involved act in an in unorthodox processes of way, boundaries' in reality negotiations this is not the may case. frequently These actors be labeled actually as clash "deviant," way, processes the peripheral of deviantization moral boundaries and stigma and contests the centers are thrown of symbolic­moral back into the universes mainstream become of sociological very central theorization in processes — of well social into change the domain and stability. recommended Viewed by in Piven this (1981) and Scull (1984), that of politics and history.

A political deviant is likely to be characterized as irresponsible, unwilling to "play the game" by the old rules, stigmatized, and dishonored. In contradistinction,

individuals who are parts of the central value system of symbolic­moral universes and of the ruling body not only are perceived to be respectable, but also are usually "objective") ranked agents so high that may on a the political be hierarchies more deviant valid of than credibility that of the and official morality. societal In Douglas' institutions; (1970a, yet the b; 1967) situated terms, meanings a political (i.e., deviant's more "subjective") interpretation are interpretated of abstract meanings by the official (i.e., more moral

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may be labeled a "pariah." However, the moral victory of one side in a value conflict situation is not always guaranteed, especially in a pluralistic society.

I perceived chapter, would like, we as shall "nonpolitical" therefore, explore at these this types point two of to divisions deviance. make a in The distinction more other depth. division between consists two divisions of political in the deviance discussion proper, about which politics is and further deviance. divided One into division three more consists categories. of what In are the usually next

ConcludingSummary In politics this chapter, and deviance. I reviewed The the discussion historical culminated development in a of new the suggestion sociological for interest characterizing in politics the and area deviance, of politics and and some deviance. of the problems involved in defining the nature of

concept, by The a theoretical multiplicity but not framework a of sufficient competing I one. suggest and The elective to use use of centers for power analyzing enveloped must be politics legitimized by symbolic­moral and deviance in terms is of universes. based morality on a (or Actors few ideology). key may analytical choose I view concepts. a societies, center, or First particularly a symbolic­moral is power. complex Power universe, in ones, itself as is toward characterized a necessary which they complex etc.). will These pluralistic gravitate competing and society, be centers committed. cohesion and symbolic­moral does These exist centers because universes, have actors various maintain share degrees a loosely their of power, interaction defined and macro in they a social obviously symbolic­moraluniverse(e.g.,language,history,nationality,ethnicity, order promote that is morally different negotiated. moral standards. In this kaleidoscopic However, even social in such arena a treaties popularity what universes, extent are boundaries, and negotiated, they ascendancy. will remain change, broken, These the and and same moral stability. maintained or negotiations change. as Politics each necessarily of and the deviance competing mean are, that groups therefore, societal attempts moral almost to boundaries use natural and topics generate are always to analyze power, in flux to within legitimize and the problematic analytical its own because brand concepts of it morality, of is never symbolic­moral clear gain to

We characterized the area of politics and deviance as follows: problematic behavioral acts, which take place at the realm of the

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center seams, and where vice boundaries versa, and of which different involve symbolic­moral challenges (use universes or abuse) meet of and power touch and or morality, which are would directed fall into from the the area periphery of politics of a and symbolic­moral deviance. universe toward its I proper. argued that the area of politics and deviance should be divided into two separate divisions: political elements in so­called regular deviance and political deviance

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Political Chapter Four Elements In Regular Deviance and Political Deviance

deviance. The area of politics and deviance can be divided into two broad divisions. The first consists of political elements in regular deviance. The second consists of political Political Elements in Regular Deviance elements—that Making power is, and elements morality of explicit. power and The morality. designation of particular behavioral patterns as deviant contains some important, although often implicit, political other The very universes. act of defining Schur (1980) a particular noted behavioral that "Deviance pattern situations as deviant seem is inherently to arise when political: … people it uses who power are to in impose a position the to view impose of one their specific judgements symbolic­moral find other universe people's upon "deviantization,"whichobviouslyinvolvesshaming(Braithwaite1989),vilification,degradationceremonies(Garfinkel1950)andstigmatizationprocesses(Goffman behaviour in one way or another 'unsettling' …"(P. 4). Schur called the process through which society reacts to particular behavioral acts as deviances a process of allocation. power 1963). and Schur Schur's morality, emphasized analysis attempting that is significant the to process define because particular of deviantization it links patterns primary was of behavior a stratification key element as deviant processes in the (or social nondeviant), to the stratification process are of necessarily order deviantization. because engaged it Thus, intervened in constructing actors in in the societal process the boundaries centers of resource who of negotiate symbolic­ moral controlpublicopinion. universes. These moral entrepreneurs seek constantly to manipulate political, as well as moral, symbols in order to mobilize support, generate power, and

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Gusfield's (1963) work on the Temperance Movement's anti­liquor struggle illustrates this:

government strength What prohibition to bring necessary it symbolized about, to defend and was it gave it. the Legislation dominance superior power did to this the and in character prestige two ways. and of It the style demonstrated old of middle old middle­class class the power in American life of the in contrast old society. middle to The that classes threat of the by of lower showing decline urban in that that and they position middle could had classes. mobilize made The sufficient explicit power actions of political the of Protestant, rural, native American was greater than that of the Eastern upper classes, the Catholic and Jewish immigrants, and the urbanized middle class. (Pp. 122–23)

What Beauchamp Gusfield's 1980; work Wiener implies 1981). is that a contemporary "problem" of what was perceived as excessive use of alcohol was socially constructed (for similar analyzes, see

Furthermore, instead of the Zurcher specific et steps al. (1971) they demanded showed that in order in two to cases abolish of pornography. antipornography campaigns, the moral crusaders emphasized a general life­style and sets of values

Parties boundaries The creation to a of potential of the rules symbolic­moral and moral­political penal punishments universe conflict, of implies and that therefore collective. that the to life­style, Hence, negotiations, collective values, are and engaged definitions morality in an of of deviance effort a specific to create always social or result group maintain in gained stigma a collective ascendancy contests identity and over in by deviantization those defining of other the processes. moral groups, many times at those other groups' expense (Gusfield 1963). The processes process involve of creating, interest and groups maintaining, that are identifiable collective definitions by specific of moralities deviance and (Davis power and and Stivers that 1975) may bring is characterized about the legislation by technical of laws, as well exposing as symbolic specific elements. Such subpopulations to deviantization. Generating to use, or generate, power power and gaining and to legitimacy redefine by deviants. In principle, the only way to neutralize the deviant stigma is to create a countermovement that would attempt

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morality and create a new symbolic­moral universe. Thus, the collective search for identity is not monopolized by deviant­producing groups. It also involves deviants destigmatize that who moral­political may try themselves. to organize base. themselves Since Political deviantization deviance and successfully is one processes of the generate have few cases a enough moral­political in which power this and base reversal public (although support process often for can obscure), their be achieved version the of only successfully morality means and of (see reversal for chapter their is collective a eight). change attempts in, or challenge to to, "Normalizing" either precede or (Schur accompany 1980, 150) normalization deviance, of therefore, deviance. cannot be carried out only on the micro level. A change in the perceptions about the nature of morality must

very Among successful the movements in transforming of deviants the image who have of the chosen homosexual this course from of a action, dangerous, we can sick, find and the perverted moral­political pariah campaign into a human by militant image, gay demanding activists. and This receiving movement equality has been in drug various addicts, areas. gamblers, We can find illegitimate other examples children, in homosexuals, Sagarin's book transvestites, (1969), where transsexuals, he recorded fat the people, formation dwarfs, of convicts, various self­help former convicts, groups among and former deviants mental such patients. as alcoholics, While symbolic­moral example, most of these we find groups universe attempts were is typically by in itself former a created political mental in patients activity. order to to Some help establish their more members their politically bill of cope rights, oriented with and their groups the deviations, creation have actually of the a professional very "come act out of organizing group of the for closets" prostitutes and with trying direct ("Coyote") to define political a demanding common statements. the For removal the interaction of "prostitution between power from the and criminal gender by code examining and from prostitution any governmental and the control" efforts of (Schur prostitutes 1979, to 440–44). organize Thus, collectively in an illuminating in the Programme analysis, Dominelli for the Reform (1986) of explored the Law they also on the failed Soliciting, to challenge to decriminalize existing social prostitution. relationships Dominelli's and the distribution main conclusion of power was between that women men deviants and women. could become more powerful by organizing collectively, but

Furthermore, a "regular" deviant may try and use a "political" explanation to account for his/her deviance and then, hopefully, gain

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more necessarily respectability. contributes The to fact the that fact behavioral that deviance acts is that a relative are called phenomenon. "deviant" may Consequently, be given to a different real and interpretations exhausting effort by occupants must often of be different made if symbolic­moral one wants to expose universes the political and nondeviants element in alike, regular is probably deviance. the An best historical­dynamic approach that could (or a enable natural us history) to expose approach, this political as well element. as examining Chapter the eight motivational provides accounting an analysis systems for this. used by deviants

symbolic­moral of One the immediate sexual partners: example universe the can that nature be provides found of the in the sexual laws appropriate concerning act; and vocabulary the sexual setting behavior. in of which motives These the for act conceptualizing laws occurs attempt (Wheeler to sexual regulate 1960). conduct. the The following specific content four aspects: of these the laws degree stems of consent; from a particular the nature Deviant phenomena, such as swinging, group sex, and prostitution, can be directly linked to the unique European marriage pattern that emerged from the fifteenth and social gratification. sixteenth and centuries economic As such, (Hajnal arrangements it challenges 1965) and (e.g., the is very still marriage). basic prevalent social For today. many norms Much years, regarding of in what more the we control rigid call and sexual of cohesive the sexual deviance social act often and systems, the provides societal various alternative utilization agents access of of moral sex to as and sexual a means social services to control viable, and attempted long­term sexual either to deviance, generate trying or to use to preserve power in intact order society's to condemn moral and boundaries. stifle acts of However, what they as saw, these from acts persisted the particular on the perspective micro level of and their as own ideas symbolic­moral concerning sexual universe, behavior as swinging. of filtered sexual from deviance It is the conceivable micro will to also the that change. macro the institution level, it became of marriage exceedingly itself will difficult be transformed to deviantize and sexuality such sexual redefined. practices Under as homosexuality, these circumstances, oral sex, it prostitution, is very likely premarital that the meaning sex, and

Therapy Therapy, we as a must power remember, contest. is To a particularly illustrate the previous discussion, we shall focus on an "innocent" area—therapy—and see how power and morality play a role in it.

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prevalent and popular form of a societal reaction to a variety of deviant behaviors. Particular forms of treatment of deviants can be conceptualized as sophisticated agents. not control agents Treatment, mechanisms. of social especially change; This conclusion "rehabilitation" for a social is not deviation, and widely "integration accepted often offers into because patients society" many interpretations of of the the deviants social for actors imply their that who behavior patients' administer that behavior neutralize treatment must any do undergo inherent not usually various political see changes themselves criticism. to reflect Therapists as control norms are of mainstreamsociety. Rehabilitating See Hunter and deviants Macalpine is not 1963: a simple 602–620; matter, Zilboorg for it may and involve Henry social 194: 319–341). change (or, When as Pinel a specific demonstrated, morality it prevails, may need rehabilitation to occur within of deviants the context may of sometimes a social revolution. be successful example Alcoholics is only that Anonymous of if the former deviant's (Maxwell addicts past using 1984) is concealed their and experience Synanon from society (Yablonski to help (e.g., treat 1963; see others). Ben­Yehuda Mitchell, Some Mitchell, of 1984; the most there and interesting Ofshe, are very 1982). few control and For therapies rare such exceptions control are those mechanisms, for run this by need former treatment to conceal. deviants, as we One such know as and assumptions (1977) understand even showed (e.g., the "alcoholism term how has rehabilitating a marginal is sickness," Chinese role. "easy Sooner drug does or addicts it," later, "addicts these became agencies are part always of give the addicts"), Chinese rise to specific and revolution. treatment types Therapeutic of assumes morality a communities—whether and form vocabularies of reeducation of motives and for resocialization. addicts, with explicit alcoholics, Lowinger or the mentallyill—that case of drug addicts, lack exaggerate an ideology conventional (or a charismatic morality. leader) Strong eventually emphasis fail. is Generally, placed on the the ideologies work ethic, present on proper in these eating forms habits, of therapeutic and on relations control, with particularly others, while in the strong controls are put on both sex and aggression (for addicts, a strong control is also put on medications). Treatment in his attitudes in general about and himself psychotherapy and others" in (Frank particular 1961, try 44). "to Psychotherapy relieve a person's as distress a symbolic­moral and improve universe his functioning is supposed by helping "to produce him and to correct maintain errors a degree and resolve of arousal conflicts

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engaged accounting optimal for in reintegrating systems learning, reflect to foster patients this hope, moral into self­confidence, the stand. existing Therapists symbolic­moral and are trust, not taught and universes, to to combat be agents not despair, in of producing social insecurity, change social and but revolutions. suspicion'' to facilitate The (Frank personal therapeutic­professional 1961; change 233). so Therapists, that deviants generalized therefore, would motivational be are reintegrated prominent treatment into conformist then was society. the famous Nineteenth­century "moral treatment" American aimed at psychiatrists reintegrating were mental even patients called "alienists" into the community because their (see patients Caplan were 1969). considered mentally alien. The

Frank cultures. (1961), Norbeck (1961), Torrey (1972), and Levi­Strauss (1963, 193–94) state that similar situations and processes exist in noncomplex, nonpluralistic

therapists providing It is thus possible use them their with to professional view acceptable "treatment" motivational power as and a particular prestige accounting to form try systems to of bring a power (more back contest on into this the and later fold as in (i.e., a this form into chapter, of conformist, social in the control discussion conventional (e.g., see of political Horwitz morality deviance). 1984; society) Pallone social 1986). actors In who this deviated contest, by

deviants, Summary. mobilizes The relationship enough power between to oppose alleged the acts societal of deviance reaction, and then societal the reactions process of to deviantization these acts is neither becomes automatic a lengthy nor round simple. of bargaining If the deviants and negotiations. or the group of This morality, symbolic­moral process offers thereby deviants universes, normalizing the negotiate opportunity deviance. definitions to In avoid this process, of stigmas, moral different to boundaries, neutralize actors that imputation (or is, centers) of deviance, of with deviance, varying its interpretation, and degrees even to of change and power, its consequences. accepted prestige, definitions and credibility, A deviant, and conceptions therefore, representing is of the different conventional final product employs of in lengthy order to negotiations gain ascendancy. about For power example, and morality. there are Obviously, great differences these processes between rely explaining/justifying on the type and nature the motivation of the motivational for a particular accounting deed as systems resulting that from each side insanity or as resulting from a symbolic­moral ideology.

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We should note that while specific forms of political deviance are easily identifiable, analyzing the political elements in what appears to be nonpolitical deviance is resources their tricky. prevalence, Changes underlies in are morality, all closely social and associated stratification, therefore with in indirectly the social moral class. influencing boundaries For example, forms of society, of violent deviance are crimes, linked (especially theft, intimately and those robbery to that changes are often property­related). in definitions characterize of the deviance. Second, lower classes. First, types limited of The deviant upper­middleclass availability behavior, of and is Farnworth time. usually Finally, characterized 1982). the questions Third, by the more of definition who sophisticated defines of what whom forms constitutes as deviant, of deviance, deviant why, such behavior where, as white­collar and varies, when not have only and proven professional among to societies, be of crime crucial but or also leisure­time importance. within one drug society use (see such also definitions Thornberry change and over

the behavioral The image above society patterns four factors has as and prostitution, are projects all linked of homosexuality, to itself. political Political considerations drug elements abuse, are mental of therefore power illness, and involved to and definitions juvenile in developing delinquency. of the boundaries motivational of accounting symbolic­moral systems universes. that define These as deviant considerations such specific reflect

The The cases decision discussed to do that in chapters was guided five, by six, the seven consideration and to some that extent not much eight work focus was on analyzing previously power done on and this morality particularly in what difficult otherwise aspect might of politics seem to and be deviance. "regular" deviance.

Political Deviance


been Roebuck evasion, a difficult draft and evasion, Weeber task and (1978) conscientious that any developed discussion objection, an should elaborate spying); take and into those systematic consideration committed exposé against crimes of society political committed (e.g., crime against false in the advertisements, the United state States. (e.g., political medical They emphasized bombing, fraud, environmental assassination, that defining political bribery, crime tax had

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crimes basic pollution, human not radioactive only rights, as those arms wastes, against sales, occupational intervention the state, but hazards, in also a foreign as unsafe those nation's machines); by the internal state and against affairs, crimes the police committed citizens. violence). by the Roebuck government and Weeber's (e.g., police sophisticated corruption, approach governmental characterized violations political of right The analytical of the rulers term to "political rule. This deviance" challenge (e.g., is aimed see at Sagarin the heart and of Kelly the legitimacy 1986) applies of any to moral three categories universe's of center. deviance. In this The sense, first political consists deviance of symbolic aims acts to change that challenge symbolic­ the moral view of universes the inhabitants and their of the moral symbolic­moral boundaries. 1 universe Being such, that this is being category challenged, of political and particularly deviance constitutes of those inhabiting the most dangerous the center. form A challenge of deviance, coming at least from from outside the a point of particular from the periphery, symbolic­moral or from universe the center, is easier to the to center deal with, within basically the same because symbolic­moral it may be interpreted universe is usually to represent perceived a different as far and more alien threatening. symbolic­moral After all, universe. it is the A center's challenge moral right to rule and its moral hierarchy and legitimacy that are being challenged. The threat hidden in such a challenge is clearly one of a moral revolution. The morality carry They second and do not and symbolize category aim who to abused change conventional included their moral in power political boundaries; morality. and deviance twisted Deviances on the their consists contrary, by moral these of obligations. they deviant people, will acts and usually This by by inhabitants institutions, category oppose proposed includes of use the existing center changes deviant itself; moral behavior in these that and is, boundaries. social by by governments those boundaries who Thus, were and to while camouflage invested by giving those with who other their power are members deviant perceived and acts. of to society deviant. area of political the While false the deviance impression first category is much that they has more traditionally do, recent. in fact, guard been identified existing moral as political boundaries, deviance, they the nevertheless emergence are of sometimes the second involved category in as a a variety target for of activities sociological that inquiry are clearly in the

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(see at deviances The Nuremberg third Ben­Yehuda,forthcoming). category as war [Luban crimes, of political 1987] crimes and deviance against of Eichmann is humanity, focused [Vaughan on (e.g., moral see and Friedman and Sjoberg power 1970]). 1983), contests Virtually assassinations, between no two, attention racism, or more, will and separate be discrimination paid in symbolic­moral this book are included to this universes particular in this (or category class cultures). of (e.g., political Such see deviance the trials Contrary I shall touch, to chapters in a focused five to presentation, eight, where on specific topics cases that have of politics appeared and before deviance in the are context analyzed, of political this chapter deviance, aims at reinterpreted a general review from of the political theoretical deviance. perspective In this of chapter, this book. Challenging Symbolic­Moral Universes The to exist blatant as such message and that of those those who who aim rule to have change no right the societal­moral or legitimacy to boundaries monopolize by legislation, deviant acts use is power, that a particular and enforce symbolic­moral the law; the challengers universe has typically no right provide and legitimacy alternative governmental policies and structures (e.g., Bergesen 1984), as well as alternative motivational accounting systems. Ingraham normally requited and Tokoro with (1969) the most stated severe that, and until barbaric the time punishments, of the French since Revolution, an attack political against the crimes holders "were of always power was viewed not by seen the as state an assault as the on gravest their offenses personal and were prerogatives, the of political original power interpretation nor as within an attack the of political state" against (p. crime the 146). interests was While taken of the a to privileged state mean regarded a crime class, political against but as crime an the attack state, as the either of a worst foreign by form foreign country" of powers crime, (p. it or 145). paradoxically by all Ingraham criminal endowed and acts Tokoro aimed those hence at who "some emphasized were rearrangement defined that as politicalcriminalswitharespectabilitythat''ordinary"criminalslackedaltogether. Unfortunately, category of political the literature crimes suggested on political that deviance the body is of meager. research Davis itself (1975, was too 148) limited. noted Most that the of general the studies lack of specific and focused case studies centered on the

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feminists, antedated existing rules gay the of radical liberationists, particular social symbolic­moral movements or ghetto revolutionaries of universes? the late 1960s be The regarded and conservative early as truly 1970s. view, political Should that political deviants such groups crime or just as constitutes as Black social Power, movements only a Red violation Power, in a legitimate of the law student and struggle not subculture, a political for recognition protest, draft resisters, within misses the the essence violation of of the the phenomena. law, misses Likewise, the same point the idea (Bailey that housing 1973). problems (and that citizens' invasion into what they perceive as an empty apartment) constitute merely a

Furthermore, the question of whether or not a particular action should be regarded as political deviance is misleading. A much better question is to what extent does or good acts a specific Durkheim's to clues the behavioral powers to deciphering "collective that pattern prevail conscience," and constitute in interpreting specified a (1933: political symbolic­moral the act. 79–80) deviance, The because actual universes. who damage a defines symbolic caused The it as personalized, threat such, by a may specific and constitute why. or political generalized, In other a much act words, of motivational more deviance we powerful have may accounting to be analyze intimidation marginal, systems the amount than while used an the of actual in real threat this victim physical context existing is threat. morality, provide in various latter Schafer succeeded (1974) illustrated in representing this point: an accepted "in distinguishing value or cause political within criminals their social from group" heroes, (p. one 3). may Reality, be tempted however, to see is much a remarkable more complex paradox: than the Schafer's former failed analysis while admits, the be for much success later and recognized failure are as relative heroes. concepts. On the other Joan hand, of Arc, such Jesus "heroes" Ché Guevara, as Stalin Marx, and Hitler and Lenin were later were denounced considered as as criminals. deviants by Socrates, many of Galileo, their contemporaries, and Bruno represent only to political his/her another attempt form deviant. of to contemporary The generate former power, would deviancy sympathy, usually (or try heresy) and to hide legitimacy turned his/her heroism. and acts; to the change These latter illustrations a would symbolic thrive universe, highlight on publicity. he/she one of Since is the vitally clearest the political interested demarcation deviant that their lines aims motivational between his/her challenge a common accounting at the criminal systems center and in a would be diffused and received, debated and talked about, by as many people as possible (Coser 1962).

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The distinction between a political criminal and a political hero brings forth the problem of social change and social stability. While political deviants may view position. themselves For as example, important the agents motivational of change, accounting their persecutors systems used view by them political as criminals, dissidents or in terrorists, the Soviet and Union may try reveal to use that the they formers' envision actions themselves to strengthen as agents their of own freedom as much symbolic­moral and mentally change, like in ill clearly ancient to universe, be inhabiting locked times however, (e.g., up a or different the "treated." Roman aims symbolic­moral at The maintaining Empire authorities or the stability universe Inquisition). then display and than rigidity. that publicly of Hence, their the persecutors. unsuccessful they react through The (real response or trial, fabricated) arrest, of the Siberian inhabitants political exile, deviants at or the certification in center order of to the of deter powerful political future opponents Soviet deviants,

Political who use deviance their deviant is probably past to advance the only a type political of deviance career. For that example, can become the a late real president asset in a of political Egypt Anwar career. Sadat This can described be seen extensively by the actions in his of autobiography political figures the and time leaders he spent between, in jail. 1917 Israel's and former 1948) as prime a respected minister and Menachem important Begin part exploited of his career. his persecution as a "terrorist" and "criminal" at the hands of the British (who occupied Palestine

Political criminals and political heroes — the problem of identifying the valid motivational accounting system. Using a political vocabulary of motives in order their to develop actions what and may to enjoy be regarded the prestige as a of respectable heroism. I political shall use motivational two examples accounting from research system in may drug be rehabilitation a course of to action support that the is used above by claim. various Covington deviants in (1984) order illustrated to justify House of how rehabilitation heroin (a drug addicts rehabilitation was politicized very successful. program) their drug Federal tried problem to authorities, make and its thus clients however, gained (drug an replaced addicts) effective the politically defense management. that aware minimized and In chapter turn their them eight, self­rejection. into I will urban show revolutionaries. Pallone the process (1986) and According also illustrate reported to the Pallone, how motivational Sunrise this type accounting systems that a particular deviant used in

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order successfully to reverse processes of stigmatization so that deviancy was transformed into a political asset.

consequentlygainself­esteem. motives, This Mills solution, (1940) such suggested however, as social pressure, that is only in order partial, need to to for, determine conform, in addition whether need to to reflecting a feel specific like a a true act hero, of political deviance or a defensive motivation, occurred "need" the out deviant's to of transform a political motivational criminal motivation and accounting we deviant must system acts analyze into may the political also deviant's reflect statements own other account. and In 1982, under the terms of the peace treaty with Egypt, Israel evacuated Yamit, a town built near the pre­1967 border between Israel and Egypt. The extreme right movement in Israel, including Gush Emunim, 2 and some local settlers staged a fierce and organized resistance against the evacuation, which culminated in a decision to criminal compensation occurrences physically prosecutions. destroy in if Yamit the the settlers were town. Yet it criminal; agreed The appears protesters to however, that evacuate some engaged the the of the context town in local fights peacefully. of settlers the with struggle the staged Thus, Israeli enabled the while soldiers battle some the in authorities sent Yamit of the to carry resisters for to economic out define in the Yamit these evacuation. reasons, indeed acts as hoping There "political," had purely that can the be hence political little government avoiding question motivations, would getting that many others raise involved of its had the offer in of

economic to evacuate or Yamit mixed had motivations. only a strong Listening political to the motivation. motivational Hearing accounting some of systems these settlers' given by vocabularies some of the of settlers motives in as public they could were given give the in impression private, not that to the their public, resistance revealed a very different motivation (on the Yamit evacuation see Aran 1985; Cohen 1987). Another the government orthodox example is Jewish vulnerable has symbolic­moral to do to with the demands a chronic universes. of problem symbolic­moral Israel Israeli has traditionally society universes faces had representing regarding coalitional the small governments, relations groups and within allocation representing the coalition. of a resources variety These of between groups symbolic­moral may the inhabitants sometimes universes. of present the This secular demands type and of that interests. are unacceptable Sometimes these to the negotiations great majority were of people accompanied in Israel. by The deviant small religious parties have traditionally and regularly made demands for state support of their

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acts, such as illegal demonstrations by the religious factions, aimed at getting more concessions from the government, all in the name of a mythical "national consensus." appropriate For example, license the ancient from the City government. of David in Jerusalem In September was 1981, excavated a group under of fanatic the supervision and extreme of the Orthodox Department Jews of organized Archaeology violent at the demonstrations Hebrew University near the and site with of the the they excavations said desecrated because, this so they cemetery. claimed, Rather ancient than wars treat took the illegal place there, demonstrations making the as site a violation in fact a of burial the law site. and They as demanded a criminal an act, immediate the authorities halt to chose the excavations, to treat them which as thisconflict moral politically universes. motivated, — the In government, this allowing case, moral the police, religious arguments orthodox zealots were fanatics, to mixed win more scientists, with concessions. political political arguments The leaders various in — a reflected confused motivational the debate different accounting about interests who systems, should these therefore, get parties how had, much. given and Likewise, by their the different different in the parties symbolic­ next to chapter, I shall analyze how in fact moral panics, using moral themes, can cloak economic and political interests. A nonpolitical accounting much more system deviant general is acts. provided, illustration However, reflecting for when this point the the fact same is bank that behavioral a robbery different acts or type blackmail. are of committed negotiation Such in crimes, order over the to when finance moral committed nature a revolutionary of for the personal act movement, takes economic place. then reasons, a totally are different defined motivational as regular,

Thus, particular accounting policies, we and should vocabulary systems theories be cautious would in of the motives, be field about likewise of we accepting deviance. can defined use a one Second, as deviant's of political. three we own approaches. may This motivational trust approach, the First, deviant's however, accounting we may own is consider system account. insensitive alone. all But crimes and as To does we solve political saw, not the help this in problem solution nature, us to understand regarding and is problematic consequently, the or analyze nature because all of different the the we motivational deviant's do problems, not always use of a know one that whether will have the to deviant cope with really the believes vocabularies the claims of motives he/she makes. given by Third, the deviants, we may so assume that an that analysis the symbolic­moral of the different universe and in which the deviant acts occurred is the

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dynamicandhistoricalanalysis. competing motivational accounting systems is called for, as well as an analysis of the process whereby these different symbolic­moral universes negotiate morality in a Schafer (1974) suggested that the solution lies in developing external social criteria for determining whether or not a particular deviant act is political. Schafer 'convinced' makes suggested him the feel about term that the "convictional he truth has and a rendezvous justification criminal" with to of differentiate destiny…. his own beliefs…. By the contrast political It is … a criminal settled the conventional belief, from other essentially types offender of a deep­seated criminals. almost always A consideration convictional acts to fulfill criminal in his the ego political is or one personal who criminal's appears interest, conscience to be:"… and his that acts often proposed accompanied lack five an overarching by major considerable specific coherence…. criteria publicity; for it defining The usually convictional a challenges political criminal crime: the legitimacy … no has personal an of altruistic­communal the gain law; is involved; and although the motivation deviant political act rather crime occurs than does as an not part egoistic usually of a collective drive" deny the (pp. action; existence 145–47). the of crime Schafer law or is morality, it nevertheless does appeal to ''higher loyalties." The following example will illustrate Schafer's last criterion. A simple politically motivated action occurred in the late 1970s, when youth from the Jerusalem branch of the representatives with and Black a Israel's more Panthers just socioeconomic of allocation this 3 stole group of bottles problems. broke resources. of into milk The the from house Black an of Panthers upper­middle­class the Israeli clearly minister used neighborhood a of vocabulary welfare to and put of motives some delivered rabbits that them linked inside to lower­class, their as a deviant symbol poverty­stricken behavior of the minister's to such lack higher areas. of In ideals courage 1979, as in social dealing justice

As dynamic suggested context in chapter in which two, they my are proposed produced, solution used, for and this change. problem is to examine the meaning of motivational accounting systems within the social, historical, and

Furthermore, Summary. of The defining line between the motivation the political of a criminal particular and deviant the political act as political hero is a or thin not one, is in depending itself problematic. on which Consensus symbolic­moral between universe symbolic­moral defines it, why, universes and when. about the nature

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morality, motivational the accounting specific characteristics systems must and be nature made, of therefore, the culture, within and the the context distribution of the of action power and are the all culture essential in which factors competing in the analysis symbolic­moral of political deviance. universes Use negotiate. of

hero. shall In chapter see a cycle seven, of we how shall an see esteemed how two governmental scientists (Jansky minister and (Abu­hatzira) Reber) were was once deviantized, viewed as deviants and how and this many process years was later reversed as heroes. and the Similarly, minister in was chapter redefined eight, as we a Political Deviance from the Center to the Periphery Political terrorism, deviance tax and that draft is evasion, aimed from and spying. the periphery In recent to the years, center, however, challenging more the interest center's has legitimacy, been focused was on documented political deviance and includes that was such aimed acts from as political the center assassination, to the periphery. credibility, consists committed of This such in by or a is sovereign crimes close the other to as the genocide, government category centers of crimes of symbolic­moral itself. political against Furthermore, deviance, humanity, universes, the some war one members act crimes, where in deviant so­called slavery, in the ways center racism, respectable for may a anti­Semitism, variety try members to of deviantize reasons. of and society, other Deviant disrespect members ranking behavior for high human of the that in the same rights, may hierarchies be center. and included finally, of morality in acts this of category deviance and

As early as 1898, Giddings wrote that one of the meanings of the term "political crime" "… is that of the crimes perpetrated by governments for alleged reasons of

systematize state and by this politicians approach. for This alleged particular reasons research of expediency effort has or for crystallized political advantage in recent years …"(pp. and xvii–xviii), has yielded and some Proal's interesting (1898) results. book is Four one types of the of early such attempts political to deviance wereidentified:white­collarcriminality, 4 governmentdeviance, 5 professional deviance, 6 and corporate crime. 7

Research deny the "iceberg into white­collar, theory" in professional, favor of a "bad corporate, apples" and theory, government clearly aiming crime to is keep exceedingly their legitimacy difficult to carry out. Officials typically employ vocabularies of motives that

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as motivational intact. to suggest After all, accounting that which white­collar government system offenders, illustrates is likely by the to virtue point admit of when the their widespread he respectability suggests corruption that and it is high paradoxical of social its officials status, to even and are the think not subversion "true" that the criminals leaders of the at of public all. a community Vold's interest? (reported Some could scholars be in Conklin criminals. even 1977, Ernest went 9–10) as far Burgess, not real criminals reported because in Conklin, they stated do not that see some themselves scholars as "say criminals that although and because … [community they lack 'the leaders'] spiritual behavior attitude' may … of violate the criminal" the law in (Conklin a 'technical (1977, legal 9–10). sense', they are

argument cynical, Likewise, somewhat provides Tappan (1947) an crazy excellent perspective, attacked motivational the one very could concept accounting argue of that, white­collar system from for the white­collar criminality perspective offenders, and, of elite among deviants, it fails other to things, it demand is possible implied appropriate that that they it is are punishment a term not involved of propaganda for the in deviance. deviants. (!). While Furthermore, They this are line the of in a ones shape in those the center societal of moral the symbolic­moral boundaries (and universe, behavioral they codes) are those that who provide create/negotiate/enforce the distinction between morality deviant — and how, nondeviant? then can they be deviant if they are the ones who help

Thinking governmental about deviance governments is one as of deviants its best illustrations. is not an easy Because exercise. of However, its intrinsic if and there symbolic is a case importance, of deviance I that shall is devote directed some from space the center for this to type the of periphery, deviance. then An early statement in this area was made by Liazos (1972), who noted that contemporary writers:

especially the "deviant" those and of his the identity labeling problems school, either and sub­culture, state explicitly the or opposite imply that effect one may of their have main been concerns achieved is …by to, humanize the overwhelming and normalize emphasis the deviant…. on the "dramatic" But by the nature very of emphasis the usual on types institutional of "deviance" violence — …which prostitution, leads homosexuality, to such things juvenile as poverty delinquency and exploitation …we have …unjust neglected tax laws, to examine other, more serious and harmful forms of "deviance." I refer to covert

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power racism of deviance.…(pp. and and its sexism…. implications. 104–5). Despite The explicit really statements powerful, the by these upper authors classes of and the the importance power elite, of those power Gouldner in the designation …calls the of "top what dogs," is "deviant" are left …they essentially show unexamined a profound by unconcern these sociologists with

committed to Liazos govern pointed themselves. by official out that institutions. Liazos deviance illustrated was He stated by his no thesis that means institutions with restricted the example regularly to the of poor violate the or partial the basic minorities publication human rights, but of that the harm a Pentagon considerable the human papers body number in and 1971, of human deviant which dignity, "made acts, especially and public destroy the violence, conscious individuals' were lying ability and scandal. manipulation by the government to quiet opposition to the Vietnam war" (p. 114) — scenes of deception in government and economy prior to the Watergate

Two recent examples seem to support the issue raised by Liazos. First, Klein (1981) examined how the Veterans Administration (VA) dealt with ill and injured 1951 and norms veterans, that and regulating possible especially 1963 showed victims informed of the that of Vietnam consent Agent U.S. soldiers Orange from war. He those were were concluded participating exposed neglected. that to the Second, the in human blasts VA was Rosenberg's in medical not order supportive, to research see (1981) how that were study they young not of would always eighty­six physicians behave adhered governmental in tended nuclear to properly, to be combat. experiments unsympathetic that However, care for with elderly or while nuclear even veterans the abusive, bombs soldiers was between that were poor, ethical measures informed that were the not quantity taken, later of radiation resulting to in which health they problems would be for exposed those exposed was harmless, to the blasts this claim (for more, is suspect. see Schur Rosenberg 1969; Smith strongly 1982, suggested and the that more adequate problematic safety Fuller 1984). 8 All these examples converge to a point I made earlier: that governmental agencies, supposedly the bearers of legitimate power, may act in a deviant and violent 9 way. Thio Supreme (1988, Court 443–61) Justice pointed Louis out that governmental crime, besides the physical harm it creates, also harms society more than other forms of crime. He quoted

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to invites Brandeis, become anarchy" who arrogant wrote (p. 358). toward in 1928 Thio citizens; that: hypothesized "If and the the government government's three reasons becomes for motivation governmental a lawbreaker, to raise crime: revenues it breeds the government's contempt beyond its for actual motivation the law; need it (assuming invites to maintain every one its man can power; to define become government what a that law "actual unto officials' himself; need" tendencies is). it systems obvious, Governments (Pp. for example, 443–61), and their denial officials through that which are a specific skilled governmental in act covering was committed officials their crimes, can or that neutralize and it had they a the rarely criminal guilt confess. and nature; allegations Thio ignoring described associated the crime, five with mechanisms, for the example, accusations. or government types These of motivational mechanisms officials are accounting suddenly are denial of the unavailable or even of treason for comment (a specific or give example a "no being comment" the Nixon response; administration's accusation of attempts the accusers, to "smear" for example, Daniel Ellsberg, accusing who journalists leaked who the Pentagon exposed the papers crime [see of unethical Roebuck behavior and Weeber body may 1978]); receive promise only a of limited investigation, charter or for may example, quietly under ensure a that strong the pressure investigation the government is not seriously may carried promise out to (a investigate specific example the act, while being in the reality Agranat the Committee investigative assigned the arguing outset that to the investigate it government was necessary. Israel's was freed lack of of preparedness responsibility); at and the outbreak emphasis of on the the 1973 necessity war. The of the committee act, for example, was chartered the government to investigate might only implicitly the military admit level a wrongdoing so that from while

in and/or In the a similar United power fashion, States of economic and Simon to the and and processes political Eitzen (1982) organizations; that maintain argued that such (2) deviance it structures. is supported committed They by the pointed by elite economic out and/or that and by elite employees political deviance elites acting occurs is intimately on because: the elite's linked (1) behalf it helps to the (pp. maintain structure 28–29). (or of Simon wealth increase) and and Eitzen the power profit used the term "elite deviance" and thus referred to acts of deviance committed by an elite: political and economic. These findings illustrate two points. First, Schur, Conklin, and others were probably right in their assessment that in the past white­collar

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movement. favor. criminals The were mid­late This rarely development 1970s, detected however, intensified and that witnessed when and they gave a change were legitimacy captured in moral to the they boundaries law were enforcement punished (mostly lightly efforts due to due in the this to Watergate a area. specific Second, affair), morality the coupled above­mentioned and power with an configuration anti­white­collar change of that attitude worked crime toward social in their time­bound. Wheeler, detecting and Weisburd, If punishing the study and white­collar had Bode been (1982), conducted criminals who found in supports the that 1960s, my white­collar or thesis in the that early criminals the 1980s meaning were when of punished deviance a new political explicitly, changes regime stated as a function is that: announcing "This of processes suggests a renewed of that social our concern results change for might and violent stability. be extremely crime, then opinion changed, [our] results that societal coping might reaction not appropriately be found" (in the form (p. with 657). of the severity criminal That is, of as elite punishment) societal requires moral toward some boundaries very white­collar serious regarding societal criminals what changes also was changed. right and reforms. and This appropriate conclusion and what is supported was wrong by Coleman's and inappropriate (1985, ch. 7) Political Deviance vs. Political Justice they as Political the feel individuals' justice is unjust is associated (e.g., judgments see chapter intimately regarding eight with the and appropriateness, political Cohen 1986). deviance. Homans' or fairness, Widespread (1961) of a and specific notion entrenched of distribution "distributive feelings of justice" costs of injustice and is awards. appropriate could motivate In other in this words, people context. the into He principle actions defines aimed of distributive distributive to rectify justice what

justice explains expectations and their formation in various cultures. Criteria meet, clash, for political and negotiate. justice, The or injustice, question are of political neither objective justice itself nor is absolute, tied to questions especially of in legal situations repression where of different political competing organizations, and conflicting repression of symbolic­moral hostile groups universes under majority rule, and political amnesty (see Kirchheimer 1961). Many vocabularies deviant of acts motives in the that form of various terrorist acts (e.g., see Wardlaw 1982; Stohl 1983; Schmid and Jongman 1987) may be justified by the perpetrators by using

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challenge justice explain may these and well acts threat lead as originating to into the political democratic from corruption a capacity sense of (e.g., political to govern. see Heidenheimer misjustice. That is, acts 10 1970), Dror of political (in bribery, Crenshaw deviance and even 1983, may assassinations threaten 65–90) rightly the social (see pointed Ben­Yehuda, order out itself. that The terrorism forthcoming). lack of constitutes what The is felt problem a severe to be political here is complicated by the existence of myriad of symbolic­moral universes. One location must of examine such occurrences whether feelings is crucial of if political we are injustice, to better understand and consequently the specific acts of cases political of political deviance, justice occur and between deviance. symbolic­moral universes or within them. The

The question of political justice and deviance is also correlated with what Douglas (1970b) called deviance and respectability. The social construction of moral social challenge. correlated meanings actors can with in be the shame, conceptualized center, disrespect, whose in authority and terms irresponsibility. of and deviance legitimacy (immorality) Politicization are being or challenged, implies respectability the opposite. try (morality). to reject That this Both is type why are of deviants linked an interpretation to sometimes the problem and try deviantize of to responsibility. politicize and their criminalize Deviantization actions and the why political is those always

This problem of justice would become very salient in chapter eight. Use of Criminal Procedure and Issues for Political Purposes The to the use political of the criminal realm and code on using for political criminal purposes issues for is focused political on purposes the application (e.g., see of Fairchild motivational and accounting Webb 1985; systems more on and this vocabularies in chapters of five motives and eight). from the criminal realm

One immediate illustrative example for the topic of this chapter is police involvement in riot control; capture of terrorists; and enforcement of immigration rules, drug laws, and sexual taboos; as well as police corruption. 11 Liazos (1972) pointed out that: "police … enforce

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enforcement laws and prejudices of the laws of 'society' by the police …"and cannot relying result on Cook in justice" (1968) (p. he 117). further In this stated sense, that: the "in police, a fundamentally like other unjust control society, organs, even are an the agent most of impartial, stability, professional, an agent whose efficient job it years is to 1942–1970 prevent changes. and showed DeFleur that (1976) arrest reported rates reflected on a more political subtle attitudes use of the toward police drug for abuse political and purposes. changing DeFleur policies rather examined than drug any real arrest change records in in the Chicago nature of for the the phenomenon. we shall analyze DeFleur how the stated Israeli that: police "police used administrators inaccurately, indicated and misleadingly, that they were data about making psychoactive the kind of arrests adolescent that drug the public use in wanted" order to 12 help (p. create 90). Indeed, a drug moral in chapter panic. five

Lidz and Walker (1980, 252) stated that the drug crisis of the 1960s was a smoke screen for the repression of political and cultural groups. That is, the debate around 'If motivational drug we abuse cannot was accounting destroy seized the by system drug powerful menace to the moralistic U.S. in America,' Congress groups Nixon on as an June informed opportunity 17, 1971, Congress "raised to enforce and the their the issue American version of drug of use public, morality to the 'then highest (more it will level on surely this of in government destroy the next us. two I concern am chapters). not prepared and Nixon's responsibility…. to accept this way. 1974. alternative" Nixon's Clearly, (Goldberg efforts Nixon's resulted 1980, powerful in 32). the motivational This federal statement budget accounting is for hardly coping system based with on to drug Congress a scientific abuse rising and vocabulary the gradually creation of from motives, of various $101.9 but agencies million it does draw in to fiscal combat sharp year drug moral 1970 abuse boundaries to $753.9 provide million in numerous a very in fiscal powerful official year motivational doubtfulactivities. accounting systems to justify the tremendous expansion of resources allocated to this problem. At least some of these resources were apparently given to

Nixon Epstein Congress. without (1977) Although discussions noted some that the of or Epstein's Office consent of from observations Drug the Abuse U.S. are Law Congress. questionable, Enforcement Epstein ODALE's (ODALE), showed that a Nixon special managed investigations to create agency, an executive was created agency in 1972 that was by then free U.S. of control President by the Richard U.S.

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whichwereillegal. activities are fact. By accounting for illicit heroin use as a true menace and as the "Public Enemy No. 1" of the United States, ODALE justified its actions, some of In symbolic­moral sociological terms, universes. and as Thus, I will the show "drug in problem" depth in chapters may be thought five and of six, as the deviantization definition of and drug criminalization abuse as a "social of specific problem" life­styles involves and difficult different conflicts symbolic­moral between various universes. increased reliance In addition, on external, in chapter more eight, formal I shall mechanisms, illustrate how among the weakening them the and criminalization failure of inner, of deviants. informal In control one case, mechanisms use of such among a procedure Israeli parties backfired brought as a process about of reversing deviantization was successfully activated by a particular deviant. This particular issue will be found again in chapters six and eight. Three more and relevant issues will be examined further in this chapter: mental illness and political abuse, political trials, and political prisoners. Mental 1986). social norms. The illness nature A and mentally of political mental ill illness, person abuse. is especially Mental one who illness the seems nonorganic, is to another some area functional to be where violating type, power normative is very and morality problematic. and accepted are expressed Determining definitions in deviantizing who of social is mentally realities, vocabularies ill or as abnormal determined of motives is by largely (e.g., dominant a see question Pallone of symbolic­moral Srole (1962) demonstrated universes (e.g., the difficulties see Scheff of 1966; interpreting Szasz 1961; the very Laor concept 1984; of and mental Goffman illness. 1961). Furthermore, Rosenhan (1973), Cumming and Cumming (1957), and

denotes The low social reliability misbehavior of psychiatric rather diagnoses than a medical of mental problem. illness The coupled human with rights a severe movement criticism of the of the 1960s medical directed conception attention of to the the term role led of to the the psychiatric view that profession mental illness in the 1980). political ideal was Furthermore, and in reality social a order. translation Davis As (1938) such, of middle­class claimed clinicians that were morality. psychiatrists compared were, to priests in fact, or jailers "moralists," as important that the control psychiatric agents ethic in a served struggle the to Protestant preserve ethic, society and (Gallagher that the "mental 1980; Menzies health"

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schizophrenia to Supporting lower­class Davis as people, a was "true" Hollingshead while disease the upper and and suggest middle Redlich's instead class study usually that: (1958), "schizophrenia received in which lighter is they a diagnoses moral found judgement, that (mostly diagnoses neuroses). and like of a all severe Likewise, moral mental judgements Sarbin disturbance and is conditional Mancuse (mostly (1980) upon psychoses) time, reject place, tend the concept to and be given of unwanted schizophrenia person, and or upon perplexing (ch. identifiable 6). conduct social (ch. features 5). The of authors the persons provided who a declare detailed the analysis moral of verdict" such conduct, (p. 1). They as well showed as the that ideological the label premises "schizophrenia" that justify was the applied disease to model cases of of

Menzies' mental illness (1980) was work essentially presented a behavior a structural that challenged critique of the normative relationship views between about the the line political between process rationality and the and sociological irrationality status or sanity of the and mentally insanity. ill. Within He argued this that interpretation, so­called preventive medicine may be viewed as a step toward "psychiatric fascism" (Torrey 1972, 97–111). The power nature to enforce of the particular cultural category moral boundaries "madness" distinguishing has, therefore, between always been the "normal" subjected and to various the "crazy." conflicts involving different symbolic­moral universes and the use of

society …are What is grouped in considered general…. together "normal," In the under final or the analysis, rational, trappings or the of sane, determination prevailing is a direct definitions of consequence insanity and is taxonomies…. of the the end perspective product What of of a is sequence the defined individual, of as value sane, or group, choices, rational endowed or in wholesome which with the the marginal, is political contingent the power deviant, upon to what define and the the these rules unproductive norms are that for societies — or those interest groups with the power to determine societal reality — formulate and represent as being relevant. (Menzies 1980, 12–13)

Hence, "therapeutictyranny." Halleck (1971) equated a therapeutic intervention to a political intervention, and Conrad and Schneider (1980) warned against the ascendance of a

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What follows is a relatively recent illustration for the above argument. In November 1985, the American Psychiatric Association (APA) suggested adding three new the or masochistic categories she week almost before of mental personality always menstruation illness: sacrifices disorder, paraphilic (see own which e.g., interests rapism, The means San for which those "remain[ing] Diego of means Union, others"; ''a in persistent relationships Nov. and finally, 17, association 1985, premenstrual in which p. A­17; … others between The dysphoric exploit, New intense York abuse disorder, sexual Times, or take arousal" which Nov. advantage focuses 19, and 1985, of fantasizing on [the part symptoms patient]" 3, about 1–3; and experienced and or "believ[ing] carrying Time, Dec. by out women that rape; 2, he could 1985, give 19). The justifications first and second and protection categories to both aroused rapists much and turmoil, husbands as who they beat could their be interpreted wives. In the to second mean that category, the APA the provided victim may medical even be vocabularies thought of of as motives the culprit. that The nature and history of mental illness may lead us, therefore, to the conclusion that people whose behavior violates accepted definitions of social reality were "disturbed" focus interpretation, sometimes on illicit labeled person. we psychoactive may as "sick." conceptualize drug Political use. therapy dissidents, There, numerous as a by form the same of attempts social dynamic, control were made were and also to therapists medicalize labeled as as control this sick, nonconformist irresponsible, agents (e.g., behavior see and Ben­Yehuda in need and of turn treatment. 1984; the user/addict 1986b). Thus, within Chapters into a "sick" this five and and six Finally, authorities one who of the placed best some available Soviet illustrations political dissidents for applying in mental deviantization institutions and criminalization to be "treated" for processes something against that political was labeled dissenters as "counter­revolutionary is the abuse of psychiatry paranoia" by Soviet (e.g., Fireside 1979; Stover and Nightingale 1985).

ruling him Political (or elite them) trials. believe for The that a particular exact reason, nature what individual and results definition or is group a political of to political be trial" imminently trials (1971, (Shklar hostile xi–xii). 1986; to This the Christenson prevailing approach, pattern however, 1986) of are is value not narrow. entirely distribution, A criminal clear. and Theodore trial if they can activate Becker be interpreted the noted criminal that: as a "If process process members against of a whereby an answer is sought for a particular question. It is a

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process whereby an individual's (or group's) actions, representing one symbolic­moral universe, are being called into question and whereby one side (prosecution) procedure. is attempts a question to The get of official question degree. recognition Some of whether trials in can or the not be wrongdoing a viewed specific (at trial of least another is a retrospectively) political side — trial, using in as my a clearly very view, specific political is not and a binary (e.g., complicated those question. of Joan set The of of rules answer Arc, — Jesus, to those this Socrates); question of the law must in itself other be, and cases, first of of the this all, criminal that it conclusion may not be so obvious, (e.g., the trial of Patricia Hearst). In and seventeenth a through pluralistic, centuries a political complex clearly trial society, attempt fall one into to symbolic­moral this redefine category and (Ben­Yehuda ascertain universe its may definition 1980, use 1985). the of power moral If one it boundaries, has symbolic­moral (with or hence without its universe hegemony. help and has cooperation enough European power witch from and other trials support, during symbolic­moral it the would fourteenth probably universes) to be able other to cases, negotiate success successfully may not always and enforce be guaranteed. its own concept A political of morality trial would, and version therefore, of reality take place and gain when more the prosecution support for the is reasonably symbolic­moral confident universe that it it can represents. win, and In hence because and as make criminal much a moral attention as possible, and is a usually political and in given the statement. defendant's to trials Losing that interest are a political perceived to emphasize trial as is political. not that just it is a Thus, technical a political in many loss trial. cases, but A also strong it may a blow and be secure to the a prosecutions specific elite would symbolic­moral interest probably to present not universe, feel a uncomfortable case especially as apolitical to deal that trials with such where a the political threat challenge. potential to A both weaker the and power less and secure morality elite would of groups probably that rule prefer society to neutralize are clear the and political visible threat are political through trials criminalization. par excellence. I would Where tend these to state elements mechanism are of not social clear, control explicit, that or a visible, coalition the that degree has the to which power, a and specific that wants trial should its symbolic­moral be considered universe political decreases to prevail, significantly. uses to cope A with political potential trial, threats after all, and is challenges one to its position. Hence, political trials provide the parameters which structure

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the cases situation of political where assassinations, those that are the regarded assassins as (if political at all caught) criminals, frequently such as adhere war criminals, to their declared terrorists, political assassins, motivation, political while dissidents, the prosecution and demonstrators, emphasizes are the prosecuted. "murder" In interpretation. accounts reflect Consequently, the macro symbolic­moral the types of motivational universe of accounting each side to systems the conflict used and in political the negotiations trials obviously that take differ place for during the defendants the trials to and define the prosecutors. and redefine These these universes captured, thereby and, therefore, denying societal authority moral and boundaries. legitimacy For of the example, court to members judge them. of guerilla The prosecution movements on that the try other to hand, "liberate" tries a to land depict usually such request people prisoner­of­war as terrorists who status plant if bombs as the terrorist and endanger act itself. innocent This conflict citizens. is The salient prosecution in Spain with hence the aims Basques, to deny Britain the political with the nature, IRA, Italy legitimacy, with the and Red motivation Brigades, of South the accused, Africa with focusing ANC, on Israel what with is regarded the PLO, and others. The one attributes distinction to between such a group a group is relative of "freedom to one's fighters" viewpoint. with national Furthermore, or ideological these definitions aspirations can and change. a cell of A respectable bloodthirsty group "terrorists" of leaders is meaningless. can later be The labeled character criminals, that such as the ''gang of four" in China or former terrorists later seen as heroes. The nature of a terrorist or guerrilla movement, therefore, depends not so much on the acts thegroupcommits, 13 but rather on its interpretation by both outsiders and members. Bergesen his point with (1977) such compared political witch­hunts witch­hunts as with those political of the trials McCarthy and persecutions era in the United and suggested States and the the term Stalinist "political purges witch­hunts" in the Soviet to describe Union, concluding these phenomena. that political He illustrated witch­ hunts "revitalization constitute rituals." important suggesting rituals used that the "for purpose the periodic of such rejuvenation rituals is to of preserve collective stability sentiments and not in national to promote societies" change. (p. 220). Wallace (1966) presented a similar concept:

Political prisoners. Continuing the problem of political justice and political trials, one can see that the history of imprisonment is

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political saturated decision; with political the nature elements, of prisons as shown and the by Foucault role of incarceration (1977) and Rothman versus rehabilitation (1971). The are decision also significant. to imprison convicted (or "certified") deviants is in itself a moral­ For our purposes, two related issues demand attention: political prisoners and politicization of the prison. Political prisoners are those who have committed deviant imprisonment, acts that can be sometimes interpreted following as challenging a trial the (e.g., power, see Goodell legitimacy, 1973; and Simon moral and universe Eitzen of 1982, those 211­15).Whilesuchincarcerationmayfollowapoliticaltrial,political in the center ("authorities"); acts that have in turn led to their June kidnapping prisoners 13, 1988, may and often 22–23), imprisonment find the themselves Soviet of citizens Union in prison who and even other were without Eastern considered a bloc trial, political countries, as a preventative dissidents South Africa, are measure. indeed as well Britain's well as known. by imprisonment other Such nations methods of (see IRA annual were activists also Amnesty employed and Argentina's International by Israel reported (e.g., Reports). see Time, In on many their prison cases, experience political prisoners to enrich may their have careers a different and biographies. personal status from regular inmates in terms of age, education, and self­esteem. Such prisoners may later draw

The other element, the "politicization" of the prison (e.g., Atkins and Glick 1972; Wright 1973; Smith and Fried 1974), was brought to the public eye when former begin U.S. ambassador to realize that to they the United share a Nations common Andrew interest Young and cultural commented heritage that that U.S. goes prisons beyond had the a immediate large proportion reasons of for political their incarceration, prisoners. On politicization a basic level, begins. when inmates Sykes (1978, 531–39) pointed out that in the 1960s and the early part of the 1970s ethnic militancy emerged as a cohesive force for a significant number of prisoners. latter Barber, 14 He part reported Sykes of the wrote that 1960s the that: witnessed early part of in a the number 1960s of saw prisons several the attempts development (particularly of a radical by the political Black Muslims) movement to that organize attempted inmates to transcend around Black ethnic consciousness, lines. Quoting while Pallas the and

Nonwhite prisoners especially made quick connections between their struggles inside and the struggles of oppressed peoples

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active talents around in to the radical prisons. world…. movements, (P. These 537) prisoners and an increasing were joined number by an influx of whites of new arrested prisoners, for offenses imprisoned stemming for radical from activities. their opposition Black, to Puerto the Indochina Rican, Chicano war, brought and other their nonwhite politics men and organizing and women

This development turned the prison struggle into part of an international struggle against such evils as oppresssion, racism, capitalism, imperialism, etc. Sykes remarked political­moral integration that the claims among that views prisoners. a "revolutionary of the nature However, of movement" the while society the grew in nature which in of U.S. these the prisons political inmates is views probably lived. of inmates quite exaggerated, is quite complex, for it is prisons difficult have to evaluate undoubtedly the extent contributed of ideological to the crystallization cohesion and of The fact that some prison inmates developed "political consciousness" provides us with an excellent example of the development of motivational accounting systems by After To both label inmates all, felons few and individuals as authorities. "political willingly prisoners," 15 As see Sykes themselves a term pointed usually out, as agents associated prison of administrators oppression with political of usually other dissenters, peoples, react seems angrily especially almost when if prison blasphemous. the "oppressed" activists Most claim are prison criminals that inmates officials like are rapists, feel really that burglars, political the prisoners and prisoners. thieves. had been manner. given This a fair accounting chance while system a few allows feel administrators that they were to forced maintain into the crime, demarcation but in either line case, between the officials "decent" view and ''deviant." prisoners as individuals who behave in an antisocial

A member of the "New Criminology," Krisberg (1975) devoted an elaborate discussion to the struggle inside prisons. He symbolically chose to open the chapter with out" a and quote the (p. from relationship 80). Krisberg Ho Chi of Minh's stated crime that: "Prison and "From privilege" Diary": behind (p. "People 80). prison One who walls of come the have cases out come of Krisberg prison some can of cited the build is most that up a articulate of country…. Black and When poignant the statements prison­doors about are opened, the nature the of real our dragon social structure will fly

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activist [to Ms. Angela Davis] are Davis. places In Davis' where trial, the open "the state expression attempts of to fascism reduce can the significance be seen' (pp. of 83–84). political Krisberg resistance further by labeling stated (p. it as 80) a series that the of "struggle ordinary criminal inside the events…. walls is the Prisons backbone of the New Criminology and the movement for social change." 16 The and legitimize development a symbolic­moral of a political consciousness universe and that generate enables power. prisoners By claiming to "explain" that a their person otherwise is a criminal immoral, or a criminal, deviant because and anti­social "society behavior is rotten' is and an attempt because, to for crystallize example, the deviance. capitalist For social example, order the is itself motivational the evil entity accounting that forced system the used deviant by Eldridge into being Cleaver what he/she (1968)"… is, an I excellent did this [raping motivational white women] accounting consciously, system is deliberately, created to explain willfully, methodically providing their acts, they a political … are I felt using justification I was a mechanism getting for revenge black like men one …"(p. to of rape Sykes 14), white implying and women. Matza's that (1957) In every a sense, time neutralization when a black deviants man techniques raped or criminals a white — the use women appeal a political he to was higher motivational making loyalties. a political accounting Here, however, statement system there hence to justify is less a neutralization interest of a general of guilt class and of more ''oppressed" of a creation people of a with new whom morality, the and delinquent the adherence supposedly to broad identifies. political conceptualizations justifying the deviance. Loyalty, thus, is to the

One should also remember that political consciousness as a motivational accounting system to explain deviance may often develop long after the actual deviant persuasion of behavior an inmate. occurred. can In convert the Initially latter the conversion, prisoner the deviant and however, may lead have to the society even development admitted is not held a of nonpolitical responsible political justifications. motivation. for the inmate's I However, use past the term criminal long "convert" exposure behavior, here to prison which in a manner life, is perceived to parallel various to to ideologies, have the religious occurred and conversion because to he lacked understand proper his and past correct deviant beliefs behavior and but spiritual also guarantees guidance. Religious that it will conversion not recur (if offers the conversion a religious is motivational successful). accounting system that not only helps the deviant to

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Concluding Summary In this chapter, I focused on a broad review of politics and deviance. This chapter constitutes an attempt to view the general area of politics and deviance through the as what theoretical political extent prism deviances it is interpreted presented is itself in as the this such, result book, by whom, of with a process an and emphasis why of negotiation. (more on the on relevant this The in real chapter issues question, eight). for the therefore, The next determination chapters. becomes I pointed not of the whether out extent that or to the not which interpretation a particular a specific deviant of deviant particular act act is political should behavioral indeed but acts to be of actors regarded in the as political center of — the and universe, by whom and — vice depends, versa. first of all, on how explicitly and clearly this act challenges the power and symbolic­moral universes, especially

particular controversy, Another set result of as variables reflected of a process that in the of helps motivational negotiation determine about accounting whether how or the systems not nature a specific they of a use, specific deviant negotiate, behavior act will change, be should defined and be modify. characterized. as political In this is sense, the process the label of negotiation "political deviance" between is the in sides itself to a the We focused on two broad divisions: political elements in regular deviance and political deviance. The aspect first of division the issue, consisted I illustrated of a the discussion analytic that point was by aimed focusing to explicate on therapy the as political a power and contest. moral elements in regular types of deviance. Having discussed the theoretical

The second division consisted of a discussion that was focused on political deviance. There, three challenges were identified. Two challenges were confined to the symbolic­moral inside political of purposes. particular universes. symbolic­moral Finally, we universes: touched (1) the from important the periphery and relevant to the issues center; of (2) political from the justice center versus to the political periphery. deviance, The third and the challenge use of a was criminal focused procedure between for

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A Chapter May 1982 Five Drug Scare Toward a New Sociological Synthesis of Moral Panics

Introduction 1 This chapter, and the next, focus on the issue of illicit psychoactive drug use. In both chapters, we have macro societal reactions, directed from the center to the may universes. power periphery, emerge attempting The to and an negotiations assumed from to gain where form ascendancy between stability of deviance. these may for their symbolic­moral be In maintained. both version chapters, of morality universes we have and are illustrations to obviously stigmatize of the and social focus deviantize actors of cultural from other symbolic specific particular symbolic­moral arguments, subpopulations from universes that where inhabit processes who other either of symbolic­moral social generate change or use This book is focused on the symbolic level of cultures. Processes that are aimed at achieving stability or inducing change on this level are typically initiated by comparative particular moral perspective, entrepreneurs, analyzes representing the concept the of morality moral panics. of the symbolic­moral Based on a specific universes moral to panic, which a new they sociological see themselves interpretation committed. is Hence, suggested this for chapter, understanding in a panics, micro moral and panics. and macro the The policy levels. next is chapter examined provides with an a comparative eye to its impact analysis and of usefulness drug abuse as social a macro policy societal in two reaction different to perceived cultures. This deviance. policy In is both typically chapters, the result attention of past is paid moral to the

Moral attempt panics. to persuade The sociology others to adhere of moral to panics a particular is one symbolic­moral of the areas that universe is most relevant (Becker for 1963). the conceptual An efficient framework way of doing presented this in this book. Moral entrepreneurs

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transforming stigmatize is to draw the those the public's behaviors public's attention attitudes and deviantize to the toward moral specific the boundaries actors, issues, is the that try route mark to change to differences redraw legislation, moral between boundaries. and/or symbolic­moral attempt Thus, to moral "deviantize" universes. entrepreneurs (Schur Focusing 1980) typically on others. specified start moral behaviors, crusades attempting aimed at to Moral crusaders often create what Cohen's (1972) outstanding work called "moral panics": "A condition, episode, person or group of persons emerges to become the often) editors, defined idea resorted bishops, as of a control threat to; politicians, the agents to societal condition as and creators values other then and and disappears, right­thinking interests: amplifiers submerges Its of people; nature deviance, is socially or presented deteriorates rather accredited than in a and preventing stylized experts becomes and or pronounce sterotypical more suppressing visible" their fashion it. (p. diagnoses 9). by Moral the and mass panics, solutions; media; and ways their the moral creators, of coping barricades give are much evolved, are manned credence or (more by to Moral panics typically involve telling what Bromley, Shupe and Ventimiglia (1979) called "Atrocity Tales," that is: " … An event which is viewed as a flagrant violation specifying …"(p. of a fundamental 43). and detailing cultural the value. value Accordingly, violations, (b) an authorize, atrocity tale implicitly is a presentation or explicitly, of punitive that event actions, (real or and imaginary) (c) mobilize in such control a way efforts as to against (a) evoke the alleged moral outrage perpetrators by

second, quality, The success and the perceived amount of moral of entrepreneurs threat resistance potential they to in encounter; create the moral a moral and issue panic last, for their which depends ability they on to crusade; a suggest few factors third, a clear, (e.g., their persuasive, Becker ability to 1963; create and acceptable Eisenstadt public awareness solution 1984): first for to the is the their specific issue ability or issue; the to problem. mobilize fourth, the power; type,

point The symbolic­moral concept between of arguing "moral universes. and panics" negotiating Thus, is moral intimately symbolic­moral panics linked are deliberately to politics universes. and created What deviance either is usually as to approached reaffirm at stake older in in a this moral moral book panic boundaries because are the of or definitions several to challenge factors. and those redefinitions First, boundaries moral of panics moral in provide boundaries a focal of

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order to define and legitimize a new symbolic­moral universe. Hence, moral panics are linked to major processes of societal change or stability. Second, Spector and change moral Kitsuse panics and (1977) stability. and implied the Third, emergence that moral examining of panics "social how involve problems." particular generating patterns This link and of may using behavior, associate power or as issues, the the sociology different emerge sides of to social be to defined the problems moral as "social panic and that struggle problems" of moral to may win panics sympathy, provide to major us generate with societal a link support, processes between of universes the create nature legitimacy, then of the the societal and motivational gain symbolic­moral ascendancy, accounting each universe systems attempting and used its to by boundaries. deviantize actors involved the other. in the Fourth, panics it give stands direct, to reason micro that expressions since moral to macro panics considerations involve competing (and symbolic­moral vice versa) about

were For involve Hence, example, moral the a moral issue panics the crisis. of fourteenth aimed moral The originally panics societal to seventeenth is very to reaction preserve intimately century to moral stability. linked European panics to contests has witch­craze dynamics of power (see that and could Ben­Yehuda morality result in between 1980, either 1985) reaffirming differents as well symbolic­moral stability as the McCarthy or helping universes. persecutions create a As process such, in moral the of social United panics change. States and Moral political panics challenges are studied are in being a dynamic, raised historical, and exchanged and political during perspective the panic. and typically involve complex relationships between the center and the periphery as moral The above above make characteristics the study of moral of moral panics panics almost mean a must that their for this interpretation book. does not lie with the sociology of deviance exclusively, but with sociology in general. All of the

The approach. origins of the concept "moral panics." The sociological interest in moral panics crystallized within the sociology of deviance, particularly within the labeling

by The others labeling of rules approach and sanctions (e.g., Goode to an 1978; 'offender' Schur … 1971, deviant 1979; behavior Becker is 1963, behavior Dotter that and people Roebuck so label" 1988) (Becker stipulates 1963; that 9). deviance This approach is "a consequence focused attention of the on application the societal reaction

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to a presumed act of deviance and emphasized the role of social control agents/agencies as amplifiers (or even manufacturrs) of deviance (e.g., Wilkins 1964; Ben­ universes. however, Yehuda 1980). are clearly According the product to Becker of negotiations (1963), social about groups the nature create of deviance morality by among "making different the rules social whose groups infraction and individual constitutes actors deviance" representing (pp. different 8–9). These symbolic­moral rules, The sociological idea of social ideas control focusing agents on moral who panics. are engaged Indeed, in an Stanley eternal Cohen's battle aimed classical to initiate work, which new moral appeared legislation in England is a powerful, in 1972, intellectual begins with seedbed direct statements for the germination taken from of the labeling (more on approach. this later in Cohen, the chapter). however, makes it explicitly clear that moral panics are associated to the sociology of law, of social problems, and of collective behavior

"the In the his concept creation analysis itself—as of (1972), a new developed fragment Cohen S. of relied originally the moral on Gusfield's by constitution Cohen—was (1963) of society" certainly concept (p. of meant 145). a symbolic to Hence, be used crusade while in a the broader, and study on Becker's macro of moral perception (1963) panics has characterization and remained analysis within of of cultures. a the moral sociology enterprise, of deviance, which is:

intentional, society It is important because and to planned of emphasize the moral action. that failure To the quote term of a specific "moral Goode panic" (1989): group of in "A individuals, this 'moral context panic' does a subpopulation is not a widespread mean a is very defined feeling spontaneous on as the the enemy. part collective of the In short, public reaction, a that category but something rather of people a is much terribly has more been wrong deliberate, in their deviantized" (Chapter One). Two emphasized different that and we competing should think theoretical about moral approaches panics in developed terms of interests. in the sociology While of there moral were panics. a few One hints approach in the past emphasized that, perhaps, the moral these two nature approaches of the issue. should The be other combined, no real thorough effort was made in that direction. Using are two not a mutually thoroughly exclusive documented but complementary national drug moral and thus panic create that a occurred new full in synthesis Israel in in May this 1982, area. The I will morality show that and the interests two approaches approaches in would the sociology be discussed of moral by asking panics

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separate questions about moral panics: that of timing and that of content. The what Plan fact are of the that considered chapter. the actual good In rate the (even has month been elite) of between May high 1982, schools, 3 and the was 5 Israeli percent 50 percent. public in the learned Following last decade that the this did rate news, not of seem illicit a national to psychoactive have drug any moral noticeable drug panic consumption effect developed on the among and panic. lasted middle­class, until the end adolescents, of the month. in First, the methods used to gather information for this chapter will be detailed. Second, the necessary data needed to acquaint the reader with the drug scene in Israel died. detailed. will be provided. This account No real will understanding follow the tradition of the of moral the "natural panic can history be achieved of crime" without approach this background. and will detail, Third, chronologically, an historical how account the moral of the panic moral developed panic itself and will how be it Historically explanatory and analysis sociologically, in this chapter telling will the focus "story" on two is, in axes. itself, a necessary explanatory device—however, it is not sufficient. One has to explain the panic itself. The

those important First, the involved axis variable of in timing: creating in explaining Why and sustaining did moral this moral panics the panic, panic , it does break as not well when sufficiently as their it did, ability explain and to why mobilize their did origin it end and when and use course power it did? of also I development. argue must that be taken while The into the specific concept consideration. political of moral and This universes economic will make in interests itself the is an of variables the explanation actors (such involved more as structural moral in creating universes); and and bring sustaining the back analysis active, the is panic living enriched would actors with enable into microsociological the us sociological to explain its level analysis. timing. variables In This this (such is type the as main of down­to­earth analysis, reason one I chose is interests). not the left natural only Analyzing with history the the of macrosociological crime specific approach. interests of Detailing how the panic developed, how it was attenuated, and how it died is an essential tool for this type of analysis. The panics, second one has axis to is try the to specific eliminate content the of the panic—a drug moral panic. This question is important. Since the available studies suggest functional reasons for moral

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ghost of the old functional equivalent problem, that is, we have to explain why a specific topic suddenly becomes the target for a moral panic—and why it is this the theoretical particular question scheme topic of morality and utilized not would something before gain (Ben­Yehuda its else. justified So far importance. this 1980) question for a The similar has symbolic­moral not purpose, been addressed I will universe argue directly, that of drug the and choice abusers in this of chapter, has "drugs" usually I for shall been the treat 1982 portrayed this moral problem as panic evil, as inferior, was a major not coincidental. dangerous, topic. Using Here a a specific necessarily detested, topic for interests and a draws moral morally of societal panic at wrong. least provides boundaries one A of clash moral the between parties between crusaders involved the the "morally with negative in a creating golden moral right" opportunity and and universe sustaining the "morally attributed to delineate the wrong" panic to drug their (the (e.g., abusers version Israeli see Young police) of and a moral the 1971). dictated positive universe The the moral use choice with of universe illicit virtually of drugs. psychoactive attributed no real opposition. to drug abstainers consumption Also, the as

Finally, sociology I will of mass show delusions, that while social the sociology problems, of and moral consequently panics stems change from and the sociology stability of deviance and the labeling approach particularly, it is also connected to the

Data and Method

national coordinating There are drug a few and abuse sources administrative intervention for the arm data policy of used the and in Israeli to this coordinate Interministerial chapter. all Between drug and abuse 1979 Interinstitutional intervention and 1982, activities I directed Committee in (on the on a country. part­time Drug Abuse. The basis) committee The the major central answered task Israeli of the directly drug committee abuse to the unit, was Israeli the to crystallize a (which 1982, government, Parliament had thirty­six usually meeting through members). (to the be Because described minister of of later), social my position, and affairs. the following I Almost was a direct any meetings, person participant in and Israel I observer attended who was to them the connected all. events described with the area in this of drug chapter. abuse I was policy invited was to on the the fateful Committee May 12,

Thus, I was familiar not only with the nature of the Israeli drug abuse scene but also with the key figures and actors (with whom I had

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numerous the panic developed, formal and I informal realized that interviews an interesting before, and during, important and after sociological the panic), process as well was as with in progress, the various and agencies I documented and departments in "field notes," that were day­by­day, involved the in the various panic. As events as I witnessed them.

fueled The media the panic. played Thus, a crucial I collected role in and this filed moral systematically panic — as it all did the in relevant other panics printed (e.g., media Cohen items 1972). that reported The electronic on the and "information" printed media leading provided to the the creation information and maintenance that of the panic. 2

Adolescent Drug Abuse: An Historical Account of a Moral Panic; The Phenomenon to be Explained

Second, by abuse This a documented section in that Israel. details of This content account the part background — is of necessary why the panic. a drug and because This moral the historical account panic? the moral is development crucial panic for was answering of based the May on distorted two 1982 questions. moral information. panic One, in that Then Israel. of timing I I shall shall detail — first that present the is, events why the did preceding true the magnitude panic the occur panic, of adolescent when to be it followed did? drug Historical and epidemiological background Public attention to the drug abuse problem in Israel started after the Six Day War, in 1967. Following the war, Israel of especially was illicit flooded psychoactive the with kibbutzim volunteers drug (Ben­Yehuda use from — leisure Europe 1979). time and While drug North use Israel and (mostly South has virtually of America. hashish). no The systematic It seems perception that data such continues regarding recreational that the prevalence many drug of use the of spread Western illicit throughout psychoactive volunteers the brought drug urban, use middle­class to in Israel the general a new youth, form population, between 1971 efforts and have 1983 been that reveal made to a more research or less the consistent prevalennce picture. of illicit psychoactive drug use among adolescents. Several studies were conducted on this topic

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which percentage Peled (1971; showed of see users that also about was Peled approximately 5 percent and Schimmerling, of the 3 percent. respondents 1972) The Department showed had used that drugs. of about Statistics Shoham 5 percent of et the al, of Tel (1979; her Aviv subjects 1981) Municipality had found used a user hashish. conducted percentage In a 1974, 1975 of Shoham study 3.5 percent (Har­Paz et al. in indicated 1977–78. and Hadad that Barnea 1976), the high used (1978) school hashish. found students a In user 1979, percentage he Javitz studied, and of 2.7 Shuval 3.1 percent percent. (1982) admitted Kandel discovered that and they Adler a rate had (1981) of tried 4.8 hashish percent and Kandel, at among least Adler once, their and and respondents. Sudit 0.4 percent (1981) Burkof's admitted reported (1981) having that study about used revealed 3 LSD percent at that least of of their once. the respondents 2,800 The final junior had Teichman, survey was and conducted Barnea during 1985). All 1982–1983 the studies (in mentioned two stages) here and examined revealed lifetime that reported prevalence use of and hashish use mostly up to two of hashish, times between or marijuana, 3.3 percent in the fourteen­ to 4.8 percent to eighteen­year­ (Rahav, old population usually in high school. The use among high school dropouts was found to be usually higher. 3 1983 The above­mentioned remained stable: studies between indicate 3 percent that and the 5 percentage percent. The of young, epidemiological mostly high picture school is adolescents clear and has who been tried consistent. illicit psychoactive drugs (mostly hashish) from 1971 to the Background: problem of preceding timing. To events understand One important this event, event we have that to preceded go back the to 1980. May 1982 In July panic 1980, took the place Israeli in police the same supposedly month. This penetrated event will a large be used drug later smuggling to explain part of September. trials organization that followed At in that the northern the time, operation about part seventy of — the Amos country. people Sabag were The — activities arrested filed a statement and of the charged police to the with led Israeli to smuggling a large­scale Supreme and Court. ''mopping selling In illicit that up" psychoactive statement, operation (code Mr. drugs. Sabag named In not May "cleaning only 1982, denied the a key valleys") his state September witness in 1980 in the testimonies; Mr. Sabag appeared he also wrote in the that main he edition had lied of in the court. Israeli This television created evening much turmoil news on because May 9, Mr. 1982, Sabag's and repeated, 1980 testimonies helped put about seventy people behind bars.

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very Sabag dramatically, in a big headline: his statement to the supreme court. The major daily newspapers gave large coverage to this event. Yediot Aharonot (May 9, 1982) quoted Mr.

he " …'I and lied' a police claimed agent the "glued" state witness accusations who caused to various the arrest delinquents…. of 70 drug Amos dealers. Sabag, He claims 26, from that Tveria operation …claims "cleaning that he the and valleys" the police in 1980 agent was divided staged the and hashish under police to small pressure; portions that and of. truth' put In on …" the each night (translated portion of Sept. a by name 8, the 1980, of author). a person, all the people as if they against bought whom the there drug were from 'proofs" him…. Sabag were arrested…. claims that Sabag most of wrote the portions in his statement were meant [to the to frame supreme delinquents court] that the 'I police decided wanted to reveal to get the rid

The Sabag police and that used he a common was going account to be investigated. and simply denied Sabag's claims. Ma'ariv of May 10, 1982 (p. 15), told its readers that the Israeli police were very angry at

was document In early very May conducive the 1982, true story theaters to "drug about in abuse a Israel fifteen­year­old scandals." began the premier female of herion the German­made addict in Berlin. movie The Christian atmosphere F. in This early movie May is 1982 a shocking was therefore dramatized loaded version with drug of a book abuse reputing issues and to The May panic 1982. begins: discussions in the Knesset. The specific Israeli moral panic started, as perhaps one could expect, from the Israeli parliament — the Knesset — in

abuse On Wednesday, among youth. May In 12, May 1982, 1982, parliament the Likud member party was Mrs. leading Ora Namir the governmental convened the coalition. Knesset Mrs. Committee Namir on was Education, a member which of the she Ma'arach, chaired, the for major a discussion opposition on party. drug It prepared, seems was going safe and to to happen. assume quite a few that public Mrs. Namir officials had were a few invited "leaks" to from it. The some meeting police had officers a high prior attendance to the fateful of reporters May as 12, well, 1982, who meeting apparently of the "knew" committee. that something The meeting dramatic was well

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officer Mrs. Namir Amnon opened Helfer, the chief meeting of detectives by stating in that the she Tel had Aviv received police, some youth "alarming" branch. Mr. information Helfer told about the committee drug abuse that, among as a result young of people. an intelligence She then youth gave drug the floor abuse to survey police drug clubs, hashish conducted abuse had at least a in unit drug Tel once. in Aviv problem. the The national (which vocabulary is Israeli the major of police motives urban, headquarters, that metropolitan Mr. Helfer followed area used suit. in implied Israel), He stated clearly the police that that about concluded this 22 situation percent that probably one of all out schools of characterized every in two Tel Aviv, high all of school and Israel. about elite Mr. 19.5 adolescents Zvi percent Ariel, head had of the tried of youth the

newspaper. accusation The motivational found There, accounting a the dramatic Hebrew expression systems headline that read in were the "Half media used of by when, high the school police on May officers students 13, it explicitly was experienced repeated accused smoking on the high front hashish," school page principals of and Yediot the item of Aharonot, avoiding continued: cooperation a very "One widely of with every circulated the two police. high Israeli school This daily Knesset…. students in Israel Policemencriticizedhighschoolprincipalsfornotcooperatingwiththepolice…. experienced smoking hashish … this was told by … Amnon Helfer, head of ParliamentmemberGoldstein,fromtheLikud,whoinitiatedthe detectives, youth branch, Tel Aviv to the education committee of the he principal discussion, had a drug of attacked 'Tichon problem Hadash' the and teachers asked in Tel and for Aviv, claimed advice attacked from that high the the committee. media school for principals 'overblowing' Chairperson run away the of the problem…. from committee, the subject Yoseph parliament and Mechoulam, introduce member norms principal Ora of Namir, permissiveness…. of a accused high school the Ministry in ShmuelShimoni, Yahud, of admitted Education that of houses than doing 50 nothing and percent stores about of in high the order school problem…. to finance students She the experience expressed drugs …"(translated hashish." her opinion by that the the author). increase Ha'aretz of 10 percent followed in juvenile suit, and delinquency on May 13 its in 1981 major was back­cover because adolescents headline stated burglarized that "more

Members of the Interministerial Committee on Drug Abuse were present (including the author) but were permitted to question neither

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abuse. good the data opportunity One presented member and by argued the legitimacy Israeli that police contemporary to use nor accounts the methodology high that schools attacked were used high too to school obtain liberal principals it. and The that above and if pupils the accusation, Ministry would wear on of May Education uniform 12, gave clothes for other not doing (as Parliament was enough the case members about in the adolescents' 1960s), of the committee all drug would a be the well. Knesset The session committee turned (e.g., into Parliament quite a wild member attack on Meir high Shitrit, schools, Likud on high party) school indicated seniors, that and the especially tremendous on efforts the Ministry of the police of Education. in curbing Furthermore, the drug abuse a few problem members were of toomuchliberalism,andmorallyconfusedparents. spreading hampered "menace" by a "too liberal of drug legislation." abuse among This elite attack adolescents, clearly carried supposedly a moralistic, the future not leaders technical of the tone. country. Most speakers Illicit psychoactive expressed their drug concern use was about attributed the apparently to loss of morality, The swift accusations solution for that the high problem: school law principals and order. did High not help school or principals' cooperate with lack the of action police was received interpreted an unpleasant to mean interpretation. that they did not It appeared know what as to if the do or police wanted had only a clear to and protect intensivelyinterviewedthecommitteemembersafterthesession. their school's reputation or indulge in too much liberalism. The reporters present throughout the discussion were obviously interested in this "drug scare" and

The panic develops: media coverage. On the next day, Thursday, May 13, 1982, the Israeli public was "flooded" with drug abuse related media items. The major Israel's festival" daily newspapers second in the media. radio carried station big, had front­page wide coverage headlines on on the the topic drug — epidemic including among interviews high with school high seniors. school A students. major morning The following radio talk two show to three (All weeks the Rainbow witnessed Colors) a "drug on

the On was true May magnitude 12, 1982, Mrs. of drug Namir abuse appeared among Israeli on the youth," main edition specifically of the blaming evening television the Ministry news of Education. and told the When Israeli the public interviewer that there questioned was a "government the data she conspiracy used, her response to hide

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that the author's the problem notes). was not whether 3 percent or 60 percent of the young used drugs; rather the Ministry of Education was not doing anything about the problem (from

seeking to The share "conspiracy to information mislead theory" innocent openly was and citizens, an to important cope hiding with issue that the which because problem should it directly. contrasted not be hidden. two opposing The other symbolic­moral universe was universes. portrayed as One nonplotting, was portrayed nonsecretive, as a governmental courageous, secret and universe, seeking

however, The panic did develops: not. A "moral police panic" vs. Ministry regarding of illicit Education. psychoactive The Israeli drug police use by kept middle­class, mostly quiet elite as adolescents the panic developed. flourished on The a media full scale. and One the Ministry school in of Tel Education, Aviv called accusations drugs Tichon did Hadash not of help a (meaning high (from rate the in of Hebrew illicit author's drug "New notes). use High there. School") The fact was that the cynically principal renamed of that by school the media brought "Tichon statistics Hashash" showing (meaning that only "Hashish one high High school School''), pupil was following found using

On May 19, 1982, Yediot Aharonot (p.4) told its readers that "High school principals do not cooperate [with the police] in the war against drugs. A general attack on was that the Ministry high no drug school problem of Education principals in his was did school. not carried cooperate A secret out yesterday police with the unit in authorities the found educational out in that order at committee least to eradicate 21 pupils of the the in Knesset…. drug that plague…. school A smoked principal Mr. Turgiman, drugs, of a prestigious almost chief regularly…. of high Tel Aviv school All police, in present Tel said Aviv in that the said all meeting that high there said schools Ha'aretz in (p. Tel 10) Aviv, — which a morning suffer newspaper from the drug — claimed plague, that are principals precisely the of high prestigious schools schools hide and/or in the camouflage north …"(translated the true magnitude by the author.) of the Furthermore, problem in order on May to keep 20, the 1982, reputation of their high schools intact. On the police May 17, give 1982, the ministry a spokesman the names for the of Ministry those pupils of Education who had accused been suspected the police of drug of helping misuse. to His create account a "drug was panic" titled and " … of 'The using drug unreliable festival' statistics, of the police. demanding Every that

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some capturing year … sort the adolescents of police drug, conducts outside who school, use its drugs…. 'annual in a city…. drug Suddenly festival' Later we on, on discover, the police educational officers God forbid, are system. invited that The we to script public no longer almost forums deal repeats to with tell one the itself: nation city police — about but detectives with the all achievements of discover Israel…. a few of Following the adolescents Israeli this, police a who friend in used

namelists remains stigmatized told me that stigmatized…. of schools perhaps the students that the This the Ministry who investigation year, used of the drugs Education police was so had that finished should gone we would and too sell then far…. some be able … of The it the to is percentage treat desclosed drugs them it has that …"(Ma'ariv, of to drug [the cover users problem] its budget in May the concerns educational 17, deficits 1982, only … 3, system after translated very a few few is low…. students…. months, by the I author). call police The on the notify school's police (not name, to always) give however, us the the to At know the same even time, some there names appeared — to no in the avail. media police estimates that more than 100,000 high school students used hashish. The Ministry of Education demanded, again, Meanwhile, anxious parents began to pressure the Ministry of Education to "do something" about the "terrible drug problem" in high schools, threatening to keep their were newspapers children smeared away of and from May stigmatized school. 13 to May High with 18, school 1982, no real students and justification. radio also and expressed Some television parents their broadcasts; anger even began and author's protested refusing notes). about to send the their campaign, children stating to school that all because high school of the ''drug students menace" — as a (see category the daily —

problem. used The panic by her I attended continues: committee this the were meeting second probably too. Knesset Before biased meeting. the or false meeting and On May were began, 18, methodologically I 1982, was asked the Parliament to Mrs. flawed. Namir's Education I also room. protested Committee I gave that her I had was the a accurate not second given statistics meeting the right on and to the speak pointed youth in out drug the that previous abuse the data session. committee Mrs. on Namir drug abuse rejected were my biased arguments and too and "liberal" pointed and out thus that not my really turn to very speak helpful would or be cooperative delayed. I (author's was told that the scientist members of the Interministerial

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about doing notes). the something Furthermore, true nature about and I was it, magnitude especially told again not of that the the the problem. Ministry problem of was Education. not whether Mrs. 3 Namir percent repeated or 60 percent her account of high that school the Israeli students public were had using not been illicit given drugs accurate but that information no one was By this time, it was clear that the vocabularies of motives that presented accusations of "liberalism" and "lack of cooperation" became identified with a "soft'' stand on squash the issue. drug A "soft" abuse. stand One group was usually of policy interpreted decisionmakers, to mean not parliament showing members, enough combatant and police and officers militant came spirit forward and the with required generalized conservatism motivational "needed," accounting supposedly, systems to that soft conservative demanded liberals, quick, morally symbolic­moral swift, confused, and decisive universe and morally action used confusing. against vocabularies the Inhabitants supposedly of motives of spreading that this portrayed negative menace symbolic­moral their of imaginary drug abuse universe, antagonists among according middle­class, as conspirators, to those elite lacking in adolescents. the opposing in fighting Members symbolic­moral spirit, of noncooperative, this universe, actually helped propagate and intensify the problem. 4 The May 18 session started in a very tense atmosphere. Contrary to the previous session, only a handful of reporters were allowed in. The session began very straightforward intelligence dramatically report when way, based police that on they superintendent a survey, should not not Mr. attribute based Yehezkel on much accepted Karti, credibility scientific national to the police methods. figures chief The given of two investigations, to them police only officers a demanded week who earlier. presented to speak. He stated the Mr. data that Karti only the told "study" a the week committee, was, earlier in were fact, in a an not very internal present at the May 18, 1982, meeting. Mr. Karti's speech eased the tense atmosphere considerably. Although Turgiman, neither high a claimed few school reporters that teachers/principals the present youth drug started abuse nor to students leave problems the cooperated room, in Tel the Aviv with police­Ministry characterized the police. Other of mostly Education members prestigious feud of the was high committee not schools over yet. and and Tel middle­class some Aviv invited police and guests superintendent, elite attacked adolescents. the Mr. Ministry He Avraham stated of that Education again. They pointed out that even if the problem was minor, the ministry was still doing absolutely

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meeting nothing about eased it. the They tensions indicated and put that the teachers, magnitude principals, of "the and problem" students in the had correct no address proportions, where to the go drug and get panic help itself to deal did not with abate. their drug abuse problems. While this The panic continues: crystallization of main themes. The following two weeks witnessed major newspaper coverage on the issue of illicit psychoactive drug use employing such motivational accounting systems as "killing drugs" and the "white death" (heroin). 5 These vocabularies of motives attributed illicit psychoactive drug abuse are use no to in too longer Israel much a as peripheral permissiveness, characterized phenomenon, by to a liberalism, "silent as conspiracy" it used and to to morally be…. that helped Today confused inflate … crime parents. the and real Other corruption magnitude newspapers have of the become used problem. motivational accepted "Drug trafficking norms…. accounting and Using systems drug the consumption service that explained of prostitutes [in] youth the country … drug contributes supplement (mostly abortions). in p. no 11; small translated Yediot measure Aharonot by to the moral author). (May deterioration, 23, Hed 1982; Hakriot 4) part quoted (local of which Mrs. newspaper, is Namir using drugs Haifa, as saying …"(from May that 21, " 1982) … Aharon kids associated under Shamir's 13 drug "The years abuse Death of age and Drug,'' sell teenagers drugs Yediot and promiscuous Aharonot, use guns because May sexual 21, they practices 1982, know teachers that about due to how their to age cope they with cannot the problem. be prosecuted," and pointed out again that the Ministry of education was doing nothing about educating students, parents, and

(author'sfiles).The"moralpanic"crystallizedalongfivedistinctlines. In the period between May 12 and the end of the month, items on the "youth drug abuse plague" appeared in the national and local written and electronic media danger rates First, of the here illicit panic is drug obvious. focused use existed increasingly If these among particular on impoverished illicit groups psychoactive adhere youth­ to drug in­ the distress wrong consumption did moral not universe, among seem to middle­class, trouble then the anybody future elite of in adolescents the particular country in (e.g., is middle­class, in danger. see note The 3). elite fact high that schools. much higher The portrayed (and real)

Second, motivational accounting systems that leveled strong criticisms about the lack of action by governmental agencies appeared

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in the media — especially the Ministry of Education. These motivational accounting systems typically expressed shock and amazement at the nature and scope of the Ministry almost problem everything, among of Education young sensation should people. seeking, "get They its act frequently lack together" of parental associated regarding guidance adolescent drug and misuse, control, drug the abuse and ministry general with was general alienation. only societal one These agency processes, popular in "combating" such analyses as permissiveness, drug tended misuse. to acknowledge It motivation was pointed that, to out although experience that parents, the many "Letters," family, drugs and 9). peers are A few, so should easily however, take available equal warned (see, part that e.g., in coping a whole Ha'aretz, with generation May the problem 23, of 1982; youngsters (see, 16, e.g., Adler's should Yediot letter; not Aharonot, be Donevitz's stigmatized June column, 6, and 1982; that 9). 19, the and police June are 7, to 1982; be equally 11; Ha'aretz, blamed for May the 23, fact 1982, so newspapers 1982; accounts Third, 18, the that on electronic for "How included one to year media Behave information before gave with May advice, about a Drug 1982 and the Abusing and the dangers one printed year Adolescent"; and media after hazards May provided and associated 1982 Yediot articles (i.e. with Aharonot, until on the "how May abuse 1983) May to find" of 24, various reveals and 1982, "what chemical that on "The no to do" such substances Dangers if items one's of on children (see, Hashish"). drug e.g., abuse used Yediot A drugs. appeared. survey Aharonot, These of the articles daily June gave 7, hashish. Fourth, toward These articles the end pointed of the panic, out that some alcohol items abuse appeared was in far the more media dangerous in which than the marijuana/hashish public was informed abuse that (e.g., alcohol see abuse Yediot among Aharonot, youth June was the 6, 1982; real problem 5). and not The could fifth, be considered and last, line as crystallized a "good immunization" along an argument against as the to danger whether of or illicit not drug religious use. Yediot adolescents Aharonot, also used which illicit is psychoactive a secular daily drugs, newspaper, and whether is a good or not source a religious for the belief motivational too." The news accounting item that systems followed that quoted were Mr. employed D. Green, by from one side. the kibbutz Its June movement, 3, 1982, issue as making (p. 4) carried the statement a big headline: in the headline: "Drug abuse "Drug is use prevalent is prevalent among among religious religious youth and

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common traditional social youth phenomenon too — this was and disclosed many adolescents yesterday are by curious David Green, and want the to head try of using the drugs" unit fighting (translated drug abuse by the in author). the kibbutzim. The news He item said quoted that the parliament drug use became member a religious Rabbi H. adolescents Druckman as was protesting about half the the statement. prevalence Rabbi among Druckman nonreligious argued adolescents. that research On had the proved very same that date, the prevalence Hatzophe, of which illicit is psychoactive a daily Jewish­religious drug abuse among newspaper, Druckman was published proven on said that its that front drug the page use claim among an account that religious religion entitled youth 'does "The not is about Religious protect 50 against percent Education the less use Prevents than of among drugs' Drug has non­religiousyouth…. Abuse," no basis quoting in reality. Rabbi In This a Druckmads study study that proved was statement: published that as "Rabbi the a religious year parliament ago education … in member Ma'ariv, runs it deeper, confronted and the is more accounts intensive, given by it provides two different a better symbolic protection moral against universes drug — abuse…." secular and (translated religious by — author). regarding This the last abuse argument of illicit is particularly psychoactive interesting drugs by because adolescents, it its reasons, and its methods of coping with it. 6 The however, panic was ends. the As tension time passed, that was it built became up in clear Israel's that northern the sides border of the argument in late May were and losing early their June initial 1982. zeal The and Israeli vigor. invasion The event into south that really Lebanon stopped on June the drug 6, 1982, panic, and the end combat appeared that in followed Yediot Aharonot, between Israeli June 18, forces 1982 and (p. the 6 of PLO the and "7 Days" Syrian supplement). forces put the There, drug abuse a picture moral of a panic group to of an tired end. and One proud symbolic young media Israeli item soldiers that illustrates near their this armored which [uses] vehicle drugs…." was given. The ironic explanation under the picture stated that: "a generation of which, until a year ago, it was pointed out in the streets as the one

Discussion Moral panics and crusades, as explained in the introduction to the chapter, are inevitably and intimately linked to politics and deviance.

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They subpopulations. revolve around They negotiations are also linked of power to the processes and morality, through and they which typically societal include control campaigns agents/agencies that are create aimed or to amplify shame deviance vilify and — deviantize a topic that (Schur was 1980) illuminated other specific and emphasized by the labeling approach. The others, historical and utilized description an "Atrocity makes Tale" it evident (Bomley, that the Shupe, May and 1982 Ventimiglia Israeli drug 1979) scare about was, adolescent in fact, a moral drug use panic, in Israel. as characterized To follow by Cohen's Becker, (1972) (1963), characterization, Cohen, (1972), and adolescent "Atrocity ended. The Tales," drug moral abuse by entrepreneurs the emerged mass media in were May by successful actors 1982 as with a in threat high creating credibility to societal the panic and values because perceived and interests. they morality. had This power Actors threat and announced was were presented considered diagnoses, in credible a stylized solutions, actors; and stereotypical and the ways perceived of coping. fashion, threat The potential using panic then in the opposition; moral drug panics issue and described was they high; suggested by the Cohen moral a clear entrepreneurs (1972), and Dickson acceptable were (1968), successful solution Ben­Yehuda for in adolescent using the (1985; media drug 23–73), abuse. and creating The Zurcher nature awareness et al. of the (1971), of panic the Zurcher and drug its problem; historical and Kirkpatrick they development encountered (1976), correspond Johnson very little (1975), to similar and Fishman (1978).

themes panics Two approaches reflected in order to a have societal cloak developed a moral struggle struggle in between the study (e.g., different of Becker moral actors panics 1963; or Cohen and parties crusades. 1972). whose The One interests other focused clash. approach on In the what focused issue might of morality on appear the issue and as cynical of value interests, systems advocates showing and of capitalized this that approach moral on panics how imply moral use that moral suggested and morality institutional may that be researchers context. used for While nonmoral should there not issues only were pay (e.g., a few attention Dickson hints in to the 1968; moral past Chauncey panics that these and 1980; two moral approaches Galliher crusades and need through Cross not the 1983). be individual's thought Close of to as perspective, this mutually approach exclusive but is also Brannigan's pay (e.g., attention Dickson 1986 to work, 1968; the politicial which 156), no theoretical or empirical attempts were made to integrate them. Dickson (1968; 142) even used

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the term "alternative explanation" to describe the "interest approach."

a However, The better May understanding 1982 behind moral the public panic of, insight in display Israel into, about was and based interpretation morality, on distorted there of were the information, panic other itself. strong clearly interests aimed at at work sharply as well. marking The moral the boundaries and interest between perspectives moral right can be and used moral together wrong. to gain the I shall question first show of content that the — question that is, of why timing a drug — moral that is, panic why and did not the something panic occur else when — it ia did best — answered is best answered by using by the using analytical the analytical category of category morality. of interests. Second, Moral panics and specific political/economic interests: the question of timing. The literature (especially Becker 1963; Gusfield 1963; and Cohen 1972) indicates closer inhabitants that moral look, panics of however, other are symbolic­moral the reveals product that of a conflicts universes better interpretation between within the bearers of social these of system. different events In must and the take broadest competing into sense, account moral the various principles, May 1982 interests each drug trying that moral find to panic enforce expression in Israel their in moral supports a moral dominance this costume. interpretation. over The A reasons analysis. theoretical for Rather, shift its occurrence. suggested one should here analyze indicated the specific that the political, exact nature economic, and topic or other of a moral interests panic of — the while parties interesting involved in in themselves the creation — of should the panic not in be order the only to find major the focus true for The understand implication this shift of this because position in is Becker's that the (1963) nature analysis of the political/economic/social of "moral entrepreneurs" conflict and "moral that generates crusaders," the panic as well should as in those be a central by Gusfield focus for (1963), analysis. Schur It (1979, is important 26, to 252), Gusfield public and allegiance" (1963) Cohen put (1972), (p. it 177). succinctly: this A point theoretical "What was hardly is shift at stake to emphasized. interests is not so means much They that, the all instead focused action of of on men, emphasizing the whether symbolic only or value not depersonalized they of the drink, panics, but social the their moral roles, ideals, conflicts, one the should moralities and analyze, the to threatened which among they other life­styles. owe things, their the specific political interests of the specific political and social actors involved. 7 Thus, while the concept of moral

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earth, universes and is less undoubtedly ethereal interests. an important analytical concept, it is quite possible that "morality" and/or "values" are being used in moral panics to cloak actual, down­to­ The a moral shift contest in the theoretical between groups focus I representing, suggest here prima is tied facie, in very opposing nicely with symbolic­moral the perspective universes. of the political However, analysis what of the deviance. May 1982 I do drug not challenge moral panic viewing in Israel moral suggested, panics as is that situation it is quite for their possible own benefit. for the relevant This does interested not imply parties that the to capitalize interested parties on existing do not diversity happen and to believe animosity in a between specific various moral universe. symbolic­moral Rather, universes they take existing and to exploit moral this diversity and focus it in the public's mind, using the media for other than just moral reasons. The better the subjective perspective explain and the suggested social personalized order. here In worldview touches a very specific a somewhat of the sense, individual older the development argument actor, emphasizing made of ethnomethodology by Lyman the individual's and Scott interests, and (1970). sociological is They being argued phenomenology taken that as the interests central supports focus rather this for than analysis. interpretation values could, because perhaps,

powerful hierarchy The Israeli parties of May credibility 1982 to it: the moral and Israeli morality. panic police provides and Mrs. a golden Ora opportunity Namir, chairperson for analyzing of the the Committee panic using on Education the interest of perspective. the Knesset. The Both panic are had located at least in the two higher interested echelons and of the

The fight fairly police against tightly had the what two "drug it types "leaks" menace." of to interests the The press Israeli in creating or to police other the are interested panic. centralized The parties. first and is The local a long­standing two city young units police are vested directed officers interest from who to national press appeared the headquarters legislators before the into in parliament Jerusalem. allocating committee In more reality, resources in the its police first to meeting the control police did the "study" so with the they fullest brought approval was doubtful of their at superiors best they at nevertheless national headquarters. encouraged Although their appearance. their superiors The fact knew remains fairly well that that they the did scientific not attend quality, the second validity, meeting, and accuracy in which of Mr. Karti — NationalPoliceChief

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of Investigations — withdrew the "findings." The police interest in receiving more funds, however, is a long­standing one and did not have to be superficially timed to efficiency noted May 1982. that: cannot "Rising Reporters be crime evaluated receive rates information have by crime been data used from or to the arrest justify police, statistics" higher year police round, (p. 51). salaries about various and increases and grandiose in police "drug personnel, raids" although made every police now chiefs and often then. acknowledge Indeed, Conklin that (1986) police The second, much more immediate, interest of the police was to deflect the public's attention away from the fact that a key state witness withdrew his statement and second problem" thus put interest in to question the that, "drug the from panic" methods the was police used — point one by has the of view, police, to admit was as — well the very most as successful. raising important. serious Regardless questions of regarding the results the of arrest this dispute, of about the seventy diversion suspected of attention "dope from dealers." the "state It was witness this

which The second at that interested time had party, some bitter Mrs. arguments Namir, then with chairperson Begin's coalition of the Committee government, on but Education she had of always the Knesset, had very was strong not only and explicit a member aspirations of the major to become opposition the minister party, of Obviously, minister education of herself. education. before Mrs. election She Namir was time gave appointed these these aspirations aspirations instead, found by a her clear expression party, expression to the frequently position in interviews in of the the media. she chairperson willingly Being of gave part the of to Committee the reporters, major opposition on to the Education. media, party, and There Mrs. in informal can Namir hardly interviews. could be a not question become that the Mrs. opposition of Education Namir "watchdog" had was a functioning strong role. vested Second, but interest that through she to had attack these some the attacks, better Ministry ideas Mrs. of as Namir Education. to what was ought This not only interest to — pointing and was could first out that — to attack be there done the was regarding coalition something party the basically problem and thus wrong of to adolescent maintain with the a drug way traditional abuse. the Ministry Furthermore, contrast it with this another moral moral panic universe gave Mrs. that Namir she (and (and others) others) portrayed a most convenient as evil, as opportunity well as receiving to present exposure to the in public the media the symbolic­moral — which seems universe to be an she believed in and to

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symbolic­moral and almost power universal can be universe. vested generated, interest In this and of way, how Western moral one can politicians boundaries legitimize nowadays. could one's be own This sharply symbolic­moral is an drawn. excellent example universe of by how portraying symbolic­moral a counter imaginary universes clash evil, antagonistic, and negotiate, and how dangerous sympathy The motivational accounting systems that were used on the micro level by the parties are instructive. Both the police officers, but much more so Mrs. Namir, anchored interests. consequently constituted their statements They a significant an actually in obvious a macro could symbolic danger symbolic­moral not to because threat the future of then a universe. moral of no the moral degeneration, country. The panic danger The could a motivational portrayed threat be generated. to the by accounting the country's interested youngest systems moral and that entrepreneurs brighest were used minds, by was these a not disintegration parties technical. did For not of these its disclose best parties, high anything schools, drug about abuse and other Thus, the interests of two parties that helped to create the May 1982 moral panic coincided almost perfectly. Drug abuse professionals who could, perhaps, cool the prevented to panic their were specific from divided political/economic stating among their themselves positions, interests and and reporters thus that led incapable to were creating not of real eagerly and coordinated maintaining interested action. the in what moral Furthermore, they panic. had One, to those say. of course, The who analysis were is left present of puzzled the in actions the about discussion taken the dubious by the at the different role Knesset played parties were by the points media Mane 1984) — print where and electronic the panic flourished. — in helping this moral panic come about. There can hardly be a question that the media helped construct the social reality (Adoni and

abuse) This analysis moral themes enables for us non­moralistic to go one step beyond purposes. the older­traditional morality/role­type of approach to moral panics and to argue that moral panics may use (and The one may last decade also use witnessed an "alternative" the crystallization (e.g., Dickson of a 1968) few studies interpretation that, together, that emphasizes tend to support interests. the Two idea analytically that, although distinct moral types panics of may interests start can because be isolated. of moral reasons,

One type may be termed as general political interests of system level (e.g., Duster 1970). Let me use a few more detailed examples. Morgan

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opium crusade (1978) laws showed had in become California that the an first ideological were antiopium not a struggle, result crusade of intimately a moral in U.S. crusade history linked against was to the directed desire the drug to against remove itself working­class but those resulted workers from Chinese from a coercive the brought labor action over force. directed initially Morgan against as drew cheap Chinese the labor. conclusion laborers, By the that 1870s, who the this first initiation threatened of the extremely economic harsh security laws of against the white the use working and sale class. of opium, Cook (1970) which was indicated a behavior that a attributed similar fear to of these Chinese immigrants. immigrants Likewise, in Canada Johnson in the (1975) 1920s illustrated propelled how the and nineteenth­century Whitebread (1974, antiopium 34–37) moral indicated crusaders that created the passage and diffused of antimarijuna misinformation legislation about in the drugs 1930s and in equated the western "drugs" states with in the "evil." United Musto States (1973, was 221–33) fuelled by and prevailing Bonnie as showed hostility a result that toward, of this societal moral and fear moral panic of, concerns Mexican developed and immigrants on fears, the background we (Goode may sometimes 1989, of general ch. have one). societal anticipatory Hall fears et al. from (1978) (preemptive) the analyzed spreading moral a moral menace panics panic of even "crime against before waves." a perceived anything Furthermore, has threat happened. of this "mugging." study Bonacich's implies They that, (1972) was terminology chosen work over even also terms implied resembling like that prejudice a ethnic clash of antagonism and symbolic­moral discrimination "first germinates universes, because it in Bonacich's carries a labor fewer market work moralistic split still implied along and ethnic theoretical that moral lines'' assumptions" crusades (p. 549). against Bonacich (p. blacks 549). explicitly Thus, originated while wrote in deliberately that: economic " … 'Antagonism' interests. avoiding any

clashes vocabulary Hence, the between above of motives, different illustrations and groups it was focus of the social on final the actors, step conclusion in supposedly a long that process antidrug inhabiting of power legislation very negotiatioins different was enacted, symbolic­moral regarding not so the much nature universes. because of dominant Legislation of objective and symbolized prevailing fear from moralities "the the supremacy drug," and but ideologies. because of a particular of

Another type of interest may be termed as middle­level bureaucratic and/or occupational interest. This chapter, as well as a few other studies,

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Nevada's obviously conflicting illustrates how ideas this about type morality of interest have motivated very little a to moral do with panic. moral The value first of considerations the other studies but is have Galliher mostly and to Cross', do with (1983) economics. study, The which State showed of Nevada that the makes State a of Nevada, conscious however, effort to also avoid has any what legislation can be that considered might harm as very the tough state's antimarijuna revenues from laws, gambling, prohibition quick of marriage state lottery, and divorce, and the banning and legal of prostitution prostitution in in most Las counties. Vegas. Another found real study, decline itself by Fishman lacking in crimes (1978), in against activity showed the and elderly, had that an media contrary interest reports in to creating the about claims a a "crime moral made panic wave" by the to against moral justify crusaders. its the continued elderly The in existence. New third York study, In originated by this Dickson case, in too, (1968, a specific official which statistics bureaucracy. was reinforced indicated This that bureaucracy solidly there by was a Norland 1930 and and in 1960 Wright was 1984), changed indicated into the that Federal initiatives Bureau in antidrug of Narcotics legislation and Dangerous in the United Drugs States [BNDD]). could be The traced Narcotic to the Narcotics Bureau faced Bureau a nonsupportive (the Bureau was environment formed in and decreasing values. Finally, budget Chauncey opportunities (1980) that argued threatened that for its organizational survival. The reasons moral crusade the U.S. that National the Narcotic Institute Bureau on Alcohol created Abuse resulted and in Alcoholism legislation and portrayed in a change teenage in drinking societal as significantly worse and more serious that what it really was. Morality, focused groups are widely of on social deviance, engaged the "threat actors in ideology, potential" the become use of deviantized. and in propaganda: various moral deviant panics: Schur the manipulation stated acts. the question We that also "stigma of noted of political content. contests" Schur's symbols We (1980) are noted the for term major the earlier control "deviantization mechanism that of both public Lofland for process," opinion'' such (1969, processes: referring (p. 135). 14) and "partisans Moral to a Horowitz process entrepreneurs, in collective through and Liebovitz which moral stigma specific (1968, crusades, contests 282) and universes. panics As therefore we involve processes of "stigma contests" that focus on various and competing definitions of the boundaries between different symbolic­moral

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shall see next, the area of illicit psychoactive drug use includes deviantization processes and a significant threat potential.

illustrations The who "choice" studied for the of the a creation topic clash for of of different a the moral Mods panic symbolic­moral and is Rockers not just in a universes. random Britain as process. Moral folk devils, panics, Moral pointed panics therefore, out are aimed that are intimately the to specific shame linked vilify content to and the of deviantize a basic moral nature panic entire of may various subpopulations vary, cultures. from a and new Cohen provide topic (1972), to vivid a revival analyzed Zurcher antipornography of et the an al. reasons old (1971) one. moral for and Gusfield crusades the Zurcher development (1963) than and the studied Kirkpatrick actual of a "moral how elimination (1976) alcohol panic" found consumption of dynamics pornography. that public regarding became support Another the a topic of drug example a specific for abuse a moral is issue that life­style crusade of in Anita the and United in Bryant set the of United States values in Miami. in States, was the In middle more 8 the and late important of Goode 1970s, 1986. (1989, In to Bryant the different participants ch. conducted one) studies, in an intensive moral crusade against homosexuals using such morally loaded motivational accounting systems as "save our children" (see Hills 1980, 106–7). Drug involving abuse a drug policies panic have around been crack, characterized see Time in October many parts 6, 1986, of the 30). world by moral panics, perhaps more so than any other form of deviance (for a recent example

American expressive According population passivist to Lidz and beliefs were Walker in about the (1980), youth to become the culture drug addicted and crisis revolutionary in to the heroin" United (pp. politics States 251–52). among was "a Their blacks. phony conclusion It creation seems was, that of a there variety therefore, was of little powerful that reality the drug people to crisis the who belief "was felt that a threatened smoke large sectors screen by the of for the growth the of specifically repression of its political antialcohol and activities. cultural groups" Gusfield (p. stated 252; see that: also "What Helmer prohibition 1975). symbolized Gusfield's (1963) was the famous superior work power analyzed and prestige the Women's of the old Christian middle Temperance class in American Union, power society. middleclasslife of The the threat old middle of decline class in by that showing position that had they made could explicit mobilize action sufficient of government political necessary strength to to bring defend it about, it. Legislation and it gave did dominance this in two to ways. the character It demonstrated and style the of old

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of in contrast the dominance to that of of old the middle­class urban lower and virtues middle and classes" the end (p. of rural, 122). Protestant As Gusfield dominance pointed out, (1963, the symbolic 126). Musto message (1973), carried Kramer out by (1976), the end Goode of Prohibition (1972), Klerman meant the end illustrated (1970), Dumont how antidrug (1973), campaigns Young (1971), in the Duster United (1970), States can Conrad be traced and Schneider to ideological (1980), moral Morgan issues. (1978), Indeed, Ashley Goode (1972), (1989, ch. Anderson one) states (1981), that "much and Trebach of the drug (1982) all From society." legislation this Thus, perspective, passed ample in this evidence the century "choice" exists was of motivated that, drugs in for different the by political creation time periods and of a moral moral and reasons panic in different was, rather obviously, cultures, than by drugs a not genuine a have unique concern traditionally Israeli for invention. the been health associated and welfare with moral­ideological of vulnerable members issues. of the menace" The "choice" as a of societal drugs threat as a symbol has at for least the two creation important of a moral aspects. panic, First, while drug perhaps scares are not very cognitively attractive planned, to both was the also media no and mere the coincidence. masses, especially Capitalization drug scares on the "drug concerning ideology. respect, ideologies Within youth. our It and is theoretical relatively morality share framework, easy a to common use this let me issue denominator. suggest in order that to Ideologies ideologies generate provide a provide, moral their crisis. and adherents help The construct, reason with for generalized the this boundaries is that motivational such of drug symbolic­moral scares accounting can be universes. systems, considered In which this as an specific are effective translated into vocabularies of motives at the micro level. These consequently help social actors to utilize the ideologically given rationale and justifications. An ideology which analytical can is arouse to conceptualization provide emotions authoritative and direct of ideology concepts mass action. that capable is consistent That of rendering drugs with can situations the be used terminology as meaningful, a "suasive I use and here image" "suasive was for suggested corrupting images" by by youth Geertz which and (1964). their thus meaning destroying According can the to be Geertz, "sensibly country's 9 the grasped." future function seems and of clear. the like. Thus, When we these find such phrases expressions are used as within "drugs an destroy young minds," "drugs destroy the future of the country'' (from the major daily media in Israel, May 1982) and

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authoritative framework, such as the Parliament, the press, and high ranking officials in the "hierarchy of credibility" and morality, an effective antidrug ideology is colors, created, and sustained, focus hatred and used. on. Furthermore, as Szasz (1975) and others 10 have shown, the term drugs is an easy and safe enemy to create, magnify, portray in evil The second aspect is the fact that the moral statements used in the antidrug ideology help to draw and maintain moral boundaries, especially between those who use the drugs end and of those the panic who as do to not; whether those orthodox who are morally Jews were right somehow and those more who resistant are morally (and wrong. perhaps A even typical "immunized") example for to this drug point abuse is the vis­a­vis argument secular that was Jews. waged In this toward sense, universes legitimated twoopposingsymbolic­moral meet by the a conflict symbolic is indeed universe universes unavoidable: in question" were sharply "heretical (p. 124). and groups visibly In the moral posit contrasted. not panic only Berger described a theoretical and here Luckmann one threat symbolic­moral to (1966) the symbolic argued universe universe, that when fabricated but two a practical such a negative, contradictory one to morally the symbolic­moral institutional wrong order symbolic­moral symbolic­moraluniverse. universe of drug users and successfully campaigned against some of the "archenemies'' who supposedly helped support this deviant, heretical

The portrayed symbolic­moral an opposing universe negative that symbolic­moral said that it valued universe the work of drug ethic, users direct who coping supposedly with everyday symbolized life problems, moral degeneracy, and maximum loss of self­control control, danger, claimed lack moral of proper superiority. ideas, It andirrationality.

interest of The heresy above to — find, situation that or of invent, is witchcraft. not a unique. new A type few Elsewhere of Dominicans, heretic (Ben­Yehuda to justify and the the 1980), Inquisition, continued I illustrated existence fabricated that of a when its negative machinery. the medieval detested Thus, and Inquisition the fearsome Inquisition found moral set itself universe about without to — introduce heretics that of and demonic to pursue develop witchcraft. it had a new an form That symbolic­moral this negative moral universe universe, was the described Inquisition as diametrically was very successful opposed in to creating the positive a devastating symbolic­moral moral panic universe that lasted of the for true a believers. very long There period can of time. be little In a doubt recent that, work, based on

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about Gusfield such (1981) positive also values showed as being that the sober, development in control, of rational, the "myth hard of working, the Killer and Drunk" the like. (pp. This 151–54), point helps refers American to the "boundary society to maintenance" maintain the function illusion of of deviance moral consensus in moral in that panics, this one way which possible to major was and documented societal real result processes elsewhere of moral of panics change (e.g., may see and Durkheim be stability, a new which legislation 1938; is Erikson a basic that 1966; can theoretical pave Lauderdale the focus way of for 1976; this a process book. Ben­Yehuda of social 1985). change. All Moral the previous panics illustrations can, therefore, indeed be linked show The way the various organizations, including the government, in Israel coped with what they perceived as the "drug menace" and the generalized accounts they chose association to (apart present from their against antiterrorist stance the are use battles instructive of drugs, and activities), states as to the officially underlying this slogan on its moral carries letterhead tones a heavy that of the it moral has drug declared tone. abuse issue "war in on Israel. drugs." For In example, a country AL that SAM, has fought the only six wars Israeli in voluntary the last forty citizens years

panics. Some of For the example, motivational a poster accounting published systems in 1971 that by were the Israeli used in government governmental used publications a very interesting from the vocabulary late 1960s of and motives: early "the 1970s number were almost of hashish intended users to in create Egypt moral is the between approximately 1973 these war, the two five Egyptian facts." million. This soldiers In the particular Six proved Day motivational War to be everyone of a higher accounting could quality, see system the so type today must and when have quality made I show of sense the this Egyptian poster in post­1967 to soldiers. my students, Israel, Don't when they delude its usually youngsters yourself roar that with felt there perhaps laughter. is no like connection Another supermen. poster In undesired. ambition, from the early indifference." In this 1970s context, stated Obviously, it that: is not "If difficult these being motivational a to man see why means it accounting is to so have easy a to systems strong depict and make ''drugs" stable clear as character, corrupting and explicit those the moral who innocent, statements use drugs perhaps by prove morally portraying the opposite: confused, the morally apathy, youth, desired lack while of versus stigmatizing initiative the morally and those who are morally perceived to be actually wicked, corrupt, and even evil.

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dangers strugglebetweendifferentsymbolic­moraluniverses.Thesemicromotivationalaccountingsystemsarenot"technical" that In Israel, were of therefore, used drug in abuse; official as in they the publications United focus instead States, on drug on the the abuse, drug type issue the of motivational person has always who, been accounting supposedly, intimately systems chooses associated given to use against with drugs various using and on moral various the social and psychoactive — ideological portrayingthe"obvious"(or"technical") and moral chemical issues. implications Thus, substances, the of such rhetorical reflect use. devices the different Because symbolic­moral a consensual definition universes of morality become problematic (and, therefore, in these of the societies. actual meaning One way of of deviance) solving this in pluralistic is to rely on societies the lowest, becomes most a "obvious" complex issue, common negotiations denominator. between control, Criminal providing law in complex an umbrella societies, moral­symbolic as a form of universe, generalized integrating motivational all those accounting who live system, within becomes its political therefore jurisdiction increasingly (Hills 1980; relied 35). upon The as law a formal symbolizes mechanism and reflects of social process different of moral interaction ideas in and society. negotiation As sociologists among different know all interest too well, groups, the law representing may frequently different reflect, moral perhaps universes, more and than not anything always the else, reality the final of the product legitimate of a very needs long of large society, law sections has become with of the upwards population. impossible. of 40 Marijuana million The sale persons and laws use in having the of marijuana United used States this remain illicit today drug, illegal, reflect perhaps however, this problem: one primarily third of "marijuana them because using has most it become on of a the more the older or 'new less adult Prohibition' regular public basis. are in ideologically Effective contemporary enforcement opposed American to of total this decriminalization. these on)" (Hills dominant 1980; groups 38). Use of find the repugnant drug is symbolically (for example, associated hedonism, in much sexual of promiscuity, the public mind altered with states many of kinds consciousness, of activities, radicalism, life styles, irreverence and moral and towards political authority, beliefs and that so

The represents drug abuse something issue symbolizes that is very something alien to the very Israeli important ethos of regarding creating a the new very society, nature industriousness, of the Israeli complex collective conscience. In the Israeli context, this issue

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asceticism, and machoism. Drug users, in this cultural context, are typically portrayed as folk devils (Cohen 1972).

various In Israel, "moral there might panics." have For also example, been an in added 1979 and factor again helping in 1981 the the May Israeli 1982 public moral learned panic to — flourish. through The the educational media — about system "terrible" in Israel problems seems, somehow, of violence to and be vandalism prone to Eisenstadt in schools in (1984) Israel. pointed Horowitz out and that Amir the panics (1981), about who violence researched and this vandalism issue, indicated in Israeli that schools the reports probably on began, violence and and were vandalism fueled by, in schools the different were groups widely whose exaggerated. interest it parents outcomes. was to create who Thus, were such another against panics. "moral integrating For example, panic" schools located the teachers' (with within students union, the educational from which different was system negotiating sex was, and ethnic perhaps, the annual groups) associated salary and who raises in the had of public teachers, an interest mind wanted with in showing what to show it that felt how this were integration hard problems their job had endemic was disastrous and to thissystem. The abuse May is an 1982 "easy moral enemy" panic: (Christie morality 1984; and Christie interests. and Bruun The argument 1985;Dumont so far explains 1973; Szasz why 1975) illicit psychoactive and can be used drug in use a moral is an almost panic as natural a boundary topic for maintenance a moral panic. device Drug in a witness statement did, drugs clash neutralize for between who a implied moral retracted Mr. opposing panic that Sabag's his the was testimonies symbolic­moral police account, not coincidental. used or in deliberately divert early universes. May attention Since challenged doubtful the The from challenge Israeli methods. this the challenge. police, morality to the The however, police police and It appears integrity was denied had raised that a — much Mr. within the indeed, Sabag's police more the the specific claims decided context legitimacy — interest of to and drug pursue — was in of law using the the stuck enforcement, third police this with alternative. topic antidrug the for account. the a proper abuse moral The It police action. reaction had panic. to "choice" justify The Mr. had Sabag's state to what of be it within high, much that area. more There serious were than three what major we "know." messages When that the the issue police of delivered "governmental during conspiracy" the drug moral was panic made, it the helped police to did create. nothing First, to the prevalence of drug abuse is very

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in andliberalismundermineitsefforts. negate this dangerous this obviously illicit wrong drug use. accusation. Thus, the Second, cream middle­class of Israel's young adolescents minds are in in what danger. are considered Third, while good the (even police elite) have high the solution schools for are this those problem, that are lack massively of cooperation involved

finest admitted The police minds. to used having Clearly, a vocabulary made when a mistake such of motives a battle in the is that Sabag waged, projected affair, a minor the an mistake image Lilliputian of would being issue, have engaged as become the claim in a battle minute. made with by After Mr. an all, archenemy Sabag, on the tends one that to hand, corrupted disappear. we have and At a destroyed this symbolic­moral point, the even morality if universe the police of Israel's that had pretends seemed to to remember project Israel's the state future witness and, on problem. the other hand, only a questionable character. Diversion of attention here was very successful. After May 12, no one even

Finally, two short remarks. First, this chapter raises the problem of whether the May 1982 moral panic and other panics were fabricated or based on monstrous problem. exaggerations Similar (or amplifications amplifications — occurred see Wilkins in the 1964) panics of reported existing by problems. Fishman The (1978), May Hall 1982 et panic al. (1978), was clearly Horowitz based and on Amir a monstrous (1981). The amplification studies by of Erikson an existing (1966), Bergesen (1978) ,and my previous work (1980) support the idea of fabrication. 11 Thus, fabrication or amplification depends on the specific case. Second, the theoretical interpretation suggested here helps us understand why drugs were an almost natural choice for a moral panic. The social political background scientists, in Israel in and May especially 1982, and members the interested of the parties, Interministerial explain why Committee, drugs were were "chosen" hardly heard. as the While topic. most This of interpretation them knew also what helps the actual us to facts understand were, neither why the the voices parliamentary of opposing This committee challenge symbolic­moral nor assumed the press one were universe of interested two as forms. "too in liberal" The these first views and was not since the caring fact these that enough; facts opponents did to some not to help degree, the to moral "understand" although panic were minute, the prevented drug their menance. authority, from expressing Furthermore, legitimacy, their and these view credibility people both to were were the cast parliamentary challenged. into the committee

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and to the media. 12 The second was a claim that there was a governmental conspiracy to hide the "true" magnitude of the problem and that scientists were "too On Ben­Yehuda theory liberal." the or one Thus, with hand, 1980; opponents the we accusation Gusfield had the to the police 1963; of panic being Cohen and always too the liberal. 1972; politicians, found Bergesen Hence, themselves on aside the 1977, other from in 1978), an hand, the uncomfortable two the the contrasting voices scientists. of position those This symbolic­moral who of analysis having had also accurate to universes, apologize helps information, us to two and understand cope hierarchies although either why, with of not credibility in the other supportive problem similar also of of were situations the the contrasted. panic, conspiracy (e.g., were

hardly, if ever, heard. and drug The the moral abuse amount panic among of did danger nonelite, not focus of peripheral, illicit only psychoactive on drugs and problematic but drug on drug use adolescents abuse among among this particular is middle­class probably group much and are higher elite obvious adolescents, than and among magnify in elite middle­class the adolescents noise and and (see impact elite note high of 3) the did schools. moral not seem panic. The threat to The bother potential fact the that

moral crusaders one bit.

symbolic­moral linked Sociology to social of moral movements universes, panics in and and the may neofunctional sociology. play a central The sense moral key of perspective role the argument. in sociological in moral The previous processes panics emphasizes discussion that are so as that crucial well these as from the panics various the frequently theoretical illustrations help standpoint all draw point the of out this boundaries that book moral — between societal panics may various process be of of symbolic­moral change and stability universes (e.g., or Bonacich introduce 1972; change Cohen into 1972; those Gusfield boundaries. 1963; Power Morgan and morality 1978; Ben­Yehuda obviously play 1985). a crucial These role panics in these may panics. either reinforce existing boundaries

Moral panics may be connected to a few areas in sociology: social problems, law, labeling, and collective behavior. The sociological research in each of these areas of was how. total aware social of the structures, complex history, impact and that politics, power and it becomes morality necessary had on deviance. to examine Since to what this book other explicitly general areas attempts in sociology to reframe is the the sociology sociology of of moral deviance panics within related the context and

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The connections between moral panics, labeling, and the law were already mentioned previously in this chapter. or The prolonged sociology moral of moral panics panics about may specific also be issues related may in give two rise ways to to the the development sociology of of social a dynamic problems characteristic (e.g., Spector of social and problems, Kitsuse, 1977; and hence Schneider either 1985). open the First, way repeated for generate cases. possible Second, social and/or changes in use both power areas or reinforce and researchers their stability. abilities are faced to The negotiate results with the of morality. moral need to panics, It cope is thus with and not the the possible negotiations problem to know of morality between the results various versus of interests. moral symbolic­moral panics without universes, getting depend into the on details their ability of particular to

Another issue since almost clearly unavoidable it would be issue impossible relates to to the make relationship statements between about drug public use perception among Israeli of a phenomenon students that and bear the no "actual relation reality" to the real of that world phenomenon. and expect This to be is believed, a relevant unless perceptions the public of a phenomenon were fairly uninformed and the "actual about reality" the phenomenon existed too. in In question. the specific As could moral be panic seen, described in other and here parallel and in cases other of cases moral (see panics, Fishman similar 1978; gaps Davis between 1952), public it appears that the bridging mechanism was the media.

collectivebehavior. suggest, It is also therefore, worth our that while these to notice two issues not only — what the gap the between moral entrepreneurs perception and did, reality but also and how the public's their messages reaction were — connect apprehended the topic and of reacted moral panics to by the to the public. general Let area me of wasteland Unfortunately, of redundant the sociological descriptions study and of collective sometime behavior trivial theories. itself is very problematic. In the minds of many sociologists, this area may even appear as a vast intellectual Collective a behavior behavior that deviates is typically from the interpreted usual, routine, to mean everyday a relatively behavior spontaneous, (e.g., see unstructured, Goode 1988, and 505–29, extrainstitutional for a short review). behavior Collective of a fairly large behavior group is assumed of social actors. to include This is such topics as fads, fashions, crazes, panics, some riots, rumor, mass hysteria, mass delusions, crowds, and mass behavior — an impressive spectrum

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characterized, of behaviors indeed, "are organized all of which efforts compose by large the numbers material and of people non­material to change parts or of preserve culture. some A related major area aspect is that of of society" social (Goode movements. 1988, These 506). movements, as usually keeping While tending stable, somewhat in the most toward profound what way may some appear very as major esoteric, aspects it is clearly of culture the and case society. that both collective behavior and social movements are fully capable of changing, or In this regard, the concept of moral panics may be linked to those of collective behavior and social movements (e.g., see Gusfield 1963; Erikson 1966; Ben­Yehuda processes of attempts 1980). collective In are both of aimed behavior social cases change to we socially and have social and actors construct stability. movements who particular try, in collectively, general, symbolic­moral and to moral define panics universes the nature in particular, so and that boundaries meaning may provide could of the us emerge, social with and an be interesting moral grasped, reality and and in guide viable which action. analytical they Future think tool they use to live. interpret of the These concepts One particularly interesting analytical parallel may exist between the topics of moral panics and of "mass delusions." In both cases, we have a public that does not have In There media a clear moral are that idea panics a may few of what shape and examples is mass the "really" public's delusions, for this: taking perception (1) there place. Fishman's are In by systematic both providing (1978) cases, study reasons the authoritative media of the (however, fabrication plays motivational a also crucial of specific "crime role accounting in to waves" bridging the case) systems against the why gap that the a particular between elderly: help construct reality (2) public my and social will previous public believe realities study perception. a particular and (1980) may In of direct version fact, the production mass it is of the reality. action. of

radio the imaginary show; (4) crime Medalia of witchcraft; and Larsen's (3) (1958) Cantril's work (1940) on and a Seattle Koch's panic (1970) regarding analyses stories of the about now­famous damages "invasion to automobile from windshields; Mars" panic triggered (5) Johnson's by Orson (1945) Welles's work on 1938 the fabrication ''phantom implythat"moralpanics"and"massdelusions"are anesthetist" of the Protocols of Matoon. of the Goode Elders (1988; of Zion 514–15) also belong points to out the that same the category. so­called Accepting cattle mutilation the idea mystery that on a (see very also basic Summers level there and are Kagan at least 1984) two and issues the that

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connected may put both topics in another larger sociological frame of interpretation. In a strange, indirect way, Stahl and Lebedun's (1974) study may support some findings in this chapter and may also provide a possible link between mass hysteria and work moral situation panics. tended Stahl to and present Lebedun the severest studied symptomatology the sudden mass hysteria (in the form in a of group actual of physical female workers. symptoms They attributed found that to a those "mystery who gas"). were the These most actors dissatisfied also reported with their

having friends with similar, or even worse, symptoms. Here we have an association between dissatisfaction with work in a specific social network finding expression in

a mass hysteria.

individuals' In this chapter, problematic we saw that integration interests into explained an existing the onset culture. of The a moral consequent panic. Thus, strain in finds both expression cases, mass in hysteria a mass hysteria and moral or delusion. panics, collective There may, behavior however, may be be some traced to different profound from differences moral panics. between It mass is up to delusions future research and moral to examine panics. One whether difference symbolic­moral may be that universes mass delusions and/or interests that do not may involve also be — involved prima facie in such — delusions. moral issues may be ConcludingSummary While The moral no change perspective of term gave is suggested the term "moral due to panics" the new solid synthesis support, presented while the here, interest a new perspective awareness implied to both perspectives that the use of is the called word for "moral" when analyzing was, perhaps, moral inappropriate. panics. The the labeling sociology approach. of moral All panics the above was analyzed approaches as linked paid more to other or significant less explicit sociological attention to traditions power and — to those symbolic­moral of the study of universes. social problems, Consequently, law, collective the sociology behavior, of moral and panics In this way, was reframed another major within goal the context of this book of social was change achieved and — social linking stability, the sociology particularly of deviance at the moral with boundaries the mainstream of different of sociological and competing analysis. symbolic­moral universes.

It is, perhaps, no coincidence that theoretical formulations in the sociology of moral panics have been divided along two "alternative"

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These interpretations: processes the indeed moral involve perspective using and the concepts the interest of power perspective. and morality Hence, that the sociology are typically of moral interpreted panics within becomes an historical part of social and dynamic processes perspective. of change and stability. Using the May 1982 drug scare moral panic in Israel, I argued that, rather than viewing these two perspectives as competing, we should view them as complementary. synthesizedinterpretation. content This new — theoretical drugs — synthesis "chosen" for was that achieved panic. by Answering presenting these two two foci questions for theoretical fully necessitates inquiry: Why the did use the of moral the morality panic happen and the when interest it did, perspectives and why was in a a combined, specific The in Israel specific deliberately interests ignored of the parties data contradicting involved in creating their views the panic and were primarily successful explain in achieving its timing. their The specific political goals. and social The actual actors content involved of in the the panic May was 1982 explained drug moral by panic resorting actors adhering primarily to one to the symbolic­moral concepts of boundary universe maintenance, to fabricate an morality, antagonistic and symbolic­moral ideology and secondarily universe, to attack interests. it, and Creating thus redefine the moral the moral panic provided boundaries an between opportunity the for morally were reflected desirable and and used the in morally micro­level undesirable. vocabularies The various of motives motivational were examined accounting as well. systems Thus, that a genuine were used new by theoretical the moral synthesis crusaders was showing achieved how by macro­level applying the elements two previously competing perspectives to the same moral panic. The have analysis and can presented use. As these in this two chapter concepts is tied are in utilized very intimately throughout to the the idea analysis, of negotiating the process symbolic­moral of generating a universes moral crusade and the and differential panic, aimed amounts to vilify of power stigmatize these and universes deviantize an emphasis particular on both behaviors social structures and actors, and politics. connects As the such, topic the of analysis moral panics presented to politics in this and chapter deviance. is committed This connection to, and coherent is done by with, employing the conceptual an historical framework analysis, of with this book as an attempted and presents process a new of synthesis deviantization, for the which sociology of moral panics as well. Furthermore, the chapter provided an analysis of a moral crisis and a challenge, as well

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was directed from the center toward the periphery. The theoretical framework that was used was a non­Marxistconflictapproach,coupledwithneofunctionalism.

This One may quantitative note, perhaps argument, ironically, after all, in may conclusion, have nothing that the to do chapter with the deals real with problem, whether which the rate is qualitative, of illicit psychoactive contrasting the drug symbolic­moral use by adolescents universe is 3 of percent illicit drug or 50 users percent. deviance individuals versus that is. use of For nonusers. illicit the single psychoactive Here user, we the have drugs, difference users it is — relatively is the clear only and easy question obvious. for powerful is For to what a inhabitants culture, extent. there Answering of other is a significant symbolic­moral this problem difference. relates universes When directly to very try to and few the define (later problem stigmatized them of as what deviants. and the nature deviantized) When, of however, deviants,andgainlegitimacyandsupportforusingsuchmotivationalaccountingsystems,decreasessignificantly. approximately half of the relevant population is involved in such a practice, the ability of inhabitants in other symbolic­moral universes to define them as

users Hence, moraluniverses. would the "danger" gain legitimacy, in widespread power, illicit and psychoactive credibility and drug its boundaries use is that of would a moral expand revolution to include (e.g., members Lidz and that Walker previously 1980), inhabited where the other, symbolic­moral perhaps opposing, universe symbolic­ of

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Drug Chapter Abuse Six Social Policy in Comparative Perspective When Symbolic­Moral Universes Meet

Introduction 1

important The connection for us. A to society's the analytical "official" framework position toward of the a book. particular The way behavioral different pattern, cultures in the define form particular of social patterns policy, of may behavior be referred as deviant, to — in or our as terminology social problems, — as is a the universes, generalized issue. After and motivational utilizes all, if some power behavior accounting to gain is ascendancy defined system. as Such for problematic its a version social policy in of some morality originates sense, and then either reality we directly ought construction, to from do something a as distinctive well as about prevent symbolic­moral it. other symbolic­moral universe or from universes a coalition from acting of a few on The integrative crystallization drug abuse of a social societal policy generalized (i.e., not motivational just legislation), accounting we have system a societal in the reaction form of that a social was policy developed is intimately after the linked use of to various the topic psychoactive of this book. substances In the case had of an been different held by outlawed, these and contesting universes. stigmatized, symbolic­moral deviantized, universes. and defined This as contrast a "social signified problem." the The boundaries crystallization of these of universes this particular and reflected social policy the different resulted from amounts a confrontation of power and between legitimacy

Thus, the issue the of issue changing of drug definitions abuse social regarding policy the includes very nature the issues of deviance of power in and a dynamic morality and and historical the relations perspective, and negotiations and hence between of the sociology center and of periphery. change and It stability. also includes

Following the general theoretical approach of this book, this chapter is based on an historical analysis, integrating into one analysis

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of motivational the analysis concepts are of accounting integrated. politics, power, systems and and total vocabularies social structures of motives within will the be context used throughout of change the and chapter stability to into illustrate one coherent how, by sociological using these concepts, interpretation. the micro The concepts and macro of levels In each of the other case­study chapters in this book, there is a "micro story" that is presented by using the natural history of crime approach and followed by a generalized accounting sociological systems motivational interpretation. or oppose accounting This them. chapter systems is somewhat taking issue different with psychoactive in the sense that drug the use "story" and of it the provides symbolic­moral is on the macro universes level that — the either story develop of the and crystallization use these motivational of

In by the middle­class previous chapter, and elite we adolescents saw how two in Israel. parties In with that some chapter, very we mundane also saw interests why it was were that able "drugs" to create became a national such a moral favored panic topic regarding for moral illicit crusades, psychoactive and why drug they use

assumed were perspective. chapter. specifically pattern As such, of used behavior. the in the sociological May This 1982 chapter interpretation moral examines panic. presented the Sometimes "successful" in moral this chapter results panics of is result a a particular natural in a successful continuation societal reaction social of the change in analysis the — form of for of ''moral example, a drug panics" abuse a change presented social in policy, the in social the in previous a reaction comparative to an

represents in Goals two different and the plan victory cultures of the of chapter. — one Israel symbolic­moral My and goal the United in this universe chapter States (that — is to while of show "objectors" stemming that the to generalized from psychoactive similar motivational moralistic drug use) assumptions, accounting over the other works system (that very in of the "nonobjectors"). differently. form of social This social policy policy toward clearly drug abuse However, "objectors" the enjoys cultural varies differences significantly. between Hence, the the two use societies, of very particularly similar generalized regarding motivational the amount accounting of power, consensus, systems produced and legitimacy dramatically that the different symbolic­moral results in two universe of cultures.

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The that warrant reason for this choosing comparison. Israel Both and are the democracies, United States characterized is that, although by there ethnic are pluralism; some obvious in both differences societies, the between same these model two of social cultures, policy there toward are some drug other abuse similarities was implemented. To presentation, interpretation make the comparison I of shall the existing provide meaningful, differences. a description I shall of first the relative describe success the model of social itself; policy then I shall toward analyze drug abuse the sociological in the United nature States of the and drug Israel, abuse followed problem. by a Following sociological this

patterns Drug abuse. within Drug a given abuse culture" has been (Jaffee defined 1975, as 284). "the use, Different usually psychoactive by self­administration, drugs have different of any drug histories in a manner (Austin that 1978), deviates but a from justified the approved generalization medical would or social be that prior illegal. to the twentieth This century, century however, in most has European been characterized and North American by the passage countries of numerous the use of laws, various especially psychoactive in the United drugs was States, perhaps against considered the use, possession, immoral or or bad, manufacture yet not of redefinitions with century various regard psychoactive witnessed to brought such a drugs tremendous about drugs. as a In morphine change other increase countries, in and legislation in its public various (e.g., expressing attempts Norway), derivatives to the regulate the new (e.g., intensive moral drug heroin), antidrug boundaries. use. cannabinoids Drug abuse abuse legislation was (hashish, redefined may marijuana), even by powerful threaten cocaine, moral basic and civil entrepreneurs other liberties. drugs. 2 Gradually, as The an illicit first decades these act, especially of this stages: turning The history from point of lack in the this of societal response development reaction and inactivity (King to drug 1972; abuse to increasing Brecher and the 1972; crystallization levels Duster of social 1970; of control, generalized Morgan usually 1974, motivational by the 1981; legal Goode accounting and criminal 1984a). systems justice illustrate systems. that This this century reaction has developed certainly served in several as a

The works by Brecher (1972), King (1972), Bonnie and

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Whitebread (1974), Galliher and Walker (1973), Musto (1973), Reasons (1974), Waldorf et al. (1974), Courtwright (1982), Himmelstein (1983), as well as others annihilate substances, demonstrate those especially how symbolic­moral in the opiates early decades and universes marijuana. of this that century These permitted moral a few the entrepreneurs moral more entrepreneurs or less generated free and conducted unrestricted moral crusades moral use crusades of whose a variety goal that of was were psychoactive to aimed attack, at vilify, outlawing substances. delegitimize, various They psychoactive aimed and symbolically to change the altogether. moral boundaries This moral of these campaign universes generated in such myths, a fashion disseminated that use of misinformation, psychoactive substances and gradually would changed be severely the public limited attitude and controlled toward psychoactive very tightly, drug if not use. banned These moral patterns. and crusades other were countries more gradually or less successful made illicit in increasing psychoactive antidrug drug use legislation a vile deviance, as an expression associated of with changing a whole moral spectrum boundaries of other in Europe. shameful England, and supposedly the United harmful States, behavioral Canada, This emerged. social The intervention widespread caused use of the various patterns psychoactive of psychoactive substances drug use, by female as they and existed middle­class in the late users nineteenth virtually and disappeared early twentieth and a centuries, new type to of disappear user emerged: as new lower patterns class, another mostly significant slum shift dwellers. in the This characteristics situation characterized of the drug­abusing predominantly population. the United States, and to a smaller extent Europe, until the 1960s. The 1960s witnessed

frequent as The especially number users of bad, are all felt young, substance they urbanite, had abusers to devise middle/upper­class in both a credible Europe social and males. the policy United Faced to cope States with with this (especially what situation, these of governments, marijuana governments and especially defined cocaine) as in has a the grave increased United and serious States, steadily where problem. since the the problem 1960s. The was most perceived

History States was shows copied that by the other United countries States has as well. assumed a most active role concerning social policies toward drug abuse. The social policy that crystallized in the United

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Drug Abuse Social Policy The countries) model was of social developed policy and toward crystallized drug abuse in the as United a particular States. form of a generalized motivational accounting system in the United States and Israel (as well as in other

by The the United Prettyman States Commission, has issued a few which policy was documents appointed in regarding 1963 by drug President abuse. Kennedy One of the to review earliest U.S. and most drug important, problems and although to submit most recommendations. neglected, was the The report report's submitted President recommendations, L. Johnson however, on narcotics were never and law fully enforcement, implemented leading by the to administration the establishment (King of 1972, the Bureau 240–46; of Narcotics Goldberg and 1980, Dangerous 24). A 1967 Drugs task (BNDD) force submitted in 1968. The a report National to marijuana Commission use on (Morgan Marijuana 1981, and 161). Drug The Abuse commission's recommended recommendations in 1972 that antidrug led to decriminalization laws (especially regarding of marijuana marijuana use in some use) be states. relaxed, It was but the favored Nixon discouraging administration, need on however, drug to reduce abuse. that gave street Consequently, the crime, drug the problem the growing federal the public highest budget concern for priority combating over it had heroin achieved drug addiction, abuse until rose then and dramatically in the the new United approaches during States. the to As Nixon controlling Goldberg years. (1980, this problem 25–26) all and brought Morgan Nixon (1981) to declare noted, "war" the

The continual a reported growth of drug abuse both in the United States and abroad demanded an integrative approach to the problem. The result was a new task force of the document, most important submitted and influential in 1978, (The documents White in Paper the history on Drug of drug Abuse, abuse 3 which social policy. provided an elaborate suggestion for an integrative social policy. It has become one

at The includes reducing The White the quantity Paper suggested of illicit psychoactive a social policy substances that was available based on on two the elements: market. supply Such activities reduction are and largely demand handled reduction. by law Supply enforcement reduction agencies. includes Demand activities reduction aimed

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activities aimed at reducing the demand for these illicit psychoactive substances. These efforts include prevention, treatment, and education. became States, If supply and so and common, several demand other it reductions has countries also become can implemented simultaneously important the to social examine be achieved, policy its results concept then an and based overall effectiveness. on decline supply or and a check demand in the reduction. growth of Because illicit drug this supply/demand use can be expected. reduction Israel, policy the United It problem. is, however, The next virtually section impossible (which is to composed analyze the of social seven policy subsections) and its results does exactly without this. establishing a prior base of understanding regarding the sociological nature of the

The Nature of the Drug Abuse Problem: A Sociological Perspective In very this little section, to do I with shall "technical" analyze the problems problem — of illicit for example, psychoactive the "objective" drug use from dangers a sociological popularly associated point of view. with I illicit shall psychoactive illustrate that drug attitudes use — toward but have such much drug use to do have with moral one the form attempting views. of a The social to generate debates policy around toward sympathy, illicit drug legitimacy, psychoactive abuse, is hence and drug power the abuse end and result should, to change of complicated therefore, the other's be negotiations thought moral boundaries. of as between confrontations The these resultant competing between generalized opposing symbolic­moral motivational symbolic­moral universes. accounting universes, This system, social each in policy continued moremicromotivationalaccountingsystems,themacrostruggle. is, therefore, existence also and based actions. on The generalized vocabularies motivational of motives accounting used by the systems parties that to the were moral developed conflict and around used drug by social abuse control illustrate agencies and reflect, and that therefore, serve to in justify the form their of

An and historical its geographic discussion. location; The yet history they offer of the spread and use of various psychoactive substances is truly fascinating. Specific histories 4 vary according to the substance

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attempts illegal. similar This conclusions. to regulate century, and In however, most stifle countries drug witnessed abuse. prior a Numerous significant to the twentieth laws change were century, in this passed perception. the against use of various the The use, first psychoactive possession, three decades or drugs manufacture of this was century perhaps of witnessed various considered psychoactive a tremendous immoral drugs, or increase bad; especially yet in it public was in not the United States. Psychoactive drug use was redefined as an illicit act, thus marking new moral boundaries. 5 For twentieth most psychoactive centuries, disappeared. drugs, this However, social intervention the problem succeeded as a whole in the has sense not disappeared; that social patterns it began of to drug shift abuse, and change as they between had existed different in the populations. late nineteenth Whether and early or not this transformation should be viewed as positive or negative depends of course on the evaluator's point of view.

There the stated seventeenth purpose, have been but century, two it also exceptions but contributed economic to this to interests historical the institutionalization prevailed process: and tobacco smoking of organized and became alcohol. crime widespread. Best in the (1979) United Alcohol showed States. prohibition that Europeans (see initially e.g., Gusfield objected 1963) to the not use only of failed tobacco to achieve as early its as

groups, must Over analyze time, providing legislation two factors: symbolic against the expression vocabularies illicit psychoactive for of existing motives drug social used use and became to justify moral a the means hierarchies. reaction for dominant and To understand the actual social resulting groups the societal to social use reaction their policy power against against to the impose illicit use psychoactive of their various moral psychoactive standards drug use. on drugs, other one

emphasized arguments The initial opposition regarding the moral the to dangers psychoactive use of associated various drug psychoactive with use drug imputed use. substances, to The it possible last of decades opiates objective of in the particular. dangers nineteenth (mostly century addiction and the and first a myriad three decades of other of health this century hazards), witnessed but particularly bitter moral

The motives nineteenth­century they used to justify British their Parliament initiative implied was faced that with the use many of moral these drugs entrepreneurs crippled families, who wanted was to enact legislation against the use of opiates. The vocabularies of

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debilitating, use of opium shortened … interferes life expectancies, with digestion, and diminishing was demoralizing. the secretions For example, of the alimentary Dr. D. W. canal, Osgood's producing motivational constipation, accounting loss of system appetite from … dyspepsia 1878 stated … that: difficulty "the continual in breathing Reverend the use of … opium J. Hudson's bronchitis …"(Scott motivational and asthma. 1969, 101). accounting The smoker system becomes from anaemic 1874 added and impotent…. that: "I am but The too evil familiar results with from the the moral continued and physical use of opium evils wrought …"(Scott directly 1969, and 99–100). indirectly by

This These position moral entrepreneurs received support were from opposed some physicians. by the opium For dealers, example, who Sir apparently George Birdwel had a vested gave in interest 1882 a in motivational a free market accounting for the drug system (Conrad in which and he Schneider stated that 1980). opium revenues …"(Scott smoking was: in 1969, the "absolutely form 99). of Johnson taxes. harmless…. (1975) pointed Opium smoking, out that the in British itself, is government as harmless itself as smoking had a vested willow interest bark … in or the vapour opium of trade: boiling the water state … treasury [it is] strictly received harmless sizable for The their antiopium symbolic­moral moral crusaders universe. tried They to generate organized sympathy a few groups, and legitimacy among them for the their Anti­Opium version of how Society reality and should the Society be defined for the and Suppression to generate of power the Opium and political Trade. support In the cause. able second to They accomplish half of were the also nineteenth their involved purpose; century, in in various Great these political Britain, groups the activities. published economic Generally books, value journals, of speaking, the opium and while pamphlets trade the was antiopium that considered contained moral more numerous crusaders important successfully vocabularies than the dangers raised of motives public supposedly that debate, supported attributed they were their to not its use. 6 While First, their the British moral crusades antiopium established crusaders in a precedent the nineteenth that was century to be failed emulated to achieve many their times primary in later goals, years they and nevertheless in different countries achieved (see some e.g., tangential Gusfield and 1963). important Second, ones. the struggle effectively helped to change public opinion. The moral crusades repeatedly used motivational accounting systems that claimed that the

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use of opium was inherently bad, evil, immoral, and dangerous. The social construction of opium use in this context began to be believable.

The lifelong main addiction, legacy of cause the British physical anti­opium and moral movement harm to the …was user, the cause institutionalization crime, prostitution, of anti­opium, gambling….(Bruce but scientifically Johnson, dubious, quoted beliefs by Conrad that and opiates Schneider cause almost 1980, 119) immediate and

pragmatic see However, Terry and opiate and Pellens nonmoralistic use was 1970). viewed way, by some nineteenth­century others were concerned American about physicians the addictive in a more qualities complex of opiates, way: some and still viewed others opiate viewed use opiate indifferently, use as sinful some viewed and immoral it in a (e.g.,

Opiate motivational Morgan users (1974) did accounting stated not fit that into system, nineteenth­century this cultural provided context. by Morgan, America They were illustrates was viewed characterized the as point: "slaves" by strong of a chemical, beliefs in thereby individual losing freedom, their freedom as well as and by capacity a national for concern production. for productivity. The following

…Narcotics Satan, who held allegedly men in made bondage…. their user The passive, addict devoid of popular of free stereotypes will. He thus was often lacked compared both the proper to the helpless inhibitions child, and to the the stimuli non­responsible of individual insane responsibility person…. Opium …drug was abuse identified involved with sexual license…. (Pp. 21–22)

Opiate users were thus seen as helpless sinners or sick people in need of treatement. Two developments reinforced the perception of opiates as evil in the United States. First, the active ingredient in opium, morphine, 7 was discovered, and the to hypodermic the opiates needle used during was developed the course while of treatment the American (e.g., Civil see Courtwright War was being 1982; fought. Musto The 1973). combined The second result development was that soldiers was who the construction had been wounded of the transcontinental became addicted

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railroad the construction (approximately was finished 1864–1869). (1869), many This gigantic laborers enterprise became unemployed. employed thousands Consequently, of workers some from segments the Far in East society (especially viewed the in its Chinese western as part), potential including competitors China. in, Once and in the as 1870s, a threat newspapers to, the job market. were already Consequently, using vocabularies a vicious of campaign motives against in which these the foreign Chinese workers "vice" of began. smoking When opium construction pipes was of emphasized. the Southern Some Pacific of the Railroad reports began exaggerated system in which the issue he stated to mythic that: "The proportions. Chinese … Thus, come already to us in debilitated, 1874 Dr. J. they D. Newman, have come Chaplain enervated to by the the United influence States of Senate, opium" constructed (Scott 1969, a motivational 100). accounting

the Morgan these United workers (1978) States from showed initially the labor that as cheap the force. first labor. Morgan antiopium By concluded the crusade late 1870s, that in U.S. the this first history crusade opium was was laws directed transformed in California by powerful into were an ideological social not really actors struggle a against result of that working­class a moral was intimately crusade Chinese against linked who the to the had drug desire been itself, to brought but remove to resulted observation from because a coercive it lends action additional against the support Chinese to the laborers, basic argument who threatened that I made the economic in chapter security five. In of both the cases, white working we have class. examples This of is moral an important crusades interpretative and panics that were created and sustained for other than moral reasons. The immoral the his evil first motivational drugs…. of sex, Sax popularizing Rohmer's The accounting Fu­Manchi twenty anew systems the novels novels previously that featuring … were were made constructed very the evil connection popular" doctor by the (p. appeared…. between newspaper 115). Conrad prostitution The crusade and insidious Schneider and against opium. Doctor Chinese (1980, Ashley had opium­use a 20) plan…. (1972) confirmed noted Fu­Manchu soon that that: led after to "in a intended 1913 connection 1860 The U.S. to Insidious enslave between consumption the Dr. opium white Fu­Manchu, of and world opium, with mostly Morgan by (1974) the Chinese, stated that rose in markedly. the fifty years It was prior estimated to 1909, that legal about importation 35 percent of of opium the Chinese rose sevenfold. immigrant The population vocabularies smoked of motives opium used with some by The degree of regularity.

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stereotypes. action Insidious against Dr. These this Fu­Manchu, danger. motivational and accounting the motivational systems accounting provided systems a clear explanation it used, reflected and justification a changing for cultural existing matrix fears that from was the ripe "yellow to accept, danger" perhaps and could even direct embrace, future such

These developments began to show their effects in the late 1860s, when "some anxiety began to be voiced that women and the young may be particularly vulnerable to the However, addiction British … publishing press, and were many motivational reluctant middle class, to accounting publish respectable antiopiate systems citizens articles that were warned because addicted" against the opium (Conrad the spreading trade and provided Schneider Chinese a menace major 1980, source 119–20). were not of revenue Duster considered (1970, for them like 8) publishing in stated the form that direct U.S. of advertisements. antiopiate newspapers, like accounts. warning against It is one drugs. thing After to publish all, a accounts substance warning may be against thought a of human as, perhaps, danger not (e.g., so Dr. dangerous. Fu­Manchu) It is the and way another people to publish use it that alarming makes motivational it more or less accounting dangerous. systems

the vocabularies Such twentieth developments of century. motives, in The the all United accounts aimed States, against propagated and psychoactive even by more the early drug so in antidrug use. England, This moral development created crusaders ready­made, prepared served easily as the a ground basis, accessible and for justification, initiatives reservoirs to of for change motivational future opium action. laws accounting in the early systems decades and of North American and European cultures underwent a series of rapid and profound changes in the last one hundred years, particularly in their moral boundaries. In their basic struggle fears to and preserve anxieties older that symbolic­moral these changes universes induced, with and moral most ills boundaries of modern intact, society moral and crusaders with lack were of proper, successful even in debased associating morality. psychoactive The new drug legislation use with eventually some legislation drove 1973; heroin, Conrad against marijuana, and opiate Schneider and use was other 1980). passed substances By the in the 1930s, underground, first "narcotics few decades "predominantly had of joined this century, prostitution to the and lower international and classes" alcoholism cooperation (Duster as major 1970, against 10). Thus, drug trafficking through the emerged efforts of (Duster moral 1970; entrepreneurs, Musto

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moral problems in the minds of Americans'' (Duster 1971, 23). Hagan the point (1985, that some 68–77) of the reviewed most important about fifteen North studies American done on alcohol the origin and drug of antidrug statutes and developed alcohol laws alongside and came one another to the conclusion during the that: progressive "These studies era as part collectively of a cross­ made national effort to protect middle­class values against the alleged threat posed by users of habit forming chemicals" (p. 68). Implications that placed opiate of the used moral into struggle: a symbolic­moraluniversethatwasidentifiedwithimmorality,slavery,promiscuity,laziness,irresponsibility,irrationality,andthelike. demography The historical developments described in the previous section paved the way for the emergence of a perception

previous As in nineteenth­century Duster period (1970), in history. Musto America (1973) Ray probably (1978, and Morgan 308) consisted even (1974) suggested of middle­class reported, that the at females. least use of 1 percent opiates Local authorities of was the very U.S. popular had population conducted in nineteenth­century was epidemiological then using opiates. America, surveys Much in perhaps the of the last more population decades so than of using the in any opiates other nineteenth­century findings of those surveys: in order A to Chicago estimate study the number in 1880 of reported drug abusers, that … especially it was among those the using middle heroin class (or that morphine). we find the Conrad great and majority Schneider who are (1980) today summarized opium eaters…. the main The Iowa 116). some The … paradoxical survey growing noted social success, [that] developments. however, the age at of which A the major antidrug the result habit moral is were most crusades two common dramatic and is the fifty shifts increasing and in sixty…. the social­demographic number It has of been antidrug estimated characteristics laws and that control 60% of to drug bureaucracies 75% users. of the addicts were accompanied were women" by (p.

The males, 1972; first 1984a). in shift many began Using cases at heroin blacks the turn by and of this other the particular century impoverished and subpopulation lasted minorities almost has living until been the in the 1960s. ghettos, result During of increased attempts this dramatically period, to escape the from, percentage (e.g., or Finestone protest of opiate against, 1964; users Brecher unbearable from 1972; the and lower Courtwright degrading class, especially life 1982; King conditions, as well as challenging conventional morality. Treatment of this population was relatively straightforward. First,

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drug abuse within this population was portrayed as intimately linked to profit­oriented crimes aimed at securing the funds necessary to purchase the drugs at inflated prices. Therefore, social intervention in the form of law enforcement became a major focus in coping with this type of drug abuse. 8 Second, some physicians in the These most first decade famous clinics, of places for this a century variety for this of tried were reasons, to in provide Fort fell Worth into morphine disrepute and Lexington. to those and were who This forced wanted method to it, close consisted in so­called their of gates. primarily morphine Later, detoxification maintenance the medical profession only clinics (and (e.g., no attempted Waldorf, rehabilitation), to Orlick detoxify and and lasted addicts. Reinarman well Two into 1974). of the the 1970s. 1966), and Only with with the the advent realization of methadone that this method maintenance was not in the efficient mid 1970s, (Brecher this 1972; method Delong was abandoned 1972; Duvall by et the al. medical 1963; Hunt profession and Odoroff as a major 1962; treatment O'Donnell route. 1964; Illicit Vaillant psychoactive psychoactive drug drug use use and either users as immoral were thus and dealt dangerous with either or through as a sickness. medical or legal channels. The societal generalized motivational accounting systems explained illicit

stereotypes, social Even in characteristics the medical and a vicious model, of the circle population where of the a self­fufilling user prone was to use viewed prophecy illicit as psychoactive sick was and set lacking in motion. drugs in from responsibility, approximately he/she the was 1920s also until viewed the as 1960s morally in the weak, United wrong, States and only disrespectful. reinforced existing The Several 1972, 1984b). factors Outlawing contributed opiates to this caused puzzling their shift prices in the to type soar of and population their quality using to illicit fall; their psychoactive illegality drugs. also provided One major various factor subpopulations was the activation with of a means social to control challenge (Goode the authorities, hopelessness. black, lower­class, not The to mention middle "cool cat" class, providing heroin mostly an user escape females, perhaps for gradually best a powerless exemplifies dropped and deviantized this out type of the (Finestone circle minority of users, 1964). population to be replaced from unbearable by desperate, living young, conditions powerless as well lower­class as a sad message males. of The

Illicit psychoactive drug users between the 1920s and the 1960s could be described as lower class, deprived minorities, lacking in

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users could hopeless power was be and life­style. used portrayed, needing to clearly These a for crystallized demarcate a users' long time, moral and the in credible universe profound such negative symbolic­moral posed differences no and threat degrading between universe. to dominant vocabularies those These living elites, actors in of certainly the motives resorted morally not that, to to correct psychoactive their coupled symbolic­moral symbolic­moral with drug their use lack universe. universe as of a power, desperate and The called those moral escape living for universe no from in real the a of action disgraceful morally these and drug that and

incorrectuniverse. Goode … that (1972) the first pointed half of out the 1920s that: "legislation witnessed the and dramatic enforcement emergence practices of a on criminal drugs appear class of to addicts have created — a criminal a problem class out that of whole had not cloth" existed (p. 193) previously and that: … "It [p. is 194] obvious … the of addiction most important that created contribution