Qianlong Emperor - Qing

9/11/2019 Qianlong Emperor - Wikipedia
Qianlong Emperor
The Qianlong Emperor (25 September 1711 – 7 February 1799) was
Qianlong Emperor
the sixth Emperor of the Qing dynasty, and the fourth Qing emperor to
rule over China proper, reigned from 1735 to 1796. Born Hongli, the
fourth son of the Yongzheng Emperor, he reigned officially from 11
October 1735 to 8 February 1796.[a] On 8 February, he abdicated in
favour of his son, the Jiaqing Emperor—a filial act in order not to reign
longer than his grandfather, the illustrious Kangxi Emperor.[1] Despite
his retirement, however, he retained ultimate power as the Retired
Emperor until his death in 1799; he thus was one of the longest-reigning
de facto rulers in the history of the world, and dying at the age of 87, one
of the longest-lived. As a capable and cultured ruler inheriting a thriving
empire, during his long reign the Qing Empire reached its most splendid
and prosperous era, boasting a large population and economy. As a
military leader, he led military campaigns expanding the dynastic
territory to the largest extent by conquering and sometimes destroying
Prince Bao of the First Rank
Central Asian kingdoms. This turned around in his late years: the Qing
empire began to decline with corruption and wastefulness in his court
(寶親王 )
Reign 1733–1735
and a stagnating civil society.
6th Emperor of the Qing dynasty
A British valet who accompanied his diplomat master to the Qing court Reign 18 October 1735 – 9
in 1793 described the emperor: February 1796
Predecessor Yongzheng Emperor
The Emperor is about five feet ten inches in height, and of
Successor Jiaqing Emperor
a slender but elegant form; his complexion is
comparatively fair, though his eyes are dark; his nose is Born Aisin Gioro Hongli
rather aquiline, and the whole of his countenance presents (愛新覺羅弘曆)
a perfect regularity of feature, which, by no means, 25 September 1711
announce the great age he is said to have attained; his (康熙五十年八月十三
person is attracting, and his deportment accompanied by 日)
an affability, which, without lessening the dignity of the Prince Yong Mansion
prince, evinces the amiable character of the man. His dress
Died 7 February 1799
consisted of a loose robe of yellow silk, a cap of black velvet
(aged 87)
with a red ball on the top, and adorned with a peacock's
(嘉慶四年正月三日)
feather, which is the peculiar distinction of mandarins of
Forbidden City
the first class. He wore silk boots embroidered with gold,
and a sash of blue girded his waist.[2]
Burial Yu Mausoleum,
Eastern Qing tombs
Consorts Empress Xiaoxianchun
(m. 1727; died 1748)
Lady Hoifa Nara
Contents (m. 1734; died 1766)
Early years Empress Xiaoyichun
(died 1775)
Accession to the throne
Issue Yonghuang, Prince
Frontier wars
Ding'an of the First
Cultural achievements
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Qianlong_Emperor 1/24
Burning of books and modification of texts Rank

Literary works Yongzhang, Prince
Languages Xun of the Second
Tibetan Buddhism
Rank
Palaces
Yongcheng, Prince
European styles
Other architecture Lüduan of the First
Descendants of the Ming dynasty's imperial family Rank
Banner system Yongqi, Prince
Anti-gun measures Rongchun of the First
Chinese nobility Rank
Chinese political identity and frontier policy Yongrong, Prince
Han settlement Zhizhuang of the First
Rank
Later years
Macartney Embassy Yongxuan, Prince
Titsingh Embassy Yishen of the First
Abdication Rank
Yongxing, Prince
Legends
Chengzhe of the First
Family
Rank
In fiction and popular culture
Yongji
Works by the Qianlong Emperor
Jiaqing Emperor
See also Yonglin, Prince Qingxi
Notes of the First Rank
References Princess Hejing of the
Citations First Rank
Sources
Princess Hejia of the
Further reading Second Rank
External links Princess Hejing of the
First Rank
Princess Heke of the
Early years Second Rank
Princess Hexiao of the
Hongli was adored by both his grandfather, the Kangxi Emperor, and his
First Rank
father, the Yongzheng Emperor. Some historians argue that the main
reason why the Kangxi Emperor appointed the Yongzheng Emperor as Full name
his successor was because Hongli was his favourite grandson. He felt that Aisin Gioro Hongli
Hongli's mannerisms were very similar to his own. As a teenager, Hongli (愛新覺羅弘曆)
was capable in martial arts and possessed literary ability. Manchu: Hung li ( )
After his father's enthronement in 1722, Hongli was made a qinwang

Era dates
(first-rank prince) under the title "Prince Bao of the First Rank" (和
Qianlong
硕宝亲王; 和碩寶親王; héshuò Bǎo qīnwáng). Like many of his uncles,
(乾隆; 12 February 1736 – 8
Hongli entered into a battle of succession with his elder half-brother
February 1796)
Hongshi, who had the support of a large faction of the officials in the
Manchu: Abkai wehiyehe ( )
imperial court, as well as Yinsi, Prince Lian. For many years, the
Yongzheng Emperor did not designate any of his sons as the crown
Mongolian: Тэнгэр тэтгэгч ( )
prince, but many officials speculated that he favoured Hongli. Hongli
 
went on inspection trips to the south, and was known to be an able

Posthumous name
negotiator and enforcer. He was also appointed as the chief regent on
occasions when his father was away from the capital. Emperor Fatian Longyun Zhicheng
Xianjue Tiyuan Liji Fuwen Fenwu
Accession to the throne Qinming Xiaoci Shensheng Chun

(法天隆运至诚先觉体元立极敷文奋
Hongli's accession to the throne was already foreseen before he was 武钦明孝慈神圣纯皇帝
)
officially proclaimed emperor before the assembled imperial court upon Manchu: Yongkiyaha hūwangdi (
the death of the Yongzheng Emperor. The young Hongli was the )
favourite grandson of the Kangxi Emperor and the favourite son of the
Yongzheng Emperor; the Yongzheng Emperor had entrusted a number of Temple name
important ritual tasks to Hongli while the latter was still a prince, and
Gaozong
included him in important court discussions of military strategy. In the
(高宗)
hope of preventing a succession struggle from occurring, the Yongzheng
Manchu: G῾aodzung ( )
Emperor wrote the name of his chosen successor on a piece of paper and
placed it in a sealed box secured behind the tablet over the throne in the House Aisin Gioro
Palace of Heavenly Purity (Qianqing Palace). The name in the box was to
Father Yongzheng Emperor
be revealed to other members of the imperial family in the presence of all
senior ministers only upon the death of the emperor. When the Mother Empress
Yongzheng Emperor died suddenly in 1735, the will was taken out and Xiaoshengxian
read before the entire Qing imperial court, after which Hongli became
the new emperor. Hongli adopted the era name "Qianlong", which means Qianlong Emperor
"Lasting Eminence". Traditional Chinese 乾隆帝
Simplified Chinese 乾隆帝
Frontier wars Transcriptions
The Qianlong Emperor was a successful military leader. Immediately after Standard Mandarin
ascending the throne, he sent armies to suppress the Miao rebellion. His Hanyu Pinyin Qiánlóng Dì
later campaigns greatly expanded the territory controlled by the Qing Wade–Giles Chʻien2lung2 Ti4
Empire. This was made possible not only by Qing military might, but also
IPA [tɕʰjɛ̌nlʊ̌ŋ tî]
by the disunity and declining strength of the Inner Asian peoples.
Under the Qianlong Emperor's reign, the Dzungar Khanate was

incorporated into the Qing Empire's rule and renamed Xinjiang, while to
the west, Ili was conquered and garrisoned. The incorporation of Xinjiang
into the Qing Empire resulted from the final defeat and destruction of the
Dzungars (or Zunghars), a coalition of Western Mongol tribes. The
Qianlong Emperor then ordered the Dzungar genocide. According to the
Qing dynasty scholar Wei Yuan, 40% of the 600,000 Dzungars were killed
by smallpox, 20% fled to the Russian Empire or Kazakh tribes, and 30%
were killed by the Qing army,[3][4] in what Michael Edmund Clarke
described as "the complete destruction of not only the Zunghar state but of
the Zunghars as a people."[5] Historian Peter Perdue has argued that the
decimation of the Dzungars was the result of an explicit policy of massacre
launched by the Qianlong Emperor.[4]
The Dzungar genocide has been compared to the Qing extermination of the Figurine of the three-year-old
Jinchuan Tibetan people in 1776, which also occurred during the Qianlong Qianlong Emperor having a bath.
Emperor's reign.[6] When victorious troops returned to Beijing, a Artefact in Yonghe Temple, Beijing.
celebratory hymn was sung in their honour. A Manchu version of the hymn
was recorded by the Jesuit Amoit and sent to Paris.[7]
The Qing Empire hired Zhao Yi and Jiang Yongzhi at the Military Archives Office, in their capacity as members of the
Hanlin Academy, to compile works on the Dzungar campaign, such as Strategy for the pacification of the Dzungars
(Pingding Zhunge'er fanglue).[8] Poems glorifying the Qing conquest and genocide of the Dzungar Mongols were
written by Zhao,[9][10] who wrote the Yanpu zaji in "brush-notes" style,

where military expenditures of the Qianlong Emperor's reign were
recorded.[11] The Qianlong Emperor was praised as being the source of
"eighteenth-century peace and prosperity" by Zhao Yi.[12]
Khalkha Mongol rebels under Prince Chingünjav had plotted with the
Dzungar leader Amursana and led a rebellion against the Qing Empire
around the same time as the Dzungars. The Qing army crushed the
rebellion and executed Chingünjav and his entire family.
Throughout this period there were continued Mongol interventions in

Tibet and a reciprocal spread of Tibetan Buddhism in Mongolia. After the
Lhasa riot of 1750, the Qianlong Emperor sent armies into Tibet and firmly
established the Dalai Lama as the ruler of Tibet, with a Qing resident and
garrison to preserve Qing presence.[13] Further afield, military campaigns
against Nepalese and Gurkhas forced the emporer into stalemate where
both parties had to submit.
A likeness of Qianlong by artist and
The Qianlong Emperor responded to the vassal Shan states request for
historian George S. Stuart from
military aid against the attacking forces of Burma,[14] [15] but the Sino- historical records.
Burmese War ended in complete failure. He initially believed that it would
be an easy victory against a
barbarian tribe, and sent only
the Green Standard Army
based in Yunnan, which
borders Burma. The Qing
invasion came as the majority
of Burmese forces were
deployed in their latest invasion
of the Siamese Ayutthaya
Qianlong emperor hunting. Kingdom. Nonetheless, battle-
hardened Burmese troops Military attire of the Qianlong
Emperor, Musée de l'Armée, Paris
defeated the first two invasions
of 1765–66 and 1766–67 at the border. The regional conflict now escalated
to a major war that involved military manoeuvres nationwide in both countries. The third invasion (1767–1768) led by
the elite Manchu Bannermen nearly succeeded, penetrating deep into central Burma within a few days' march from
the capital, Ava.[16] However, the Manchu Bannermen of northern China could not cope with "unfamiliar tropical
terrains and lethal endemic diseases", and were driven back with heavy losses. After the close-call, King Hsinbyushin
redeployed his armies from Siam to the Chinese front. The fourth and largest invasion got bogged down at the frontier.
With the Qing forces completely encircled, a truce was reached between the field commanders of the two sides in
December 1769. The Qing forces kept a heavy military lineup in the border areas of Yunnan for about one decade in an
attempt to wage another war while imposing a ban on inter-border trade for two decades. When Burma and China
resumed a diplomatic relationship in 1790, the Qing government unilaterally viewed the act as Burmese submission,
and claimed victory.[17]
The circumstances in Vietnam were not successful either. In 1787, Lê Chiêu Thống, the last ruler of the Vietnamese
Lê dynasty, fled from Vietnam and formally requested to be restored to his throne in Thăng Long (present-day Hanoi).
The Qianlong Emperor agreed and sent a large army into Vietnam to remove the Tây Sơn (peasant rebels who had
captured all of Vietnam). The capital, Thăng Long, was conquered in 1788, but a few months later the Qing army was
defeated and the invasion turned into a debacle due to the surprise attack during Tết (Vietnamese New Year) by
Nguyễn Huệ, the second and most capable of the three Tây Sơn brothers.
The Qing Empire gave formal protection to Lê Chiêu Thống and his
family, and would not intervene in Vietnam for another 90 years.
Despite setbacks in the south, overall the Qianlong Emperor's military

expansion nearly doubled the area of the already vast Qing Empire, and
brought into the fold many non-Han-Chinese peoples—such as Uyghurs,
Kazakhs, Kyrgyzs, Evenks and Mongols—who were potentially hostile. It
was also a very expensive enterprise; the funds in the Imperial Treasury
were almost all put into military expeditions.[18] Though the wars were
successful, they were not overwhelmingly so. The Qing army declined
noticeably and had a difficult time facing some enemies: the campaign
against the Jinchuan hill peoples took 2 to 3 years—at first the Qing army
were mauled, though Yue Zhongqi (a descendant of Yue Fei) later took
control of the situation. The battle with the Dzungars was closely fought,
and caused heavy losses on both sides.
A soldier from the Qianlong era, by
The Ush rebellion in 1765 by Uyghur Muslims against the Manchus
William Alexander, 1793
occurred after Uyghur women were gang raped by the servants and son of
Manchu official Su-cheng.[19][20][21] It was said that Ush Muslims had long
wanted to sleep on [Sucheng and son's] hides and eat their flesh. because of the rape of Uyghur Muslim women for
months by the Manchu official Sucheng and his son.[22] The Manchu Qianlong Emperor ordered that the Uyghur rebel
town be massacred, the Qing forces enslaved all the Uyghur children and women and slaughtered the Uyghur men. [23]
Manchu soldiers and Manchu officials regularly having sex with or raping Uyghur women caused massive hatred and
anger by Uyghur Muslims to Manchu rule. The invasion by Jahangir Khoja was preceded by another Manchu official,
Binjing who raped a Muslim daughter of the Kokan aqsaqal from 1818-1820. The Qing sought to cover up the rape of
Uyghur women by Manchus to prevent anger against their rule from spreading among the Uyghurs.[24]
At the end of the frontier wars, the Qing army had started to weaken significantly. In addition to a more lenient
military system, warlords became satisfied with their lifestyles. Since most of the warring had already taken place,
warlords no longer saw any reason to train their armies, resulting in a rapid military decline by the end of the
Qianlong Emperor's reign. This was the main reason for the Qing military's failure to suppress the White Lotus
Rebellion, which started towards the end of the Qianlong Emperor's reign and extended into the reign of the Jiaqing
Emperor.
Cultural achievements
The Qianlong Emperor, like his predecessors, took his cultural role
seriously. First of all, he worked to preserve the Manchu heritage, which he
saw as the basis of the moral character of the Manchus and thus of the
dynasty's power. He ordered the compilation of Manchu language
genealogies, histories, and ritual handbooks and in 1747 secretly ordered
the compilation of the Shamanic Code, published later in the Siku
Quanshu. He further solidified the dynasty's cultural and religious claims
in Central Asia by ordering a replica of the Potala Palace, the Tibetan
temple, to be built on the grounds of the imperial summer palace in
The Qianlong Emperor in his study,
Chengde.[25] In order to present himself to Tibetans and Mongols in
painting by Giuseppe Castiglione,
Buddhist rather than in Confucian terms, he commissioned a thangka, or 18th century
sacred painting, depicting him as Manjushri, the Bodhisattva of
Wisdom.[26]
The Qianlong Emperor was a major patron and important "preserver and
restorer" of Confucian culture. He had an insatiable appetite for collecting,
and acquired much of China's "great private collections" by any means
necessary, and "reintegrated their treasures into the imperial
collection."[27] The Qianlong Emperor, more than any other Manchu
emperor, lavished the imperial collection with his attention and effort:
The imperial collection had its origins in the first century BC,
and had gone through many vicissitudes of fire, civil wars
and foreign invasions in the centuries that followed. But it
was Qianlong who lavished the greatest attention on it,
certainly of any of the Manchu rulers... One of the many roles
played by Qianlong, with his customary diligence, was that of
the emperor as collector and curator. ...how carefully
Qianlong followed the art market in rare paintings and
antiquities, using a team of cultural advisers, from elderly
Chinese literati to newly fledged Manchu connoisseurs.
These men would help the emperor spot which great private
collections might be coming up for sale, either because the
fortunes of some previously rich merchant family were
unraveling or because the precious objects acquired by
Manchu or Chinese grandees during the chaos of the
conquest period were no longer valued by those families'
surviving heirs. Sometimes, too, Qianlong would pressure or
even force wealthy courtiers into yielding up choice art The Qianlong Emperor Viewing
objects: he did this by pointing out failings in their work, Paintings
which might be excused if they made a certain "gift", or, in a
couple of celebrated cases, by persuading the current owners
that only the secure walls of the forbidden City and its
guardians could save some precious painting from theft or
from fire.[28]
The Qianlong Emperor's massive art collection became an intimate part of his life; he took landscape paintings with
him on his travels in order to compare them with the actual landscapes, or to hang them in special rooms in palaces
where he lodged, to inscribe them on every visit there.[27] "He also regularly added poetic inscriptions to the paintings
of the imperial collection, following the example of the emperors of the Song dynasty and the literati painters of the
Ming dynasty. They were a mark of distinction for the work, and a visible sign of his rightful role as emperor. Most
particular to the Qianlong Emperor is another type of inscription, revealing a unique practice of dealing with works of
art that he seems to have developed for himself. On certain fixed occasions over a long period he contemplated a
number of paintings or works of calligraphy which possessed special meaning for him, inscribing each regularly with
mostly private notes on the circumstances of enjoying them, using them almost as a diary."[27]
"Most of the several thousand jade items in the imperial collection date from his reign. The (Qianlong) Emperor was
also particularly interested in collecting ancient bronzes, bronze mirrors and seals,"[27] in addition to pottery, ceramics
and applied arts such as enameling, metal work and lacquer work, which flourished during his reign; a substantial part
of his collection is in the Percival David Foundation in London. The Victoria and Albert Museum and British Museum
also have collections of art from the Qianlong era.
"The Qianlong Emperor was a passionate poet and essayist. In his collected writings, which were published in a
tenfold series between 1749 and 1800, over 40,000 poems and 1,300 prose texts are listed, making him one of the
most prolific writers of all time. There is a long tradition of poems of this sort in praise of particular objects ('yongwu
shi), and the Qianlong Emperor used it in order to link his name both physically and intellectually with ancient artistic
tradition."[27]
One of the Qianlong Emperor's grandest projects was to "assemble a team of China's finest scholars for the purpose of
assembling, editing, and printing the largest collection ever made of Chinese philosophy, history, and literature."[28]
Known as the Four Treasuries Project (or Siku Quanshu), it was published in 36,000 volumes, containing about 3,450
complete works and employing as many as 15,000 copyists. It preserved numerous books, but was also intended as a
way to ferret out and suppress political opponents, requiring the "careful examination of private libraries to assemble
a list of around eleven thousand works from the past, of which about a third were chosen for publication. The works
not included were either summarised or—in a good many cases—scheduled for destruction."[28]
Burning of books and modification of texts

Some 2,300 works were listed for total suppression and another 350 for
partial suppression. The aim was to destroy the writings that were anti-
Qing or rebellious, that insulted previous "barbarian" dynasties, or that
dealt with frontier or defence problems.[29] The full editing of the Siku
Quanshu was completed in about ten years; during these ten years, 3,100
titles (or works), about 150,000 copies of books were either burnt or
banned. Of those volumes that had been categorised into the Siku
Quanshu, many were subjected to deletion and modification. Books
A visit by the Emperor to the tombs published during the Ming dynasty suffered the greatest damage.[30]
of his ancestors.
The authority would judge any single character or any single sentence's
neutrality; if the authority had decided these words, or sentence, were
derogatory or cynical towards the rulers, then persecution would begin.[31]
In the Qianlong Emperor's time, there were 53 cases of Literary
Inquisition, resulting in the victims executed by beheading or slow slicing
(lingchi), or having their corpses mutilated (if they were already dead).
Literary works
In 1743, after his first visit to Mukden (present-day Shenyang, Liaoning),
the Qianlong Emperor used Chinese to write his "Ode to Mukden,"
(Shengjing fu/Mukden-i fujurun bithe), a fu in classical style, as a poem of
Qianlong Emperor entering Suzhou
praise to Mukden, at that point a general term for what was later called
and the Grand Canal.
Manchuria, describing its beauties and historical values. He describes the
mountains and wildlife, using them to justify his belief that the dynasty
would endure. A Manchu translation was then made. In 1748, he ordered a jubilee printing in both Chinese and
Manchu, using some genuine pre-Qin forms, but Manchu styles which had to be invented and which could not be
read.[32]
Languages
In his childhood, the Qianlong Emperor was tutored in Manchu, Chinese and Mongolian,[33] arranged to be tutored in
Tibetan, and spoke Chagatai (Turki or Modern Uyghur) and Tangut. However, he was even more concerned than his
predecessors to preserve and promote the Manchu language among his followers, as he proclaimed that "the keystone
for Manchus is language." He commissioned new Manchu dictionaries, and directed the preparation of the Pentaglot
Dictionary which gave equivalents for Manchu terms in Mongolian, Tibetan and Turkic, and had the Buddhist canon
translated into Manchu, which was considered the "national language". He directed the elimination of loanwords
taken from Chinese and replaced them with calque translations which were put into new Manchu dictionaries.
Manchu translations of Chinese works during his reign were direct translations contrasted with Manchu books
translated during the Kangxi Emperor's reign which were transliterations in Manchu script of the Chinese
characters.[34]
The Qianlong Emperor commissioned the Yuding Xiyu Tongwen Zhi (欽定西域同文志; "Imperial Western Regions
Thesaurus") which was a thesaurus of geographic names in Xinjiang in Oirat Mongol, Manchu, Chinese, Tibetan, and
Turki (Modern Uyghur).
Tibetan Buddhism
The long association of the
Manchu rulership with the
Bodhisattva Manjusri and his
own interest in Tibetan
Buddhism gave credence to the
Qianlong Emperor's patronage
of Tibetan Buddhist art and
patronage of translations of the
Buddhist canon.[35] The
accounts in court records and
Tibetan language sources
affirm his personal
commitment. He quickly
learned to read the Tibetan
language and studied Buddhist
texts assiduously. His beliefs
Engraving of the Qianlong Emperor
are reflected in the Tibetan
Qianlong Emperor on a hunting trip
Buddhist imagery of his tomb,
perhaps the most personal and private expression of an emperor's life. He
supported the Yellow Church (the Tibetan Buddhist Gelukpa sect) to "maintain peace among the Mongols" since the
Mongols were followers of the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama of the Yellow Church, and the Qianlong Emperor had
this explanation placed in the Yonghe Temple in Beijing on a stele entitled "Lama Shuo" (on Lamas) in 1792, and he
also said it was "merely in pursuance of Our policy of extending Our affection to the weak." which led him to patronize
the Yellow Church.[36] Mark Elliott concludes that these actions delivered political benefits but "meshed seamlessly
with his personal faith."[35]
This explanation of supporting the "Yellow Hats" Tibetan Buddhists for practical reasons was used to deflect Han
criticism of this policy by the Qianlong Emperor, who had the "Lama Shuo" stele engraved in Tibetan, Mongol,
Manchu and Chinese, which said: "By patronizing the Yellow Church, we maintain peace among the Mongols. This
being an important task we cannot but protect this (religion). (In doing so) we do not show any bias, nor do we wish to
adulate the Tibetan priests as (was done during the) Yuan dynasty."[37][38]
The Qianlong Emperor turned the Palace of Harmony (Yonghe Palace) into a Tibetan Buddhist temple for Mongols in
1744 and had an edict inscribed on a stele to commemorate it in Tibetan, Mongolian, Chinese, and Manchu, with most
likely the Qianlong Emperor having first wrote the Chinese version before the Manchu.[39]
Persecution of Christians by his father became even worse during his reign.[40]
Palaces
The Qianlong Emperor was an aggressive builder. In the hills northwest of
Beijing, he expanded the villa known as the "Garden of Perfect Brightness"
(Yuanmingyuan) (now known as the Old Summer Palace) that was built by
his father. He eventually added two new villas, the "Garden of Eternal
Spring" and the "Elegant Spring Garden". In time, the Old Summer Palace
would encompass 860 acres (350 hectares), five times larger than the
Forbidden City. To celebrate the 60th birthday of his mother, Empress
Dowager Chongqing, the Qianlong Emperor ordered a lake at the "Garden
Consorts and children of the
of Clear Ripples" (Qingyiyuan) (now known as the Summer Palace) Qianlong Emperor
dredged, named it Kunming Lake, and renovated a villa on the eastern
shore of the lake.[41]
The Qianlong Emperor also expanded the imperial summer palace in Rehe
Province, beyond the Great Wall.[42] Rehe eventually became effectively a
third capital and it was at Rehe that the Qianlong Emperor held court with
various Mongol nobles. The emperor also spent time at the Mulan hunting
grounds north of Rehe, where he held the imperial hunt each year.
European styles Consorts of the Qianlong Emperor

For the Old Summer Palace, the Qianlong Emperor commissioned the
Italian Jesuit Giuseppe Castiglione for the construction of the Xiyang Lou,
or Western-style mansion, to satisfy his taste for exotic buildings and
objects. He also commissioned the French Jesuit Michel Benoist, to design
a series of timed waterworks and fountains complete with underground
machinery and pipes, for the amusement of the imperial family. The
French Jesuit Jean Denis Attiret also became a painter for the emperor.[43]
Jean-Damascène Sallusti was also a court painter. He co-designed, with
Castiglione and Ignatius Sichelbart, the Battle Copper Prints.[44][45]
Other architecture The Qianlong Emperor watching a

During the Qianlong Emperor's reign, the Emin Minaret was built in wrestling match
Turpan to commemorate Emin Khoja, a Uyghur leader from Turfan who

submitted to the Qing Empire as a vassal in order to obtain assistance from
the Qing to fight the Zunghars.
Descendants of the Ming dynasty's imperial family

In 1725, the Yongzheng Emperor bestowed a hereditary marquis title on a descendant of Zhu Zhilian, a descendant of
the imperial family of the Ming dynasty. Zhu was also paid by the Qing government to perform rituals at the Ming
tombs and induct the Chinese Plain White Banner into the Eight Banners. Zhu was posthumously awarded the title
"Marquis of Extended Grace" in 1750, and the title was passed on for 12 generations in his family until the end of the
Qing dynasty.
Banner system
The Qianlong Emperor instituted a policy of "Manchu-fying" the Eight

Banner system, which was the basic military and social organisation of the
dynasty. In the early Qing era, Nurhaci and Huangtaiji categorised Manchu
and Han ethnic identity within the Eight Banners based on culture, lifestyle
and language, instead of ancestry or genealogy. Han Bannermen were an
important part of the Banner System. The Qianlong Emperor changed this
definition to one of descent, and demobilised many Han Bannermen and
urged Manchu Bannermen to protect their cultural heritage, language and
martial skills. The emperor redefined the identity of Han Bannermen by
saying that they were to be regarded as of having the same culture and
being of the same ancestral extraction as Han civilians[46] Conversely, he
emphasised the martial side of Manchu culture and reinstituted the
practice of the annual imperial hunt as begun by his grandfather, leading
contingents from the Manchu and Mongol banners to the Mulan hunting
grounds each autumn to test and improve their skills.[47]
The Qianlong Emperor in

The Qianlong Emperor's view of the Han Bannermen also differed from
Ceremonial Armour on Horseback,
that of his grandfather in deciding that loyalty in itself was most important
by Italian Jesuit Giuseppe
quality. He sponsored biographies which depicted Chinese Bannermen Castiglione (known as Lang Shining
who defected from the Ming to the Qing as traitors and glorifing Ming in Chinese) (1688–1766)
loyalists.[48] Some of the Qianlong Emperor's inclusions and omissions on
the list of traitors were political in nature. Some of these actions were
including Li Yongfang (out of his dislike for Li Yongfang's descendant, Li Shiyao) and excluding Ma Mingpei (out of
concern for his son Ma Xiongzhen's image).[49]
The identification and interchangeability between "Manchu" and "Banner people" (Qiren) began in the 17th century.
Banner people were differentiated from civilians (Chinese: minren, Manchu: irgen, or Chinese: Hanren, Manchu
:Nikan) and the term Bannermen was becoming identical with "Manchu" in the general perception. The Qianlong
Emperor referred to all Bannermen as Manchu, and Qing laws did not say "Manchu", but "Bannermen".[50]
Select groups of Han Chinese bannermen were mass transferred into Manchu Banners by the Qing, changing their
ethnicity from Han Chinese to Manchu. Han Chinese bannermen of Tai Nikan 台尼堪 (watchpost Chinese) and Fusi
Nikan 抚顺尼堪 (Fushun Chinese)[51] backgrounds into the Manchu banners in 1740 by order of the Qing Qianlong
emperor.[52] It was between 1618-1629 when the Han Chinese from Liaodong who later became the Fushun Nikan and
Tai Nikan defected to the Jurchens (Manchus).[53] These Han Chinese origin Manchu clans continue to use their
original Han surnames and are marked as of Han origin on Qing lists of Manchu clans.[54][55][56][57]
Anti-gun measures
The Solons were ordered by the Qianlong Emperor to stop using rifles and instead practice traditional archery. The
emperor issued an edict for silver taels to be issued for guns turned over to the government:[58]
Chinese nobility
The Qianlong Emperor granted the title of Wujing Boshi (五经博士; 五經博士; Wǔjīng Bóshì) to the descendants of
Zhang Zai, Fu Sheng, and Yan Hui.[59][60][61][62][63][64][65][66][67][68][69][70]
The Manchu prince Abatai's daughter was married to the Han Chinese general Li Yongfang ( 李永芳 ).[71][72] The
offspring of Li received the "Third-class Viscount" ( 三等子爵; sān děng zǐjué) title.[73] Li Yongfang was the great-
great-great-grandfather of Li Shiyao (李侍堯), who, during the Qianlong Emperor's reign, was involved in graft and
embezzlement, demoted of his noble title and sentenced to death; however, his life was spared and he regained his title
after assisting in the Taiwan campaign.[74][75]
Chinese political identity and frontier policy

The Qianlong Emperor and his predecessors, since the Shunzhi Emperor, had identified China and the Qing Empire as
the same, and in treaties and diplomatic papers the Qing Empire called itself "China".[76] The Qianlong Emperor
rejected earlier ideas that only Han could be subjects of China and only Han land could be considered as part of China,
so he redefined China as multiethnic, saying in 1755 that "there exists a view of China (zhongxia), according to which
non-Han people cannot become China's subjects and their land cannot be integrated into the territory of China. This
does not represent our dynasty's understanding of China, but is instead that of the earlier Han, Tang, Song, and Ming
dynasties."[77]
The Qianlong Emperor rejected the views of Han officials who said Xinjiang was not part of China and that he should
not conquer it, putting forth the view that China was multiethnic and did not just refer to Han.[78] The Qianlong
Emperor compared his achievements with that of the Han and Tang ventures into Central Asia.[79]
Han settlement
Han Chinese farmers were resettled from north China by the Qing government in the area along the Liao River in
order to restore the land to cultivation.[80] Wasteland was reclaimed by Han squatters in addition to other Han people
who rented land from Manchu landlords.[81] Despite officially prohibiting Han settlement on the Manchu and Mongol
lands, by the 18th century the Qing government decided to settle Han refugees from northern China who were
suffering from famine, floods, and drought into Manchuria and Inner Mongolia. Due to this, Han people farmed
500,000 hectares in Manchuria and tens of thousands of hectares in Inner Mongolia by the 1780s.[82] The Qianlong
Emperor allowed Han peasants suffering from drought to move into Manchuria despite him issuing edicts in favor of
banning them from 1740-76.[83] Han tenant farmers rented or even claimed title to land from the "imperial estates"
and Manchu Bannerlands in the area.[84] Besides moving into the Liao area in southern Manchuria, the path linking
Jinzhou, Fengtian, Tieling, Changchun, Hulun, and Ningguta was settled by Han people during the Qianlong
Emperor's reign, and Han people were the majority in urban areas of Manchuria by 1800.[85] To increase the Imperial
Treasury's revenue, the Qing government sold lands along the Sungari which were previously exclusively for Manchus
to Han Chinese at the beginning of the Daoguang Emperor's reign, and Han people filled up most of Manchuria's
towns by the 1840s, according to Abbé Huc.[86]
Later years
In his later years, the Qianlong Emperor became spoiled with power and glory, disillusioned and complacent in his
reign, and started placing his trust in corrupt officials such as Yu Minzhong and Heshen.
As Heshen was the highest ranked minister and most favoured by the Qianlong Emperor at the time, the day-to-day
governance of the country was left in his hands, while the emperor himself indulged in the arts, luxuries and literature.
When Heshen was executed by the Jiaqing Emperor, the Qing government discovered that Heshen's personal fortune
exceeded that of the Qing Empire's depleted treasury, amounting to 900 million silver taels, the total of 12 years of
Treasury surplus of the Qing imperial court.[87]
The Qianlong Emperor began his reign with about 33.95 million silver taels in Treasury surplus. At the peak of his
reign, around 1775, even with further tax cuts, the treasury surplus still reached 73.9 million silver taels, a record
unmatched by his predecessors, the Kangxi and Yongzheng emperors, both of whom had implemented remarkable tax
cut policies.
However, due to numerous factors such as long term embezzlement and

corruption by officials, frequent expeditions to the south, huge palace
constructions, many war and rebellion campaigns as well as his own
extravagant lifestyle, all of these cost the treasury a total of 150.2 million
silver taels. This, coupled with his senior age and the lack of political
reforms, ushered the beginning of the gradual decline and eventual demise
of the Qing Empire, casting a shadow over his glorious and brilliant
political life.[88]
Macartney Embassy
During the mid-18th century, European powers began to pressure for
increases in the already burgeoning foreign trade and for outposts on the
Chinese coast, demands which the aging Qianlong emperor resisted. In
1793 King George III sent a large-scale delegation to present their requests
The Qianlong Emperor in his old
directly to the emperor in Beijing, headed by George Macartney, one of the
age
country's most seasoned diplomats. The British sent a sample of trade
goods that they intended to sell in China; this was misinterpreted as tribute
that was adjudged to be of low quality.
Historians both in China and abroad long presented the failure of the
mission to achieve its goals as a symbol of China's refusal to change and
inability to modernize. They explain the refusal first on the fact that
interaction with foreign kingdoms was limited to neighbouring tributary
states. Furthermore, the worldviews on the two sides were incompatible,
China holding entrenched beliefs that China was the "central kingdom".
Lord Macartney's embassy, 1793
However, after the publication in the 1990s of a fuller range of archival
documents concerning the visit, these claims have been challenged. Some
assert that China's present day autonomy and successful modernization
put the Qianlong Emperor's actions in a new light. One historian summed
the newly revised view by characterizing the emperor and his court as
"clearly clever and competent political operators". They acted within the
formal claims of Qing claims to universal rule, but also simply reacted
prudently by placating the British with unspecified promises in order to
avoid military conflicts and loss of trade.[89]
Macartney was granted an audience with the Qianlong Emperor on two

days, the second of which coincided with the emperor's 82nd birthday.
There is continued debate about the nature of the audience and what level
of ceremonials were performed. Macartney wrote that he resisted demands
that the British trade ambassadors kneel and perform the kowtow and
debate continues as to what exactly occurred, differing opinions recorded
by Qing courtiers and British delegates.[90]
The French Jesuit Joseph-Marie
Qianlong gave Macartney a letter for the British king[91] stating the reasons Amiot (1718–1793) was the official
translator of Western languages for
that he would not grant Macartney's requests:
the Qianlong Emperor.
Yesterday your Ambassador petitioned my Ministers to

memorialise me regarding your trade with China, but his
proposal is not consistent with our dynastic usage and
cannot be entertained. Hitherto, all European nations,
including your own country's barbarian merchants, have

carried on their trade with our Celestial Empire at Canton.
Such has been the procedure for many years, although our
Celestial Empire possesses all things in prolific abundance
and lacks no product within its own borders.
Your request for a small island near Chusan, where your

merchants may reside and goods be warehoused, arises from Illustration depicting the last
your desire to develop trade... Consider, moreover, that European delegation to be received
England is not the only barbarian land which wishes to at the Qianlong Emperor's court in
1795 – Isaac Titsingh (seated
establish... trade with our Empire: supposing that other
European with hat, far left) and A.E.
nations were all to imitate your evil example and beseech me
van Braam Houckgeest (seated
to present them each and all with a site for trading purposes, European without hat)
how could I possibly comply? This also is a flagrant
infringement of the usage of my Empire and cannot possibly
be entertained.
Hitherto, the barbarian merchants of Europe have had a

definite locality assigned to them at Aomen for residence and
trade, and have been forbidden to encroach an inch beyond
the limits assigned to that locality.... If these restrictions were
withdrawn, friction would inevitably occur between the
Chinese and your barbarian subjects...
Regarding your nation's worship of the Lord of Heaven, it is

the same religion as that of other European nations. Ever
since the beginning of history, sage Emperors and wise rulers
have bestowed on China a moral system and inculcated a
code, which from time immemorial has been religiously
observed by the myriads of my subjects. There has been no
hankering after heterodox doctrines. Even the European
(missionary) officials in my capital are forbidden to hold
intercourse with Chinese subjects...[91]
The letter was preserved in archives but was largely unknown to the public until 1914.[92]
Macartney's conclusions in his memoirs were widely disseminated:
The Empire of China is an old, crazy, first-rate Man of War, which a fortunate succession of able and
vigilant officers have contrived to keep afloat for these hundred and fifty years past, and to overawe their
neighbours merely by her bulk and appearance. But whenever an insufficient man happens to have the
command on deck, adieu to the discipline and safety of the ship. She may, perhaps, not sink outright;
she may drift some time as a wreck, and will then be dashed to pieces on the shore; but she can never be
rebuilt on the old bottom.[93]
Emperor Qianlong's skepticism toward the British Empire would later prove prophetic. After Great Britain began
importing Chinese tea, the balance of trade no longer favored Britain, and the empire came up with a strategy to force
China to become a market for a good that British traders could sell as the Qing Dynasty's trade policy only allowed
their merchants to accept silver as payment for tea exports. British traders would be responsible for smuggling large
quantities of opium to southern China, causing a national addiction crisis and resulting in two wars.
Titsingh Embassy
A Dutch embassy arrived at the Qianlong Emperor's court in 1795, which would turn out to be the last time any
European appeared before the Qing imperial court within the context of traditional Chinese imperial foreign
relations.[94]
Representing Dutch and Dutch East India Company interests, Isaac Titsingh traveled to Beijing in 1794–95 for
celebrations of the 60th anniversary of the Qianlong Emperor's reign.[95] The Titsingh delegation also included the
Dutch-American Andreas Everardus van Braam Houckgeest,[96] whose detailed description of this embassy to the
Qing court was soon after published in the United States and Europe. Titsingh's French translator, Chrétien-Louis-
Joseph de Guignes, published his own account of the Titsingh mission in 1808. Voyage a Pékin, Manille et l'Ile de
France provided an alternate perspective and a useful counterpoint to other reports that were then circulating.
Titsingh himself died before he could publish his version of events.
In contrast to Macartney, Isaac Titsingh, the Dutch and VOC emissary in 1795 did not refuse to kowtow. In the year
following Mccartney's rebuff, Titsingh and his colleagues were much feted by the Chinese because of what was
construed as seemly compliance with conventional court etiquette.[97]
Abdication
In October 1795, the Qianlong Emperor officially announced that in the spring of the following year he would
voluntarily abdicate his throne and pass the throne to his son. It was said that the Qianlong Emperor had made a
promise during the year of his ascension not to rule longer than his grandfather, the Kangxi Emperor, who had reigned
for 61 years.
The Qianlong Emperor anticipated moving out of the Hall of Mental Cultivation (Yangxindian) in the Forbidden City.
The hall had been conventionally dedicated for the exclusive use of the reigning sovereign, and in 1771 the emperor
ordered the beginning of construction on what was ostensibly intended as his retirement residence in another part of
the Forbidden City: a lavish, two-acre walled retreat called the "Palace of Tranquil Longevity (Ningshou Palace)",[28]
which is today more commonly known as the "Qianlong Garden".[98] The complex, completed in 1776, is currently
undergoing a ten-year restoration led by the Palace Museum in Beijing and the World Monuments Fund (WMF). The
first of the restored apartments, the Qianlong Emperor's Juanqinzhai, or "Studio of Exhaustion From Diligent
Service," began an exhibition tour of the United States in 2010.[98]
The Qianlong Emperor relinquished the throne at the age of 85, after almost 61 years on the throne, to his son, the 36-
year-old Jiaqing Emperor, in 1796. For the next three years, he held the title "Taishang Huang (or Emperor Emeritus
)" ( 太上皇) even though he continued to hold on to power and the Jiaqing Emperor ruled only in name. He never
moved into his retirement suites in the Qianlong Garden.[1] He died in 1799.[88][99]
Legends
A legend, popularised in fiction, says that the Qianlong Emperor was the son of Chen Shiguan (陳世倌), a Han Chinese
official from Haining County, Zhejiang Province. In his choice of heir to the throne, the Kangxi Emperor required not
only that the heir be able to govern the empire well but that the heir's son be of no less calibre, thus ensuring the
Manchus' everlasting reign over China. The son of Yinzhen, the Kangxi Emperor's fourth son, was a weakling so
Yinzhen surreptitiously arranged for his daughter to be exchanged for Chen Shiguan's son, who became the favourite
grandson of the Kangxi Emperor. Yinzhen succeeded his father and became the Yongzheng Emperor, while his "son",
Hongli, succeeded him in turn as the Qianlong Emperor. During his reign, the Qianlong Emperor went on inspection
tours to southern China and stayed in Chen Shiguan's house in Haining, where he wrote calligraphy. He also
frequently issued imperial edicts to waive off taxes from Haining County.
However, there are major problems with this story. First, the Yongzheng Emperor's eldest surviving son, Hongshi, was
only seven when Hongli was born, far too young to make the drastic choice of replacing a child of imperial birth with
an outsider (and risking disgrace if not death). Second, the Yongzheng Emperor had three other princes who survived
to adulthood and had the potential to ascend the throne. Indeed, since Hongshi was the son forced to commit suicide,
it would have been far more logical for him to be the adopted son, if any of them were.
Stories about the Qianlong Emperor's six inspection tours to southern China in disguise as a commoner have been a
popular topic for many generations. In total, he visited southern China six times – the same number of times as his
grandfather, the Kangxi Emperor.
Family
Father: Yinzhen, the Yongzheng Emperor (世宗胤禛; 13 December 1678 – 8 October 1735)
Grandfather: Xuanye, the Kangxi Emperor (聖祖玄燁; 4 May 1654 – 20 December 1722)
Grandmother: Empress Xiaogongren, of the Uya clan (孝恭仁皇后烏雅氏; 28 April 1660 – 25 June 1723)
Mother: Empress Xiaoshengxian, of the Niohuru clan (孝聖憲皇后鈕祜祿氏; 12 January 1692 – 2 March 1777)
Grandfather: Lingzhu (凌柱; 1664–1754), served as a fourth rank military official (四品典儀), and held the title
of a first class duke (一等公)
Consorts and Issue:
Empress Xiaoxianchun, of the Fuca clan (孝賢純皇后富察氏; 28 March 1712 – 8 April 1748)
嫡福晉→皇后
First daughter (3 November 1728 – 14 February 1730)

Yonglian, Crown Prince Duanhui (端慧皇太子永璉; 9 August 1730 – 23 November 1738), second son
Princess Hejing of the First Rank (固倫和敬公主; 31 July 1731 – 30 September 1792), third daughter
Married Septeng Baljur (色布騰巴爾珠爾; d. 1775) of the Khorchin Borjigit clan in April/May 1747, and
had issue (one son, four daughters)
Yongcong, Prince Zhe of the First Rank (哲親王永琮; 27 May 1746 – 29 January 1748), seventh son
Empress, of the Hoifa Nara clan (皇后輝發那拉氏; 11 March 1718 – 19 August 1766)
側福晉→嫻妃→嫻貴妃→皇貴妃→皇后
Yongji, Prince of the Third Rank (貝勒永璂; 7 June 1752 – 17 March 1776), 12th son
Fifth daughter (23 July 1753 – 1 June 1755)
Yongjing (永璟; 22 January 1756 – 7 September 1757), 13th son
Empress Xiaoyichun, of the Weigiya clan (孝儀純皇后魏佳氏; 23 October 1727 – 28 February 1775)
貴人→令嬪→令妃→令貴妃→皇貴妃
Princess Hejing of the First Rank (固倫和靜公主; 10 August 1756 – 9 February 1775), seventh daughter
Married Lhawang Dorji (拉旺多爾濟; 1754–1816) of the Khalkha Borjigit clan in August/September
1770
Yonglu (永璐; 31 August 1757 – 3 May 1760), 14th son
Princess Heke of the Second Rank (和碩和恪公主; 17 August 1758 – 14 December 1780), ninth daughter
Married Jalantai (札蘭泰; d. 1788) of the Manchu Uya clan in August/September 1772
Miscarriage at eight months (13 November 1759)
Yongyan, the Jiaqing Emperor (仁宗顒琰; 13 November 1760 – 2 September 1820), 15th son
16th son (13 January 1763 – 6 May 1765)
Yonglin, Prince Qingxi of the First Rank (慶僖親王永璘; 17 June 1766 – 25 April 1820), 17th son
Imperial Noble Consort Huixian, of the Gaogiya clan (慧賢皇貴妃高佳氏; 1711 – 25 February 1745)
格格→側福晉→貴妃→皇貴妃
Imperial Noble Consort Zhemin, of the Fuca clan (哲憫皇貴妃富察氏; d. 20 August 1735)
格格
Yonghuang, Prince Ding'an of the First Rank (定安親王永璜; 5 July 1728 – 21 April 1750), first son
Second daughter (May/June 1731 – December 1731 or January 1732)
Imperial Noble Consort Shujia, of the Korean booi aha Gingiya clan (Kim clan or Jin clan) (淑嘉皇貴妃金佳氏;
14 September 1713 – 17 December 1755)
格格→貴人→嘉嬪→嘉妃→嘉貴妃 Her family was later moved into a Manchu banner.[100] Her original
surname Jin (Kim) was Manchufied to Gingiya.
Yongcheng, Prince Lüduan of the First Rank (履端親王永珹; 21 February 1739 – 5 April 1777), fourth son
Yongxuan, Prince Yishen of the First Rank (儀慎親王永璇; 31 August 1746 – 1 September 1832), eighth
son
Ninth son (2 August 1748 – 11 June 1749)
Yongxing, Prince Chengzhe of the First Rank (成哲親王永瑆; 22 March 1752 – 10 May 1823), 11th son
Imperial Noble Consort Chunhui, of the Su clan (純惠皇貴妃蘇氏; 13 June 1713 – 2 June 1760)
格格→純嬪→純妃→純貴妃→皇貴妃
Yongzhang, Prince Xun of the Second Rank (循郡王永璋; 15 July 1735 – 26 August 1760), third son
Yongrong, Prince Zhizhuang of the First Rank (質莊親王永瑢; 28 January 1744 – 13 June 1790), sixth son
Princess Hejia of the Second Rank (和碩和嘉公主; 24 December 1745 – 29 October 1767), fourth
daughter
Married Fulong'an (福隆安; 1746–1784) of the Manchu Fuca clan on 10 May 1760, and had issue (one
son)
Imperial Noble Consort Qinggong, of the Lu clan (慶恭皇貴妃陸氏; 12 August 1724 – 21 August 1774)
常在→貴人→慶嬪→慶妃→慶貴妃
Noble Consort Xin, of the Daigiya clan (忻貴妃戴佳氏; 26 June 1737 – 28 May 1764)
忻嬪→忻妃
Sixth daughter (24 August 1755 – 27 September 1758)

Eighth daughter (16 January 1758 – 17 June 1767)
Obstructed labour or miscarriage at eight months (28 May 1764)
Noble Consort Yu, of the Keliyete clan (愉貴妃珂里葉特氏; 15 June 1714 – 9 July 1792)
格格→常在→貴人→愉嬪→愉妃
Yongqi, Prince Rongchun of the First Rank (榮純親王永琪; 23 March 1741 – 16 April 1766), fifth son
Noble Consort Ying, of the Barin clan (穎貴妃巴林氏; 7 March 1731 – 14 March 1800)
貴人→那常在→那貴人→穎嬪→穎妃→穎貴妃
Noble Consort Xun, of the Irgen Gioro clan (循貴妃伊爾根覺羅氏; 29 October 1758 – 10 January 1798)
循嬪→貴人→循嬪→循妃
Noble Consort Wan, of the Chen clan (婉貴妃陳氏; 1 February 1717 – 10 March 1807)
格格→常在→貴人→婉嬪→婉妃..婉貴妃
Consort Shu, of the Yehe Nara clan (舒妃葉赫那拉氏; 7 July 1728 – 4 July 1777), fourth cousin once removed
貴人→舒嬪→舒妃
Tenth son (12 June 1751 – 7 July 1753)

Consort Yu, of the Borjigit clan (豫妃博爾濟吉特氏; 12 February 1730 – 31 January 1774)
官女子→多貴人→豫嬪→豫妃
Miscarriage (1759 or 1760)

Consort Rong, of the Xojam clan (容妃和卓氏; 11 October 1734 – 24 May 1788), personal name Fatime (法蒂
瑪)
和貴人→容嬪→容妃
Consort Dun, of the Wang clan (惇妃汪氏; 27 March 1746 – 6 March 1806)
永常在→永貴人→永常在→永貴人→永常在→惇嬪→惇妃→惇嬪→惇妃
Princess Hexiao of the First Rank (固倫和孝公主; 2 February 1775 – 13 October 1823), tenth daughter
Married Fengšeninde (丰紳殷德; 1775–1810) of the Manchu Niohuru clan on 12 January 1790, and
had issue (one son)
Miscarriage (1777 or 1778)
Consort Fang, of the Chen clan (芳妃陳氏; d. 20 September 1801)
明常在→明貴人→明常在→明貴人→芳嬪→芳妃
Consort Jin, of the Fuca clan (晉妃富察氏; d. 19 January 1823)
晉貴人..晉妃
Concubine Yi, of the Huang clan (儀嬪黃氏; d. 1 November 1736)
格格→嬪
Concubine Yi, of the Bo clan (怡嬪柏氏; d. 30 June 1757)
常在→貴人→怡嬪
Concubine Shen, of the Bai'ergesi clan (慎嬪拜爾葛斯氏; d. 2 July 1764)
伊貴人→慎嬪
Concubine Xun, of the Huoshuote clan (恂嬪霍碩特氏; d. 24 September 1761)
常在→貴人
Concubine Cheng, of the Niohuru clan (誠嬪鈕祜祿氏; d. 29 May 1784)
蘭貴人→蘭常在→蘭貴人→誠嬪
Concubine Gong, of the Lin clan (恭嬪林氏; d. 16 January 1806)
常在→貴人→常在→貴人→恭嬪
In fiction and popular culture

Portrayed by Zhang Tielin in My Fair Princess (1998)
Portrayed by Ti Lung in My Fair Princess III (2003)
Portrayed by Chiu Hsinchih in New My Fair Princess (2011)
Portrayed by Wang Wenjie in Empresses in the Palace (2011)
Portrayed by Chen Xu in Palace II (2012)
Portrayed by Kent Tong in Palace 3: The Lost Daughter (2014)
Portrayed by KK Cheung in Succession War (2018)
Portrayed by Wallace Huo in Ruyi's Royal Love in the Palace (2018)
Portrayed by Nie Yuan in Story of Yanxi Palace (2018)
Works by the Qianlong Emperor

Ch'ien Lung (emperor of China) (1810). The conquest of the Miao-tse, an imperial poem ... entitled A choral song
of harmony for the first part of the Spring [tr.] by S. Weston, from the Chinese (https://books.google.com/?id=pFY
UAAAAQAAJ&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false). Translated by Stephen Weston. London, England:
Printed & Sold by C. & R. Baldwin, New Bridge Street, Black Friars. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
See also
Chinese emperors family tree (late)
Jean Joseph Marie Amiot
Giuseppe Castiglione
Manwen Laodang
Canton System
Xi Yang Lou
Long Corridor
Putuo Zongcheng Temple
Qianlong Dynasty
Qianlong Tongbao
Notes
a. The Qianlong era name, however, started only on 12 February 1736, the first day of that lunar year. 8 February
1796 was the last day of the lunar year known in Chinese as the 60th year of Qianlong.
References
Citations
1. Jacobs, Andrew. "Dusting Off a Serene Jewel Box," (https://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/01/arts/design/01forb.htm
l) The New York Times. 31 December 2008.
2. Æneas Anderson, A Narrative of the British Embassy to China, in the Years 1792, 1793, and 1794; Containing the
Various Circumstances of the Embassy, with Accounts of Customs and Manners of the Chinese (London: J.
Debrett, 1795) p. 262 (https://books.google.com/books?id=foteAAAAcAAJ&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q=fiv
e%20fee%20ten%20inches&f=false).
3. Wei Yuan, 聖武記 Military history of the Qing Dynasty, vol.4. “計數十萬戶中，先痘死者十之四，繼竄入俄羅斯哈薩
克者十之二，卒殲於大兵者十之三。”
4. Perdue 2005, p. 287.
5. Clarke 2004, p. 37.
6. Theobald, Ulrich (2013). War Finance and Logistics in Late Imperial China: A Study of the Second Jinchuan
Campaign (1771–1776) (https://books.google.com/books?id=DUodAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA21#v=onepage&q&f=fals
e). BRILL. p. 21. ISBN 978-9004255678. Retrieved 22 April 2014.
7. "Manchu hymn chanted at the occasion of the victory over the Jinchuan Rebels" (http://www.manchustudiesgrou
p.org/2012/12/18/manchu-hymn-chanted-at-the-occasion-of-the-victory-over-the-jinchuan-rebels/). Manchu
Studies Group. 18 December 2012. Retrieved 19 February 2013.
8. Man-Cheong, Iona (2004). Class of 1761 (https://books.google.com/?id=I5a5J3ydmQQC&pg=PA180&dq=zhao+yi
+dzungar#v=onepage&q=zhao%20yi%20dzungar&f=false). Stanford University Press. p. 180. ISBN 978-
0804767132. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
9. Schmidt, J. D. (2013). Harmony Garden: The Life, Literary Criticism, and Poetry of Yuan Mei (1716-1798) (https://
books.google.com/?id=oFlcAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA444&dq=zhao+yi+dzungar#v=onepage&q=zhao%20yi%20dzunga
r&f=false). Routledge. p. 444. ISBN 978-1136862250. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
10. Schmidt, Jerry D. (2013). The Poet Zheng Zhen (1806-1864) and the Rise of Chinese Modernity (https://books.go
ogle.com/?id=WtMY9WdY3kYC&pg=PA394&dq=zhao+yi+dzungar#v=onepage&q=zhao%20yi%20dzungar&f=fal
se). BRILL. p. 394. ISBN 978-9004252295. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
11. Theobald, Ulrich (2013). War Finance and Logistics in Late Imperial China: A Study of the Second Jinchuan
Campaign (1771–1776) (https://books.google.com/?id=DUodAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA32&dq=zhao+yi+dzungar#v=one
page&q=zhao%20yi%20dzungar&f=false). BRILL. p. 32. ISBN 978-9004255678. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
12. Chang, Michael G. (2007). A Court on Horseback: Imperial Touring & the Construction of Qing Rule, 1680-1785
(https://books.google.com/?id=X9lwAAAAMAAJ&q=zhao+yi+dzungar&dq=zhao+yi+dzungar). Volume 287 of
Harvard East Asian monographs (illustrated ed.). Harvard University Asia Center. p. 435. ISBN 978-0674024540.
Retrieved 24 April 2014.
13. Dabringhaus, Sabine (2011). "Staatsmann, Feldherr und Dichter". Damals (in German). Vol. 43 no. 1. pp. 16–24.
14. Giersch, Charles Patterson (2006). Asian borderlands: the transformation of Qing China's Yunnan frontier.
Harvard University Press. p. 68. ISBN 0-674-02171-1.
15. Hall, D.G.E. (1960). Burma (3rd ed.). Hutchinson University Library. pp. 27–29. ISBN 978-1-4067-3503-1.
16. Hall, pp. 27–29
17. Dai, p.145
18. Schirokauer, Conrad & Clark, Donald N. Modern East Asia: A Brief History, 2nd ed. pp. 35. Houghton Mifflin
Company. Boston & New York. 2008 ISBN 978-0-618-92070-9.
19. Millward, James A. (1998). Beyond the Pass: Economy, Ethnicity, and Empire in Qing Central Asia, 1759-1864 (ht
tps://books.google.com/books?id=7ir2CAAAQBAJ&pg=PA124). Stanford University Press. p. 124.
ISBN 0804797927.
20. Newby, L. J. (2005). The Empire And the Khanate: A Political History of Qing Relations With Khoqand C1760-
1860 (https://books.google.com/books?id=KTmO416hNQ8C&pg=PA39) (illustrated ed.). BRILL. p. 39.
ISBN 9004145508.
21. Wang, Ke (2017). "Between the "Ummah" and "China"：The Qing Dynasty's Rule over Xinjiang Uyghur Society"
(http://www.lib.kobe-u.ac.jp/repository/81009892.pdf) (PDF). Journal of Intercultural Studies. Kobe University. 48:
204.
22. Millward, James A. (2007). Eurasian Crossroads: A History of Xinjiang (https://books.google.com/books?id=8FVs
Wq31MtMC&pg=PA108) (illustrated ed.). Columbia University Press. p. 108. ISBN 978-0231139243.
23. Millward, James A. (2007). Eurasian Crossroads: A History of Xinjiang (https://books.google.com/books?id=8FVs
Wq31MtMC&pg=PA109) (illustrated ed.). Columbia University Press. p. 109. ISBN 978-0231139243.
24. Millward, James A. (1998). Beyond the Pass: Economy, Ethnicity, and Empire in Qing Central Asia, 1759-1864 (ht
tps://books.google.com/books?id=7ir2CAAAQBAJ&pg=PA206). Stanford University Press. pp. 206–207.
ISBN 0804797927.
25. Jonathan D. Spence. The Search for Modern China. (New York: Norton, 3rd, 2013 ISBN 9780393934519), p. 98.
26. Freer Sackler (http://asia.si.edu/collections/singleObject.cfm?ObjectNumber=F2000.4) Archived (https://web.archi
ve.org/web/20140816164312/http://asia.si.edu/collections/singleObject.cfm?ObjectNumber=F2000.4) 16 August
2014 at the Wayback Machine
27. Holzworth, Gerald (12 November 2005). "China: the Three Emperors 1662–1795" (https://web.archive.org/web/20
051212173503/http://www.threeemperors.org.uk/index.php?pid=19). The Royal Academy of Arts. Archived from
the original (http://www.threeemperors.org.uk/index.php?pid=19) on 12 December 2005.
28. Spence, Jonathan (Winter 2003–2004). "Portrait of an Emperor, Qianlong: Ruler, Connoisseur, Scholar" (http://ww
w.wmf.org/sites/default/files/wmf_article/pg_24-30_qianlong.pdf) (PDF). ICON Magazine / WMF. World
Monuments Fund. pp. 24–30. Retrieved 12 July 2011.
29. Alexander Woodside, "The Ch’ien-Lung Reign," in Peterson, Willard J. (December 2002). (https://books.google.co
m/?id=hi2THl2FUZ4C&pg=PA290&dq=The+Literary+Inquisition+of+Ch%27ien-Lung.)The Cambridge History of
China (https://books.google.com/?id=hi2THl2FUZ4C&pg=PA290&dq=The+Literary+Inquisition+of+Ch%27ien-Lun
g.). Cambridge University Press. p. 290. ISBN 978-0-521-24334-6.
30. Guy (1987), p. 167.
31. Guy (1987), p. 166.
32. Elliott (2000), p. 615-617 (http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/elliott/files/elliott_jas_limits_of_tartary_0.pdf).
33. Elliott (2009), p. 5.
34. Elliott (2009), p. 57.
35. Elliott (2009), p. 145.
36. Elisabeth Benard, "The Qianlong Emperor and Tibetan Buddhism," in Dunnell & Elliott & Foret & Millward 2004 (ht
tps://books.google.com/books?id=6qFH-53_VnEC&pg=PA123#v=onepage&q&f=false), pp. 123-4.
37. Lopez 1999 (https://books.google.com/books?id=mjUHF7kQfVAC&pg=PA20#v=onepage&q&f=false), p. 20.
38. Berger 2003 (https://books.google.com/books?id=BsyFU9FwCIkC&pg=PA35#v=onepage&q&f=false), p. 35.
39. Berger 2003 (https://books.google.com/books?id=BsyFU9FwCIkC&pg=PA34#v=onepage&q&f=false), p. 34.
40. Jocelyn M. N. Marinescu (2008). Defending Christianity in China: The Jesuit Defense of Christianity in the "Lettres
Edifiantes Et Curieuses" & "Ruijianlu" in Relation to the Yongzheng Proscription of 1724. ProQuest. pp. 29, 33,
136, 240, 265. ISBN 978-0-549-59712-4.
41. Rawski, Evelyn The Last Emperors: A Social History of Qing Imperial Institutions (University of California Press,
1998) pgs. 23 & 24
42. Greenwood, Kevin (2013), Yonghegong: Imperial Universalism And The Art And Architecture Of Beijing's "Lama
Temple" (https://www.academia.edu/10031236)
43. 藏品/绘画/王致诚乾隆射箭图屏 (http://www.dpm.org.cn/shtml/117/@/118819.html) Archived (https://web.archive.or
g/web/20140225131259/http://www.dpm.org.cn/shtml/117/@/118819.html) 25 February 2014 at the Wayback
Machine
44. Le Bas, Jacques-Philippe (1770). "A Victory Banquet Given by the Emperor for the Distinguished Officers and
Soldiers" (http://www.wdl.org/en/item/7718/). World Digital Library (in French). Xinjiang, China.
45. Jacques Gernet (31 May 1996). A History of Chinese Civilization (https://books.google.com/books?id=jqb7L-pKC
V8C&pg=PA522). Cambridge University Press. p. 522. ISBN 978-0-521-49781-7. Retrieved 28 May 2013.
46. Crossley, Pamela Kyle (15 February 2000). A Translucent Mirror: History and Identity in Qing Imperial Ideology (ht
tps://books.google.com/books?id=Wn4iv_RJv8oC&pg=PA55#v=onepage&q&f=false). University of California
Press. ISBN 9780520928848 – via Google Books.
47. Elliott (2001), pp. 184-186.
tps://books.google.com/books?id=Wn4iv_RJv8oC&pg=PA291#v=onepage&q&f=false). University of California
Press. ISBN 9780520928848 – via Google Books.
tps://books.google.com/?id=Wn4iv_RJv8oC&pg=PA293&dq=Li+yongfang#v=onepage&q=Li+yongfang&f=false).
University of California Press. ISBN 9780520928848 – via Google Books.
50. Elliott, Mark C. (25 September 2018). The Manchu Way: The Eight Banners and Ethnic Identity in Late Imperial
China (https://books.google.com/books?id=_qtgoTIAiKUC&pg=PA133#v=onepage&q&f=false). Stanford
University Press. ISBN 9780804746847 – via Google Books.
51. Elliott, Mark C. (2001). The Manchu Way: The Eight Banners and Ethnic Identity in Late Imperial China (https://bo
oks.google.com/books?id=_qtgoTIAiKUC&pg=PA84) (illustrated, reprint ed.). Stanford University Press. p. 84.
ISBN 0804746842.
52. Crossley, Pamela Kyle (2000). A Translucent Mirror: History and Identity in Qing Imperial Ideology (https://books.g
oogle.com/books?id=Wn4iv_RJv8oC&pg=PA128). University of California Press. p. 128. ISBN 0520928849.
53. Crossley, Pamela Kyle (2000). A Translucent Mirror: History and Identity in Qing Imperial Ideology (https://books.g
oogle.com/books?id=Wn4iv_RJv8oC&pg=PA103). University of California Press. pp. 103–5. ISBN 0520928849.
54. https://zhidao.baidu.com/question/84183523.html (https://zhidao.baidu.com/question/84183523.html). Missing or
empty |title= (help)
55. http://blog.51cto.com/sky66/1741624 (http://blog.51cto.com/sky66/1741624). Missing or empty |title= (help)
56. http://yukunid.blog.sohu.com/16777875.html (http://yukunid.blog.sohu.com/16777875.html). Missing or empty
|title= (help)
57. http://blog.sina.cn/dpool/blog/s/blog_6277172c0100hfb3.html (http://blog.sina.cn/dpool/blog/s/blog_6277172c010
0hfb3.html). Missing or empty |title= (help)
58. "Gun Control, Qing Style" (http://www.manchustudiesgroup.org/2013/03/09/the-solon-way-2012-edition/). 9 March
2013.
59. 孔氏宗亲网-孔子后裔的网上家园-清朝对圣门各贤裔的封赠 (http://www.kong.org.cn/Item/Show.asp?m=1&d=458)
Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20160506023255/http://www.kong.org.cn/Item/Show.asp?m=1&d=458) 6
May 2016 at the Wayback Machine
60. Qin ding da Qing hui dian (Jiaqing chao)0 (https://books.google.com/books?id=z9VkAAAAcAAJ&pg=PT1084).
1818. pp. 1084–.
61. 不詳 (21 August 2015). 新清史 (https://books.google.com/books?id=eBVmCgAAQBAJ&pg=PT138). 朔雪寒.
GGKEY:ZFQWEX019E4.
62. Sturgeon, Donald. "曝書亭集 : 卷三十三 - 中國哲學書電子化計劃" (http://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=557587).
ctext.org.
63. "什么是五经博士意思详解 - 淘大白" (https://web.archive.org/web/20160623155733/http://www.taodabai.com/2608
556.html). Archived from the original (http://www.taodabai.com/2608556.html) on 23 June 2016. Retrieved
18 April 2016.
64. 王士禎 (3 September 2014). 池北偶談 (https://books.google.com/books?id=ysBnBAAAQBAJ&pg=PT182). 朔雪寒.
GGKEY:ESB6TEXXDCT.
65. 徐錫麟; 錢泳 (10 September 2014). 熙朝新語 (https://books.google.com/books?id=mTZ4BAAAQBAJ&pg=PT39).
朔雪寒. GGKEY:J62ZFNAA1NF.
66. "【从世袭翰林院五经博士到奉祀官】_三民儒家_新浪博客" (http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_d2b9ecb50102v4vn.htm
l). blog.sina.com.cn.
67. H.S. Brunnert; V.V. Hagelstrom (15 April 2013). Present Day Political Organization of China (https://books.google.
com/books?id=s0wrdzMXPZ8C&pg=PA493). Routledge. pp. 493–494. ISBN 978-1-135-79795-9.
68. "Archived copy" (https://web.archive.org/web/20160425031918/http://www.forgottenbooks.com/readbook_text/Pre
sent_Day_Political_Organization_of_China_1000115601/507). Archived from the original (http://www.forgottenboo
ks.com/readbook_text/Present_Day_Political_Organization_of_China_1000115601/507) on 25 April 2016.
Retrieved 20 May 2016.
69. Brunnert, I. S. (Ippolit Semenovich); Gagelstrom, V. V.; Kolesov, N. F. (Nikolai Fedorovich); Bielchenko, Andrei
Terentevich; Moran, Edward Eugene. "Present day political organization of China" (https://archive.org/details/pres
entdaypoliti00brun). New York : Paragon – via Internet Archive.
70. H.S. Brunnert; V.V. Hagelstrom (15 April 2013). Present Day Political Organization of China (https://books.google.
com/?id=x4YdGCqNpDMC&printsec=frontcover&dq=present+day+political+organization+in+china#v=onepage&q
=confucius&f=false). Routledge. ISBN 978-1-135-79794-2.
71. "李永芳将军的简介李永芳的后代-历史趣闻网" (https://web.archive.org/web/20171203055230/http://www.lishiquwe
n.com/news/7356.html). Archived from the original (http://www.lishiquwen.com/news/7356.html) on 3 December
2017. Retrieved 30 June 2016.
72. 曹德全：首个投降后金的明将李永芳 — 抚顺七千年(wap版) (http://www.fs7000.com/wap/?9179.html) Archived (http
s://web.archive.org/web/20161007063611/http://www.fs7000.com/wap/?9179.html) 7 October 2016 at the
Wayback Machine
73. Evelyn S. Rawski (15 November 1998). The Last Emperors: A Social History of Qing Imperial Institutions (https://
books.google.com/books?id=5iN5J9G76h0C&pg=PA72#v=onepage&q&f=false). University of California Press.
pp. 72–. ISBN 978-0-520-92679-0.
74. LI SHIH-YAO (http://www.dartmouth.edu/~qing/WEB/LI_SHIH-YAO.html) FANG CHAO-YING Dartmouth College
75. "Wayback Machine" (https://web.archive.org/web/20160811190256/http://12103081.wenhua.danyy.com/library121
0shtml30810106630060.html). 11 August 2016. Archived from the original (http://12103081.wenhua.danyy.com/lib
rary1210shtml30810106630060.html) on 11 August 2016.
76. Zhao 2006 (https://web.archive.org/web/20140325231543/https://webspace.utexas.edu/hl4958/perspectives/Zha
o%20-%20reinventing%20china.pdf), p. 7.
o%20-%20reinventing%20china.pdf), p. 4.
o%20-%20reinventing%20china.pdf), pp. 11-12.
79. Millward 1998 (https://books.google.com/books?id=MC6sAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA25#v=onepage&q&f=false), p. 25.
80. Reardon-Anderson, James (2000). "Land Use and Society in Manchuria and Inner Mongolia during the Qing
Dynasty". Environmental History. 5 (4): 504. doi:10.2307/3985584 (https://doi.org/10.2307%2F3985584).
JSTOR 3985584 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/3985584).
83. Scharping 1998 (http://www.phil-fak.uni-koeln.de/fileadmin/chinastudien/papers/No_1998-1.pdf), p. 18.
87. "Qianlong(in Chinese text)" (http://www.hudong.com/wiki/%E4%B9%BE%E9%9A%86). hudong.com. Retrieved
24 October 2008.
88. Palace Museum: Qianlong Emperor (乾隆皇帝) (http://www.dpm.org.cn/China/phoweb/ExpertsPage/1/E459.htm)

Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20080424095218/http://www.dpm.org.cn/China/phoweb/ExpertsPage/1/E4
59.htm) 24 April 2008 at the Wayback Machine
89. Harrison, Henrietta (2017). "The Qianlong Emperor's Letter to George III and the Early Twentieth Century Origins
of Ideas About Traditional China's Foreign Relations". American Historical Review. 122 (3): 680–701.
doi:10.1093/ahr/122.3.680 (https://doi.org/10.1093%2Fahr%2F122.3.680).
90. For a conventional European perspective of the audience question, see Alain Peyrefitte, The Immobile Empire,
translated by Jon Rotschild (New York: Knopf: Distributed by Random House, 1992.)
For a critique, see James L. Hevia, Cherishing Men from Afar: Qing Guest Ritual and the Macartney Embassy of
1793.(Durham: Duke University Press, 1995).
For a discussion on Hevia's book, see exchange between Hevia and Joseph W. Esherick in Modern China 24, no.
2 (1998).
91. "Qinglong's Letter to King George" (http://academics.wellesley.edu/Polisci/wj/China/208/READINGS/qianlong.htm
l). academics.wellesley.edu. translated by Edmond Backhouse and J. O. P. Bland, in Annals and Memoirs of the
Court of Peking (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1914), pp. 322-331. Retrieved 28 January 2017.
92. Harrison (2017), p. 690.
93. Robbins, Helen H. (1908). "Our First Ambassador to China: An Account of the Life of George, Earl of Macartney,
with Extracts from His Letters, and the Narrative of His Experiences in China, as Told by Himself, 1737-1806" (htt
p://ebook.lib.hku.hk/CTWE/B36599578/). London: John Murray. p. 386. Retrieved 25 October 2008.
94. O'Neil, Patricia O. (1995). Missed Opportunities: Late 18th century Chinese Relations with England and the
Netherlands. [PhD dissertation, University of Washington]
95. Duyvendak, J.J.L. (1937). 'The Last Dutch Embassy to the Chinese Court (1794–1795).' T'oung Pao 33:1–137.
96. van Braam Houckgeest, Andreas Everardus. (1797). Voyage de l'ambassade de la Compagnie des Indes
Orientales hollandaises vers l'empereur de la Chine, dans les années 1794 et 1795; see also 1798 English
translation: An authentic account of the embassy of the Dutch East-India company, to the court of the emperor of
China, in the years 1974 and 1795, Vol. I. (http://ebook.lib.hku.hk/CTWE/B2962471X/)
97. van Braam, An authentic account..., Vol. I (1798 English edition) pp. 283–288.
98. World Monuments Fund. "Juanqizhai in the Qianlong Garden" (http://www.wmf.org/project/juanqinzhai-qianlong-g
arden). World Monuments Fund. Retrieved 16 July 2011.
99. Palace Museum: Jiaqing Emperor (嘉庆皇帝) (http://www.dpm.org.cn/China/phoweb/ExpertsPage/1/E460.htm)
Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20081022020753/http://www.dpm.org.cn/China/phoweb/ExpertsPage/1/E4
60.htm) 22 October 2008 at the Wayback Machine
100. Hua, Hsieh Bao (2014). Concubinage and Servitude in Late Imperial China (https://books.google.com/books?id=o
HvyAwAAQBAJ&pg=PA246). Lexington Books. ISBN 978-0739145166.
Sources
Æneas Anderson, A Narrative of the British Embassy to China, in the Years 1792, 1793, and 1794; Containing the
Various Circumstances of the Embassy, with Accounts of Customs and Manners of the Chinese (https://archive.or
g/details/ANarrativeOfTheBritishEmbassyToChina1793) (London: J. Debrett, 1795)
Berger, Patricia Ann (2003). Empire of Emptiness: Buddhist Art and Political Authority in Qing China (https://book
s.google.com/?id=BsyFU9FwCIkC&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false) (illustrated ed.). University of
Hawaii Press. ISBN 978-0824825638. Retrieved 10 March 2014.
Clarke, Michael Edmund (2004). In the Eye of Power: China and Xinjiang from the Qing Conquest to the 'New
Great Game' for Central Asia 1759–2004 (https://web.archive.org/web/20110706114903/http://www4.gu.edu.au:8
080/adt-root/uploads/approved/adt-QGU20061121.163131/public/02Whole.pdf) (PDF) (Doctoral thesis). Brisbane,
QLD, Australia: Dept. of International Business & Asian Studies, Griffith University. Archived from the original (htt
p://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/uploads/approved/adt-QGU20061121.163131/public/02Whole.pdf) (PDF) on 6
July 2011.
Crossley, Pamela Kyle (1999). A Translucent Mirror: History and Identity in Qing Imperial Ideology (https://books.g
oogle.com/?id=Wn4iv_RJv8oC&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false). University of California Press.
ISBN 978-0520928848. Retrieved 10 March 2014.
Dunnell, Ruth W.; Elliott, Mark C.; Foret, Philippe; Millward, James A (2004). New Qing Imperial History: The
Making of Inner Asian Empire at Qing Chengde (https://books.google.com/?id=6qFH-53_VnEC&printsec=frontcov
er#v=onepage&q&f=false). Routledge. ISBN 978-1134362226. Retrieved 10 March 2014.
Elliott, Mark C. (2000), "The Limits of Tartary: Manchuria in Imperial and National Geographies" (http://scholar.har
vard.edu/files/elliott/files/elliott_jas_limits_of_tartary_0.pdf) (PDF), Journal of Asian Studies, 59 (3): 603–646,
doi:10.2307/2658945 (https://doi.org/10.2307%2F2658945), JSTOR 2658945 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/265894
5)
—— (2001). The Manchu Way: The Eight Banners and Ethnic Identity in Late Imperial China (https://books.googl
e.com/?id=_qtgoTIAiKUC&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false). Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-
0804746847. Retrieved 10 March 2014.
—— (2009). Emperor Qianlong: Son of Heaven, Man of the World. New York: Pearson Longman.
ISBN 9780321084446.
de Guignes, Chrétien-Louis-Joseph (1808). Voyage a Pékin, Manille et l'Ile de France. Paris.
Guy, R. Kent (October 1987). The Emperor's Four Treasures (https://books.google.com/?id=bFA6a60_5LgC&pg=
PA78&dq=The+Emperor%27s+Four+Treasuries:+Scholars+and+the+State+in+the+Late+Ch%27ien-lung+Era.#P
PA166,M1). Harvard University Press. p. 167. ISBN 978-0-674-25115-1.
Hall, D.G.E. (1960). Burma (3rd edition ed.). Hutchinson University Library. ISBN 978-1-4067-3503-1.
Liu, Tao Tao; Faure, David (1996). Unity and Diversity: Local Cultures and Identities in China (https://books.googl
e.com/?id=FW8SBAAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false). Hong Kong University Press.
Lopez, Donald S. (1999). Prisoners of Shangri-La: Tibetan Buddhism and the West (https://books.google.com/?id
=mjUHF7kQfVAC&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false) (reprint, revised ed.). University of Chicago Press.
Millward, James A. (1998). Beyond the Pass: Economy, Ethnicity, and Empire in Qing Central Asia, 1759-1864 (ht
tps://books.google.com/?id=MC6sAAAAIAAJ&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false) (illustrated ed.).
Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0804729338. Retrieved 10 March 2014.
Millward, James A. (2007). Eurasian Crossroads: A History of Xinjiang (https://books.google.com/?id=8FVsWq31
MtMC&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false) (illustrated ed.). Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-
0231139243. Retrieved 10 March 2014.
Newby, L. J. (2005). The Empire And the Khanate: A Political History of Qing Relations With Khoqand C.1760-
1860 (https://books.google.com/?id=KTmO416hNQ8C&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false). Volume 16 of
Brill's Inner Asian Library (illustrated ed.). BRILL. ISBN 978-9004145504. Retrieved 10 March 2014.
Rawski, Evelyn S. (1998). The Last Emperors: A Social History of Qing Imperial Institutions (https://books.google.
com/?id=5iN5J9G76h0C&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false). University of California Press. ISBN 978-
0520926790. Retrieved 10 March 2014.
Perdue, Peter C. (2005). China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia. Cambridge, Mass.;
London, England: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.
Reardon-Anderson, James (October 2000). "Land Use and Society in Manchuria and Inner Mongolia during the
Qing Dynasty". Environmental History. 5 (4): 503–530. doi:10.2307/3985584 (https://doi.org/10.2307%2F398558
4). JSTOR 3985584 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/3985584).
Robbins, Helen Henrietta Macartney (1908). Our First Ambassador to China: An Account of the Life of George,
Earl of Macartney with Extracts from His Letters, and the Narrative of His Experiences in China, as Told by
Himself, 1737–1806, from Hitherto Unpublished Correspondence and Documents. (http://ebook.lib.hku.hk/CTWE/
B36599578/) London : John Murray. [digitized by University of Hong Kong Libraries, Digital Initiatives, (http://lib.hk
u.hk/database/) "China Through Western Eyes." (https://web.archive.org/web/20070425165629/http://www.spurge
ons.ac.uk/site/pages/ui_college_history.aspx)
Scharping, Thomas (1998). "Minorities, Majorities and National Expansion: The History and Politics of Population
Development in Manchuria 1610-1993" (http://www.phil-fak.uni-koeln.de/fileadmin/chinastudien/papers/No_1998-
1.pdf) (PDF). Cologne China Studies Online – Working Papers on Chinese Politics, Economy and Society (Kölner
China-Studien Online – Arbeitspapiere zu Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Chinas) (1). Retrieved 14 August
2014.
van Braam Houckgeest, Andreas Everardus. (1797). Voyage de l'ambassade de la Compagnie des Indes
Orientales hollandaises vers l'empereur de la Chine, dans les années 1794 et 1795. Philadelphia: M.L.E. Moreau
de Saint-Méry.
Van Braam Houckgeest, Andreas Everardus. (1798). An authentic account of the embassy of the Dutch East-
India company, to the court of the emperor of China, in the years 1974 and 1795, Vol. I. (http://ebook.lib.hku.hk/C
TWE/B2962471X/) London : R. Phillips. [digitized by University of Hong Kong Libraries, Digital Initiatives, (http://li
b.hku.hk/database/) "China Through Western Eyes." (https://web.archive.org/web/20070425165629/http://www.sp
urgeons.ac.uk/site/pages/ui_college_history.aspx)
Woodside, Alexander. "The Ch’ien-Lung Reign," in Peterson, Willard J. (December 2002). (https://books.google.c
om/?id=hi2THl2FUZ4C&pg=PA290&dq=The+Literary+Inquisition+of+Ch%27ien-Lung.)The Cambridge History of
China (https://books.google.com/?id=hi2THl2FUZ4C&pg=PA290&dq=The+Literary+Inquisition+of+Ch%27ien-Lun
g.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 230–309. ISBN 978-0-521-24334-6.
Zhao, Gang (January 2006). "Reinventing China Imperial Qing Ideology and the Rise of Modern Chinese National
Identity in the Early Twentieth Century". Modern China. 32 (1): 3–30. doi:10.1177/0097700405282349 (https://doi.
org/10.1177%2F0097700405282349). JSTOR 20062627 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/20062627).
Further reading
Chang, Michael (2007). A court on horseback: imperial touring & the construction of Qing rule, 1680–1785.
Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center.
Ho Chuimei, Bennet Bronson. Splendors of China's Forbidden City: The Glorious Reign of Emperor Qianlong.
(London: Merrell, in association with The Field Museum, Chicago, 2004). ISBN 1858942039.
Kahn, Harold L. Monarchy in the Emperor's Eyes: Image and Reality in the Ch'ien-Lung Reign. (Cambridge,
Mass.,: Harvard University Press, Harvard East Asian Series, 59, 1971). ISBN 0674582306.
Kuhn, Philip A. Soulstealers: The Chinese Sorcery Scare of 1768. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
1990). ISBN 0674821513 (alk. paper).
James A. Millward, Ruth W. Dunnell, Mark C. Elliot and Philippe Foret. ed., New Qing Imperial History: The
Making of Inner Asian Empire at Qing Chengde. (London; New York: Routledge, 2004). ISBN 0415320062.
Nancy Berliner, "The Emperor's Private Paradise: Treasures from the Forbidden City" (New Haven: Yale Univ.
Press, 2010) ISBN 978-0-87577-221-9.
External links
Qianlong Emperor
House of Aisin-Gioro
Born: 25 September 1711 Died: 7 February 1799
Regnal titles
Emperor of the Qing
Preceded by Succeeded by
dynasty
Yongzheng Jiaqing
Emperor of China
Emperor Emperor
1735–1796
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Qianlong_Emperor&oldid=913507253"
This page was last edited on 1 September 2019, at 14:16 (UTC).
Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License; additional terms may apply. By using
this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia
Foundation, Inc., a non-profit organization.

Qianlong Emperor - Qing

Загружено:

Сведения о документе

Авторское право

Доступные форматы

Поделиться этим документом

Поделиться или встроить документ

Параметры публикации

Этот документ был вам полезен?

Это неприемлемый материал?

Авторское право:

Доступные форматы

Qianlong Emperor - Qing

Загружено:

Авторское право:

Доступные форматы

9/11/2019 Qianlong Emperor - Wikipedia

Burning of books and modification of texts Rank

After his father's enthronement in 1722, Hongli was made a qinwang

went on inspection trips to the south, and was known to be an able

Accession to the throne Qinming Xiaoci Shensheng Chun

Under the Qianlong Emperor's reign, the Dzungar Khanate was

written by Zhao,[9][10] who wrote the Yanpu zaji in "brush-notes" style,

Throughout this period there were continued Mongol interventions in

Despite setbacks in the south, overall the Qianlong Emperor's military

Burning of books and modification of texts

European styles Consorts of the Qianlong Emperor

Other architecture The Qianlong Emperor watching a

Turpan to commemorate Emin Khoja, a Uyghur leader from Turfan who

Descendants of the Ming dynasty's imperial family

The Qianlong Emperor instituted a policy of "Manchu-fying" the Eight

The Qianlong Emperor in

Chinese political identity and frontier policy

However, due to numerous factors such as long term embezzlement and

Macartney was granted an audience with the Qianlong Emperor on two

Yesterday your Ambassador petitioned my Ministers to

including your own country's barbarian merchants, have

Your request for a small island near Chusan, where your

Hitherto, the barbarian merchants of Europe have had a

Regarding your nation's worship of the Lord of Heaven, it is

Macartney's conclusions in his memoirs were widely disseminated:

Consorts and Issue:

First daughter (3 November 1728 – 14 February 1730)

Sixth daughter (24 August 1755 – 27 September 1758)

Tenth son (12 June 1751 – 7 July 1753)

Miscarriage (1759 or 1760)

In fiction and popular culture

Works by the Qianlong Emperor

88. Palace Museum: Qianlong Emperor (乾隆皇帝) (http://www.dpm.org.cn/China/phoweb/ExpertsPage/1/E459.htm)

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Qianlong_Emperor&oldid=913507253"

This page was last edited on 1 September 2019, at 14:16 (UTC).

Вам также может понравиться