Self-Fulfilling Prophecy

sciencedirect.com/topics/social-sciences/self-fulfilling-prophecy

Self-fulfilling prophecy is a three-stage process beginning with a person’s belief – false at

the time it is held – that a certain event will occur in the future.2626

From: Security Operations Management (Third Edition), 2016

Learn more about Self-Fulfilling Prophecy

Self-fulfilling Prophecies
L. Jussim, in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences , 2001

A self-fulfilling prophecy occurs when an originally false social belief leads people to act
in ways that objectively confirm that belief. This article presents an overview of 50 years
of research on self-fulfilling prophecies. First, some of the controversies surrounding
Rosenthal and Jacobson's (1968) finding that teacher expectations influence student IQ
are described. Those controversies have led to several modern lines of research—
including meta-analysis, studies of the self-fulfilling nature of social stereotypes, research
comparing the extent to which self-fulfilling prophecy vs. accuracy characterizes naturally
occurring social perception, and a search for conditions strengthening and weakening
self-fulfilling prophecies. Modern research has also begun investigating the role of self-
fulfilling prophecies in close relationships (such as parent–child, college roommates, and
romantic couples). Underexplored areas offering fertile ground for future self-fulfilling
prophecy research are identified, as are some of the ways existing self-fulfilling prophecy
research contributes to understanding relations between social beliefs and social reality.

Read full chapter

Positive Psychological Tests and Measures

Jeana L. Magyar-Moe PhD, in Therapist's Guide to Positive Psychological Interventions, 2009

The self-fulfilling prophecy becomes a potential asset when people are labeled as having
talents, strengths, abilities, and positive resources. Just as clients who are labeled with
disorders may come to internalize their negative labels, so too may clients come to
internalize positive labels. Just as therapists may inadvertently change the way they treat
a client based on the DSM diagnostic label applied, so too may a therapist change the way
the client is treated based on the positive label applied. Such a process may serve to
further enhance the labeled strengths, and as the client becomes more cognizant of his

1/10
or her potential, the client may also become more interested in nurturing these talents
and strengths, and more confident in utilizing these skills and positive resources in the
pursuit of complete mental health.

The application of positive labels to diagnostic assessment can counteract the many
negative effects of negative labels as described previously. In addition, clinicians can
capitalize on the positive effects of labeling, even when helping clients to overcome areas
of problem and weakness. Indeed, labeling the positive produces a more balanced, well-
rounded conceptualization of the client whose make-up may have previously been
closely linked by both the client and therapist only to the presenting problem(s).
Additionally, the labeling of assets and strengths may provide clinicians with a starting
point from which to build a treatment plan and can serve as sources of motivation for
clients to work from in the therapeutic treatment process (Snyder et al., 2003a ).

In the following chapters, a number of positive psychological interventions and exercises

are explained, followed by information on how therapists can decide upon and carry out
positive psychology-infused treatment plans.

Read full chapter

Measures of Personality
Carina Coulacoglou, Donald H. Saklofske, in Psychometrics and Psychological Assessment,
2017

Researcher bias
Confirmatory bias is similar to self-fulfilling prophecy. We all seek to find evidence that
validates our a priori beliefs or values, and may underestimate or ignore evidence that
contradicts our expectations (e.g., Garb, 2005). Confirmatory bias occurs when a
researcher develops a hypothesis or belief and uses respondents’ information to
support that belief.

Cultural bias may be the outcome of assumptions or expectations regarding the

motivations and values of test participants. Ethnocentrism is judging another culture
according to the values and standards of one’s own culture. Cultural relativism concerns
how an individual’s beliefs and behaviors would be perceived by others in terms of that
individual’s own culture.

There are three sources in cross-cultural research. The first is construct bias, which occurs
when the construct measured is not identical across groups. Ho’s (1996) work on filial
piety (psychological characteristics associated with being a good son or daughter)
provides a good example. Another important source of bias is method bias, which may be
the outcome of sample incomparability, instrument characteristics, tester and
interviewer effects, or the method of administration. Examples of method bias include
differential stimulus familiarity in mental testing and differential social desirability in
2/10
personality and survey research. A third source of bias is item bias or differential item
functioning. An item is biased if participants with the same level on the underlying
construct (e.g., they are equally extraverted), but those who come from different cultural
groups do not have the same expected score on the item. The expected item score is
usually derived from the total test score.

Read full chapter

Theories of Statistical Discrimination and Affirmative Action:

A Survey*
Hanming Fang, Andrea Moro, in Handbook of Social Economics, 2011

3.1 Origin of equilibrium models of statistical discrimination

Arrow's (1973) paper laid out the ingredients for a theory of discriminatory outcomes
based on “self-fulfilling prophecies” with endogenous skill acquisition. First, the
employers should be able to freely observe a worker's race. Second, the employers must
incur some cost before they can determine the employee's true productivity (otherwise,
there is no need for the use of surrogate information such as race or gender). Third, the
employers must have some preconception of the distribution of productivity within each
of the two groups of workers.

Arrow proposed the following model. Suppose that each firm has two kinds of jobs,
skilled and unskilled, and the firms have a production function f (Ls, Lu) where Ls is skilled
labor and Lu is the unskilled labor. Denote with f1 and f2 the first derivatives of f with
respect to the first and second arguments, respectively. All workers are qualified to
perform the unskilled job, but only skilled workers can perform the skilled job.

Skills are acquired through investment. Workers have skill investment cost c, which is
distributed in the population according to the cumulative distribution function G(·) which
does not depend on group identity. Suppose that a proportion πW of whites and a
proportion of πB of blacks are skilled, which will be determined in equilibrium. In order to
endogenize the skill investment decisions, Arrow proposed the following model of wage
differences between the skilled and unskilled jobs. Suppose that workers are assigned
either to the skilled job or to the unskilled job. If a worker is assigned to the unskilled job,
she receives a wage wu = f2 (Ls, Lu), independent of the race group of the worker. If a
worker is assigned to the skilled job, then Arrow assumes that the worker will receive a
wage contract that pays a group j ∈ {B, W} worker wage wj > 0 if that worker is tested to
be skilled and 0 otherwise. Finally, the firm must pay a cost r to find out whether or not
the worker is skilled. Arrow claims that competition among firms will result in a zero
profit condition, therefore,

r=πW[f1(Ls,Lu)-wW],r=πB[f1(Ls,Lu)-wB].

3/10
These imply that:

wW=πBπWwB+(1-πBπW)f1(Ls,Lu).

Note that if for some reason πB < πW, then wB < wW. Thus, blacks will be paid a lower wage
in the skilled job if they are believed to be qualified with a lower probability. As a result,
Arrow (1973) shifted the explanation of discriminatory behavior from preferences to
beliefs.

Arrow then provided an explanation for why πW and πB might differ in equilibrium even
though there are no intrinsic differences between groups in the distribution of skill
investment cost G (·). Workers invest in skills if the gains of doing so outweigh the costs.
Arrow takes the gains to be wj − wu for group j workers.7 Given the distribution of skill
investment cost G (·), the proportion of skilled workers is G (wj − wu), namely the fraction
of workers whose skill investment cost c is lower than the wage gain from skill
investment wj − wu. Equilibrium requires that:

(3)πj=G(wj(πW,πB)-wu),forj∈{B,W}.

In a symmetric equilibrium, πW = πB , and in an asymmetric equilibrium, πB ≠ πW. Arrow

then notes that the system (3) can have symmetric as well as asymmetric equilibria. The
intuition for the asymmetric equilibria is simple: if very few workers invest in a particular
group, the firms will rationally perceive this group as unsuitable for the skilled task and
equilibrium wages for this group in the skilled job will be low, which will in turn give little
incentive for the workers from this group to invest. That is, self-fulfilling prophecies can
lead to multiple equilibria. If groups coordinate on different equilibria, then
discrimination arises with one group acquiring less human capital and receiving lower
wages than the other group. 8

Read full chapter

Mental Toughness
Peggy A. Pritchard, in Success Strategies From Women in STEM (Second Edition), 2015

Affirm Yourself
Are your basic assumptions about yourself affirming and encouraging, or negative and
self-critical? These beliefs will affect how you behave and how you interpret your
experiences; they may, in effect, become self-fulfilling prophecies. To develop any sense
of inner strength, therefore, it is important that you believe in your inherent worth as a
person, have faith in your abilities, and trust your judgment. This may be uncomfortable
at first. It may feel as though you are puffing yourself up with pride. But you will not be.
This is not to suggest that you cultivate an inflated view of yourself and your place in the

4/10
world or hold unrealistic beliefs about your intelligence or abilities, rather, that you
choose to believe in the basic premise that you have inherent worth as a human being
and to have a gentle confidence in yourself based on sober judgment.

Treat yourself with dignity and respect—and expect others to do the same. Give yourself
the benefit of the doubt. We all make mistakes, but too often we may fall into the habit
of self-blame and negative self-reflection. This does nothing but undermine our
confidence and self-esteem. Yes, it is important and necessary to be disciplined and firm
with ourselves—when appropriate and within reason—but beyond that, we need to be
gentle, especially when we are not meeting our own professional or personal goals.
Forgive yourself, affirm yourself, learn from your mistakes, and move on. And if others
treat you inappropriately, give them the benefit of doubt too (e.g., perhaps they have
jumped to conclusions), forgive their prejudices, and gently insist on being treated with
professionalism. Respond with assertiveness, not aggression.

Read full chapter

Improving Performance by Means of Action–Cognition

Coupling in Athletes and Coaches
Gloria B. Solomon, in Performance Psychology, 2016

Expectancy Effects in Competitive Sport

From the early roots in sociology, based on the work of Robert Merton (1948),
expectancy theory has served as a lens to access the influence of leaders on their
subject’s behavior. Termed the self-fulfilling prophecy, Merton (1948) defines this
process as “a situation whereby an expectation serves as the stimulus to behavior which
causes the initial expectation to come true” (p. 193). As applied to the coach–athlete
relationship, a four-step model was developed to explain and explore this process
(Martinek, 1981; Horn et al., 2001; Solomon, 2001). In step one, coaches form
expectations of their athlete’s ability based on qualities, termed impression cues, housed
in three major categories: personal (i.e., age, gender, and height), performance (i.e., past
performance, speed, and agility), and psychological (i.e., confidence, anxiety, and
motivation). During step 2, coaches instruct athletes (via quantity and quality of
feedback) based on the impressions gleaned in step 1. In step 3, athletes respond to the
coaches’ instruction and gain information about their competence, which subsequently
impacts performance. Finally in step 4, athletes respond based on the coaches’ initial
assessments, thus confirming to the coach that they are effective judges of athletic
ability.

Step 1—Coach Develops Expectations for Athlete Performance

Directing attention to step 1, Solomon explored the sources of information coaches rely
on to evaluate athletic ability (Solomon, 2008a). A series of studies querying hundreds of
5/10
coaches identified four distinct factors coaches employ in developing athlete
expectations: Coachability, Team Player, Physical Ability, and Maturity (Solomon, 2008a;
Solomon & Rhea, 2008). The Solomon Expectancy Sources Scale (SESS; Solomon, 2008a)
was created to explore the information most essential for assisting coaches in
developing athletes. The findings both reinforce the three impression cues identified in
the expectancy cycle and increase the breadth of understanding the explicit
psychological factors coaches adopt to evaluate athlete ability.

When comparing more and less successful coaches on their utilization of the four SESS
sources, the results showed that regardless of win percentage, coaches prioritized
similar qualities in their evaluations (Becker & Solomon, 2005). However, athletes playing
for more successful coaches (win > 60%) were aware of the qualities coaches employed
to evaluate them; athletes playing for less successful coaches (win < 50%) were not able
to identify the criteria upon which they were being evaluated. This confirms evidence
from the Model of Great Coaching that it is not what coaches do (in this case, the sources
of evaluation used to evaluate athletes) but how they do it (which will be explored in step
2).

Step 2—Expectations Influence Coaching Behaviors

Empirical inquiry into step 2 of the cycle is primarily addressed by comparing the
quantity and quality of feedback coaches issue to their athletes. Case studies of highly
regarded and successful coaches from various sports and competitive levels have
indicated that these coaches utilize training and instruction more frequently than any
other coaching behavior (Bloom et al., 1999; Lacy & Darst, 1985; Segrave & Ciancio, 1990;
Tharp & Gallimore, 1976). Expectancy theorists hypothesize that high-expectancy
athletes will be afforded better and better quality instruction than their low-expectancy
counterparts (Solomon, 2010). These patterns of differential feedback are evidenced in
high school (Solomon, 2008b; Solomon, DiMarco, Ohlson, & Reece, 1998; Solomon,
Golden, Ciapponi, & Martin, 1998), college (Solomon, 2008b; Solomon & Kosmitzki, 1996;
Solomon, Striegel, et al., 1996), and elite levels of competition (Sinclair & Vealey, 1989).

Factors such as coaching experience (Solomon, DiMarco, et al., 1998) and player ethnicity
(Solomon, Wiegardt, et al., 1996) have not been found to influence quantity nor quality of
feedback to high- and low-expectancy athletes. However, coach status (head versus
assistant coach) had a significant impact on feedback patterns. Researchers found that
though head coaches followed the hypothesized pattern of issuing differential feedback
to high- and low-expectancy athletes, assistant coaches were more equitable in their
feedback (Solomon, Striegel, et al., 1996).

There also appears to be a discrepancy between coaches’ and athletes’ perceptions of

coach behaviors (Salminen, Liukkonen, & Telama, 1992; Serpa et al., 1991). Furthermore,
athletes are more accurate in their recall of coach feedback (Solomon, Striegel, et al.,
1996), whereas coaches are fairly inaccurate in their perceptions of their own feedback
(De Marco, Mancini, & Wuest, 1997). As team size increases, coaches’ accuracy decreases
as they have more personnel under their tutelage (Hansen & Gould, 1988).
6/10
Step 3—Perceptions of Coach Behavior Affects Athletes
Although a discrepancy exists between coaches’ and athletes’ impressions of coach
treatment, it is important to explore how perceptions of coach behavior affect athletes.
Both consciously and unconsciously, players become aware of differences in coach
behavior to high- and low-expectancy athletes. Coach behavior, via feedback, provides
information to the athletes regarding their level of perceived competence and
satisfaction (Allen & Howe, 1998). Coach feedback becomes competency information
informing athletes about their ability, effort, and future expectations (Amorose & Smith,
2003). Increased praise and instruction will lead to increased feelings of competence;
increased criticism leads to decreased competence (Black & Weiss, 1992). Furthermore,
positive coach behaviors (such as training and instruction, praise, and corrective
information) increase player satisfaction (Allen & Howe, 1998; Dwyer & Fischer, 1990;
Riemer & Chelladurai, 1995). Overall, the relevance of feedback depends on the skill
being learned, the effects of different types of feedback, and individual characteristics
(such as skill level) (Magill, 1994). Thus, it remains important for coaches to understand
how their feedback influences athlete perceptions and, ultimately, performance.

Step 4—Athlete Performance Conforms to Coach Expectations

With much of the expectancy literature focused on differential feedback patterns, few
studies have explored the actual impact of coach expectations on athlete performance.
In terms of the individual athlete, coaches have emphasized the importance of
confidence in achieving performance success (Gould, Guinan, Greenleaf, & Chung, 2002).
In addition, Solomon (2001) examined the relationship between coach perceptions and
athlete performance. Results demonstrated that coach evaluation of athlete confidence
was the only significant predictor of actual athletic ability. In a follow-up study, Solomon
(2002) replicated the study and obtained the same results.

Read full chapter

Definition of the situation: History of the Concept

Rainer Egloff, in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second
Edition), 2015

Merton's Definition of the Situation

While Thomas's ‘definition of the situation’ was more a methodological standpoint than a
theoretical concept and in its complexity and openness not easy to grasp, it was Robert
K. Merton, in his seminal 1948 article ‘The Self-Fulfilling Prophecy,’ who forged it into a
distinct theoretical proposition: the ‘Thomas theorem.’ “If men define a situation as real,
it becomes real in its consequence,” quoted Merton – obviously inspired by Kimball

7/10
Young – from Thomas and Thomas (1928), and made it the core of his own concept of
the ‘self-fulfilling prophecy.’ The more famous the latter became, the more Merton's take
also shaped further reception of the concept of the definition of the situation itself.

Whereas the ‘definition of the situation’ had been an integral part of Thomas's whole
approach, Merton singled it out as the centerpiece of Thomas' s work. Merton's ‘Thomas
theorem’ captured the definition of the situation in a most comprehensive way, making it
easily understood and communicated. Merton's adoption made the concept famous, but
in a peculiar version. This limited and distinctly shaped version became an asset in
Merton's search for middle range theory.

Merton adopted the concept in the context of his research on propaganda and mass
persuasion, and the self-fulfilling prophecy (opposite to ‘suicidal prophecy’) came to
exemplify a fundamental social problem: ethnic hostility. Formalized in relation with
several other concepts, particularly in-group and out-group, Merton emphasizes the
“predominant role of the in-group in defining the situation” (Merton, 1948: 208). While
putting Thomas on a pedestal for his seminal contribution, Merton saw the concept
mirroring a long tradition, and he identified the ‘Thomas theorem’ with positions set
forth by Marx, Freud, and others. By equalizing it with ideology, neurosis, and paranoid
behavior, Merton reduced the concept to prejudice and pathology, i.e., to a flawed
perception, which confirms itself by effecting confirming behaviors (Merton, 1948, 1995:
384f.). Thomas had treated ‘true’ and ‘false’ definitions methodologically equally.
Merton's programmatic reception of Thomas's concept was thus selective, implicating
that the subjective definition of situation was false or systemically dysfunctional:
“The self-fulfilling prophecy is, in the beginning, a false definition of the situation evoking
a new behavior which makes the originally false conception come true. The specious
validity of the self-fulfilling prophecy perpetuates a rein of error. For the prophet will cite
the actual course of events as proof that he was right from the very beginning” (Merton,
1948: 195).

Merton understood the self-fulfilling prophecy as a basic process of society, which

stabilized and reproduced power asymmetries between societal groups. While Merton's
concept was explicitly anchored in Thomas's, the earlier emphasis on social change in the
concept of the definition of the situation was moved to the background in the Mertonian
approach.

Read full chapter

Menopausal Sexuality
GLORIA A. BACHMANN, ... GARY A. EBERT, in Menopause, 2000

I. INTRODUCTION
Aging and menopause have often been misperceived as the end to the sexual vitality
8/10
and enjoyment of one's intimate relationships. Existence of cultural stereotypes about
menopause being the end to fertility and therefore the loss of sexuality have served as a
self-fulfilling prophecy. However, these notions of sexual retirement coinciding with
menopause are being disproved, not only in the realm of psychosocial research but also
at the anatomic and physiologic levels. Through the pioneering work of experts such as
Freud, Kinsey, Wolpe, and Masters and Johnson, it became clear that sexual dysfunction
is in the realm of medical pathology and that a global approach to both sexual function
and sexual dysfunction, especially in the menopausal years, is imperative. The belief that
sexual function is not a mere dimension of our personality and solely a product of our
psychosocial environment but as much of a natural endocrinologic and physiologic
process as respiratory, cardiac, or digestive systems was revolutionized by Masters and
Johnson [1]. This concept of sexuality, being of clinical importance and greatly impacted
by the overall physical, emotional, and psychological health of the person, has promoted
health care for menopausal women through the development of algorithms that address
sexual health issues.

When evaluating sexual function in the perimenopausal and menopausal woman, in

addition to marked endocrinologic changes there are a variety of nonhormonal changes
that usually occur during this transition; these temporal changes in personal life are an
adjunct to the factors that have determined a woman's sexual drive throughout her
lifetime. Therefore, even though menopause is a universal event, it would be difficult to
devise a model that would serve as a stereotype for the relationship between
menopause and sexual function for every woman. Instead, it is vital to review all of the
variables that play a role in overall sexual function, including the sex response cycle, the
pathophysiology of the menopause, the age at the menopause, the impact that aging
and menopause may produce, whether the menopause is natural or surgical, endocrine
factors, cultural and social influences, and various concurrent illnesses, as well as the
availability and sexual vitality of an intimate partner. This chapter presents the
foundation for addressing the intricate changes occuring at menopause that may impact
on sexual performance and the pharmacologic and counseling interventions that are
efficacious and can be offered to the aging subset of women.

Read full chapter

Bioethics: Genetics and Genomics

Ruth Chadwick, in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second
Edition), 2015

Children
The genetic testing and screening of children is acknowledged to be a special case. In
relation to children, the issues of autonomy are more complicated, where it might be the
parents' wish to have a child tested, because they want to know. The possibilities of
stigmatization and self-fulfilling prophecy are real issues for a child who is symptom free
9/10
but identified as being at risk of a late onset disorder. Hence there are strong arguments
for the view that children should not be tested for late onset disorders until they are
capable of deciding for themselves whether or not to be tested. The situation is different
where there are potentially life threatening or life limiting disorders which can be treated
in childhood, where the expectation would be that parents should opt for treatment as
they would with any other illness.

Read full chapter

The Expanding Scope of Gen-Ethics

Ruth Chadwick, in Genomics and Society, 2016

Children
The genetic testing and screening of children has long been acknowledged to be a special
case [5]. In relation to children, the issues of autonomy are more complicated, where it
might be the parents’ wish to have a child tested, because they want to know. The
possibilities of stigmatization and self-fulfilling prophecy are real issues for a child who is
symptom free but identified as being at risk of a late onset disorder. Hence there are
strong arguments for the view that children should not be tested for late onset disorders
until they are capable of deciding for themselves whether or not to be tested. The
situation is different where there are potentially life-threatening or life-limiting disorders
which can be treated in childhood, where the expectation would be that parents should
opt for treatment as they would with any other illness.

Read full chapter

10/10