ANALYSIS OF STREET PANHANDLING IN LAGOS

METROPOLIS, NIGERIA

BY

Adeolu Philips AKINLABI

B.Tech URP Ladoke Akintola University of Technology Ogbomoso
139054017

BEING A THESIS PROPOSAL SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF URBAN

AND REGIONAL PLANNING FACULTY OF THE ENVIRONMENTAL SCIENCES
UNIVERSITY OF LAGOS IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE AWARD OF
MASTER OF SCIENCE (M.Sc.) DEGREE IN URBAN AND REGIONAL PLANNING

SUPERVISOR

DR. A.A. ABEGUNDE

DATE

NOVEMBER, 2016

ii 
 
 CERTIFICATION

This is to certify that Adeolu Philips AKINLABI, registration number 139054017 of

the Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of Environmental Sciences,
University of Lagos Nigeria has satisfactorily carried out his Master of Science
(M.sc) dissertation on Analysis of Street Panhandling in Lagos Metropolis under the
supervision of;

………………………………………. …… ……………………
DR. A.A. ABEGUNDE Date
Project Supervisor

………………………………………. …… ……………………
DR. M. E. AGUNBIADE Date
The Postgraduate Coordinator

………………………………………. …… ……………………
PROF. A. O. ODUWAYE Date
Head of Department

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 DEDICATION

This work is dedicated to Almighty GOD for His provision and protection over my life
throughout the programme.

iv 
 
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

My utmost gratitude goes to the Almighty, the invisible and the only wise GOD, for
His goodness, kindness and unmerited favour in the course of this study. Special
appreciation goes to my indefatigable supervisor, Dr Albert Abegunde for his
impartation of knowledge, constructive ideas and supports for the success of this
project; indeed you are a great man and may GOD continue to bless you. My
appreciation goes to my wife Adeola Grace, for your support in every aspect to the
success of this research, thank you dear, love you more. I appreciate the support of
my parents Dn and Mrs P.A Akinlabi for their supports over the years. May GOD
spare your lives to enjoy the fruits of your labour. I appreciate my uncle and boss Mr
David Ogunkan who provided insight and expertise that greatly assisted the research, the
loving-kindness of GOD will never cease on your life. This script of gratitude will never
be completed without mentioning my dynamic siblings Christiana (Mum Ayo),
Richard, George, Cecilia and Ayomide, thank you so much for your support in
various ways.
I am indebted to Mr Yinka Rufai, Isaiah Adeyemi, Tayo Adeyemi, Ojeleye Olufemi,
Oyewole Seun, Ogunleye Seun and Taiwo Olaniyan for assistance on field works, analyses
and comments that greatly improved the manuscript.
Lastly, to the people that contributed in various ways to the success of my
programme, Mrs Bola Fasasi, Pastor Kunle, Mr Gbenga Shonde, Mr Segun Amusan,
Mr Philip Nwemere, Arc Mike Babalola, Famola Taiwo, Oluwaseun Coker, Fasipe
Oluyemi, Khaldoun Hamzeh and Elie Chidiac (My Boss) thank you very much and
GOD bless you all.

AKINLABI A.P
2016

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Cover Page i
Title Page ii
Certification iii
Dedication iv
Acknowledgements v
Table of contents vi
List of tables x
List of figures xii
List of plates xiii
Abstract xiv

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the study 2

1.2 Statement of research problem 3
1.2.1 Research questions 6
1.3 Justification of study 6
1.4 Aim and objectives 8
1.5 Scope of study 9
1.6 The study area 9

CHAPTER TWO

CONCEPTUAL, THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS AND LITERATURE REVIEW

2.2 Conceptual Framework 18

2.2.1 The Concept of Socio-Spatial Dialectic 18
2.2.2 The Concept of Poverty 20
2.2.3 The Concept of Environment 22

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 2.3 Theoretical Framework 23
2.3.1 The Theory of Environmental Determinism 24
2.3.2 The Land-Use Theory 26
2.3.3 Vicious Circle of Poverty 29
2.4 Literature Review 32

CHAPTER 3

METHODOLOGY

3.1 Research Design 45

3.2 Types and Sources of Data 45
3.2.1 Sources of Data 45
3.2.2 Primary Sources of Data 45
3.2.3 Secondary Sources of Data 46
3.3 Target Population and Units of Analysis 46
3.3.1 Conceptualization of the Research Population 46
3.4 Research Area 50
3.5 Sample Frame and Sample Size 51
3.5.1 Sample Frame 51
3.5.2 Sample Size 51
3.6 Research Instrument 53

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 3.7 Method of Data Collection 55
3.8 Choice, Definition and Treatment of Variables 58
3.9 Data Analysis 60
3.9.1 Descriptive Statistics 60
3.9.2 Inferential Statistics 60

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS

4.1 Introduction 62
4.2 Incidence and Spatial Distributions of Panhandling 62
4.3 Socio- Economic, Physical and Cultural Characteristics of Panhandlers in the
Study Area 84
4.4 The Locational and Socio-Physical Characteristics of the Environments Where
Street Panhandlers Are Found 105
4.5 Residents’ Perception of Panhandling 111
4.6 Key Informant Interview (KII) 120

CHAPTER FIVE

CONCLUSION

5.1 Introduction 124

5.2 Summary of Findings 124
5.2.1 Incidence and Spatial Dimensions of Street Panhandling 124
5.2.2 Socio-economic, physical and cultural attributes of street panhandlers 126
5.2.3 Residents’ Perceptions 129

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 5.2.4 The Locational and Socio-Physical Characteristics of the Environment
where Street Panhandlers Are Found 130
5.3 Urban and Regional Planning Implication of the Study 131
5.4 Conclusion 132
5.5 Recommendations 132
5.6 The Existing Gap / Contribution to Knowledge 138
REFERENCES 140
APPENDICES             145 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

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 LIST OF TABLES

3.1 Population Distributions of Street Panhandlers across the Identified Clusters in

Lagos Metropolis 47
3.2 Population of residents of the environments where street panhandlers were found
in Lagos Metropolis 49
3.3 Activity Nuclei within the identified Clusters 50
3.4 Sample size of Street Panhandlers 52
3.5 Sample size of residents of the environments where street panhandlers were found
in Lagos Metropolis 52
4.1a Street Panhandlers’ enumeration result in Lagos metropolis 63
4.1b Land use distributions of street panhandlers 64
4.1c Land Use Pattern of Street Panhandlers 66
4.3a Nationality of panhandlers in relation to Gender 84
4.3b Education of panhandlers in relation to their Ethnicity 84
4.3bi Correlations of Ethnicity and Religion of panhandlers 87
4.3c Education of panhandlers in relation to gender 88
4.3d Body Physique of panhandlers 89
4.3e Types of disability in relation to gender 90
4.3f Resumption and closing time of panhandlers 91
4.3g closing time for panhandling in relation to land use 92
4.3h Closing time from panhandling in relation to gender of the panhandlers 93
4.3i Nature of practicing panhandling in the study area 94
4.3i Disability in relation to where the panhandlers toilet 95
4.3j Gender in relation to where the panhandlers sleep 96
4.3k Panhandlers’ preference of location for begging activity 97
4.3l Panhandlers’ level of agreement on the profitable day and time for begging98
4.3m Panhandlers’ experiences in the place of begging 99
4.3n Panhandlers reason for choice of locations within the clusters 101
4.3o ANOVA: Comparison of socio-economic characteristics of street panhandlers
among the clusters 103
4.4a Physical Characteristics of the Clusters 106

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 4.4b ANOVA: Comparison of the clusters physical characteristics 107
4.5a Residents’ perceptions of causes of panhandling in their environment 111
4.5b Perceived attractors of panhandlers by the residents 113
4.5c The residents’ perception of effects of panhandling on their environment 115
4.5d How do you perceived panhandling in your environment 117
4.5e ANOVA: Comparison of each resident’s response to the perception of
panhandling 118
4.5f ANOVA: Effect of Panhandlers’ Level of Disability on Their Socio-Economic,
Physical and Cultural Characteristics 119

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 LIST OF FIGURES

1.1 Location of Nigeria in Africa 15

1.2 Location of Lagos State in Nigeria 16
1.3 Location of the Study Area in Lagos Metropolis 17
2.1 Concentric theory of Burgess 27
2.2 Sector theory of Hoyt 28
2.3 Multiple nuclei theory of Harris and Ullman 28
2.4 The vicious cycle of poverty and mental ill-health 29
2.5 A circular way the negative cycle linking disability, poverty and vulnerability 31
2.6 Rationality and Consequences of Panhandling 40
3.1 Locations of the Identified Street Panhandlers’ Cluster in Lagos Metropolis 58
4.1 Land use distributions of street panhandlers 64
4.2a Spatial distributions and pattern of street panhandlers in Agege cluster 68
4.2b Spatial distributions and pattern of street panhandlers in Ebute Metta cluster71
4.2c Spatial distributions and pattern of street panhandlers in Ikotun cluster 73
4.2d Spatial distributions and pattern of street panhandlers in Obalende cluster 75
4.2e Spatial distributions and pattern of street panhandlers in Mushin 76
4.2 Average income of the panhandlers 85
4.3 Religion of panhandlers 86
4.4 Physical Appearance of the panhandlers in the study area 89
4.5 Nature of practicing panhandling in the study area 94

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 LIST OF PLATES

4.1 Cross section of panhandlers along railway line in Agege 69

4.2 Some of the informal sectors along the railway line that encourages the presence
of panhandlers in Agege cluster 70
4.3 Street panhandlers at the cul-de-sac of the Kano Street in Ebute Metta cluster 72
4.4 Cross section of panhandlers at the middle of the road along Ijegun road, Ikotun74
4.5 Section of non-disable panhandlers along Isolo road, Mushin market 78
4.6 Section of panhandlers at the front of a commercial facility along Isolo road,
Mushin 79
4.7 Section of street panhandler at Arolahun, Toll gate Mushin Cluster 81
4.8 Street panhandlers at Malam Gana junction, Idi Araba LUTH cluster 82
4.9 Street panhandlers at the front of Mosque at Idi Araba LUTH cluster 83
4.10 A panhandler sits at the edge of road in the evening along Shokunbi junction,
Mushin 93
4.11 Hausa Community at the back of NIPOST Headquarters in Obalende cluster 108
4.12 Panhandlers protecting themselves from Sunshine along Obalende road 109
4.13 The environment where street panhandlers are found in Toll gate Mushin 109
4.14 Hausas sorting wastes along the railways line in Agege cluster 110

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 ABSTRACT

Following the observation of increasing incidence of street panhandling in

Nigerian urban centers, this study examines the locational, spatial, environmental, socio-
economic and socio-cultural characteristics of street panhandlers in Lagos metropolis.
The study seeks to analyze the incidence, prevalence rate and variations in the
phenomenon. This is with a view to suggesting appropriate policy and sustainable
programmes to ameliorate the menace of street panhandling in Nigerian cities.
Data on incidence of street panhandling were obtained through the method of
direct counting which was done on four different days of the week within defined activity
nuclei purposively selected across some areas of the city. Data on socio-economic and
socio-cultural characteristics of street panhandlers were obtained through administration
of questionnaire based on 5% of the observed incidence of street panhandlers measured
with an index “Relative Incidence of Street Panhandlers” (RISP) developed for the
purpose. Information on environmental implications of street panhandling was obtained
using the method of “Key Informant Interview” (KII) on selected residents around the
defined clusters. Questionnaire was also administered to obtain information from 10% of
the residents observed within the selected cluster for more information on the impacts of
panhandling on their environments.
Cross tabulation was used to analyze the socio-economic, socio-cultural and other
demographic characteristics of street panhandlers amongst the observed clusters.
Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) was used to analyze the variation in physical
characteristics of the activity nuclei with f-value of 0746 and p-value of 0.615, the
physical characteristics of the places where panhandlers are found across the identified
clusters are not statistically vary, majority of the places were dirty and unorganized.
Likert scale was employed to analyze the locational characteristics of the place where
panhandlers are found, where transportation land use recorded the highest incidence of
panhandling amongst the land uses identified. Likert scale was also employed to obtained
information on the perception of the residents of panhandling in their environment, with
the index of 5.40 and positive deviation of 1.17, it shows that panhandlers contribute to
wastes being generated in the observed activity nuclei. More information on the

xiv 
 
 environmental implications of street panhandling were analyzed using content Analysis,
obtained through the “Key Informant Interview” (KII).
However, the study reveals there is correlation between street panhandling and
such issues as poverty, unorganized environment and dirt. Again, the study shows that the
activities of street panhandlers obstruct free flow of traffic in some of the clusters (for
both vehicular and pedestrians), generates shanty environment and constitute serious
environmental eyesore.
The study therefore, recommends effective land use planning and management,
police power efficacy of the physical planning department to tackle the incidence of
informal activities that attracts and encourages panhandling along the transportation
corridors and development of a sustainable vocational driven rehabilitation centers for the
panhandlers

xv 
 
 CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY

Panhandling otherwise known as begging is the act of asking for money, food and

any item of value for which the value will not be reciprocated proportionately. In other

words, it is seen as the practice of imploring others to grant a favour, often a gift of

money, with little or no expectation of reciprocation (Leonid, 2012; Chukwulobe, 2011).

Bryson (2004) explained it as gathering of alms as the solicitation of a voluntary

unilateral gift – most often – money – in public place, while Namwata, et al. (2011), saw

it as an act to simply ask people for money, food, clothes to mention but few, as a gift or

charity or without as exchange of services in a public place. Thus, panhandling, in

relation to this study is synonymous to street-begging.

Panhandling is said to be common to every region of the world, though with

difference perspectives. Some cities were identified in the United States and Mexico as

having a significant level of begging activity (Fabregas, 1971; Smith, 2005). Cities in

China, particularly Shanghai have been described as homes of different categories of

panhandlers (Including the poor, disabled, homeless and the professional beggars), which

are described as ‘Liumin’ (floating people) or ‘Youmin’ (wanderers) according to

Hanchai and Lu, (1999). The incidence of panhandling is also reported in Luxembourg

and Finland (Jonny, 2010), South Africa (Stones, 2013) and Tanzania (Namwata, et al.

2011) among others. That begging is ubiquitous in prevalence is an indication that

poverty and poor environment exist in every region and this poses challenges to urban

development. That could be why Eyo and Usoro (2007) viewed panhandling as a national
malady that eats into the fabrics of social, economic, religious, political and educational

structure. It is a complex social problem which has multidimensional impacts on social

life and environment. It also has psychological and health impacts on the beggars and

residents of where they are found. Aesthetically, it gives bad image to the town, acts as

“human litter” on land uses and their activities where panhandlers roam or settle. The

latter effect must be why Siferaw (2011) said that it negatively affects the town’s tourism

activity and devalue the socio-cultural, physical, environmental and economic qualities of

affected communities. These ought to attract the interest of urban planners in third world

nation; because the street panhandling exist within the spatial structure; hence this study.

Adedibu, (1971), an early indigenous scholar on this, opined that the problem of

panhandling is more pronounced in the third world countries, particularly the sub-

Saharan countries such as Tanzania, Ethiopia and Nigeria, not to mention but few. In lieu

of this, Jelili, (2006) found that the problem is more pronounced in the urban centres,

based on the study carried out in Nigeria. It was also discovered that the more urbanized

a town or city is in Nigeria, the higher the potential beggars attracted to or generated by

it. Considering the level of its prevalence in the country, the situation of panhandling and

its locational effects in Nigerian cities has not secured adequate attention of urban and

regional planners who are saddled with the socio-physical development of cities,

especially in Lagos, the most populous city in sub-Saharan Africa. As evident in the

public places in the environment, panhandlers are found at motor parks, religious centres,

filling stations, markets, road junctions, venue of ceremonies, air and sea ports, major

inter-country borders among others, begging for alms (Ojo, 2005). Studies conducted by

Ogunkan and Fawole (2009) and Namwata, et al.(2011) further confirmed this.

2
 In addition to the locational effects of panhandling in public places is the results

of the work of Jelili, (2006) revealed that it also has environmental implications.

According to him, effects are not only seen in panhandlers’ tendency to obstruct free flow

of human and vehicular traffic but also their high tendency to generate dirty materials

either as waste or as parts of their belongings to their regular routes and stations. Along

this line, Ayobami, (2013) and Olufowobi, (2014) believed that panhandlers constitute

nuisance and contribute to the poor physical environment in the places where they are

found. Some beggars are noted to always litter their surrounding with faeces, urine,

papers and nylons.

Various Scholars have studied the incidence of panhandling and its attributes such

as their socio-economic characteristics. Others have linked the problem of panhandling to

a number of factors such as poverty (Adedibu, 1989; Jelili, 2006) religion (Hanchao,

1999) physical disability (Fabregas, 1971; Adedibu, 1989; Jelili, 2006) and culture

(Adedibu, 1989, Jelili, 2006). However, most of these studies have not emphasized on

their locational characteristics, spatial-distribution, environmental conditions and

residents’ perceptions to these in their built environment, particularly in Lagos where this

study is situated (Campbell, 2012). Thus, in order to contribute to knowledge and to

make information available on panhandling for the decision makers, this study aims at

examining the prevalence, locational variation of panhandling in Lagos, Nigeria.

1.2 STATEMENT OF RESEARCH PROBLEM

One of the highly visible socio-economic and physical problems of most cities in

Nigeria is the increasing incidence of panhandling. According to Ogunkan and Jelili

3
(2010), an ineffective land use planning in majority of the urban centers in Nigeria

contributed to the incidence of street panhandling. Most of these poverty-ridden and at

times mentally-derailed street persons have taken the advantage of the anomic situation

of most urban centres to remain permanent residents (legal or illegal) of these cities,

according to Adedibu and Jelili (2011).Some authors have closely examined the factors

influencing panhandling in Nigerian cities. These include: physical disability,

unemployment, religious belief, old age, lack of caring relatives, and lack of

rehabilitation centers. Others are poverty, uncontrolled migration, lack of education,

place of origin, lack of adequate residence accident, and acceptability of begging in

society (Adedibu, 1989; Jelili, 2006; Elombah, 2011; Bulksa, 2013; Bukoye, 2014). The

National Council for Welfare of Destitute (NCWD, 2001) also identified six reasons for

panhandling, these are lack of parental / guardian support, lack of parental / guardian

neglect, poverty, disability, socio - cultural misconception, and lack of parental

education. These studies revealed incidences of panhandling but lacked specific

references to their locational characteristics in the built environment.

In the same vein, Ogunkan and Fawole (2009) study on the topic was based on the

incidence and socio-economic dimensions of begging in Nigerian Cities. The study was

aimed at identifying the incidence of panhandling on daily basis in the study area and

socio-economic characteristics of this in the area. However, the issue on the physical

characteristics of the environment where they were found and their spatial distribution in

the study area was not reflected in the study. So, this is what the study intends to

investigate.

4
 Yusuf, et al (2012) work was closely relevant to this study in that they

investigated the patterns of the street begging, support services and vocational aspirations

of the people living with disabilities. The study revealed various locations where the

disabled panhandlers are found, such as entrance of stores, super markets and petrol

stations amongst others. However, the research did not cover the aspect of non-disable

panhandlers and the environmental conditions of the areas where they are found, ditto the

level at which the incidence of panhandling has affected residents in the locations in the

discourse. These are to be attended to in this study.

Along this line, Osa-edoh and Ayano (2012) also worked on the prevalence of

street begging in Nigeria, while Bukoye (2014) worked on the prevalence and

consequences of street begging among adults and children in Nigeria. These studies

focused on the causes of street begging, where the beggars can be found and the

consequences of street begging. Nevertheless, the consequences of street begging on the

physical environment of the locations where the beggars were found in their studies were

handled at surficial level because the researchers were not urban and regional planners.

There is a limit at which sociologists and anthropologists can conduct researchers that

have spatial implications; hence there is need for urban and regional planners’

perspectives on the incidence.

Many other past studies (Jelili, 2006; Ogunkan and Fawole, 2009; Olaosun, 2009;

Adedibu and Jelili, 2011; Baltazar, et al 2011; Baltazar, et al 2012; Yusuf, et al, 2012;

Jelili, 2013; Onoyase, 2013; Bukoye, 2014 ) exist in the literature on panhandling. As

significant shortcoming of these works, irrespective of their focuses and findings is that

none of them focused on Lagos State which is regarded as the most urbanized city in

5
Nigeria (Ayeni, 1974; Campbell, 2012). This present research work is to assess the

socio-economic attributes of these beggars, where they are found and why. It is expected

to examine the spatial pattern of these panhandlers, their locational characteristics and the

public perception of the panhandling in the community and the environmental condition

of the place where the Panhandlers are being found.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

With the problems aforementioned, the following research questions are generated for

this study;

- What is the spatial distribution of street panhandling in the study area?

- What are the socio-economic, socio-cultural and physical characteristics of street

Panhandlers in the study area?

- What are the locational and socio-physical characteristics of the environment

where panhandlers are found?

- What are the residents’ perceptions of panhandling in their environment and the

environmental effects of panhandling on their environment?

1.3 JUSTIFICATION OF STUDY

Recent studies have stressed the needs to take issue of panhandling as a very

important one in the growth of our city. Lynch (2005) and Jelili (2013) opined that

panhandling or reliance on panhandling may not drastically reduce unless measures are

taken to distort the cycle. In order to eradicate this anti-social behaviour in Nigeria, the

studies suggested that government at all levels should be proactive to the issue of

6
panhandling by approving disability bill and implementing it to the full and there should

be no discrimination against them in all ramifications of life, while Yusuf (2012),

Ogunkan and Fawole (2009); Amman, (2006) also supported the argument, that the

menace of panhandling is a potential threat to the socio-economic survival of the human

environment and there is urgent needs to tackle the situation by the various stakeholders.

Ayobami, (2013) and Olufowobi, (2014) are of the strong opinions that panhandlers

constitute nuisance and contribute to the poor physical environment in the places where

they are found. Some of them are noted to always litter their surrounding with faeces,

urine, papers and nylons.

According to Namwata, et al.(2010), panhandling is recognized and cast as a

‘problem’ by diverse stakeholders, including the media, politicians, retailers and traders,

law enforcement officers and agencies, welfare and social service providers, the general

public and the panhandlers themselves. Each of them has a common interest in reducing

the menace of panhandling. Though, there are limits to what the agencies and bodies

aforementioned can do to halt or eradicate the prevalence of the panhandling if there are

no genuine data and right information based on the subject. Majority of the scholars that

have provided the available information are the sociologists and anthropologists, whereby

the data related to the spatiotemporal, environmental condition and locational

characteristics of the panhandlers are not extremely insufficient. This is why there is need

for the urban and regional planner to focus attention on the discourse.

Adedibu and Jelili (2011) argued that the incidence of panhandling is related to

urbanization and land use and it is believed that attempts to get rid of panhandlers from

the streets should not be without recourse to physical planning. This implies that the

7
urban planner has very important role to play in halting the prevalence of panhandling in

the urban settlements.

Ojo, (2005) discovered that it is no sooner that some of the state governments in

the Nigeria evacuated the panhandlers from their major city than they re-appear. This is

believed to be as a result of the forceful evacuation of the panhandlers which only ‘shifts’

or ‘redistributes’ the activity among Nigerian cities, but never addresses the reasons why

they take to panhandling and most importantly, what to be done to get them leave the

street. More so, most of the forcefully evacuated panhandlers tend to resurface when the

policy is relaxed a bit according Adedibu and Jelili, 2011). The numbers of panhandlers

recorded in 2009 in Lagos state according to the Lagos Bureau of statistic (2011) is more

than 3000. In 2014 as well, the state government removed more than 2000 panhandlers

from the streets in the state. And it returned close to 500 destitute to other states of the

federation (Vanguard newspaper, www.vanguardngr.com), while in the last quarter of

2014 in spite of the state’s effort to end panhandling, more panhandlers still troop into the

state daily and this also lead to another exercise to remove more panhandlers from the

streets. These imply that there is urgent need for attention on the prevalence of

panhandling that will involve planning oriented approach in Lagos state.

1.4 AIM AND OBJECTIVES

AIM

This study aimed at assessing the prevalence of and locational variation in street

panhandling in Lagos Metropolis, with a view of providing planning oriented information

8
 to policy makers on street begging to attain aesthetically pleasing and healthy

environment.

OBJECTIVES

The objectives of this study are to;

i. investigate the incidence and spatial distribution of street panhandling in Lagos

metropolis

ii. evaluate socio-economic, socio-cultural and physical characteristics of street panhandlers

in Lagos metropolis

iii. assess the locational and socio-physical characteristics of the environment where

panhandlers are found in Lagos metropolis

iv. examine the residents’ perceptions of panhandling in their environment and the

environmental effects of panhandling on their environment in Lagos metropolis

1.5 SCOPE OF STUDY

The study covered some selected street panhandlers’ clusters within the Lagos Metropolis

which include the following areas; Mushin, Ebute Metta, Agege, Obalende and Ikotun.

These areas are selected based on the observed incidence of panhandling etc. The areas

are shown in figure 1.3 (Location of the study areas within the Lagos Metropolis).

1.6 THE STUDY AREA

The Location

Nigeria is located in the Western part of Africa, bordering the Gulf of Guinea,

lying between 4° to 14°N and 2° to 15°E of Greenwich (Adeleke, 2003). See in figure

1.1, while Lagos is located in south-western Nigeria and it lies approximately between

latitudes 60 23′N and 60 41′N and longitudes 20 42′E and 30 42′E. The 180 km long

9
Atlantic coastline forms the Southern boundary of the state while its Northern and

Eastern boundaries are shared with Ogun State. On the Western side, the Republic of

Benin borders the boundary (Balogun et al., 1999). See figure 1.2. Lagos Metropolis

occupies 2,910sq.km out of the 3,577 sq. km land area of the whole Lagos State. The

local governments are – Agege, Alimosho, Apapa, Amuwo-Odofin, EtiOsa, Ikeja, Ifako-

Ijaiye, Kosofe, Lagos Island, Lagos Mainland, Surulere, Mushin, Oshod-iIsolo, Ojo and

Somolu (Lagos State 2003 digest).See figure 1.3.

Socio – economic lifestyle of the people in Lagos State

Lagos state is inhabited predominantly by the Aworis and Eguns who are Yorubas

in Ikeja and Badagry divisions respectively. Generally her ethnic configuration is diverse

with Yorubas constituting 65%, Hausa 15%, Igbo 15% and others 5% (Lagos State

website, 2006). Until recently, Lagos served as the federal capital of the country. She also

serves as the industrial and commercial hub of the country with a gross national product

(GNP) that triples that of any other West African country (Lagos state government,

2006). It therefore, attracts a good number of in-migrant and immigrant settlers.

Since the days of the Portuguese Slave Traders and particularly with the

construction of the Lagos ports and railways, Lagos has emerged pre-eminently as the

economic, financial, commercial and industrial nerve-center of Nigeria. Lagos is

Nigeria's economic focal point, generating a significant portion of the country's GDP.

Most commercial and financial business is carried out in the central business

district situated on the island. This is also where most of the country's commercial banks,

financial institutions, and major corporations are headquartered. Lagos has one of the

highest standards of living in Nigeria and in Africa.

10
 The Port of Lagos is Nigeria's leading port and one of the largest and busiest in

Africa. It is administered by the Nigerian Ports Authority and it is split into three main

sections: Lagos port, in the main channel next to Lagos Island, Apapa Port (site of the

container terminal) and Tin Can Port, both located in Badagry Creek, which flows into

Lagos Harbour from the west. The port features a railhead.

The port has seen growing amounts of crude oil exported, with export figures

rising between 1997 and 2000. Oil and petroleum products provide 14% of GDP and

90% of foreign exchange earnings in Nigeria as a whole.

According to Agbola (1997), the social heterogeneity of Lagos is reflected in the

residential pattern. The urban class structure affects residential patterns in different

degrees, depending on ethnicity, kinship, and time of settlement. Class and ethnicity tend

to be inversely proportional among higher income groups and directly proportional

among lower income groups. Put another way, the higher one’s income, the less

important it is to live with one’s ethnic group. The lower one’s income, the more

important it becomes to reside with one’s own ethnic or communal group. However, this

generalization applies to all but one significant section of Lagos community — the

traditional quarter of the city. In sections of Lagos Island, where over 75 per cent of the

residents are indigenes, kinship is still a very prominent criterion of residential location,

and in many cases it supersedes class considerations.

The phenomenon of the urban ghetto is apparent in the Lagos inner city, as is the

case in many Western cities; for exactly the opposite reasons. In Britain or the USA for

instance, urban ghettos result from a middle-class exodus and a lower-class influx.

Conversely, in Lagos, the inner city is dominated by land owning native-born residents

11
living in the heart of the city which has accommodated their families for generations.

These indigenes form a lower-class, while the urban migrants who provide most of the

skilled labour for the commercial and industrial sectors of the metropolitan economy, are

forced to reside in the peri-urban areas of the city

Consequently, the social divisions existing in Lagos are exacerbated by the spatial

distribution of the separate social groups. In sum, the contemporary metropolis is a

community of basic contradictions and various orders of differentiation. Its modernity is

anchored on a strong base of tradition; its prosperity rests on pillars of poverty; its

cosmopolitanism cloaks a society of provincial groupings. Perhaps, most contradictory of

all, the oldest and most solidified segment of the metropolis is, essentially, an urban

village which still retains the traditional characteristics of ethnic homogeneity, communal

land tenure, close kinship ties, and primary group relationships. Lagos, indeed, has dual

character.

Incidence of disability and begging in Lagos State

Adejumo and Oyedepo, (2011) posited that the situation of street begging in

Nigeria is appreciated with different categories of beggars found at motor parks, religious

worship centres, markets, road junctions, venue of ceremonies and worst still on the

university campuses. The situation is quite embarrassing with efforts of Lagos state

governments in curbing the menace of street begging not yielding fruits

Chinwe, (2012) observed that as the pace of urbanization and urban growth

speeds up, Lagos State government’s capacity to manage the consequences of undesirable

urban trends decreases due to inadequate spending on human and institutional capacities,

services delivery, adequate and affordable housing and job opportunities. The social,

12
economic and environmental effects of these failures fall heavily on the poor, who are

excluded from the benefits of urban prosperity. Among the symptoms of over-

urbanization in Lagos are slum and squatter settlements proliferation, high

unemployment rates, social polarization, incidence of panhandling and crime amongst

others.

The continuous exercise of Lagos State Government in evacuating panhandlers

from the mega-city is considered fruitful by many, it is believed here that the approach is

not in any way positive (Ojo, 2005). It is no sooner that some of the state governments in

the federation (Nigeria) evacuated the panhandlers from the city than they re-appear (Ojo,

2005). This is believed to be as a result of forceful evacuation which only ‘shifts’ or ‘re-

distributes’ the activity among Nigerian cities, but never addresses the reasons why they

take to panhandling and most importantly, what to be done to get them leave the street.

More so, most of the forcefully evacuated panhandlers tend to resurface when the policy

is relaxed a bit (Ojo, 2005; Adedibu and Jelili, 2011). The numbers of panhandlers

recorded in 2009 in Lagos state according to the Lagos Bureau of statistic (2011) is more

than 3000. In the last quarter of 2014, Lagos state discovered that, in spite of the state’s

effort to end panhandling, more panhandlers still troop into the state daily and this also

lead to another exercise to remove more panhandlers from the streets. Some of the

beggars are returned back to their various home states while some are taken to the

rehabilitation centers.

Lagos State has functioning programs for beggars, the destitute, the mentally

impaired, and persons with physical disabilities. Two of such centres are:

1) Rehabilitation & Training Center, Owutu, Ikorodu

13
 2) Vocational Training Centre for the Disabled, Owutu

Poverty in Lagos State

Lagos is the most populous state in Nigeria with over five per cent of the national

population estimate. Ironically, it is the smallest state in terms of land mass; the state has

an area of 356,861 hectares of which 75,755 hectares are wetlands. Interestingly, of this

population, Metropolitan Lagos, an area covering 37% of the land area of Lagos State is

home to over 85% of the State population making it a densely populated state. UN

estimated that Lagos state will be third largest mega city in the world by 2015 after

Tokyo in Japan and Bombay in India, with a population nearing 30 million!

According to the World Bank and DFID, Lagos’ 2009 GDP is estimated at

N4.163tn. Lagos which is a mega-city is the largest contributor to the national GDP at

18%. Lagos’ GDP ranks 6th after Cairo ($98 billion); Johannesburg ($79 billion); Cape

Town ($75 billion). Its GDP equals that of Kenya ($29.5 billion) which has a higher

population (30million) than Lagos. Lagos boasts of a higher GDP than Cameroun ($20.6

billion), Cote d’ ivoire ($19.6 billion) and Ghana ($15.2 billion) which have populations

of 19, 21 and 24 million people respectively.

The South-west zone of Nigeria is the most prosperous part of the country.

According to National Bureau of Statistics Poverty Profile 2012 which studied poverty

incidences nationwide using 2009 and 2010 data, poverty is classified in four categories;

absolute poverty (based on daily food intake), relative poverty (determined by household

expenditure) and purchasing power parity (dollar per day). 59.1% of the people in the

region live above poverty line which is appreciable given the humongous 77.7% in the

14
 North-West region that live well below poverty lines. 50.1% of people in the South-West

survive on about a dollar a day while only 25.4% are absolutely (food) poor which are

impressive compared to other states in the country. Gini coefficients are used to measure

income inequalities and in Lagos, a co-efficient of -26.2% indicates a decrease in income

inequalities within Lagos State between 2003 and 2010 - something the governors should

be proud of! Lagos has the highest percentage in Nigeria (85.4%) of people who can feed

themselves. Statistics also indicate that 40.8% of the populations in Lagos live above

poverty lines.

Figure 1.1 Location of Nigeria in Africa

Source: World Atlas, 2015

15
Figure 1.2 Location of Lagos State in Nigeria
Source: World Atlas, 2015

16
Figure 1.3 Location of the Study Area in Lagos Metropolis
Source: Lagos State Bureau of Statistics, 2015

17
 CHAPTER TWO

CONCEPTUAL, THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS AND LITERATURE

REVIEW

2.1 INRODUCTION

This section explains and clarifies some concepts that are related to street panhandling. It

also examines the anchored theories and explains how they relate to street panhandlers

phenomenon. In addition, a review of the past works on the subject matter us undertaken.

2.2 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

The concepts adopted in this study are as elucidated below.

2.2.1 The Concept of Socio-Spatial Dialectic

The concept of socio-spatial dialectic is coined by Soja (1980) to describe a continuous

two-way process in which people create and modify urban spaces while at the same time

being conditioned in various ways by the spaces in which they live and work. This

concept marked the return of space to its proper place in critical social theory after a

century of its subordination. Soja (1980) argues that urban spaces are created by people

and they draw their character from people that inhabit them. As people live and work in

urban spaces, they gradually impose themselves on their environment, modifying and

adjusting it, as best as they can, to suit their needs and express their value. Yet at the

same time people themselves gradually adjust both to their physical environment and to

the people around them. He describes this relationship as socio-spatial dialectic.

18
Socio-spatial dialectic provides an insight to the relationship and their physical and social

environment. It focuses on how the physical and social environment shapes people’s lives

and also on how people influence the surrounding environment thereby giving credence

to the statement of Commoner (1971) that everything is connected to everything else.

Soja’s socio-spatial dialectic suggests that dialectic is no longer tied to temporality.

Building on the work of Soja (1980), Dear and Wolch (1989) recognize three principal

aspects of socio-spatial dialectic as:

(i) Instances wherein social relations are constituted through space, as when site

characteristics influence the arrangement of settlements.

(ii) Instances wherein social relations are constrained by space such as inertia

imposed by obsolete built environment, or the degree to which the physical environment

facilitate or hinders human activity.

(iii) Instances wherein social relations are mediated by space, as when the general

action of the friction of distance facilitates the development of a wide variety of social

practices, including pattern of everyday life.

Soja (1980) argues that space was in some ways homological to class structure, in this

wise, the concept plays a crucial role in the explanation of a multitude of social sins that

have distinctive patterns of intra-urban variation such as prostitution, suicide, trasicy,

delinquency etc. most aspects of social behaviour (of which street panhandling is one)

seem to exhibit a definite spatial pattern of some sort, rather than being randomly

distributed across the city (Knox and Pinch, 2000).

19
This suggests that physical and social attributes vary across the city. Therefore, the

interplay between people and their environment provides varying social behavior. It can

thus be said that the interplay of the people in poverty ridden environment produces street

panhandlers. While the interplay of the people in an affluent environment produces a

distinctive behavior. What could be derived from this analysis is the manifestation of

Soja's argument that space was in some ways similar to class structure.

2.2.2 The Concept of Poverty

The efforts of social scientists to better understand poverty are complicated by the

difficulty in defining it (Ogunkan, 2014). This problem is evident even in varieties of

definition that have been put forward to reflect different dimensions or contexts within

which it is defined. To understand the concept of poverty, it is important to conceptualize

the different views of scholars on the subject matter.

Aluko (1978) refers to poverty as a lack of command over basic consumption needs,

which means, in other words, that there is an inadequate level of consumption giving rise

to insufficient food, clothing and or shelter and moreover, lack of certain capacities, such

as being able tom participate with dignity in society.

According to World Bank report of 1990, poverty is the inability to attain a minimum

standard of living. In order to show the practical aspect of this concept, the report

constructed two indices to measure poverty. The first index was a country specific

poverty line; the second was global, allowing cross-country comparison (Walton 1990).

Recently, United Nations has introduced the use of such other indices as life expectancy,

20
infant mortality rate, primary school enrolment ratio and number of person per physician,

according to Ogunkan (2014)

Dudley (1975), while studying Nigeria, sees poverty largely in the light of needs for

personal growth. He was of the opinion that the basic needs which any society should

provide for its members should include such things as food, clothing, shelter, education,

health, work and mobility. Schaefer (2004) conceived of poverty in either absolute or

relative terms. Absolute poverty refers to a minimum level of subsistence that no family

should be expected to live below. By contrast, relative poverty is a floating standard of

deprivation by which people at the bottom of a society whatever their lifestyle are judged

to be disadvantaged in comparison with the nation as a whole.

The different views of scholars suggest that poverty is a multidimensional social

phenomenon and can generally refer to a form of psychological, social and human

deprivation refers to poverty of income and basic needs. When viewed from social

perspective, it refers to the lack of basic capacities to live a long and healthy life with

freedom or lack of resources required for participation in social activities. Human

deprivation, on the other hand, refers to denial of right and freedom or lack of dignity,

self-respect, security and justice according to Mafimisebi (2002).

Irrespective of the dimensions by which poverty is measured, Aiyelari (2000) devised

certain indicators as pointers to existence of poverty in a society. Such indicators are;

(i) The type or quality of place of habitation

(ii) The level of income, education and

(iii) The nature of goods consumed

21
(iv) Accessibility to basic services

(v) Accessibility to infrastructure and

(vi) The type of job prevalence in the area

The urban dimension to poverty introduces a new element of scale to the consideration

and underlines the fact that we are basically concerned not so much with the individual

poor but with an aggregation of the poor, a social class whose way of life takes on spatial

forms within a city. This spatial configuration of urban poverty is remarked on in such

terms as “slums” “ghettoes”, “shanty-towns” or “bidonvilles” (Mabogunje, 1975). This

configuration reflects the experiences of the street panhandlers as a social class as

majority of them are products of slums, ghettoes etc

Street panhandling as an expression for extreme poverty is a particular problem of urban

areas in the Third World. The dramatic concentration of urban poverty in the Third

World is a great challenge (Hardoy, 1992). Even though Africa is still a predominantly

rural continent, the urban population continues to grow rapidly because the factors of

urbanization are not likely to change (.P41) 600 million urban inhabitants of the Third

World live in “life and health threatening” circumstances. Governments, development

agencies and the private sectors have still not found effective solutions to increasing

urban poverty. There is need for a change in policies of governments and attitudes (.P

58).

2.2.3 The Concept of Environment

The concept of the “environment” has been a bickering ground amongst many

professionals in environmental field. The meaning of the term is as numerous as the

22
diversification in its fields. This suggests why the subject has ambiguous meaning.

Literally, the environment is connected with the natural conditions in which people,

animals and plants live (Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English, 1986). McGraw

Hill Encyclopedia of Science and Technology, defined the “environment” as the sum of

all external factors both biotic (living) and abiotic (non-living) to which an organism is

exposed to that affects its survival, growth development and reproduction.

But the environment is complex and it constitutes various components, aspects as well as

sections. Most scholarly work on the environment emphasize on the physical features

while over simplifying its other aspects. The environment is not only concerned with the

physical or natural aspects but also, the social, economic, cultural, etc. the physical

aspects of the environment includes high lands and low lands features, water bodies,

living organisms, mineral resources, etc. while the social aspects of the environment

relate to man’s interaction within an environment. The social environment considers man

as being part of the environment since man is an important element of the built

environment (Akinlaye, 1996). Be as it may, environment is the whole complex of

physical, social, economic and aesthetic factors which affect individual and communities

and ultimately determine their form, character, relationship and survival (Wooten, 1980).

2.3 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Theoretical framework is a collection of interrelated concepts, like a theory but not

necessarily so well worked-out. A theoretical framework is a collection of interrelated

concepts like a theory, even though it is not thoroughly worked, that serve as a basis for

23
conducting research (Borgatti 1999:1). A theoretical framework guides your research,

determining what things you will measure, and what statistical relationships you will look

for. Babbie (2010:59) advises that a theoretical framework functions in three ways in

research. First, it helps one to avoid flukes. Second, it helps the researcher make sense of

observed patterns. Third, it shapes and directs research efforts. This study is hinged on

theoretical frameworks as discussed below.

2.3.1 The Theory of Environmental Determinism

The theory of environmental determinism is the view that the physical environment rather

than social condition determines human behaviour. The theory has its root in the

nineteenth century social theory that postulated that the part of World persons came from,

determines their parament.

The fundament argument of this theory was that aspect of physical georgraphy.

Particularly climate influenced the psychological mid-set of individual, which in turn

defines behaviour and culture of the society that most individuals formed (Wikipedia

2015). The theorists of environmental determinism postulated that individuals from warm

climates, specifically African and South Asia tended to be lazy and promiscuous as an

adaptation to the climate, conversely those from cold climate particularly Northern

Europe, tended to be active as an adaptation to the cold (Kirk, 1997).

Although, this theory is euro-centric in nature, it has been modified and adopted by

geographers, sociologists and environmental psychologists to explain urban social

behaviour. Almost all theories on spatial variation in social behavior shared a common

24
element of environmental determinism, usually traceable to the determinist of the

Chicago School (Knox and Pinch, 2000).

Illustrating the relationship between urban environment and human behaviour, the theory

of environment determinism claims that build environment is the chief or even sole

determinant of social behaviour (Wikipedia 2015). This gives the idea that people can

adapt to any arrangement of space and that behaviour in a given environment is caused

entirely by the characteristics of environment.

Some of the theorists working within the idea of environmental determinism see social

behaviour as a pathological response to a particular social and or physical environment.

Others agree that certain physical and social attributes act as environmental cure for

certain winds of behaviour; others still believe that certain environments simply attract

certain kinds of people (Paul and Pinah, 2000).

Applying this theory to the phenomenon of street panhandlers, one observes that although

the phenomenon is a multi-factorial, studies have revealed that social and physical

environmental condition is one major determinants of street panhandling phenomenon

(Ogunkan and Jelili, 2010). For instance, many of the urban poor live in slum and

squatter settlements with overcrowded, unhealthy housing and lack basic services.

Ogunkan and Jelili (2010) further revealed that certain land uses attract more street

beggars than the others. It can thus be analyzed that certain environments attract certain

kinds of people.

What has been noticed from arguments above is that there is interrelationship between

social or physical environment and social behaviour (of which street panhandling is one).

25
One can see how Town planners and designers might be enraptured with the idea that

environment can determine behaviour. The theory poses the potential for solving many of

society’s woes simply by reconfiguring the environment.

Environmental determinism has been adopted by the urban design field to describe the

effects the built environment may have on behaviour. This is the basis of the concept

of Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED) which attempts to modify

disruptive behaviour through appropriate design of the physical environment. This

concept is also the basis of active space which tries to encourage activity through the

design of a space (Wikipedia, 2015)

2.3.2 The Land-Use Theory

Land use is the human use of land. Land use involves the management and modification

of natural environment or wilderness into built environment such as settlements and

semi-natural habitats such as arable fields, pastures, and managed woods. It also has been

defined as "the arrangements, activities and inputs people undertake in a certain land

cover type to produce, change or maintain it" (FAO, 1997a; FAO/UNEP, 1999).

Rodriguez, (2009) perceived land use as formal or functional. Formal land use are

concerned with qualitative attributes of space such as form, pattern and aspect and are

descriptive in nature while functional land use are concerned with economic nature of

activities such as productive, consumption, residence and transport and are mainly socio-

economic descriptive of space.

The relationship between begging and land use is generally attracted from three different

salient classical theories and they are concentric theory of Burgess (1925), Sector theory

of Hoyt (1939) and multiple nuclei theory of Harris and Ullman (1945). Among the first

26
attempt to investigate spatial pattern at urban level was the concentric theory, pronounced

by Ernest Burgess (1925). The theory posits that as city grows, it expands radically

around the Central business District (CBD).Surrounding the CBD are succeeding zones

that contain other types of land use that illustrate the growth of the urban area over time.

Hoyt (1939)’s sector theory of urban land use was an elaboration of concentric theory.

The theory explores the influence of transport axis in the typical district which often form

the wedge shaped sectors. Hoyts (1939) suggests that zones expand outward from the city

center along railroads, highways and other transportation arteries. He speculated that

cities tended to grow in wedge-shaped pattern-or sectors-emanating from the central

business districts and centered on major transportation routes (Wikipedia, 2009). The

multiple nuclei theory propounded by Harris and Ullman (1945) is a blend of concentric

and sector theories with the accession of multiple nucleus. Based on Harris and Ullman

(1945) perspective, not all urban growths radiate outward from a Central Business

District. Instead, an urban area may have many centers of development, each of which

reflects a particular urban need or activity. Schwab (1993) also posited that a city may

have a financial district, a manufacturing zone, a water front area, an entertainment

centres amongst others.

Figure 2.1 : Concentric theory of Burgess

27
Figure 2.2: Sector theory of Hoyt

Figure 2.3: multiple nuclei theory of Harris and Ullman

Ogunkan and Jelili, (2010) Identified series of land use and activities as generator of

beggars, such as motor park, market, road corridors, road junctions, bus stop, filling

stations and places of worship amongst others. Fawole, et al., (2011), study also

conformed to the identification of the beggars’ generator. Thus the influence of land use

distribution is very important to the study of street begging. The models discussed above

shows the pattern of the city growth and the locations of different activities and land use

in each of the models. These models give direction to this study.

28
 2.3.3 Vicious Circle of Poverty

The vicious cycle of mental ill-health and poverty in low- and middle income

countries

The theory of “vicious circle of poverty” is another theory that enhances our

understanding of the continued existence of the panhandlers. Originally conceived by the

earliest development economists, the theory seeks to explain the persistence of poverty in

the society especially in the developing countries, (The MHaPP, 2008).

Figure 2.4 The vicious cycle of poverty and mental ill-health

Source: The Mental Health and Poverty Project (The MHaPP, 2008)

There is emerging evidence from low- and middle-income countries that mental ill-health

is strongly associated with poverty and social deprivation. 3-5 Factors that are associated

with breaking the vicious cycle of mental ill-health and poverty living in poverty, such as

low socio-economic status, exposure to stressful life events (such as crime and violence),

29
inadequate housing, unemployment and social conflict, are linked to mental ill-health.

Poverty is also associated with exclusion, isolation, feelings of disempowerment,

helplessness and hopelessness, which can lead to chronic insecurity and social mistrust,

affecting people’s mental wellbeing. As the mental wellbeing of individuals is eroded by

poverty, the available energies within communities to contribute to nation-building are

reduced.

In turn, mental ill-health can lead to poverty: people with mental disability may be

impoverished by increased health expenditure, loss of employment, reduced productivity

and the exclusionary impact of stigma. This implies that if the issue of mental ill-health

and poverty are not tackled it can lead to the incidence of panhandling amongst the

people involved.

Another phenomenon is the issue of physical disability; the figure below highlights the

close links between disability and poverty. Disability is indeed both a cause and

consequence of poverty. This relationship is often described as a vicious circle, poverty

leading to disability and disability worsening poverty.

30
Figure 2.5 A circular way the negative cycle linking disability, poverty and vulnerability.

Source: Department for International Development (DFID), Poverty, Disability and

Development, p.4.

Dangerous and unhealthy living conditions, such as inadequate housing, water and

sanitation, and unsafe transportation and work conditions. The absence or inaccessibility

(related to environmental and/or economic barriers) of timely and adequate medical care

or rehabilitation. People with disabilities are confronted with extra costs related to

disability such as personal assistance, medical care or assistive devices. These additional

costs increase their risk of being poorer than others. In low incomes countries, people

with disabilities are 50% more likely to experience catastrophic health expenditure than

non-disabled people.

Limited access to education and employment: People with disabilities are more likely to

be unemployed and are generally paid less when they are employed. The employment

31
rates for men with disabilities (53%) and women with disabilities (20%) are lower than

men (65%) and women (30%) without disabilities.

Social exclusion: People with disabilities often do not have access to public spaces

because of physical barriers, and often cannot participate in political decision-making.

Therefore, poverty rates are higher for people with disabilities than for those who do not

have a disability.

This can be said to be another thinking some of disabled people to venture into

panhandling.

However, there is a model, that explains how the issue of the poverty and mental ill-

health can be tackled which would give solution to the incidence of panhandling amongst

the able and disabled panhandlers. The model is targeted at breaking the ‘vicious poverty

circle’.

2.4 LITERATURE REVIEW

Several numbers of studies have been undertaken in the area of street panhandling from

various disciplines like Sociology, Anthropology, History, Demography etc. However,

intensive research works have not been directed towards the problem as relating to spatial

and socio-economic implications. Without prejudice to this fact, this section explores the

literature on the available studies on street children as they may help us to understand

better the subject matter.

32
2.4.1 Panhandling

According to Hanchao, (1999)"Panhandling," a common term in the United States, is

more often referred to as "begging" elsewhere, or occasionally, as "cadging."

"Panhandlers" are variously referred to as "beggars," "vagrants," "vagabonds,"

"mendicants," or "cadgers." The term "panhandling" derives either from the impression

created by someone holding out his or her hand (as a pan's handle sticks out from the

pan) or from the image of someone using a pan to collect money (as gold miners in the

American West used pans to sift for gold) (Scott, 2003).

Several Studies explore the meaning and concepts of Panhandling and this would be

discussed and reviewed in terms and context of street begging. Begging has been

variously conceptualized by scholars to reflect different ways reasons for begging. In the

words of Oxford Dictionary (sixth edition, 2001) and Jelili, (2006) “to beg” is to simply

ask people for money, food, clothes etc. as a gift or charity. Jelili, (2006) conceptualizes

begging to involve not only individuals but organizations or countries.

Bryson (2004) defines street begging, or gathering of alms as the solicitation of a

voluntary unilateral gift--most often money--in a public place. Street begging is also

defined as an act to simply ask people for money, food, clothes etc. as a gift or charity or

without as exchange of services in a public space. In other words, Begging is the practice

of imploring others to grant a favour, which could be inform of gift like money, clothes

or food with no expectation of reciprocation or refund or the act of requesting for money,

food or other forms of favour without an exchange in a public place and in the street

where people frequently pass by. It often occurs for the purpose of securing a material

33
benefit, generally for a gift donation or charitable donation (Jelili, 2006; John, 2010;

Tambawal, 2010; Chukwulobe, 2011; Bukoye, 2015).

The term “street beggars “ or “panhandlers” according to Namwata, (2012) is defined as

individuals, including children, elderly people, people with disabilities, and families, who

normally beg or make their living from the streets or public spaces such as shopping

areas, churches, and mosques by asking people for money and food. Adugna (2006) held

the view that street beggars have generally been categorized in terms of their abilities and

disabilities based on how they make their living from the streets. There were also

individuals who did not show any externally observable deformities or disabilities.

2.4.2 Panhandling As a Problem

Panhandling has been a serious problem confronting many urban areas across the globe.

The situation becomes worse when it confronts urban areas of developing nations.

Despite the pronounced manifestation of this problem in developing countries, people

still regard begging as a normal phenomenon (Adedibu 1989, 25-40; Ogunkan and

Fawole 2009, 498-503; Tambawal 2010 cited by Namwata et al. 2012, 133-143; Adedibu

and Jelili 2011, 17-24). According to Bromley (1987, p23-24), modern societies viewed

panhandling and the presence of panhandlers on the streets as a social problem. Many of

the systematic efforts to document the problem of destitution and panhandling have come

from America. The menace of panhandling as a potential threat to the environmental,

economic and social survival of humanity, societal fabric is evident (Ogunkan and

Fawole (2009, 498-503; CRISIS 2003, 1-9). People engaged in begging themselves also

recognized begging to be a 'problem'. To them, it's harsh, humiliating, demeaning,

34
degrading and frustrating (Lynch 2005, 521; Rowntree 2000, 1-2). The continued

relevance of begging as both a political and a public policy problem is evidenced by

extensive media coverage of the issue in recent years, together with governmental

consideration of the regulation and governance of begging (Lynch 2005, 520; CRISIS

2003, 1-9).

Although, the panhandling problem is a worldwide phenomenon, it is more pronounced

in the third world countries particularly Sub-Saharan countries like India, Nigeria,

Ethiopia, and Tanzania etc. (Adedibu and Jelili, 2011; Namwata, 2012). The begging

problem has to be seen on the basis of many factors that have occurred over time. Poverty

is the most frequent precipitant of the problem of beggary. Beneath poverty lies the

widespread scarcity of resources needed to lead a proper life. Other factors include

physical disability, culture, and the inadequacy of social security schemes, drug, alcohol

and gambling dependencies. The plight of the street beggars, concentrated more in urban

areas of developing countries is becoming worse rather than better (Fawole et al., 2010;

Ogunkan and Fawole, 2009; Namwata et al, 2010; Woubishet, 2005).

Panhandling is recognized and cast as a 'problem' by diverse stakeholders, including the

media, politicians, retailers and traders, law enforcement officers and agencies, welfare

and social service providers, the general public and people who beg. Each of these

stakeholders has a common interest in reducing the incidence of begging. The continued

relevance of begging as both a political and a public policy problem is evidenced by

extensive media coverage of the issue in recent years, together with governmental

consideration of the regulation and governance of begging (Lynch, 2005; CRISIS, 2003;

35
Kamala et al., 2002; Maganga, 2008; Petro and Kombe, 2010; Vanguard online

newspaper, 2012; the Nigerian Observer, 2014).

2.4.3 Reasons for Panhandling

The findings have revealed significant relationship between socio-economic background,

physical appearance and panhandling. That is, socio-economic background and physical

appearance have serious influence on panhandling (Adedibu, 1989; Kennedy &

Fitzpatrick, 2001, Jelili, 2006; Amman, 2006; Ogunkan and Fawole, 2009; Fawole et al.,

2010; Adedibu and Jelili, 2011; Namwata et al, 2010; 2011 and 2012). The findings

supported Jones, (2013) who emphatically said that violation of childhood innocence,

experienced by a child within the home environment can lead to diseases endemic to the

child’s body and spirit, which includes anxiety, depression, guilt, shame, self-image

disturbances, and lack of concentration and sense of aggression can force a child to leave

home and take to life on the street.

Buklsa (2013) also confirmed that family background full of physical abuse, sexual abuse

(particularly in the case of female), emotional abuse and other forms of financial

maladjustment attitude force some individual to abscond from home and subject

themselves to panhandling. From Horace (2009) there is a close relationship between

socio-economic background and panhandling. Homeless charity crisis estimated that over

80 per cent of beggars are homeless who begged and who are among the most vulnerable

in the society and who often trapped in poverty and other socio-economic opportunities.

It is regarded as risky and defaces entire country.

Some of the factors associated with begging are also follows:

36
Poverty: - The poverty in Nigeria according to Elombah, (2011) increased from 27% in

1980 to 66% in 1996, 1999 increased to 70%, by 2011 it was estimated that more than

85% of Nigerians live in poverty Elombah (2011) also said that, research carried out by

an NGO called NAPED showed figures on the incidence of poverty in the six geopolitical

zones of the country, which include from North-West 74% of the people are poor and

they live on less than one dollar a day; in the North-East the poverty rate is 78%; North-

Central the poverty figure is 70%. By contrast in the South-West the poverty rate is 28%,

the South-South 30% while the South-East of Nigeria has poverty rate of 23%. It could

be vividly seen from the above that, the Northern part of the country has the largest

percentage of poverty rate; this has become a source of concern and worry in Nigeria.

Indication of poverty includes inadequate housing, poor health care, malnutrition,

unemployment and lack of education. These were usually measured with regards to

specific calories intake as well as earnings per capita (FGN/UNICEF, 1990). In survey

from developed countries, it was observed that a child living in a solo-mother family is

five times as likely to live below the national poverty level, especially when both

economic and parenting responsibilities fall on only ‘one pair of shoulders; (UNICEF,

1996). In alleviating their sufferings 55% of children were sent out as street workers in

Nigeria, by their mothers (FGN/UNICEF, 1990).

Homelessness: - Aye (1996) quoting UNICEF report stressed that 100 million street

children worldwide are homeless, and about 15,000 children in Nigeria alone are

homeless. Literature also shown that 43% of beggars are long-term homeless, out of

37
which 71% of them slept rough (Horn & Cooke, 2001).Danczuk (2000) found that 80%

of people who beg are homeless.

Mental illness and Drugs:- in a study by Wolf (2005), some respondents attributed the

reasons for begging to addictive disorders such alcohol dependency (41%) and drug

dependency (24%) while most of the beggars spent money received from begging on

irresponsible and unnecessary items, like drugs, alcohol and tobacco. Similarly, 45-47

respondents experienced drug dependency, 33-45% experienced problematic alcohol use

and 50% had a physical, intellectual or psychiatric disability (Danczuk, 2000; Jowette,

Banks, & Brown, 2001).

Unemployment: A survey of beggars showed that all the respondents were unemployed,

with 82, being long-term unemployed (Lynch, 2005), in the Nigerian situation,

FGN/UNICEF (1990) viewed street begging in terms of the economic situation of poor

urban families, whereby children were subjected to working conditions, for the survival

of the families involved.

Cultural and Religious Factors: - In Nigeria, begging seems to be a cultural practice

especially among certain ethnic groups. For instance, it is common to see most nursing

mothers who have twins begging for alms in the market places. They believe that

children draw sympathy from passers-by who are moved with pity to give generously so

as to help the mothers cater for them (Gloria and Ayano, 2012). Similarly, among the

Indians, it is a traditional practice and a duty to give alms to beggars, especially the

‘Sadhus’, whose traditional way of life limits any income. They believe that even Shiva

38
the Hindu god ran his household from begging alms (Wikipedia Free Encyclopedia,

2015). In terms of religion, Hill (cited Abang 1986:86) opined that alms giving is

regarded as one of the pillars of Islam, where by beggars are believed to bring blessings

to others and in so doing, provides them with an opportunity for earning merit. Therefore,

the wealthy give alms in fulfillment of religious obligation.

In Nigeria, the ‘Almajiral’ system of education, which encourages children to move from

place to place, contributes to destitution. According to Mijinyawa (2001), the Almajirai is

a system of Qu’ ranic education in Northern Nigeria, which existed before the 18th

century jihad of Usman Danfodio. It was observed that the system is now a problem for

being responsible for rural-urban migration (of children in particular), breeding touts and

criminals as well as denying the potential leaders of tomorrow the opportunity of good

life (Mijinyawa, 2001). The pilot study conducted by the National Council for the welfare

of Destitute (NCWD) in 408 Almajirai schools in three towns in Kaduna State, revealed

that there were over 30,000 Almajirais in these towns. This also noted that 21 million

Nigerian children are out of school (Formal Education) as a result of destitution.

Similarly Adefowokan, (2007) observed that the ‘Almajirinchi’ refers to a practice of

being an “Almajiri’, whereby young boys study under Islamic clerics. The ultimate

expectations for the boys leaving their families to be become Allah’s servants and to gain

support financially and materially from communities but unfortunately many of them end

up in the streets, begging.

Disability: - This includes physical disability, mental illness, Post-Traumatic Stress

Disorder (PTSD), depression, substance abuse, and chronic health problems etc. also

contribute to panhandling in the society, Connery, et al, (2007).

39
Figure 2.6 Rationality and Consequences of Panhandling
Source: Author’s Device 2015
2.4.4 Classifications of Panhandlers or Beggars

According to Scott, (2002) and Leonid (2012), generally there are two types of

panhandling: passive and aggressive. Passive panhandling is soliciting without threat or

menace, often without any words exchanged at all–just a cup or a hand held out.

Aggressive panhandling is soliciting coercively, with actual or implied threats, or

menacing actions. If a panhandler uses physical force or extremely aggressive actions, the

panhandling may constitute robbery. Isolated incidents of passive panhandling are

usually a low police priority. In many jurisdictions, panhandling is not even illegal. Even

40
where it is illegal, police usually tolerate passive panhandling, for both legal and practical

reasons.

However, Burke, (1999); Horn and Cooke, (2001) in their studies identified three Classes

of panhandling or begging as followings,

(1) Passive Panhandling or Begging – This type involves a person either sitting or

standing in one place with a sign or receptacles entreating donations. In their study, eight

(8) respondents which is 47% engaged in passive panhandling

(2) Active Panhandling or Begging – In this type, panhandlers move from place to

place with their receptacles soliciting money gifts. It was reported that nine (9)

respondents that constituted 53% engaged in this form of panhandling.

(3) Aggressive Panhandling or Begging – this begging technique is one which harsh

words and intimidation is used in soliciting for help. Although this technique tends to be

extremely low, it is said to be a ‘self-defending’ panhandling strategy (Burke, 1999). This

method is responsible for banning panhandling in Australia, England and Scotland

according to him. Burke, (1999) is of the view that people who adopt passive

panhandling style tends to obtain more donation than those who adopt the active style,

whilst people who use aggressive were least successful.

Bukoye, (2014), used another perspective in his classification; he classified panhandler to

(1) Professional Beggars – the beggars who found themselves in this trade on the

grounds of physical disability

(2) Those who Street-beg on the account of old age

41
(3) Those who voluntarily forced themselves into the Panhandling class.

With these studies (Burke, 1999; Horn and Cooke, 2001; Scott, 2002; Leonid, 2012 and

Bukoye, 2014), |It is discovered that the Bukoye, (2014) classification is based on the

condition or appearance of the panhandlers, whilst (Burke, 1999; Horn and Cooke, 2001;

Scott, 2002; Leonid, 2012) classifications are based on the mode or method being

employed by the panhandlers.

2.2.2 RELIGIOUS PERSPECTIVE ON PANHANDLING OR BEGGING

According to Jelili, (2013), in virtually every religion of the world issues surrounding

alms giving (and by implication begging) are entrenched though with different

approaches. In this section the issue of alms giving and begging as obtained in the

scriptures of both Islam and Christianity (which is the two most popular orthodox

religions) is examined. In Islam, “zakat‟ (alms giving) is so weighty that it is one of the

five pillars of the religion. Thus says Allah: “And in their properties there was the right of

the beggar, and the Mahruum” (the poor). It is believed that every “penny” spent for the

poor is spent for the cause of Almighty Allah. It is evident in the Koran, and of course,

Islam, not to repulse beggars “And repulse not the beggar” (Koran 93, verse10). The list

of those entitled to alms in Islam is not, however, restricted to beggars, but including all

the poor, the captives, those in debt, stranded travelers, among many others. (Koran 9

verse 60). In summary while giving alms is seriously encouraged, begging is not frowned

at, if the need arises. In Christianity, alms giving are also encouraged but panhandling or

begging is silent upon.

Thus says the Bible: “Oh the joys of those who are kind to the poor (are those) the Lord

rescues them in times of trouble” (Psalm 41:1).

42
“Whoever gives to the poor will lack nothing. But a course will come upon those who

close their eyes to poverty (Proverbs 28:27).

In a way, it could be inferred that, if religions encourage alms giving, they indirectly

encourage begging. The difference between the reviewed religions is in degree and

categorical statement, which are more pronounced in Islam than in Christianity. What the

two religions stand for, however, as far as panhandling or panhandlers, and the poor

generally, are concerned is love, to the extent that it is preached that the wealth of the rich

is not considered theirs alone but to take care of the wretched too. Thus says the

scriptures:

1) “I want you to share your food with the hungry and to welcome poor wanderers into

your homes…..If you do these things, your salvation will come like the dawn……Then

when you call, the Lord will answer…. ” (Isaiah 58:7-9”)

2) “And in their property there was the right of the beggar and the poor” (Koran 51:19)”

In another way, judging from the citations above, one may argue that no religion

encourages begging. The two citations above suggest that if the well-to-do understand the

scriptures and their supposed roles in the life of the poor and wretched persons, we would

hardly have street beggars in cities, as there exist in each society individuals who are rich

and can singlehandedly relieve a considerable number of beggars and other wretched

persons of their miserable life. This is perhaps why most Islamic scholars that have

written on the issue (begging) affirm that it is a misconception to attribute begging to

Islamic culture. They support the argument with a quote from the words of the Holy

Prophet (SAW) to his followers that “it is better for any of you to take his rope and tie

firewood with it to be carried in his back than to ask people for alms” (Adegbite, 1997).

43
This, according to the same source, does not mean people should not beg for alms but

only when there is dire need for it.

Having explored the opinion of some scholars (Adegbite, 1997; Schaefer, 2004; Jelili,

2006 & 2013; and Ogunkan, 2009) in their studies as well as some other studies by UK

Department for International Development (DFID) and The South African Mental Health

and Poverty Project (The MHaPP, 2008), it is discovered that panhandling which is as a

result of the mental ill-health and poverty is a very serious issue that needs a serious

attention and robust approach in finding solution to.

44
 CHAPTER 3

METHODOLOGY

3.1 RESEARCH DESIGN

This study was conducted within the qualitative and quantitative research framework.

This chapter explains the research process, describing the types and sources of data

required, instrument and method of data collection, method of data analysis and the

conceptualization of research population amongst other phenomena.

3.2 TYPES AND SOURCES OF DATA

3.2.1 Sources of Data

For the purpose of this study, both primary and secondary data were used. The primary

data are first-hand information and constitute the majority of data required for this study.

3.2.2 Primary Sources of Data: Data acquired directly from the study area is refers to

as primary data. Questionnaires were administered to panhandlers and residents of the

location where they are found in Lagos metropolis. Further, photographs, Key Informant

Interview and direct observation were used to obtain more data.

i. Incidence and spatial distribution of street panhandling were obtained through

direct counting and observation

ii. Socio-economic, socio-cultural and physical characteristics of street panhandlers

were obtained from the target population through the administration of questionnaire,

direct observation and key informant interview

45
iii. The locational and socio-physical characteristics of the environment where

panhandlers are found were examined through direct observation

iv. Residents’ perceptions of panhandling in their environment and the environmental

effects of panhandling on their environment, were obtained through administration of

questionnaire, key informant interview and direct observation

3.2.3 Secondary Sources of Data: The secondary data were collected from different

related documents of the study such as journals, national dailies, and research papers,

textbooks, past records, articles, internet, satellite imagery and maps of the study area

from Google map for the study.

3.3 TARGET POPULATION AND UNITS OF ANALYSIS

3.3.1 Conceptualization of the Research Population

Two different populations were targeted for the study; the first population was street

panhandlers while second was the residents of the environment where street panhandlers

were found.

(a) Population of Street Panhandlers

It is very difficult to estimate the numbers of street panhandlers in Lagos metropolis,

because there is no official statistics and no special research provided on this

phenomenon. However, for the purpose of the study, the research population was

perceived to be people living their live on panhandling for survival on the street. This

definition was deliberately adopted to include all group of panhandlers who, whether they

are disable or non-disable, older or younger, male or female, at a minimum, as the place

where they get their subsistence.

46
 The study surveyed across the Lagos metropolis, the panhandlers’ cluster and head count

was conducted for the panhandlers of various categories as earlier mentioned. The

incidence of street panhandlers are identified in different locations; motor park, religious

worship centres, market, bus stop, railway station, railway line, road junctions, venue of

ceremonies etc. across the identified clusters and the enumeration is presented in table 3.1

below.

Table 3.1 Population Distributions of Street Panhandlers across the Identified Clusters
in Lagos Metropolis
Clusters Relative Incidence of Street Panhandler Average
(RISP)
Wednesday Friday Saturday Sunday
EBUTE 212 234 219 207 218
METTA
IKOTUN 121 163 156 148 147
IDI ARABA 243 295 258 280 269
LUTH
MUSHIN 201 238 184 189 203
MARKET
TOLL 117 201 141 197 164
GATE
MUSHIN
AGEGE 219 296 223 254 248
OBALENDE 93 144 102 117 114
Total 1206 1571 1283 1392 1363
Source: Author’s Field Survey and computation, 2015

Table 4.1 shows the enumerated average number of panhandler across the identified

clusters in Lagos metropolis. The table was prepared by Relative Incidence of Street

Panhandling (RISP). In each of the locations described in the table, data on incidence of

different categories of street panhandlers were obtained through the method of direct

counting. This was done with the help of trained field assistants. The counting was done

on four different days of the week i.e. Wednesday, Friday, Saturday and Sunday. The

47
choice of these days is justifiable for the peculiarity of each day in terms of socio-

economic and socio-cultural characteristics. For instance, Friday and Sunday are religious

days for Muslims and Christians respectively, Saturday is usually attached to commercial

and social activities, while Wednesday represents the days of the week.

The average number of street panhandlers enumerated in the morning and evening of

each day in each cluster divided by two (2). The total number of the four days used for

the head count was divided by four (4) to obtain the Average number of street panhandler

in each cluster per day. Thus, the total number of street panhandlers enumerated as

population is 1363.

(b) Population of Resident of the environments where Street Panhandlers were

found

Population of residents of the environments where street panhandlers were found was

obtained through the assistance of based map of the environments. The base map was

obtained through the use of Google Earth. Buffer with radius of 200 meters was

generated around the environments where street panhandlers in each cluster and total

number of buildings that falls within buffer zones were enumerated as target population

of the residents. Considering the fact that the residents of the environments where

panhandlers are found have the first hand information of the panhandlers and they have

the experience of effects of street panhandling in their environments. Table 3.2 shows the

enumerated results of the buildings that fall within the 200 meters radius of the

environment where street panhandlers are found in Lagos metropolis. The residents

48
 involved residential buildings, commercial buildings, worship centres, Motor parks

amongst others.

Table 3.2 Population of residents of the environments where street panhandlers were
found in Lagos Metropolis
S/No Clusters Approximated Number of
Buildings within 200m
radius per panhandlers’
cluster
1 Ebute Metta 409

2 Ikotun 326

3 Idi-Araba 384
LUTH

4 Mushin 418
Market

5 Toll gate 333

Mushin

6 Agege 397

7 Obalende 319

8 Total 2586
Source: Author’s Field Survey and computation, 2015

Table 3.2 shows that population of the buildings that are prone to effects of street

panhandling in the identified clusters in Lagos metropolis and the total number of

building involved is approximately 2586. Thus, this was regarded as population of the

residents in the study area.

49
 3.4 RESEARCH AREA

Having identified the clusters where street panhandlers are found in Lagos metropolis,

the study further identified various locations where street panhandlers are found in the

clusters so as to know the Activity Nuclei within each cluster. That is, the locations to

focus on within the identified cluster, such as road junctions, bus stops, markets, motor

parks, religious worship centres, transportation corridors and filling stations amongst

others. Based on this, table 3.3 shows the activity nuclei within each cluster in Lagos

metropolis.

Table 3.3 - Activity Nuclei within the identified Clusters

S/No Cluster Street panhandlers’ major locations within the cluster
(Activity Nuclei)
1 Ebute Metta Kano street, Wasimi community central mosque, Jebba bus stop,
Abeokuta Street, Oko Baba, Cemetery street, Borno street
2 Ikotun Ikotun roundabout, Igando road, Oloye bus stop, Bakari bus stop,
Ikotun market, Oke Salu street, Ijegun road, Egbe road
3 Idi-Araba Haruna street, Moshalashi street, Oluwa street, Garuba Musa
street, Malam Gana street, Seriki street, Taiwo street, Idi Araba
Muslim mosque, LUTH community mosque, Central mosque
Idi-araba
4 Mushin Market Isolo road, St Regina Mundi catholic church, Kajola street,
Mushin road, Kuseyi street, Alasalatu street, Agege motor road,
Ibiosi street, Alamutu market, Ogo Oluwa central mosque palm
avenue, Olumorokun street junction off Post office road.
5 Toll gate Mushin Arolahun, Ilupeju road junction at railway line, Ogunmokun
street, Fafolu junction Olorunsogo, Shokunbi junction Challenge
6 Agege Oke koto bus stop, Agege Train station, Alabere mosque, Hausa
Jumat mosque Agege, Mustak Palace, Abbatoir, Oko-Oba,

50
 Capitol road, Agege main market, Agege railway line, Pen
cinema junction.
7 Obalende Obalende bus terminal, Moloney road, Obalende road, Keffi
street, Lewis street, P&T, Pike street junction, forsythe street,
Igbosere road etc
Source: Author’s Field Survey, 2015

3.5 SAMPLE FRAME AND SAMPLE SIZE

3.5.1 Sample Frame

The sample frame is the target group or population to be sampled and it is also a list that

contains some important and useful information about members of the population while

the sample size is a subset of the population and consists of any subgroup drawn from the

target population. The sample frame for this study consists of the total population of the

identified street panhandlers in all the seven clusters identified based on the head count of

street panhandlers.

3.5.2 Sample Size

Though finding street panhandlers in the study area is very easy, getting their consent for

giving interviews is quite a hard task. Further, they are hardly found engage for

interaction for considerable length of time. Some frequently keep on shifting their place

of spot and a portion of them focus more on their activity than giving time for interview.

In this scenario, developing a sample frame was found to be a formidable task. Therefore,

a convenience sampling method was employed.

51
 Apart from this, the snowball sample mechanism was also employed which helped to

approach street panhandlers with the help of the other street panhandlers. The study

sampled 69 street panhandlers of who expressed their willingness to provide information

across the identified clusters (see table 3.4). The field work was conducted for 8 weeks

and 3 days by spending at least 8 days in each of the above mentioned Clusters.

Random sampling method was employed in picking 10% of the buildings enumerated

within the radius of 200 meters from each panhandlers’ clusters in the study area, while

consideration was given to the buildings that are closer to the street panhandlers’ location

(see table 3.5).

Table 3.4 Sample size of Street Panhandlers

Clusters Relative Incidence of Sample
Street Panhandlers (RISP) Size
EBUTE 218 11
METTA
IKOTUN 147 8
IDI ARABA 269 14
LUTH
MUSHIN 203 10
MARKET
TOLL 164 8
GATE
MUSHIN
AGEGE 248 12
OBALENDE 114 6
Total 1363 69
Source: Author’s Field Survey and computation, 2015

Table 3.5 Sample size of residents of the environments where street panhandlers were
found in Lagos Metropolis
S/No Clusters Approximate Number of 10 % of the building
Buildings within 200m
radius per cluster
1 Ebute Metta 409 41

2 Ikotun 326 33

52
 3 Idi-Araba 384 38
LUTH

4 Mushin 418 42
Market

5 Toll gate 333 33

Mushin

6 Agege 397 40

7 Obalende 319 32

8 Total 2586 259

Source: Author’s Field Survey and computation, 2015

3.6 RESEARCH INSTRUMENT

Quantitative research is the numerical representation and manipulation of observations

for the purpose of describing and explaining the phenomena that those observations

reflect (Wikipedia, 201), while qualitative research is concerned with day-to-day

relationships, perspectives and interpretations of people based on their live experience

(Fluck, 1998). The quantitative research instruments such as head-count and structured

questionnaires were adopted while the qualitative research instruments for this study was

patterned along ethnographical orientation and therefore relied on Key Informant

Interview. The adoption of multiple sources of data is to satisfy the principle of

triangulation and ensure corroborating and converging evidence. It also increase trust in

the validity of research findings and conclusion.

53
(a) Reconnaissance Survey

This includes the identification of street panhandlers’ clusters in Lagos metropolis, their

distribution, their routine (modus operandi), their physical and the totality of their

environment, which includes their environmental conditions and the effect of street

panhandling on the environment where they are found. This reveals the magnitude of

work to be done and suggest the efficient approach to undertaking it. It also suggests the

modalities to planning field survey.

(b) Head Count

The head count project is a quantitative method of research relying on the observation

and it is a wholly participatory process from agreeing definitions, to conducting the head

counting and peer reviewing to ensure consistency and triangulation of the data. Head

count is an unobtrusive measure way of collecting data because it does not require the

cooperation of the subjects and, in fact, may be invisible to them. Webb et al (1996)

describe unobtrusive measure as “nonreactive research because the researcher is expected

to observe or gather data without interfering in the on-going flow of everyday events.

The head count was conducted on the street panhandlers in the designed areas, that is, the

defined clusters within Lagos metropolis with the help of trained field assistants. The

street panhandlers were identified by gender. Panhandlers were also allocated to

categories based on their physical characteristics and location where they are found

within the clusters identified in the Lagos metropolis.

54
(c) Questionnaire

The questionnaires were administered to the sampled panhandlers and the residents

within the data delineated area (identified clusters) in Lagos metropolis. Thus, the

questionnaire is of two types, one targeted at panhandlers and the other at the residents in

the area where the panhandlers were found. The questionnaire targeted at panhandlers

was used to obtain information on the socio-economic and socio-cultural characteristics

of panhandlers, while the second questionnaire targeted at the residents around the

location where panhandlers were found was used to extract, the perception of the

residents on panhandling in their environment and effects on their environment. The

questionnaire targeted at the residents was formulated using a quantitative scale with

which respondents were asked how they perceive the incidence of begging in their

environment on nine points Likert rating scale.

(d) Key Informant Interview (KII)

Key informant interviews are qualitative in-depth interviews with people who know what

is going on in the community. Information was extracted from seven (7) persons around

the locations where panhandlers are found in Lagos metropolis. This was interpreted and

summarized with other analysis to generate the discussion of findings.

3.7 METHOD OF DATA COLLECTION

Unlike other areas, conducting research on street panhandlers involves various

complexities, thus special care has been taken particularly regarding the ethical and

methodological issues while designing and collecting data.

55
Cluster sampling technique was employed, through the identification of the areas where

street panhandlers are densely populated within the Lagos metropolis, which is similar to

Kerebih et al. 2014. Seven different panhandlers’ clusters were identified by the study

and names were assigned to them for easy reference such as Agege, Mushin Market,

Toll-gate Mushin, Obalende, Idi-Araba LUTH, Ikotun and Ebute Metta. It is however

instructive to note that the total survey of street panhandlers in the city is not only

difficult but also constitute an intensive work on its own. Nevertheless, previous studies

showed that street panhandlers are usually found in market, road junctions, playground,

transportation corridors (road and railway lines), shopping centres, bus stop, motor parks,

mosques, churches, venue of ceremonies, filling stations, selling points etc (Jelili, 2006;

Ogunkan and Fawole, 2009; Olaosun, 2009; Adedibu and Jelili, 2011; Baltazar, et al

2011; Baltazar, et al 2012; Yusuf, et al, 2012; Jelili, 2013;Onoyase, 2013; Bukoye, 2014).

In order to facilitate for an objective comparison amongst the clusters, consideration was

given for adequate representation and equal chance of these listed locations. In each of

the locations described above, data on incidence of different categories of street

panhandlers were obtained through the method of direct counting. This was done with the

help of trained field assistants. The counting was done on four different days of the week

i.e. Wednesday, Friday, Saturday and Sunday. The choice of these days is justifiable for

the peculiarity of each day in terms of socio-economic and socio-cultural characteristics.

For instance, Friday and Sunday are religious days for Muslims and Christians

respectively, Saturday is usually attached to commercial and social activities, while

Wednesday represents the days of the week.

56
The socio-economic, socio-cultural and other demographic characteristics of street

panhandlers were obtained through the administration of questionnaire to conveniently

selected sixty-nine (69) street panhandlers across the land uses (Activity Nuclei) in the

seven (7) identified clusters.

The locational and socio-physical characteristics of the environment where panhandlers

are found which were examined through reconnaissance survey and direct observation of

the activities of street panhandlers and the totality of the environment.

Residents’ perceptions of panhandling in their environment and the environmental effects

of panhandling on their environment were obtained through administration of

questionnaire, Key Informant Interview and direct observation. Sample of the residents

was taken through the creation of 200 meters buffer from the locations where street

panhandlers are found. Every building or activities that fall within the radius were taken

as the population of the residents, then, 10% of the buildings were taken randomly, while

consideration was given to the building or activities closer to the street panhandlers’ spot

(location), which similar to Nigel et al. 2009. Further, key informant interview was also

conducted around the clusters, through the selection of a person per cluster for more

information on the panhandling activities around their environment which is similar to

Ogunkan, 2014.

57
Figure 3.1 LOCATIONS OF THE IDENTIFIED STREET PANHANDLERS’
CLUSTER IN LAGOS METROPOLIS
Source: Author’s Design, 2015

3.8 CHOICE, DEFINITION AND TREATMENT OF VARIABLES

According to Gulley and Newton (1972), the choice of suitable variables for particular

research objectives should follow certain principles. The variables to be chosen must

reflect the main characteristics of the observed and/or hypothetical factors that are likely

to have profound impact on the issue being investigated. It is also stated that the variables

to be selected must have potential that is related to existing theories and hypothesis to be

58
tested. Lastly, the chosen variables must have the potential to provide categorization

along a continuum of measurement in relation to the concept to be measured.

In line with these principles, this study identified variables that reflect the factors that are

likely to impact on the issue of street panhandlers. The variables chosen also conform to

the theoretical and conceptual basis for this work. The chosen variables are defined and

treated below.

Incidence and spatial distribution of street panhandling which define the magnitude or

extent of the problem in each identified clusters in Lagos metropolis. As stated earlier,

the total survey of street panhandlers is impossible; therefore the incidence of street

panhandlers was measure in ratio scale through a surrogate or index “Relative Incidence

of Street Panhandlers (RISP). The RISC is defined as the addition of number of street

panhandlers identifiable in four days divided by four. The RISP so derived is amenable

parametric and non-parametric tests (Okoko, 2000). This method was used by Jelili

(2009) and Ogunkan (2014).

The socio-economic, socio-cultural and physical characteristics of street panhandlers

were obtained in the first instance, mostly as either nominal or ranking data as the case

may be. The variables were thereafter standardized as interval scale or ratio scale as the

case may be, to make them amenable to parametric test.

The residents’ perceptions of the street panhandlers and their environmental effects were

obtained through the method used for socio-economic and socio-cultural characteristics

of street panhandlers. Further data was obtained from key informants through interview.

The recorded interviews were thereafter transcribed into text to make amenable to content

analysis.

59
3.9 DATA ANALYSIS

Both descriptive and inferential statistics were employed in this study.

3.9.1 Descriptive Statistics

The descriptive statistics including averages were used to present the socio-economic and

socio-cultural and other demographic characteristics of street panhandlers. Standard

scores, also known as Z-scores were used to make comparison of relative standing of raw

scores from different distributions. The data on environmental effect of street panhandlers

were also analysed descriptively using content analysis.

3.9.2 Inferential Statistics

The socio-economic, socio-cultural characteristics of street panhandlers and physical

characteristics of the environment where street panhandlers were found were subjected to

Analysis of variance (ANOVA) to determine whether or not there are significant

differences in characteristics of street panhandlers amongst the clusters identified in

Lagos metropolis. The independent variables are the clusters of street panhandlers while

dependent variables are

Likert scale of various weight score was used to explore the residents’ perceptions of

street panhandling in their various environments across the clusters, while ANOVA was

also used to compare the perceptions of residents of the places where panhandlers were

found.

Pearson product moment correlation (PPMC) was used to check whether there is a

statistical correlation between the religious of street panhandlers and their ethnicity. The

incidence of street panhandlers (As determined by RISP) constituted the dependent

variable while the clusters are the independent variable. The use of Key Informant

60
Interview (KII) was used to come up with the perception assessment on the street

panhandlers’ impacts on the environment.

61
 CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS

4.1 INTRODUCTION

This section is obsessed with the discussion of the findings and results on the locational

characteristics of street panhandling in Lagos metropolis. The findings and results

include; Incidence and spatial distribution of street panhandling in the study area, socio-

economic, socio-cultural and physical characteristics of street panhandlers, locational and

socio-physical characteristics of the environment where panhandlers are found, residents’

perceptions of panhandling in their environment and the environmental effects of

panhandling on their environment. Data for these analyses were drawn from the results of

street panhandlers’ enumeration conducted in all the seven (7) defined activity nuclei

(clusters).

4.2 INCIDENCE AND SPATIAL DISTRIBUTIONS OF PANHANDLING

The main findings of this section are presented in Tables, Maps and Plates below. The

analyses are presented in three (3) broad sub headings (i) Enumeration of street

panhandlers (ii) Land use pattern of street panhandlers (iii) spatial distributions and

pattern of street panhandlers. The data used for this section was based on the total

average number of street panhandlers identified and enumerated in the study area (Lagos

metropolis). It was calculated by Relative Incidence of Street Panhandlers (RISP).

62
4.2(i) ENUMERATION OF STREET PANHANDLERS

Table 4.1a: Street Panhandlers’ enumeration result in Lagos metropolis

Activity Counting Days Average

Nuclei Wednesday Friday Saturday Sunday
(Clusters)
EBUTE 212 234 219 207 218
METTA
IKOTUN 121 163 156 148 147
IDI ARABA 243 295 258 280 269
LUTH
MUSHIN 201 238 184 189 203
MARKET
TOLL 117 201 141 197 164
GATE
MUSHIN
AGEGE 219 296 223 254 248
OBALENDE 93 144 102 117 114
Total 1206 1571 1283 1392 1363
Source: Author’s field survey (2015)

Calculated by RISP (the addition of number of street panhandlers identified in the cluster in four
days divided by four)

Table 4.1a shows the street panhandlers’ enumeration result in the defined clusters across

the study area in Lagos metropolis through head count. The result shows the registration

of average number of street panhandlers identified in each cluster per day, where Friday

has the highest number of incidence of panhandling amongst the four days with 1571

street panhandlers identified, followed by Sunday, Saturday and Wednesday with 1392,

1283 and 1206 street panhandlers respectively. Thus, the average number of panhandlers

identified in the seven (7) defined clusters is 1363. Further, the table shows Idi Araba

LUTH with the highest average number of street panhandlers with 269 and Obalende

with the lowest incidence of street panhandlers with average number of 114 panhandlers.

The enumeration shows that weekends has the highest average of incidence panhandlers

in Lagos metropolis.

63
4.2 (ii) LAND USE PATTERNS OF STREET PANHANDLERS

Table 4.1b: Land use distributions of street panhandlers

Land use Frequency Percent (%)

Residential 128 9.39%
Commercial 258 18.93%
Transportation 601 44.09%
Public 376 27.59%
Total 1363 100%
Source: Author’s field survey (2015)

Figure 4.1 – Land use distributions of street panhandlers

Public

Transportation

Commercial

Residential

0.0% 5.0% 10.0% 15.0% 20.0% 25.0% 30.0% 35.0% 40.0% 45.0% 50.0%

Source: Author’s device (2015)

Table 4.1b and figure 4.1 shows that land use distributions of street panhandlers across

the seven (7) defined clusters in Lagos metropolis. Majority (44.09%) of the panhandlers

are distributed across the transportation land use in the study area, which includes the

railway side, railway stations, road sides, bus stops, motor parks, road junctions and

64
median of the road in Lagos metropolis. Street panhandlers were also identified around

the public land uses in the area, such as Mosques, churches, event centres around the

clusters with 26.09%. While 24.64% of the street panhandlers are found around the

commercial land uses such as, markets, shopping complex and filling stations and the

2.90% are distributed across the residential area in Lagos metropolis. This implies that,

the locations of street panhandlers in Lagos metropolis conforms with Jelili, 2006;

Ogunkan and Fawole, 2009; Olaosun, 2009; Adedibu and Jelili, 2011; Baltazar, et al

2011; Baltazar, et al 2012; Yusuf, et al, 2012; Jelili, 2013;Onoyase, 2013; Bukoye, 2014,

where the studies identified various locations where street panhandlers can be found.

65
Table 4.1c: LAND USE PATTERN OF STREET PANHANDLERS

Cluster Res “Z” Comm “Z” Trans “Z” Public “Z” Total “Z”

(RISP) (RISP) (RISP) (RISP) (RISP)

Ebute 19 0.096 59 0.930 79 -0.184 61 0.392 218 0.417

Metta

Ikotun 13 -0.712 37 0.006 58 -0.770 39 -0.792 147 -0.855

Idi- 28 1.307 33 -0.162 129 1.213 79 1.361 269 1.331

Araba

LUTH

Mushin 7 -1.520 76 1.644 84 -0.044 36 -0.953 203 0.148

Market

Toll-gate 27 1.172 5 -1.338 76 -0.267 56 0.123 164 -0.550

Mushin

Agege 18 -0.039 21 -0.666 136 1.409 73 1.038 248 0.955

Obalende 16 -0.308 27 -0.414 37 -1.357 32 -1.168 114 -1.446

Total 128 -1.059 258 -0.412 601 1.295 376 0.175 1363

Source: Author’s field survey and computation (2015)

Z-scores are used to compare two distributions with different units according to Adana

(1996).

They are standard scores that reflect, at a glance, how measurement or observations vary

from the mean as obtained from Z-score from table 4.1c, the incidence of street

panhandlers attracted by various land uses across the defined clusters (Activity nuclei) in

66
Lagos metropolis. For instance, the incidence of street panhandlers attracted by

transportation is high in Agege cluster and low in Obalende cluster, with Z-scores 1.409

and -1.357 respectively. The incidence of street panhandlers attracted the public land use

around Obalende cluster is relatively low and high around Idi-Araba LUTH cluster, with

-1.168 and 1.361 respectively. Residential land use recorded the highest incidence of

street panhandlers in Idi-Araba LUTH cluster with 1.307, while it is relatively low

around Mushin Market cluster with -1.520. On the whole, the incidence of street

panhandlers is more recorded in transportation land use with Z-score 1.295, follow by

public land use with 0.175 and it is least recorded in residential land use with -1.059,

follow by commercial land use. Amongst the cluster, the incidence of street panhandlers

is relatively high in Idi-Araba LUTH cluster with 1.331, followed by Agege cluster with

0.955, Ebute Metta cluster with 0.417, Mushin Market cluster with 0.148, while the

incidence is relatively low in Obalende cluster with -1.446, followed by Ikotun cluster

with -0.855 and Toll-gate Mushin -0.550.

67
4.2(iii) SPATIAL DISTRIBUTIONS AND PATTERN OF STREET PANHANDLERS

Figure 4.2a - Spatial distributions and pattern of street panhandlers in Agege cluster

Source: Author’s device (2015)

Figure 4.2a, shows the spatial distribution of street panhandlers in Agege which indicates

that panhandlers clustered mostly along the railway line that cut across the area (see

plates 4.1 and 4.2). The identified street panhandlers gather in group of atleast 10 person

per unit, with space of atleast 50 meters in between each unit and they form linear pattern

along the railway line. Others identified panhandlers are sparsely distributed in some land

68
 uses such as, Mosques (Hausa Jumat mosque and Alabere mosque), Motor parks and bus

stops and Agege main market. It was observed that majority of panhandlers concentrated

along the railway lines are as a result of presence of informal sectors, presence of Hausa

community and alms givers.

Plate 4.1 – cross section of panhandlers along railway line in Agege

Source: Author’s field survey, 2015

69
Plate 4.2 – Some of the informal sectors along the railway line that encourages the presence
of panhandlers in Agege cluster
Source: Author’s field survey, 2015

70
Figure 4.2b - Spatial distributions and pattern of street panhandlers in Ebute Metta cluster

Source: Author’s device (2015)

Figure 4.2b shows the spatial distributions and pattern of street panhandlers in Ebute

Metta cluster, with panhandlers densely concentrated around Kano Street (see plate 4.3)

and Wasimi central mosque, Oko Baba in the area. Some of them are found at various

strategic points within the whole environment. The presence of panhandlers in where

71
 they are densely populated in the cluster is understood to be as a result of the Wasimi

central mosque around Kano Street, because the Islam encourages alms given (Jelili,

2013). The presence of Oko-Baba settlements for the destitute is another observed reason

for the presence of panhandlers around Abeokuta Street where the identified panhandlers

in this area stationed at Tapa street junction, Odunfa street junction and Oko-Baba

junction, where others are identified along Abeokuta – Clinic street junction and around

the public play ground in the area. Thus, panhandlers are densely concentrated at the

North-East and South-West of Ebute Metta.

Plate 4.3 – Street panhandlers at the cul-de-sac of the Kano Street in Ebute Metta cluster

Source: Author’s field survey, 2015

72
Figure 4.2c - Spatial distributions and pattern of street panhandlers in Ikotun cluster

Source: Author’s device (2015)

Street panhandlers’ spatial distribution and pattern in Ikotun are along the transportation

routes (see Table 4.2c). More panhandlers are densely populated along Ikotun

roundabout – Ijegun road, sitting at the median of the road and edge of the road (see plate

73
4.4). Panhandlers in along this axis are observed at the front of various commercial

activities (lock up shops) and informal sectors. Panhandlers along this axis are

understood to stay at the middle of the road and edge as a result of the slow moving

traffic along Ijegun road –Ikotun roundabout, this gives them easy avenue to approach the

motorists. They are also observed around Ikotun main market and Ikotun-Egbe road.

Those around the market are located there as a result of influx of people and some of

those along Ikotun-Egbe road are present as a result of alms giver around the Synagogue

Church of All Nations. Thus, panhandlers formed a “star-like” pattern around the place

and they are located at the central area.

Plate 4.4 – cross section of panhandlers at the middle of the road along Ijegun road,
Ikotun.
Source: Author’s field survey, 2015

74
Figure 4.2d - Spatial distributions and pattern of street panhandlers in Obalende
cluster

Source: Author’s device (2015)

Figure 4.2d shows the spatial distribution and pattern of street panhandlers in Obalende

cluster. Panhandlers are identified to be scattered around Obalende, they are populated

around the Mosque along Obalende road, and others are identified around Obalende Bus

Terminal, Nipost Headquarter, Keffi Street, Rilwane Alfred road, Moloney Street and

Araromi Street. The observation in Obalende shows that panhandlers are sparsely

distributed.

75
Figure 4.2e - Spatial distributions and pattern of street panhandlers in Mushin

Source: Author’s device (2015)

76
Figure 4.2e shows the spatial distributions and pattern of street panhandlers in three (3)

clusters identified in Mushin, which are Mushin Market at the central area, Idi-Araba

LUTH at the South and Toll gate Mushin at the east spanned along the railway line.

Panhandlers located at the center (Mushin Market) are densely located along Isolo road,

Mushin road and few of along Agege motor road in Mushin. Those identified along Isolo

and Mushin road are located in group of average of ten(10) panhandlers per unit with

little interval between each group and they are situated at the edge of the roads and front

of the commercial activities (Shops and Informal sectors).

The Idi-Araba LUTH cluster is quite different from Mushin Market cluster; panhandlers

are located at different road junctions such as Abati, Seriki, Garuba Musa, Moshalashi,

Mallam Gana, and Durodola street junctions. Others are cluster in Idi-Araba Muslim

mosque and Central Mosque Idi – Araba. They are understood to be located here because

of the Hausa Community in the area.Panhandlers are seen here in group of average of

(13) panhandlers per unit. Panhandlers are densely populated around in this cluster than

any other clusters defined in this study.

The figure (Figure 4.2e), shows further the spatial distribution and pattern of panhandlers

at Toll-gate Mushin cluster. The distribution in this location is along the railway line and

panhandlers are densely cluster around the Arolahun and sparsely distributed at various

junctions along the railway line such as Ilupeju road, and Shyllon junctions amongst

others. Others are located around Shokunbi, Vono and Fafolu junctions around the

cluster.

77
Plate 4.5 – Section of non-disable panhandlers along Isolo road, Mushin market

Source: Author’s field survey, 2015

78
Plate 4.6- Section of panhandlers at the front of a commercial facility along Isolo road,
Mushin

Source: Author’s field survey, 2015

79
The observed variations

Panhandlers that are located in Agege and Idi-Araba clusters are as a result of the

presence of the Hausa communities in the area, where by the majority of panhandlers

identified are Hausas (see Table 4.6). In Agege cluster, majority of panhandlers are found

along the railway track where there are various informal sectors being operated by

Hausas, such as selling of rams and goats, collection of wastes (used foams, e-wastes,

clothes etc), drums, plastics, woods amongst others.

Few Hausa hoods are observed around Obalende and Ebute Metta clusters in the Lagos

metropolis and this is also understood to have contributed to the incidence of panhandlers

in the locations, they are observed at Pike, Forsythe and Turton Street behind the Nigeria

Postal Service Headquarters Obalende. Other locations within Obalende cluster are

Obalende road, Keffi Street, Alfred Rilwane road, Obalende bus terminal and

roundabout. In Ebute Metta cluster, they are densely located along Kano Street, Wasimi

Community Central mosque area and Jebba Street. Panhandlers are understood to be

attracted to the place as a result of the Mosques around the area, basically because the

Islamic religious supports the giving of alms to the panhandlers. Other location is Oko

Baba and Abeokuta Street; panhandlers are realized to be in this area as a result of the

location of destitute home at Oko baba. Female and children panhandlers are mostly

found around the area at different junctions and edge of the road such as, Abeokuta –

Clinic road junction, Oko baba junction, Odunfa, Tapa, Osholake junctions amongst

others.

80
 In Ikotun cluster, panhandlers are found at the middle of the road along Ijegun-Ikotun

road and they are extended to the Ikotun roundabout, they are noted to stay along the

route as a result of slow moving traffic at the roundabout in Ikotun and presence of

Ikotun Market. Panhandlers in this cluster formed linear arrangement with their pattern.

Markets, Motor parks, Garage, Informal sectors and alms givers are observed to foster the

presence of street panhandlers around Mushin Market cluster. Panhandlers in this

location are found at the edge of roads, pedestrian ways, front of commercial activities

and junctions. They are densely populated at the junction of Mushin road and Isolo road,

while others are scattered around the cluster. Alms givers and road junction attracts the

beggars around Toll-gate Mushin cluster. Panhandlers around the cluster are densely

populated at the Toll-gate (Arolahun) and along railway line, while others are sparsely

distributed at various junctions extended to Shokunbi, Ilupeju and Fafolu junctions.

Plate 4.7: section of street panhandler at Arolahun, Toll gate Mushin Cluster

81
Source: Author’s field survey, 2015

Plate 4.8: street panhandlers at Malam Gana junction, Idi Araba LUTH cluster
Source: Author’s field survey, 2015

82
Plate 4.9: Street panhandlers at the front of Mosque at Idi Araba LUTH cluster
Source: Author’s field survey, 2015

83
 4.3 SOCIO- ECONOMIC, PHYSICAL AND CULTURAL
CHARACTERISTICS OF PANHANDLERS IN THE STUDY AREA

Analyses for this section were based on the total number of street panhandlers sampled in
the study area. That is, five (5%) percent of the panhandlers enumerated in Table 4.1a of
this chapter. See table 3.4

SOCIO – ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS

Table 4.3a - Nationality of panhandlers in relation to Gender
Gender Nationality of panhandlers Total
Nigerian Non-Nigerian
Male Frequency 31 6 37
% of Total 44.9% 8.7% 53.6%
Female Frequency 27 5 32
% of Total 39.1% 7.3% 46.4%
Total Frequency 58 11 69
% of Total 84.0% 16.0% 100%
Source: Author’s device (2015)
Table 4.3a shows that 84.0% of the respondents are Nigerians and 16.0 % are Non-

Nigerian with 53.6 % male and 46.4 % female. Thus, the respondents comprised of more

Nigerians than Non-Nigerians while males have higher percentage than females in the

study area.

Table 4.3b - Education of panhandlers in relation to their Ethnicity

Education Ethnicity of panhandlers Total
Yoruba Hausa Igbo Others
No formal Frequency 2 12 0 1 15
Education % of Total 2.9% 17.4% 0 1.4% 21.7%
Islamic Frequency 0 21 0 2 23
Education % of Total 0 30.4% 0 2.9% 33.4%
Primary Frequency 4 8 2 4 18
Education % of Total 5.8% 11.6% 2.9% 5.7% 26.1%

84
Secondary Frequency 3 3 1 3 10
Education % of Total 4.3% 4.3% 1.4% 4.3% 14.5%
Tertiary Frequency 1 0 1 1 3
Education % of Total 1.4% 0 1.4% 1.4% 4.3%
Total Frequency 10 44 4 11 69
% of Total 14.5% 63.8% 5.8% 15.9% 100%
Source: Author’s device (2015)

Table 4.3b shows the highest education achieved by panhandlers in the study area in

relation to their Ethnicity. The table shows that 33.4% and 26.1% of the panhandlers

sampled have Islamic and primary educations respectively, where majority of them are

Hausas. 21.7% have no formal; education and they are also majorly constituted by

Hausas. The rest 14.5% and 4.3% have secondary and tertiary educations respectively.

These imply that majority of the respondents are Hausas with 63.8% and have low level

of education.

Figure 4.2 – Average income of the panhandlers

Source: Author’s device (2015)

85
 The figure (Figure 4.2) above reveals the average income from panhandling by the

sampled panhandlers in the study area. Majority (69.6%) of the panhandlers earn between

one hundred and fifty naira to three hundred naira a day (N200 – N500), while 21.7%

earn an average of one hundred and fifty naira and below daily (N50 –N200) and the rest

8.7% earn between three hundred to five hundred naira daily (N500 – N1000) in the

study area.

Figure 4.3 – Religion of panhandlers

Source: Author’s device (2015)

86
 Figure 4.3 shows the religious of the panhandlers sampled in the study area with 72.5%

of Islam, 18.8% and 8.7% are Christianity and traditional religion respectively. This

implies that majority of the panhandlers in the study area are practicing Islamic religion.

Table 4.3bi Correlations of Ethnicity and Religion of

panhandlers
Ethnicity of Religion of
panhandler panhandler
Pearson
1 -.582**
Ethnicity of Correlation
panhandler Sig. (2-tailed) .000
N 69 69
Pearson
-.582** 1
Religion of Correlation
panhandler Sig. (2-tailed) .000
N 69 69
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).

Having examined the education background of panhandlers in 4.3b and religious of

panhandlers in figure 4.3; both variables are subjected to a Pearson product moment

correlation (PPMC) so as to check whether there is a statistical correlation between them.

The result shows that (see table 4.3bi) for r = -0.582 and P <0.01, there is a statistically

significant negative relationship between Ethnicity of panhandlers and their religion. That

is, the probability of this correlation occurring by chance is less than one time out of

1000.

The analysis implies that as the number of Ethnic group increases amongst the

panhandlers, the less the number of incidence of panhandling. Thus, the phenomenon of

panhandling in Lagos metropolis is more of socio-cultural than religion.

87
Table 4.3c - Education of panhandlers in relation to gender
Education Gender Total
Male Female
8 7
No formal Frequency 15
Education 11.6% 10.1%
% of Total 21.7%
14 9
Islamic Frequency 23
Education 20.3% 13.1%
% of Total 33.4%
5 13
Primary Frequency 18
Education 7.2% 18.9%
% of Total 26.1%
7 3
Secondary Frequency 10
Education 10.2% 4.3%
% of Total 14.5%
3 0
Tertiary Frequency 3
Education 4.3% 0
% of Total 4.3%
37 32
Total Frequency 69
53.6% 46.4%
% of Total 100%
Source: Author’s device (2015)

Table 4.3c shows the education background of the examined panhandlers in relation to

their gender distribution. The table shows that 20.3% and 13.1% of male and female

respectively respondents have Islamic education background and this constitutes highest

percentage of the education background of the panhandlers. 26.1% has primary education

in which female has largest percentage of primary education background. 21.7% of the

panhandlers have no formal education in the study area.

88
4.3.1 PHYSICAL ATTRIBUTES OF PANHANDLERS

Figure 4.4 - Physical Appearance of the panhandlers in the study area

Source: Author’s device (2015)

Table 4.3d - Body Physique of panhandlers

Body Physique Frequency Percentage (%)
Disabled 30 43.5%
Non-disabled 39 56.5%
Total 69 100%
Source: Author’s device (2015)

The histogram (Figure 4.4) and table 4.3c show the analysis of body physique of the

sampled panhandlers in the study area, the figure shows that the average of the

panhandlers are non-disable with the mean of 1.57 (n = 1.57). This implies that majority

of the panhandlers in the location are non-disable. The deaf and dumb were counted as

non-disable in this category, with respect to their physical body, with two other

89
 panhandlers with able body. Table 4.8 below shows the comprehensive analysis of the

disability.

Table 4.3e – Types of disability in relation to gender

Gender Types of disability Total
Blind Cripple Deaf/Dumb Other Without
Problems Disability
Male 6 7 5 3 16 37
Frequency
8.7% 10.1% 7.3% 4.4% 23.2% 53.6%
% of Total
Female 7 8 4 2 11 32
Frequency
10.1% 11.6% 5.8% 2.9% 15.9% 46.4%
% of Total
Total 13 15 9 5 27 69
Frequency
18.8% 21.7% 13.1% 7.3% 39.1% 100%
% of Total
Source: Author’s device (2015)

Table 4.3e exhibits the physical attributes of panhandlers in the study area in relation to

their gender distribution. The table shows that majority of the panhandlers are without

disability in the category with 39.1%, while 21.7% of them are cripple, 18.8% and 13.1%

are blind and deaf or dumb respectively. 7.3% represents the panhandlers with other

problems, such as ailment and insanity.

90
4.3.2 SOCIO- CULTURAL ATTRIBUTES

Table 4.3f – The resumption and closing time of panhandlers

Resumption time for Closing time for panhandling Total
panhandling Afternoon Evening Night
Dawn 3 17 18 38
Frequency
4.3% 24.6% 26.1% 55.1%
% of Total
Morning 3 18 1 22
Frequency
4.3% 26.1% 1.5% 31.9%
% of Total
Afternoon 0 3 0 3
Frequency
0 4.3% 0 4.3%
% of Total
Evening 0 6 0 6
Frequency
% of Total 0 8.7% 0 8.7%
Total 6 44 19 69
Frequency
% of Total 8.7% 63.8% 27.5% 100%
Source: Author’s device (2015)

Table 4.3f reveals the time by which panhandlers resume and close each day for

panhandling in the study area. Having sampled sixty nine (69) panhandlers, the table

shows that 55.1 % of the panhandlers resume at dawn every day to their various

panhandling clusters or points. Many of these panhandlers resume early so as to

collecting alms from the alms givers in early hours of the day. 31.9% resume in the

morning, while 4.3 and 8.7 percent resume at afternoon and evening respectively. On the

time of closing, 63.8% of them close in the evening, while 27.5% close in the night and

the rest 8.7% close in the afternoon. Thus, majority of the panhandlers in the study area

resume for begging very early and closes by evening every day.

91
Table 4.3g – Closing time for panhandling in relation to land use
Land use Resumption time for panhandling Total

Dawn Morning Afternoon Evening

Residential 0 1 0 1 2
Frequency
0 1.5% 0 1.5% 3.0%
% of Total
Commercial 13 4 0 0 17
Frequency
18.8% 5.8% 0 0 24.5%
% of Total
Transportation 17 8 3 4 32
Frequency
24.6% 11.6% 4.4% 5.8% 46.4%
% of Total
Public 8 9 0 1 18
Frequency
% of Total 11.6% 13.0% 0 1.5% 26.1%
Total 38 22 3 6 69
Frequency
% of Total 55.1% 31.9% 4.4% 8.6% 100%
Source: Author’s device (2015)
Table 4.3g explores the closing time of the panhandlers in relation to the land uses in the

study area. The analysis shows that 24.6% and 11.6% of the panhandlers resume

panhandling around the transportation land use in the dawn and morning respectively,

they are found around the road junctions, railway stations and line and edge of the roads.

This is evident around areas such as Agege, Mushin and Ebute Metta amongst others.

18.8% and 5.8% show that some of the panhandlers resume for panhandling around the

commercial areas in the dawn and morning respectively, where 13.0% and 11.6% of the

panhandlers resume around public areas in the morning and dawn respectively, this is

evident in Wasimi central mosque, Central mosque at Idi – Araba and Mosque along

Obalende road around Obalende cluster amongst others. This implies, majority of the

panhandlers resume early for panhandling around transportation land uses than other land

92
 uses in the location, follow by public land use, particularly around mosques and thirdly

around the commercial areas, such as Mushin market, Ikotun market.

Plate 4.10 - A panhandler sits at the edge of road in the evening along Shokunbi junction,
Mushin
Source: Author’s field survey, 2015

Table 4.3h – Closing time from panhandling in relation to gender of the panhandlers
Gender Closing time for panhandling Total

Afternoon Evening Night

Male 3 16 18 37
Frequency
4.4% 23.2% 26.1% 53.7%
% of Total
Female 3 28 1 32
Frequency
4.4% 40.5% 1.4% 46.3%
% of Total
Total 6 44 19 69
Frequency
8.8% 63.7% 27.5% 100%
% of Total
Source: Author’s device (2015)

93
 Table 4.3h shows that 40.5% of the panhandlers which are females close in the evening

from panhandling, 26.1% and 23.2% of them which male close are at night and evening

respectively from panhandling daily. This connotes majority (63.7%) of the panhandlers

close by evening and 27.5% close by afternoon.

Table 4.3i – Nature of practicing panhandling in the study area.

Nature Frequency Percent (%)
Mobile 14 20.3%
Stationed 44 63.8%
Both 11 15.9%
Total 69 100%
Source: Author’s device (2015)

63.8% in table 4.12 shows that majority of the panhandlers in the study area are stationed

in a place to solicit for alms from the passerby while 20.3% of them move around to

solicit for alms and the rest 15.9% chose both methods (See Table 4.3i). This is prove

further in the figure 4.5

Figure 4.5 Nature of practicing panhandling in the study area

Source: Author’s device (2015)

94
 With the Mean of 1.96, it shows that majority of the panhandlers in the study area are

stationed in a spot for begging. Table 4.7d shows that the stationed panhandlers are

assigned with 2 where 1.96 is closer to 2 than 1 and 3 in which those that chose mobile

and both respectively belong.

Table 4.3i – Disability in relation to where the panhandlers toilet

Disability Where do you toilet Total
Away from Not far from Nearby
the spot the spot public place
Blind 5 7 1 13
Frequency
7.3% 10.0% 1.5% 18.9%
% of Total
Cripple 8 6 1 15
Frequency
11.6% 8.7% 1.5% 21.7%
% of Total
Deaf / Dumb 4 4 1 9
Frequency
5.8% 5.8% 1.5% 13.0%
% of Total
Other 0 4 1 5
Frequency
problem
0 5.8% 1.5% 7.3%
% of Total
Without 12 11 4 27
Frequency
disability
17.4% 15.9% 5.8% 39.1%
% of Total
Total 29 32 8 69
Frequency
42.0% 46.4% 11.6% 100%
% of Total
Source: Author’s device (2015)

The location where the panhandlers used to toilet in relation to their disability is

examined in table 4.3i. The analysis shows that 46.4% of the panhandlers toilet in a place

that is not far from the spot where they solicit for alms, while 42.0% toilet in a place far

away from where they solicit for alms, while the rest 11.6% toilet in the nearby public

place, most especially the nearby mosques in the environment where they are found.

With this analysis, it shows that more of the panhandlers toilet in a place where it is not

95
 far from the spot where they beg, while many of them toilet in place that is far away from

where they beg for alms.

Table 4.3j – Gender in relation to where the panhandlers sleep

Gender Where do you sleep Total
Inside of Front of Together Personal Road
nearby nearby with resident side
mosque facility other
or beggars
building in a
building
Male 15 9 6 5 2 37
Frequency
21.7% 13.0% 8.7% 7.3% 2.9% 53.6%
% of Total
Female 12 5 12 1 2 32
Frequency
17.4% 7.3% 17.4% 1.5% 2.9% 46.4%
% of Total
Total 27 14 18 6 4 69
Frequency
39.1% 20.3% 26.1% 8.7% 5.8% 100%
% of Total
Source: Author’s device (2015)

Table 4.3j shows the distributions of where the panhandlers sleep in relation to their

gender in the study area. The table revealed that majority of the panhandlers sleep inside

nearby mosques with 39.1% of representation (See Plate 4.9), where 26.1% and 20.3%

sleep together in the same building and at the front of nearby facility or building

respectively, while 8.7% and 5.8% of the panhandlers sleep in their own residence and

road side respectively (See plate 4.12 for the road side). This implies, majority of the

panhandlers does not have nor sleep inside their own house.

Panhandlers’ preference location for begging activity

The perception of the sampled panhandlers on their preferred location for begging with

regards to land uses identified in the study area were measured using the Likert scale with

a weight score of 1 to 5. The weight was ranked as follows: 1 = not at all, 2 = not

96
 interested, 3 = averagely, 4= interested, 5 = very interested. The analysis of their

responses will help to determine the land use that the panhandlers are interested in and

their level of interest (See Table 4.7g).

Table 4.3k – Panhandlers’ preference of location for begging activity

Panhandlers 5 4 3 2 1 Interest Panhandlers Mean PII - x
Preferred weight interest (x) =
location for value index (PII) ∑(PII)/n
begging (IWV) = (IWV)/∑f
Market 17 27 7 7 11 239 3.46 0.42
Church 13 24 7 11 14 218 3.16 0.12
Bus stop/motor 9 18 21 7 14 208 3.01 -0.03
park
Road junctions 14 23 11 17 4 233 3.38 0.34
Filling station 6 6 31 18 8 191 2.77 -0.27
Public office 7 5 31 18 8 192 2.78 -0.26
Mosque 16 21 9 13 10 227 3.29 3.04 0.25
School 3 9 12 19 26 151 2.19 -0.85
Event center 15 21 9 10 14 220 3.19 0.15
Neighborhood 7 6 31 18 7 195 2.83 -0.21
park /
playground
Road / Rail 18 15 18 10 8 232 3.36 0.32
side
Total 33.42
Source: Author’s device (2015)

Interest weight value (IWV) = ∑products of response to each land use and its

corresponding value. i.e. (17x5) + (27x4) + (7x3) + (7x2) + (11x1) = 239

∑f= Total number of respondents = 69

n = Number of Attributes = 11

The respondents’ level of interest measured using 11 main attributes of the place where

the panhandlers are found shows that they have a mean interest index of 3.04 (see table

4.3k). The respondents are very interested in Market as a place where they can beg, with

interest index of 3.46 and a positive deviation of 0.42from the mean. Other land uses with
97
 a positive deviation from the mean include the road junctions (0.34), the road or railway

side (0.32), mosques (0.25), event center (0.25), and church (0.12). This is evident in

table 4.10, where the panhandlers are found more transportation, public and commercial

land uses than every other land uses in the study area.

Table 4.3l – Panhandlers’ level of agreement on the profitable day and time for begging
Profitable time 5 4 3 2 1 Agreement Panhandlers Mean PAI - x
for weight Agreement (x) =
panhandling value index (PAI) ∑(PPI)/n
(AWV) = (AWV)/∑f
Weekdays 5 13 9 32 10 178 2.58 -0.29
Weekends 25 20 8 7 9 252 3.65 0.78
Festive periods 11 23 12 15 8 221 3.20 0.33
Mornings 5 11 8 21 24 159 2.30 2.87 -0.57
Afternoons 3 14 11 17 24 162 2.35 -0.52
Evenings 10 26 9 13 11 218 3.16 0.29
Total 17.24
Source: Author’s device (2015)

Table 4.3l shows the level at which the panhandlers agree on profitable day and time for

begging in the study area. These were measured with the use of Likert scale with a

weight score of 1 to 5. The weight was ranked as follows; 1 = strongly disagree, 2 =

disagree, 3 = indifferent, 4 = agree, and 5 = strongly agree. The analysis helped to

ascertain the day and time that the panhandlers agree to be profitable and their level of

agreement.

Interest weight value (AWV) = ∑products of response to each day and time and its

corresponding value. i.e. (5x5) + (13x4) + (9x3) + (32x2) + (10x1) = 178

∑f= Total number of respondents = 69

n = Number of Attributes = 6

The table shows that weekends is the profitable time for begging by the panhandlers with

the agreement index of 3.65 and a positive deviation of 0.78 from the mean, this is

98
 evident during the headcount and it is presented in table 4.1 of this chapter, where the

higher incidence of panhandling was recorded across the defined clusters on Friday (D2)

than every other days in the study area. Table 4.3l, shows further that the panhandlers

chose festive periods and evenings to be profitable with positive deviation of 0.33 and

0.29 respectively. Table 4.11 also shows that majority of the panhandlers stay till evening

before they close for begging daily.

Table 4.3m shows the frequency level of panhandlers’ experiences in their various

begging locations and the type of their experiences. These were measured with the use of

Likert scale with a weight score of 1 to 7. The weight was ranked as follows; 1 = never, 2

= almost never, 3 = some of the time, 4 = neutral, and 5 = lot of time, 6 = almost always,

and 7 = always. The analysis helped to determine the type of their experiences and the

frequency level of the experiences in the place of begging.

Table 4.3m – Panhandlers’ experiences in the place of begging

Panhandlers’ 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Experience Panhandlers Mean (x) PEI -
experience in weight Experience = x
the place of value index (PEI) ∑(PEI)/n
begging (EWV) = (EWV)/∑f
Sexual abuse 3 1 11 22 8 16 8 234 3.39 -0.42
/ Rape
Theft / 0 2 6 21 2 33 5 203 2.94 -0.87
Robbery
Extortion / 4 1 8 11 15 13 17 206 2.99 -0.82
Assault
Rejection 3 10 7 13 14 7 15 239 3.46 -0.35
Ritual attack 11 7 18 5 9 11 8 286 4.14 0.33
Vehicular 6 6 19 17 4 2 15 272 3.94 3.81 0.13
accident
Community 7 14 11 8 10 8 11 277 4.01 0.20
violence
Outbreak / 7 11 8 19 4 12 8 275 3.99 0.18
Spread of
diseases
Harsh 20 19 12 2 9 5 2 361 5.23 1.42
weather

99
Arrest 5 14 12 7 17 5 9 277 4.01 0.20
Total 38.1
Source: Author’s device (2015)

Experience weight value (EWV) = ∑products of response to each experience and its

corresponding value. i.e. (3x7) + (1x6) + (11x5) + (22x4) + (8x3) + (16x2) + (8x1) = 234

∑f= Total number of respondents = 69

n = Number of Attributes = 10

From table 4.3m, with the experience index of 5.23and a positive deviation of 1.42 from

the mean it shows that panhandlers are subjected to harsh weather than any other in the

study area particularly the disable panhandlers and this do cause discomfort if not

sickness. Ritual attack is another experience of the panhandlers in the study area with the

positive deviation of 0.33. Furthermore, community violence and arrest from the Lagos

state government agency also have high experience index of 4.01 and positive deviation

index of 0.20 each in the study area; this as a result of frequent violence amongst the

local rivalry groups within the communities such as Mushin, Ikotun and Ebute metta, as

stressed by the panhandlers. Outbreak of diseases and vehicular attack are also

experienced by the panhandlers in the place of begging with the positive deviations of

0.18 and 0.13 respectively. Thus, the major experiences that subjugate the panhandlers in

the study area are harsh weather, ritual attack, arrest, community violence, outbreak or

spread of diseases and vehicular accident amongst others.

100
Table 4.3n – Panhandlers reason for choice of locations within the clusters
Location (Cluster) Reason for Choice of the location Total
Closene Nodal Influx Friendly Others
ss to Point of environment
public people
center
Ebute 0 5 5 0 1 11
Frequency
Metta
0 7.2% 7.2% 0 1.5% 15.9%
% of Total
Ikotun 4 3 0 1 0 8
Frequency
5.8% 4.3% 0 1.5% 0 11.6%
% of Total
Idi – 2 5 3 2 2 14
Frequency
Araba
2.9% 7.2% 4.3% 2.9% 2.9% 20.2%
LUTH % of Total
Mushin 2 3 2 1 2 10
Frequency
Market
2.9% 4.5% 2.9% 1.5% 2.9% 14.7%
% of Total
Toll-gate 0 5 2 1 0 8
Frequency
Mushin
0 7.2% 2.9% 1.5% 0 11.6%
% of Total
Agege 1 5 5 1 0 12
Frequency
1.5% 7.2% 7.2% 1.5% 0 17.2%
% of Total
Obalende 2 1 1 2 0 6
Frequency
% of Total 2.9% 1.5% 1.5% 2.9% 0 8.8%
Total 11 27 18 8 5 69
Frequency
% of Total 16.1% 39.0% 26.1% 11.6% 7.2% 100%
Source: Author’s device (2015)

Table 4.3n shows panhandlers’ reasons for their choice to stay at some particular

locations within each cluster. Some of the locations which panhandlers are found within

the clusters are railway line, road junction, and side of the walkway, median of the road,

entrance of public areas, such as markets, motor parks, and mosques stations amongst

others. The table shows that majority (39.0%) of the panhandlers are found at the Nodal

point, that is road junctions, railway junctions and roundabout. This was well observed

around the following clusters, Ikotun (Ijegun road and Ikotun round about), Mushin

101
market (Mushin road intercept Isolo road), and Toll gate Mushin (toll gate, Shokunbi

junction, Ilupeju road – railway junction, Arolahun), Ebute Metta (Kano –street, Borno

way) and Idi-Araba (Garuba Musa Street, Moshalashi street, Malam Gana street). 26.1%

are found around where there is influx of people, such as Mushin Market, Agege railway

station, Ikotun market andMushin Toll gate. 16.1% are found closer to the public places

such as Mosques at Idi-Araba Muslim mosque, LUTH community mosque, Central

mosques Idi-Araba, Wasimi community central Moque Ebute Metta, Oluwatoyin

community mosque Ebute Metta, Anwar-udeen central mosque Ebute Metta, Hausa

Jumat Mosque in Agege, St Regina Mundi Catholic Church, Mushin, The Synagogue of

All Nations Ikotun, amongst others. 11.6% of the sampled panhandlers believe that a

friendly environment makes them to stay where they are to solicit for alms, such as Hausa

community in Idi-Araba, Mushin Market, and Wasimi central mosque environment in

Ebute Metta. Lastly, 7.2 % chose where they are because of other purposes, such as

presence alms givers, inability to move far away from the place where they sleep, and

fear from being arrested by the Lagos state task force amongst others.

102
 Table 4.3o ANOVA : Comparison of socio-economic characteristics of street panhandlers among
the clusters
Sum of df Mean Square F Sig.
Squares
Between
2.082 6 .347 .397 .878
Groups
Age of panhandler
Within Groups 54.208 62 .874
Total 56.290 68
Between
.824 6 .137 .521 .790
Groups
Gender of Panhandler
Within Groups 16.336 62 .263
Total 17.159 68
Between
12.944 6 2.157 .836 .547
Education of Groups
Panhandler Within Groups 160.042 62 2.581
Total 172.986 68
Between
6.825 6 1.138 .993 .438
Marital Status of Groups
panhandler Within Groups 71.001 62 1.145
Total 77.826 68
Between
.353 6 .059 .410 .870
Nationality of Groups
panhandler Within Groups 8.894 62 .143
Total 9.246 68
Between
4.310 6 .718 1.457 .208
Groups
Tribe of panhandler
Within Groups 30.559 62 .493
Total 34.870 68
Between
1.206 6 .201 .729 .628
Groups
Religious of panhandler
Within Groups 17.084 62 .276
Total 18.290 68
Between
1.506 6 .251 .849 .537
Average Income a day Groups
from panhandling Within Groups 18.320 62 .295
Total 19.826 68
Source: Author’s Survey and computation (2015)

103
The Analysis of variance (ANOVA) presented in table 4.3o shows that with p-values

greater than accepted alpha level of 0.05 (significant values) there are no statistically

significant differences amongst the socio-economic attributes of panhandlers across all

the clusters where panhandlers are found in Lagos metropolis. The same insignificant

differences were obtained for their socio-cultural attributes. Thus, the socio-economic

and cultural attributes of panhandlers are not different across the clusters in the study

area.

104
4.4 THE LOCATIONAL AND SOCIO-PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF

THE ENVIRONMENT WHERE STREET PANHANDLERS ARE FOUND

This section explores the locational and socio-physical characteristics of the environment

where street panhandlers are found in Lagos metropolis. Data on this were obtained

through the direct observation and are presented in pictorial form and table (Cross

tabulation and ANOVA).

Majority of panhandlers’ clusters are located within the Hausas community in the study

area (Lagos Metropolis), examples of this are; Hausa Community in Agege, Hausa

Community in Idi-Araba LUTH, Hausa community in Obalende, Wasimi area in Ebute

Metta and Oko Baba in Ebute Metta. The Characteristics of these aforementioned clusters

are virtually similar, with the presence of Mosques, Water fetchers, Petty traders,

Informal sectors, Shanties, Solid waste recycling, and Okada riders amongst others. The

places are characterized with heavy waste generation, Air pollution, noise pollution and

unorganizedness. The cluster where panhandlers are densely populated in Toll-gate

Mushin is characterized with the presence of Hausa Ram and Cow sellers (See Plate

4.13), Informal sectors and Dirt. In Mushin Market and Ikotun clusters, the place where

they are found are characterized with unorganizedness, Motor Traffic, Informal sectors,

Dirt and Influx of people.

As observed from each cluster, Panhandlers identified are characterized with the handling

of Mats, Polythene bags with loads, small bowls for collecting alms, veils or umbrellas

for protection from harsh weather, bowl for eating and water bottles amongst others.

105
Table 4.4a – Physical Characteristics of the Clusters
Physical Characteristics of the Environment Total
Name of the Cluster
Clean Dirty Unorganized Fair
Ebute 1 5 1 4 11
Frequency
Metta
1.5% 7.2% 1.5% 5.8% 15.9%
% of Total
Ikotun 0 4 2 2 8
Frequency
0 5.8% 2.9% 2.9% 11.5%
% of Total
Idi – 0 4 8 2 14
Frequency
Araba
0 5.8% 11.5% 2.9% 20.4%
LUTH % of Total
Mushin 2 5 2 1 10
Frequency
Market
2.9% 7.2% 2.9% 1.5% 14.5%
% of Total
Toll-gate 2 3 1 2 8
Frequency
Mushin
2.9% 4.3% 1.5% 2.9% 11.5%
% of Total
Agege 0 7 5 0 12
Frequency
0 10.1% 7.2% 0 17.4%
% of Total
Obalende 1 2 1 2 6
Frequency
% of Total 1.5% 2.9% 1.5% 2.9% 8.8%
Total 6 30 20 13 69
Frequency
% of Total 8.8% 43.3% 29.0% 18.9% 100%
Source: Author’s device (2015)

Table 4.4a shows the physical characteristics of the locations where panhandlers are

found in each identified clusters. 43.3% and 29.0% from the table show that the majority

of the beggars’ locations in the clusters are dirty and unorganized respectively, where

18.9% are fair and the rest (8.8%) are clean. The table was further transformed to

Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) to check whether there is significant different in terms of

physical characteristics amongst the cluster identified or not. (See Table 4.4b)

106
Table 4.4b - ANOVA: Comparison of the clusters physical characteristics
Sum of df Mean F Sig.
Squares Square
Between 3.690 6 .615 .746 .615
Groups
Within 51.121 62 .825
Groups
Total 54.812 68
Source: Author’s device (2015)

The result of ANOVA as shown in the table reveals that with f-value of 0.746 and

probability value of 0.615, the physical characteristics of the place where panhandlers

are found in the clusters are not statistically vary. Thus, majority of the place where

panhandlers are found in Lagos metropolis are dirty and unorganized.

107
Plate 4.11 – Hausa Community at the back of NIPOST Headquarters in Obalende cluster

Source: Author’s Field Survey, 2015

Plate 4.11 shows the characteristics of Hausa community located in Obalende cluster in

Lagos metropolis. Panhandlers move out in the morning to the edge of the road on the

bridge from this environment to solicit for alms from the passersby.

108
Plate 4.12: Panhandlers protecting themselves from Sunshine along Obalende road.

Source: Author’s Field Survey, 2015

Plate 4.0 shows how street panhandlers protect themselves from the sun light along

Obalende road in Obalende cluster. The plate also shows the place where they live

(shanty built against a perimeter fence) along the road. See more details on where street

panhandlers sleep in Table 4.7f.

Plate 4.13: The environment where street panhandlers are found in Toll gate Mushin
Source: Author’s Field Survey, 2015

109
Plate 4.14: Hausas sorting wastes along the railways line in Agege cluster

Source: Author’s Field Survey, 2015

Plate 4.14 shows other characteristics of the place where panhandlers are found in Lagos

metropolis, with the residents’ involvement in the waste management. They are involved

in sorting out of e-wastes, clothes, foams, selling of Rams and Cows, and drums amongst

others. Thus, Majority of the place where panhandlers are found in the Lagos metropolis

is either Hausa business areas or settlements.

110
 4.5 RESIDENTS’ PERCEPTION OF PANHANDLING

Analysis for this section was based on the total number of the residents sampled for the

study.

The residents’ perceptions of causes of panhandling in their environment were measured

by the Likert scale with a weight score of 1 to 7. The weight was ranked as follows: 1 =

Strongly Disagree, 2 = Somewhat Disagree 3 = Disagree, 4= neither, 5 = Somewhat

Agree, 6 = Agree and 7 = Strongly Agree. The analysis of their responses helped to

determine their perceptions of causes of panhandling in their environment.

Table 4.5a – Residents’ perceptions of causes of panhandling in their environment

Residents’ 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Perception Residents’ Mean (x) RPI
perception of weight Perception = -x
what led to value index ∑(RPI)/n
street begging (PWV) (RPI) =
(PWV)/∑f
Internal 22 17 14 80 25 47 54 869 3.36 -
Household 0.55
Crisis
Economic 17 4 20 49 36 50 83 730 2.82 -
regression 1.09
Rejection 28 37 34 79 32 27 22 1076 4.15 0.24
Unemployment 47 52 50 38 29 34 09 1207 4.66 0.75
Low level of 58 43 49 41 26 31 11 1224 4.73 0.82
education
Famine 10 13 23 83 42 33 55 842 3.25 -
0.66
Crisis 31 33 25 56 47 38 29 1010 3.90 3.91 -
0.01
Divorce 08 14 24 87 43 31 52 851 3.29 -
0.62
Insurgence 28 36 43 36 49 40 27 1025 3.96 0.05
Profitability of 53 42 43 67 20 23 11 1223 4.72 0.81
panhandling
Psychological 05 12 08 78 36 48 72 735 2.84 -
problem 1.07
Disability 43 48 39 65 23 27 14 1181 4.56 0.65
Personal 31 40 29 93 27 21 18 1115 4.31 0.40
Choice /
Laziness

111
Others 39 22 32 99 18 26 23 1090 4.21 0.30
Total 54.76
Source: Author’s device (2015)

Perception weight value (PWV) = ∑products of response to each perception and its

corresponding value. i.e. (22x7) + (17x6) + (14x5) + (80x4) + (25x3) + (47x2) + (54x1) =

869

∑f= Total number of respondents = 259

n = Number of Attributes = 14

Table 4.5a shows various residents’ perceptions of what led to street panhandling in their

environment. The causes are explored and variables with high perception index and

positive deviation are accepted as causes of panhandling in the environment. From the

table, 0.82 and 0.81 positive deviations shows that Low level of Education and

Profitability of panhandling are perceived as major reasons led to incidence of

panhandling in their environment respectively. Also, unemployment, Disability and

Laziness/personal choice with positive deviations of 0.75, 0.65 and 0.40 respectively are

other perceived causes of panhandling in the environment. While some of the

respondents perceived that other variables (Old age, terminal disease and sickness),

rejection and incidence of insurgence in Northern part of Nigerian brought the incidence

of panhandling in their environments, and these are with positive deviations of 0.30, 0.24

and 0.05 respectively.

112
Table 4.5b - Perceived attractors of panhandlers by the residents

Beggars 5 4 3 2 1 Attractors Residents’ Mean (x) RPI

Attractors weight Perception = -x
value index ∑(RPI)/n
(AWV) (RPI) =
(AWV)/∑f
Markets 121 50 28 36 24 985 3.80 0.55
Churches 72 33 51 46 57 794 3.07 -0.18
Motor parks / 118 26 38 32 45 917 3.54 0.29
Bus stops
Road 133 36 31 15 44 976 3.77 0.52
Junctions
Filling stations 39 43 27 40 110 638 2.46 -0.79
Public offices 21 37 82 41 78 659 2.54 -0.71
Mosques 112 38 43 31 35 938 3.62 3.25 0.37
Schools 30 34 88 42 65 699 2.70 -0.55
Neighborhood 95 41 23 39 61 847 3.27 0.02
playground /
park
Event Centers 73 38 61 47 40 834 3.22 -0.03
Informal 102 27 52 29 49 881 3.40 0.15
sectors
Alms givers 125 15 40 35 44 919 3.55 0.30
Total 38.94
Source: Author’s device (2015)
Table 4.5b Indicates the residents’ perceptions of the attractors of panhandlers to their

environment were measured by the Likert scale with a weight score of 1 to 5. The weight

was ranked as follows: 1 = Strongly Disagree, 2 = Disagree, 3= neither, 4 = Agree and 5

= Strongly Agree. The analysis of their responses helped to determine their perceived

attractors of panhandlers to their environment.

Attractors weight value (AWV) = ∑products of response to each perception and its

corresponding value. i.e.(121x5) + (50x4) + (28x3) + (36x2) + (24x1) = 985

∑f= Total number of respondents = 259

n = Number of Attributes = 12

113
The 0.55 and 0.52 positive deviations show that Market and Road junctions (Nodal point)

are perceived by the residents of the study area as the most attractors of panhandlers in

their environment respectively (see table 4.5b). The mosques and alms givers around the

study area are also said to be the attractors of panhandlers by the residents in their

environments, with positive deviations of 0.37 and 0.30 respectively, while Motor parks/

Bus stop and Informal sectors also attracts panhandlers in the environment with positive

deviations of 0.29 and 0.15 respectively. Thus, Markets, Mosques, Road junctions,

Informal sectors, alms givers, Motor Parks and bus stops are most attractors of

panhandlers to the identified clusters in the study area.

114
Table 4.5c – The residents’ perception of effects of panhandling on their environment
Beggars 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 (PWV (RPI) = (x) = RPI
Attractors ) (PWV)/ ∑(RPI) -x
∑f /n
Panhandlers 38 13 41 21 34 27 21 17 47 1281 4.95 0.72
constitute
nuisance to
the
environment
Panhandlers 0 8 41 13 22 46 9 12 108 882 3.41 -0.82
are source of
violence in
this area
Panhandlers 27 8 34 11 12 6 22 19 120 919 3.55 -0.68
contribute to
traffic
problem in
this
environment
Availability 28 13 10 27 58 29 36 15 43 1175 4.54 0.31
of
panhandlers 4.23
affects
commercial
activities in
this
environment
Panhandlers 58 15 13 42 38 11 29 40 13 1399 5.40 1.17
contribute to
environmenta
l waste being
generated in
this area
Some 16 18 09 24 41 28 8 23 92 974 3.76 -0.47
panhandlers
in this area
are
aggressive
Availability 8 6 25 21 41 34 42 61 21 1031 3.98 -0.25
of
panhandlers
in this area is
associated
with crime
Total 29.59
Source: Author’s device (2015)

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Table 4.5c Indicates the residents’ perceptions of effects of panhandling on their

environment were measured by the Likert scale with a weight score of 1 to 9. The weight

was ranked as follows: 1 = extremely disagree, 2 = Strongly Disagree, 3 = Disagree, 4=

somewhat disagree, 5= neither, 6= somewhat agree 7 = Agree, 8 = Strongly Agree and 9

= extremely agree. The analysis of their responses helped to determine their perceived

effects of panhandling on their environment.

Perception weight value (PWV) = ∑products of response to each perception and its

corresponding value. i.e.(38x9) + (13x8) + (41x7) + (21x6) + (34x5) + (27x4) + (21x3) +

(17x2) + (47x1) = 1281

∑f= Total number of respondents = 259

n = Number of Attributes = 7

RPI = Residents perception index

The table above (4.5c) shows the residents perceptions of effects of panhandling on their

environment. The means index of 5.40 and positive deviation of 1.17 shows that

panhandlers contribute to wastes being generated in the environment. Examples of this

are seen in environments such as, railway line in Agege, Ijegun road in Ikotun and

Mushin market amongst others. Mean index 4.95 and 0.72 positive deviation reveals that

the residents perceived that panhandlers constitutes nuisance to their environments such

as defacing the environment, poor perception of the environment as beggars hub and

pollutions amongst others, the instance of this are seen in Wasimi environment along

Kano street in Ebute Metta, Mushin road around Mushin market and Toll-gate of Mushin.

Positive deviation of 0.31 also shows that panhandling activities have effect on business

activities in some locations where panhandlers are found, as perceived by the residents,

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 particularly along Ijegun road Ikotun, Mushin market, informal sectors around toll gate of

Mushin and some other business activities around Ebute Metta.

Table 4.5d – How do you perceived panhandling in your environment

Beggars 5 4 3 2 1 (PWV) (RPI) = (x) = RPI - x
Attractors (PWV) ∑(RPI)/
/∑f n
Ebute Metta 31 75 48 59 46 763 2.95 0.03
Ikotun 46 58 33 63 59 683 2.64 -0.28
Mushin 44 40 53 54 67 714 2.76 -0.16
market
Idi – Araba 53 67 46 44 49 808 3.12
2.92
0.20
LUTH
Toll –gate 43 59 44 68 45 764 2.95 0.03
Mushin
Agege 49 71 47 51 41 813 3.14 0.22
Obalende 44 59 32 74 50 750 2.90 -0.02
Total 20.46
Source: Author’s device (2015)

The table above (table 4.5d) exhibits the response of the residents in the study area on

their perception of panhandling in their environment. The table reveals the responses

obtained from each identified (define activity nuclei) clusters in the study area. Based on

the result presented in the table (table 4.5d) and direct observations across the clusters, it

is discovered that the clusters that has more Hausas or Hausa community in the study

area accepted the presence of panhandling. The clusters are Agege, Idi-Araba Mushin,

Ebute Metta and Toll-gate Mushin with positive deviations of 0.22, 0.20, 0.30 and 0.30

respectively. (See table 4.5d). ANOVA table is further used to compare the responds of

each resident in the identified cluster of their perception of street panhandling activities in

their various environments. (See Table 4.5e)

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Table 4.5e - ANOVA: Comparison of each resident’s response to the perception of
panhandling
Sum of df Mean F Sig.
Squares Square
Between 24.304 6 4.051 2.669 .016
Groups
Within 382.383 252 1.517
Groups
Total 406.687 258
Source: Author’s device (2015)

The result of ANOVA as shown in the table reveals that with f-value of 2.669 and

probability value of 0.016, the level of acceptance of street panhandling is varies

significantly with the clusters in Lagos metropolis. The clusters where there are

significant large population of Hausa communities such as Idi-Araba, Agege and Ebute

metta perceived panhandling as an acceptable incidence, while others perceived it as

unacceptable.

COMPARISON OF EFFECT OF PANHANDLERS’ LEVEL OF DISABILITY IN

RELATION TO THEIR SOCIO-ECONOMIC, PHYSICAL AND CULTURAL

CHARACTERISTICS.

The study further examine the effect of panhandlers’ level of disability of their socio-

economic, physical and cultural characteristics, that is, does the level of their disability

have effect on their education, average income, their position in the place of

panhandling, the nature of practicing begging, the physical characteristics of their

surroundings, their accessibility to where they sleep, urinate and toilet.

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 Table 4.5f:ANOVA: EFFECT OF PANHANDLERS’ LEVEL OF DISABILITY ON THEIR
SOCIO-ECONOMIC, PHYSICAL AND CULTURAL CHARACTERISTIC
Sum of df Mean F Sig.
Squares Square
Between
1.827 1 1.827 .715 .401
Education of Groups
Panhandler Within Groups 171.159 67 2.555
Total 172.986 68
Between
.216 1 .216 .737 .394
Average Income a day Groups
from panhandling Within Groups 19.610 67 .293
Total 19.826 68
Between
.005 1 .005 .015 .904
Nature of practicing Groups
panhandling Within Groups 24.864 67 .371
Total 24.870 68
Between
Position of 3.414 1 3.414 1.786 .186
Groups
panhandlers at the
Within Groups 128.064 67 1.911
location
Total 131.478 68
Between
1.206 1 1.206 .892 .348
Groups
where do you urinate
Within Groups 90.533 67 1.351
Total 91.739 68
Between
.075 1 .075 .165 .686
Groups
where do you toilet
Within Groups 30.533 67 .456
Total 30.609 68
Between
.013 1 .013 .009 .925
Groups
where do you sleep
Within Groups 101.726 67 1.518
Total 101.739 68
Between
2.409 1 2.409 3.080 .084
physical Groups
characteristics Within Groups 52.403 67 .782
Total 54.812 68
Source: Author’s device (2015)

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The results of ANOVA as shown in table 4.5f revealed that with probabilities values

greater than accepted alpha level of 0.05 (Significant Values), there are no statistically

significant differences amongst the physical disability of Panhandlers in relation to their

education level, average income per day, their positions at the location of begging, , the

nature of practicing begging, the physical characteristics of their surroundings, their

accessibility to where they sleep, urinate and toilet. Thus, their physical disability does

not determine the aforementioned variables to certain extent.

4.6 KEY INFORMANT INTERVIEW (KII)

According to Carter and Beaulieu, 1992, Key informant interviews are qualitative in-

depth interviews with people who know what is going on in the community. The purpose

of KII is to collect information from a wide range of people – includes community

leaders, professionals, or residents – who have first-hand knowledge about the

community. Based on this, community leaders, residents and professionals, from the

fields of Urban and Regional Planning were involved in the interview.

The data were analysed using content analysis. Content analysis is an analytical

technique for making inferences by systematically and objectively identifying special

character of messages (Holstic, 1968). Seven (7) persons were purposively selected from

study area, where they were taken one person per cluster to participate in the Key

Informant Interview (KII).

Almost all of the interviewees expressed their displeasure of having street panhandlers

and attribute the incidence to poverty, illiteracy and deliberate actions by the people

involve. Also they were of the opinion that there should be a rehabilitation centre for

them. Only two persons see street panhandling as normal phenomenon.

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Male 45 - Mushin

“There are many panhandlers that do wake up very early in order to collect alms from

people that needed to give them zakat in the morning. The incidence of street

panhandling in this area is not good particularly this time that Nigeria is undergoing

security challenges. Panhandling avenue can be even used by the insurgence to attack a

community”.

Female, 29 - Ilupeju road off Adesiyan Street Ilupeju

“Street panhandling is not what is good, government at various levels needs to look at

this and it is because of poverty and unemployment that forced these people on the street

to ask for alms so as to survive daily. Some people are perpetrating evil acts through

panhandling by venturing into kidnapping, ritual, robbers informant and so on”.

Male, 37 - Olasonde Street Papa Ajao Mushin

“The ideal place for panhandlers is rehabilitation centre, they need to be camped in one

place because they are like eye sore to the environmental beauty and can even

discourage tourists or a person coming to the country for the first time. Government

needs to legislate the removal of all street panhandlers to the camp. Their presence on

the road speaks bad image of the city”.

Male, 34 - Ebute Metta

“Availability of street panhandlers is an avenue to fulfil what Allah commands that the

poor and needy should be given from our income. I don't see it as a bad thing as long as

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you can bury your shame and ask instead of robbery or other social vices. The only thing

is that, government needs to see to their problem and gather them in a place where they

will be taken care of. For example, the environment where some of them are living in Oko

Baba is not conducive”.

Male, 35 - Mundey Lane off Lewis Street Obalende

“There should be establishment of rehabilitation centres in nearly every local

government area of this state. This will give easy proximity to anybody that wants to give

alms to the panhandler. Imagine if all panhandlers are move to a long distance, a person

that wants to do good work of Allah by giving to panhandlers would have to spend lot of

money to transport them to the place. Then there must be a total control of influx of street

panhandlers to the state, particularly from the Northerners because majority of

panhandlers are Hausas”.

Male, 41 – Ijegun Road Ikotun

“Their environment is dirty physically, particularly the disabled panhandlers, this is

understood to be as a result of their inability to move from one place to the other, or they

do not have ability to clean their environment. Series of filths are around them, such as

papers, nylons, wasted foods, rubbers; some are not far from where they urinate and

fecal matters. This scenario is very ugly one and can contribute if not cause the outbreak

of diseases”.

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Female, 31 – Agege

“I do not see any bad thing in street panhandling as long as it is not for an evil purpose,

though, no one can be trusted in this age, considering the fact of ugly incidences

happening around the world now, such as kidnapping, ritual and terrorist attack. People

only need to be vigilant. Concerns the environment where panhandlers stay, majority of

their environments are always ugly and dirty, there is a need for sanitation amongst

them”.

Based on the information obtained from the KII, it shows that majority of residents Sees

Street panhandling as an ugly incidence and also contributes to the dirtiness of the

environment as a result of the waste they do generate and pollution around them.

Majority of them believe that the removal of street panhandlers to rehabilitation center

will help to solve the menace.

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 CHAPTER FIVE

CONCLUSION

5.1 INTRODUCTION

In the chapter four, the study examined the Incidence and spatial distribution of street

panhandling in the study area, socio-economic, socio-cultural and physical characteristics

of street panhandlers, locational and socio-physical characteristics of the environment

where panhandlers are found, residents’ perceptions of panhandling in their environment

and the environmental effects of panhandling on their environment.

This chapter reviews the main issues raised in this study, making connection with

planning implications of such issues. Arising from the foresaid, comprehensive

recommendations are proposed before drawing to a close in final conclusion.

5.2 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

5.2.1 Incidence and Spatial Dimensions of Street Panhandling

Street panhandling as described by Jelili (2006) is an urban phenomenon; this study has

been able to establish that the incidence of street panhandling exists in Lagos metropolis

and panhandlers are confined to certain settlements in the city. It is urban social problem

which has permeated some of the urban space in the city. More importantly, it has proved

that certain land uses and residential neighborhoods are better domicile of street

panhandlers than others in Lagos metropolis. According to table 4.1 in the preceding

chapter, 46.38%of the panhandlers are distributed across the transportation land use in the

study area, which includes the railway side, railway stations, road sides, bus stops, motor

parks, road junctions and median of the road. 26.09% are clustered around the public land

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uses in the area, such as Mosques, churches and event centres, with 24.64% found around

the commercial land uses such as, markets, shopping complex and filling stations, while

2.90% are distributed across the residential area in Lagos metropolis. This implies, street

panhandlers are found in transportation land use more than any other land uses in Lagos

metropolis.

When viewed from the residential settlement perspective, it was observed that street

panhandlers are densely populated amongst the Hausa settlement s in Lagos metropolis

than any other settlements. Hence, the incidence of panhandling in Lagos metropolis

exists with the development of Hausa community

The study also discovered that street panhandlers are not only located in where they are

densely populated in the identified cluster; they are also sparsely distributed within the

cluster, with some street panhandlers found at series of strategic points within residential

and commercial neighborhoods.

The study further shows that; a poorly management of railway shoulders in Agege and

Mushin as a result of dumping of refuse, undefined setback, incidence of informal

activities and aesthetically poor railway shoulder, poor management of road junctions in

Ikotun and Mushin market as a result of traffic congestions attracts certain numbers of

street panhandlers.

Religious land uses especially mosques located around the Hausa community generates

high incidence of street panhandlers

A central place, that is, location in the city where all form of business enterprises (formal

and informal businesses) concentrated tends to generate street panhandlers. Examples of

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these are Mushin market, shopping complex along Kano Street, Ikotun market, shops

along Ijegun road in Ikotun and informal sectors at the edge of railway line in Agege.

5.2.2 Socio-economic, physical and cultural attributes of street panhandlers

The findings reveal that the phenomenon of panhandling is not limited to a particular

ethnic in the study, though it has a very high significant number amongst the Hausas than

all other ethnics combined in the study area (Lagos metropolis). See Table 4.3b in chapter

four.

Street Panhandlers in the study area rely on daily alms for their survival and majority of

them earn less than a thousand a day on the average basis. This is shown in figure 4.2.

In the aspect of educational background of panhandlers, the study shows that majority of

the panhandlers are not well educated formally, the highest levels of their educations are

primary education and Islamic educations. Thus, low level of education of panhandlers

can be attributed to their decision to have ventured into street panhandling.

The study further revealed that 72.5% of the sampled panhandlers are practicing Islam,

18.8% and 8.7% are practicing Christianity and Traditional religious respectively in the

study area. This is understood as a result of Islam’s strong affinity for alms giving. (It is

believed that every “penny” spent for the poor is spent for the cause of Almighty Allah. It

is evident in the Koran, and of course, Islam, not to repulse beggars “And repulse not the

beggar” - Koran 93, verse10).

Thus, there are more Muslims panhandlers compare to other religious background in the

study area. When this study probed further, it was revealed that panhandling is only

common amongst Hausas than any other ethnic in the study area and this brought about

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the correlation analysis of the variables (religious and ethnicity of panhandlers). The

result shows that there is a statistically significant negative relationship between Ethnicity

of panhandlers and their religion. That is, as the number of Ethnic group increases

amongst the panhandlers, the less the number of incidence of panhandling. Thus, the

phenomenon of panhandling in Lagos metropolis is more of socio-cultural than religion.

This study has given us clear evidences that no relationship exist between Islam and begging. It

discovers that the problem of panhandling in Lagos metropolis is rooted in socio- cultural and

socio - economic realities in the country. However, it is observed that the practice of Muslims in

Nigeria has made panhandling appear to be part of Islamic culture while in the real sense

panhandling is not part of Islam.

The finding also shows that not all panhandlers are disabled physically; majority of the

identified and enumerated panhandlers in Lagos metropolis are able bodied men, women

and children. (See table 4.3d and figure 4.4).

The socio-cultural attribute of panhandlers was also examined in the study and the

followings are the findings; Majority of panhandlers in the study area resume for

panhandling as early as dawn so as to collect alms from the alms givers that gives very

early in the morning and male panhandlers constitutes the highest percentage of those

that resumes in the dawn. The data obtained also revealed that the significantly higher

number of the panhandlers closes in the evening from panhandling. It was also revealed

that panhandlers receive more alms in the evening on the average than any other time of

the day, and they receive more alms during the festive period than any other time.

Further attempt to examine their socio-cultural attributes reveals that majority of street

panhandlers sleep inside the nearby mosque, where some sleep together with other

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panhandlers in the spaces provided for them by the volunteers and the destitute homes,

extremely few numbers of them sleep beside the road and their personal houses. These

imply that majority of the street panhandlers has no personal resident. The study also

established that majority of the street panhandlers in the study area urinates and toilet in a

place that is not far from where they solicit for alms, while some does these in the nearby

mosques.

ANOVA was further used to check the variation in socio-economic attribute of

panhandlers amongst the seven (7) clusters. The result shows no variation amongst the

variables in all the seven (7) clusters. Thus, their socio-economic attributes are not

different from each other.

The study further examined the effects of panhandlers disability on their level of

education, average income, nature of practicing panhandling, their position at the place of

panhandling, where they toilet, urinate, sleep and the characteristics of their physical

environments. Analysis of Variance was used to examine this and the result shows that

the panhandlers examined are not affected by their disability level in relation to the

variables examined. This was revealed during the field survey, where handicapped

panhandlers were seen being taking to a far distance to beg, the analysis still revealed

through the questionnaire that their level of education is not too different in relation to

their disability. Thus, their level of education, average income, nature of practicing

panhandling, their position at the place of panhandling, where they toilet, urinate, sleep

and the characteristics of their physical environments are not determined by their level of

disability.

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5.2.3 Residents’ Perceptions

The study further investigated the residents’ perception of the causes panhandling, it was

discovered that 0.82 and 0.81 positive deviations shows that low level of education and

Profitability of panhandling are perceived as major reasons led to incidence of street

panhandling. Also, unemployment, Disability and Laziness/personal choice with positive

deviations of 0.75, 0.65 and 0.40 respectively are other perceived causes of panhandling

in the environment. While some of the respondents perceived that other variables (Old

age, terminal disease and sickness), rejection and incidence of insurgence in Northern

part of Nigerian brought the incidence of panhandling in their environments, and these

are with positive deviations of 0.30, 0.24 and 0.05 respectively. (See table 4.5a). The

residents’ perception of low level of education as reason for panhandling conforms to the

educational background of the panhandlers identified in Lagos metropolis.

Residents’ perceptions also revealed that, markets, motor parks, bus stops, road junctions,

mosques, informal sectors and alms givers amongst others attracts panhandlers to

locations where they are found in Lagos metropolis. Hence, it adapts to the studies

conducted by Ojo (2005), Ogunkan and Fawole (2009) and Namwata, et al. (2011).

The residents’ perception of the effects of panhandling on their environment was further

examined and significantly high numbers of the residents identified waste generation as

one of the effects of panhandling on their environment. The residents also believe that

street panhandlers are nuisance to the environment and need to control them in case of

infiltrations by the insurgence and people with bad motive in the society. Amongst other

effects identified are pollution, aesthetical challenge, noise in some cases (with street

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panhandlers with mega phone around Obalende and Ikotun clusters), and diversion of

buyers away from shops where they are found.

When compared the rate of acceptability of panhandling between the clusters it was

observed that the clusters where there are significant large population of Hausa (Hausa

communities) such as Idi-Araba, Agege and Ebute metta perceived panhandling as an

acceptable incidence, while others perceived it as unacceptable. See Tables 4.5d and 4.5e;

The result of ANOVA as shown in the table 4.5e reveals that with f-value of 2.669 and

probability value of 0.016, the level of acceptance of street panhandling is varies

significantly with the clusters in Lagos metropolis. That is, Hausa communities embrace

street panhandling while others see it as an unacceptable incidence in the study area.

5.2.4 The Locational and Socio-Physical Characteristics of the Environment where

Street Panhandlers Are Found

Tables 4.4a of the preceding chapter revealed that majority of the locations where

panhandlers are found in Lagos metropolis are characterized with dirt and unorganized.

Their socio-physical dimension is poor compare to where people that are not panhandlers

are found in the study area. This can be inferred as a result of their indiscriminate

dumping of used papers, nylons, urine, and wasted foods amongst others. Also, majority

of the area where they are found are characterized with unorganizedness such as presence

of informal sectors and unlawful bus stops and garages. When this was subjected to the

ANOVA in table 4.4b, it revealed that this is not limited to a particular environment but

found in all the identified clusters in Lagos metropolis.

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5.3 URBAN AND REGIONAL PLANNING IMPLICATION OF THE STUDY

As observed by Obateru (2005) that urban and regional planning is a three-way system,

that is, urban and regional planning is multidimensional discipline which dwells on the

tripod of physical, economic and social elements. The three elements are complimentary.

Nevertheless, Ogunkan and Jelili, 2010 are of the opined that many planners concentrate

on the physical aspect neglect the other two elements. This skewness in planning

approach accounts for doggedness of several important social problems in the society in

spite of sustained economic growth and continuing improvement in the quality of

physical environment. As maintained by Waldo (1948) in Ogunkan (2014) “it is immoral

to let problems like poverty, ignorance, pestilence and squalor to continue if they can be

obliterated by plan”. It is on this note, this study attempts to combine effectively the three

elements of planning (social, economic and physical elements) to direct action towards

the incidence of panhandling in Lagos metropolis.

The environmental implications of this study is derived from that street panhandlers are

elements of slum formation and since many of them live the life of destitution; they sleep

in nearby mosques, public places, roads side and turn the city into shanty environment.

This arguably affects the life of city’s dwellers and the environment generally. And has

serious implication for urban and regional planning in the area of environmental

wellbeing of the urban residents. From the aesthetic point of view, panhandlers constitute

environmental eyesore and they present ugly scene of urban environment and this does

not conform to planning essence of securing maximum practicable degree of safety,

convenience, functional, efficient, healthy and aesthetically pleasing environment as

indicated by Keeble (1969).

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5.4 CONCLUSION

The study has examined the locational variation in street panhandling in Lagos

metropolis. It compares the incidence of the panhandling across the seven selected

clusters in the metropolis. It brings into limelight the environmental and socio-economic

as well as socio-cultural implications of street panhandlers. The study also shows that the

characteristics of street panhandlers are similar across the clusters in the city; it confirms

the relationship between such issues as, poor physical planning, inadequate or dearth of

police power efficacy of the development control department, illiteracy, poverty,

misunderstanding of religious view on needy people and the phenomenon of street

panhandlers. It also confirmed the availability of informal sectors, traffic, poor aesthetic

roads and rail shoulders and alms givers attract panhandlers to the locations where they

are found in Lagos metropolis. In the light of these, the study hereby makes

recommendations that can go a long way in addressing the problem of street panhandling

in Lagos metropolis and Nigeria at large as follows;

5.5 RECOMMENDATIONS

Based on the findings of the study, it was confirmed that the street panhandling

phenomenon is the expression of a complicated web of social, economic and

environmental problems. It is therefore, essential to find structural solutions to the

problem arising from the above, because any attempt to confront the problem in isolation

is not likely to yield positive results. This study, therefore recommended the followings

under the sub headings:

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Efficient Planning and Management

Incidence of begging is related to urbanization and land use. Attempts at getting rid of

beggars on our streets should not be without recourse to physical planning. Against this

backdrop, it is recommended that:

It is an obvious fact that the importance of land use planning cannot be overemphasized

as it is required to ensure harmonious development and functional efficiency of various

land uses and to meet the needs of users of urban facilities. Furthermore, as observed by

Agbola and Olatubara (2004) land use planning becomes necessary to allow for and

ensure greater predictability in urban growth and development so as to make for adequate

provision for public services. However, poor design and ineffective and inefficient land

use management has marred the whole essence of land use planning and management in

Nigeria. One obvious manifestation of this problem is the emergence of street

panhandlers’ phenomenon which may be regarded as social or environmental nuisance to

people. Against this backdrop, urban planners are urged to ensure that detailed designs of

such land uses as motor parks, roundabouts, markets, railway line, bus stops, and road

shoulders amongst others, should discourage the convergence of street panhandlers. Such

could be achieved by insisting on proper landscaping of each project environment. Again,

our new layout (residential, industrial, commercial etc.) plans should discourage open

spaces that may not be manageable by the potential users. When such are created,

adequate provisions should be made on how to manage them and such provisions should

be well implemented to guide against springing up of indiscriminate location of squatter-

informal-sector activities which gives room for panhandlers to spring up. That is, Street

133
panhandlers should be discouraged to stay in public places like railway stations, bus

stops, market places, etc. through proper planning and beautification of the these places.

Police Power Efficacy of the Planning Department

Development control activities in cities should, through proper monitoring team, include

use of police power to evacuate illegal informal sector trades and other business operators

on the roads, railway lines, markets, and other street persons who usually cause traffic

jam through selling or hawking that provide good avenues for panhandlers of different

types to carry on their business.

There should be frequent exercise on the survey, neighbourhood watch and clampdown

of street beggars around the city so as to remove them from the places where they may be

found.

Building of Affordable Facilities so as to Control Informal Sectors

In the aspect of informal sectors around the markets that give room for panhandlers to

stay; considering the facts that there are so many businesses that survive through the use

of the available spaces in or around the market places, along the road and railway lines,

because of the inability of such business owners to afford store or shops. The must be

provision stalls and souk (as it is being planned for in Arabian countries) within our

markets that will be available at controlled affordable prices for market men and women.

Thus, the phenomenon of informal sectors along the roads and market areas would be

controlled and this would in no measure discourage the presence of street panhandlers in

these places.

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Development of a Sustainable Vocational Driven Rehabilitation center

Considering the fact that different panhandlers are in different physical status, therefore

they should be categorized into different groups of able- bodies, physically and mentally

disabled and addicts. This identification and categorization prepares the ground for a

different planning in order to organize the panhandlers and solve their problem.

Priority consideration should be given (on the two items above) to the known

panhandlers willing to participate in the informal sector businesses. Other aspect of

socio-economic measure against panhandling is rehabilitation. Drawing from the

experience of the rehabilitation schemes and centres, some of which were abandoned

halfway, why some could not function as a result of grossly inadequate facilities and

mismanagement, this study therefore presents the need for establishment of rehabilitation

centre driven by vocational activities so as to address the problem of those with one form

of disability or the other, and prevent them from becoming panhandlers, or stop them

from remaining as panhandlers. These centres should be well planned and be conducive

to living by panhandlers.

The management of each centre shall be constituted by the representatives of the

Government, Religious bodies and Non-Governmental Organizations. This shall also

constitute several finance committees to be directed to different social groups for fund

raising and or donations from philanthropic organizations and individuals as well as

religious groups. Also, rehabilitation centres must be established in each local

government areas across the state so as to have more space and facilities to cater for the

destitute people in the state.

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Alms Donations through Religious Organizations and Non-Governmental

Organizations

This study has given us clear evidences that no relationship exists between Islam and

panhandling in general, it is only common prevailed amongst the Hausas. It was

discovered that the problem of panhandling in Lagos metropolis is rooted in socio-

cultural and socio - economic realities in the country. However, it is observed that the

practice of Muslims in Nigeria has made street panhandling appear to be part of Islamic

culture while in the real sense street panhandling is not part of Islam. Though there

claimed from the two common religions in Nigeria (Christianity and Islam) that

panhandlers will always be in the midst of human; though alms giving is encouraged

from the two religious but panhandling is silent upon

Thus says the Bible: “Oh the joys of those who are kind to the poor (are those) the Lord

rescues them in times of trouble” (Psalm 41:1).

“Whoever gives to the poor will lack nothing. But a course will come upon those who

close their eyes to poverty (Proverbs 28:27).

While in the Qur’an: It is believed that every “penny” spent for the poor is spent for the

cause of Almighty Allah. It is evident in the Koran, and of course, Islam, not to repulse

beggars “And repulse not the beggar” - Koran 93, verse10.

In these regards, the religious leaders are, therefore, encouraged to preach against

begging and to teach their subjects the dignity of engaging in the productive components

of the economy.

Moreover, the Nigerian Muslim and Christian bodies must take immediate steps to

implement the zakat scheme and offering for the purpose of given to the panhandlers

136
(needy) so as to fulfil what Qur’an and Bible have instituted respectively to deal with

the problem of poverty and panhandling. They should as a matter of fact, constitute

bodies at various community levels through which their religious members channelled

their alms and donations rather than giving directly to street panhandlers. Such alms or

donations would constitute a fund that could be made use of to rehabilitate or provide for

the panhandlers at rehabilitation centres.

Campaign against Street Panhandling

Considering the fact that public places such as motor parks, bus stops, railway lines,

places of worship, markets are crisis producing areas of the city in terms of panhandling,

to identify the communication networks of panhandlers in these areas and to install

advertising boards on different locations with the intention of discouraging (advertising

against panhandling).

There is need for the general public to be sensitized on the menace of street begging in

the environment; to embark on public enlightenment on the negative consequences of

begging on the development of individuals, community and the nation at large.

These are responsibility of the Governments, Non-governmental Organizations, Religious

bodies and the media amongst others.

More focus on People of Northern Extract Community

Based on the observation of this study, majority of the street panhandlers’ clusters are not

far from the communities where people of northern extract are densely populated in

Lagos metropolis; thus, there is therefore need for the government to intimate the

137
leadership of these communities on the importance of encouraging the panhandlers

within their environments to relocate to the rehabilitation centres

5.6 THE EXISTING GAP / CONTRIBUTION TO KNOWLEDGE

The menace of street panhandling has attracted a significant number of studies from

various academic disciplines such as Urban and Regional Planning, Sociology,

Anthropology, etc thereby contributing significantly to existing literatures. For instance, a

considerable number of studies have been undertaken in different parts of the world to

cover such a wide-range issues of street panhandling phenomenon as: Package for

Controlling Street Begging and Rehabilitating Beggars and the Physically Challenged in

Nigeria (Adedibu and Jelili, 2011); Becoming Urban: Mendicancy and Vagrants in

Modern Shanghai (Hanchao and Lu, 1999); Street Begging in Cities: Cultural, Political

and Socio-Economic Questions (Jelili, 2013); Socio – economic Implication of Begging

(Ogunkan, 2009);Patterns of Street-Begging, Support Services and Vocational

Aspirations of People Living With Disabilities (Yusuf et al. 2012); The Begging

Syndrome in Nigeria and the Way Forward (Jibril,1997); Demographic dimensions and

their implications on the incidence of street begging in urban areas (Namwata et al.

2011).

In any case, one evident reality that remaining parts unaltered is the increment in the

issue of street panhandlers in our general society. There is undoubtedly these studies

seem to have touched practically every part of the issue, however they couldn't give the

tremendously required answers for the locational issue since they didn't consider the

spatial plan of action of the issue. This is a gap this study tries to fill. This study is along

138
these lines a pioneer examination which perceives that the issue of street panhandling has

socio-economic, socio-cultural and spatial implications and all things considered tended

to the issue in plan of action to such several dimensions.

Many studies have also emphasized the fact that street panhandlers are usually found in

market, filling stations, and venues of ceremonies, bus stops, car parks, road junctions,

neighborhood playground, shopping centres, churches and mosques (Osofisan, 1996;

Lynch, 2005; Forell, McCarron, and Schetzer, 2005; Ogunkan and Fawole, 2010; Gloria

and Samuel, 2012). However the studies have not possessed the capacity to learn the

attributes of the environments where street panhandlers are found and the better abodes

for them, neither did they advocate reasons why they are found in these environments.

This hole of information has been endeavored in this study. The land use comparison of

street panhandlers established the variation in distributional pattern of the problem and

provides the insight of factors responsible for such variation so as to direct adequate

attention to the issue on land use planning.

139
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 APPENDICES

UNIVERSITY OF LAGOS AKOKA LAGOS STATE

THE DEPARTMENT OF URBAN AND REGIONAL PLANNING
A M.SC QUESTIONNAIRE ON THE LOCATIONAL VARIATION IN STREET
PANHANDLING IN LAGOS METROPOLIS, NIGERIA.
2015

QUESTIONNAIRE FOR PANHANDLERS

Total number of disabled panhandlers in the location…….. and non-disable

Panhandlers ………….

Socio- economic Background

1. Area ………………. and Land-use characteristics of the location ………………..

2. Gender of the respondent (a) Male (b) Female

3. Age of the respondent? ……..

4. Education level of the respondent (a) No formal Education (b) Primary School (c)
Secondary School (d) Tertiary School (e) Informal Education

5. Number of years spent in formal education? …………

6. Skill acquisition (a) Trading (b) Artisanship (c) No

7. Number of years spent to learn the trade? ………….

8. Marital status (a) Married (b) Single (c) Divorced (d) Widow(er)

9. Any divorce or remarry case (a) Yes (b) No

10. Body physique of the respondent? (a) Disabled (b) Non-disabled

11. Nationality (a) Nigerian (b) Non-Nigeria

12. Tribe? (a) Yoruba (b) Hausa (c) Igbo (d) Other……….

13. Religion of the respondent? (a) Christianity (b) Islam (c) Traditional (d) Others

14. Are you a deportee? (a) Yes (b) No

15. If “yes” from 16, from where? …………………………………

16. Why were you deported? ………………………………………

17. What other Job do you do? ………………

145
 18. Average Income from begging per day? …………………………………………..

19. Highest daily income on begging? …………………

20. Lowest daily income on begging? ……………..

21. Income from Non-begging practice (other Job) per day? …………………

22. Reason for panhandling? ………………………

23. How long have you been begging? ……………………..

24. How many people are in your household? ……………

25. How many people are under same roof in your house? …………….

26. How many of them are beggars? ……………

27. Have you ever received help from Government? (a) Yes (b) No

28. Why do you prefer to beg? ……………………………..

29. Have you ever received assistance from Individual? (a) Yes (b) No

30. Have you ever received help from the community leader? (a) Yes (b) No

31. Have you ever received assistance from the NGO? (a) Yes (b) No

32. What was the form of help from the government / NGO / Individual / Community
leader? (a) Loan (b) Stipend (c) Food (d) Housing (e) Clothing and materials (f) financial
aid

33. Factors behind migration from home of origin to Lagos

SA – Strongly Agree, A – Agree, SWA – Somewhat Agree, N – Neither Agree nor Disagree,
SWD – Somewhat Disagree, D – Disagree, SD – Strongly Disagree

S/No Factors SA A SWA N SWD D SD

1 Internal Household crisis
2 Economic regression
3 Rejection
4 Joblessness
5 Diseases
6 Famine
7 Political Crisis
8 Communal Crisis
9 Work transfer
10 Insurgence

146
11 Government policy to remove
beggars
12 Threshold population for income on
begging
13 Accident
14 Disaster
15 Personal Choice

34. Do you like what you are doing? (a) Yes (b) No

35. If from question 36 “Yes” why?

…………………………………………………...........

36. If from question 36 “No” why?

………………………………..........................................

37. Do you wish or doing any effort to stop begging? (a) Yes (b) No

38. If “Yes” from question 39,

how?..........................................................................................

39. If “No” from question 39,

why?...........................................................................................

40. Do you prefer another work to begging? (a) Yes (b) No

41. If “Yes” from question 42, which type of work? ………………………….

42. If “No” from question 42,

43. Why?.......................................................................................................

44. Are you aware of the rehabilitation center in the state? (a) Yes (b) No

45. Do you prefer the rehabilitation center to this place? (a) Yes (b) No

46. If “Yes” from question 47, why did you not go there?
………………………………………..

47. If “No”, from question 47,

48. Why?..................................................................................................

49. Do you safe money? (a) Yes (b) No. Amount secured now? …………….

50. What is the position of your relatives to begging? …………………………..

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51. Rate appropriately the most profitable period (peak hours) of begging.
Where 1 represents the lowest and 5 represents the highest
Time 5 4 3 2 1
Weekdays are profitable for begging
Weekends are profitable for begging
Festive periods are profitable for begging
Mornings are profitable for begging
Afternoons are profitable for begging
Evenings are profitable for begging

Locational and Socio-physical Characteristics of the Area

52. Nature of practicing begging (a) Mobile (b) Stationed (c) a & b

53. Position of the beggar at the location (a) On the road (b) setback to road (c) road side
(d) front of public center (e) front of someone’s facility.

54. Reason for choice of the location?

(a) Closeness to public center (b) Nodal point (c) Influx of people (d) friendly
environment (e) others ……………..

55. Have you ever been chased from this place before? (a) Yes (b) No

56. If “yes”, who chased you? (a) Government agencies (b) the residents (c) the area
boys

57. If you have been chased before, why are you still in this
place?..............................................

58. How do you keep your environment clean? (a) Through Government (b) Community
(c) Beggars (d) Anybody concerns (e) No Sanitation

59. What are your experiences in the place of begging?

7 – Always, 6 - Almost Always, 5 – A lot of the time, 4 –Neutral, 3 – Some of the time
2 – Almost never, 1 - Never

S/No Experiences 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
1 Rape or Sexual harassment
2 Robbery or Theft
3 Assault or Extortion by the
hooligans
4 Rejection
5 Ritual attack

148
6 Vehicular accident
7 Community violence
8 Spread of diseases
9 Harsh weather
10 Arrest
60. Where do you urinate? ………………………..

61. Where do you toilet? ………………………..

62. Where do you eat? …………………………..

63. Where do you sleep? ……………………….

64. Where do you serve siesta? …………………

65. How do you take shed during the rain? ……………………………….

66. How do you take shed during the hot sun? ……………………………..

67. When do you resume begging? ……………………………………….

68. When do you close begging? …………………………………………….

69. Do you go on vacation? (a) Yes (b) No

70. What period of the year? ……………………………

71. Do you migrate? (a) Yes (b) No

72. If “Yes” from question 74, Where? ………….

73. If “Yes” from question 74, When? ………….

74. If “Yes” from question 74, with the whole family? (a) Yes (b) No

75. Do you have any assistant, which brings you here or takes you around?
…………………..

76. If “yes” from question 72, who is the person to you?

…………………………………….

77. Do you pay him for the service he renders? (a) Yes (b) No

78. If “Yes” from question 74, how much do you pay him a day?
………………………….

79. If “No” how does he or she survive?

……………………………………………………

149
 80. Why do you sit away from the
others?..............................................................................

81. Why do you sit closely to each

other?.................................................................................

82. Give specific distance of these socio-physical facilities to where you are located,
particularly the nearest one and rank your interest in begging very close to these facilities.

Please rank which of these location you prefer mostly to beg

Where ‘5’ means Very High Interest, 4 – High, 3 – Average, 2 – Low, 1 –Very low
S/No Facilities Specific 5 4 3 2 1
distance to
the begging
place
1 Market
2 Church
3 Bus stop or Motor Park
4 Road Junctions
5 Filling station
6 Pubic offices
7 Mosque
8 School
9 Road or Rail side
10 Neighborhood Park or
playground
11 Event Centre

83. Rate people’s concerns to begging

Where 7 – Highly concerned, 6 – Concerned, 5 – A little bit helpful, 4 – Indifference, 3 –

Not concerned, 2 – Hatred, 1 – Dispersedly put-off

7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Spouse
Children
Parent
Relative
Neighbor
Govt
official
Others

150
 UNIVERSITY OF LAGOS AKOKA LAGOS STATE
THE DEPARTMENT OF URBAN AND REGIONAL PLANNING
A M.SC QUESTIONNAIRE ON THE LOCATIONAL VARIATION IN STREET
PANHANDLING IN LAGOS METROPOLIS, NIGERIA.
2015

RESIDENTS’ PERCEPTION
1. Location…………………………………………………………………….
2. Physical characteristics …………………………………………………………
3. Land use………………………………………………………..
4. Gender of the respondent (a) Male (b) Female
5. Age of the respondent?
6. Your perceived reason for people’s begging?
SA – Strongly Agree, A – Agree, SWA – Somewhat Agree, N – Neither Agree nor
Disagree, SWD – Somewhat Disagree, D – Disagree, SD – Strongly Disagree

S/No Factors SA A SWA N SWD D SD

1 Internal Household crisis
2 Economic regression
3 Rejection
4 Joblessness
5 Low education
6 Famine
7 Political Crisis
8 Communal Crisis
9 Divorce
10 Insurgence
11 Unemployment
12 Profitability of begging
13 Psychological problem
14 Disaster
15 Personal Choice
16 Others

7. Who begs the most? (a) Men (b) Women (c) women with children (d) Youth (e)
Children
8. Types of street beggars in this environment (a) Disable –beggars (b) Non disable –
beggars (c) Both

151
 9. Is there any effort so far to remove the beggars from your environment? (a) Yes (b)
No
10. If “Yes” from Question 9 who are the people involved in the removal? (a)
Government (b) the residents of this environment (c) Community leaders (d) NGOs
11. What is the result of their efforts? (a) Successful (b) Not successful
12. If it is “successful” in question 11, why are they (beggars) still here?
…………………………….
13. If it is “Not successful” in question 11, what hinders it?
………………………………………….
14. Distance of your home or shop to the beggars’ location? …………………………..
15. What is your perception as to legislation against begging in your community?
……………
16. Who beg most among the beggars in the area? ……………………………..
The Table below contains a number of statements with which some people agree and
others disagree. Please rate how much you personally agree or disagree with these
statements-how much they reflect how you feel or think personally. Use the following
scale:
9 – Extremely Agree, 8 – Very Agree, 7 – Agree, Somewhat Agree – 6, Neutral – 5
Somewhat disagree – 4, Disagree, 3, Very Disagree, 2, Extremely Disagree – 1.
QUESTION 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

1 Beggars are not to be moving around the

street
2 Beggars constitute nuisance to the
environment
3 Beggars are needed in the environment
4 Beggars are source of violence in this area
5 Beggars need to be removed from the street
6 Beggars contributes to the traffic problem in
this environment
7 It is ideal for Beggars to collect alms
publicly
8 It is good to have an organized charity
organization to collect alms on behalf of the
Beggars and distribute it to them
9 Beggars contributes to the dirtiness of the
environment
10 Some Beggars in this environment are
aggressive

152
11 Availability of the street beggars is
associated with crime in this environment
12 Some of the street beggars are perpetrators
of evil acts, like kidnapping, drug deals or
informant to the criminals
13 The Street beggars are Eye sore to this
environment
14 The beggars supposed to be in rehabilitation
center
15 It is good to give beggars money or material
things directly
16 Charity or gift for the beggars supposed to
be channeled through the rehab center
17 The Governments are not handling the
beggary issue with right hand
18 Tackling of street begging is the
responsibility of the Government
19 Tackling of street begging is the
responsibility of the Public
20 Tackling of street begging is the
responsibility of the Religious bodies
21 Tackling of street begging is the
responsibility of the Non-Governmental
Organizations
22 Community should be gated to screen
beggars
23 There should be community policing against
begging
24 Male beg most among the beggars in this
area
25 Children beg most among the beggars in this
area
26 Female beg most among the beggars in this
area
27 Adult beg most among the beggars in this
area
28 Hausa constitute majority of the beggars in
this area
29 Yoruba constitute majority of the beggars in
this area
30 Ibo Constitute majority of the beggars in this
area
31 Foreigners constitutes majority of the
beggars in this area

153
 17. What are your perceived reasons or what do you think attracts the street beggars to
this place?
Please rank which of these facilities attracts the beggars to this area. Where 5 is the
most attractor and 1 is the lowest

S/No What attracts the beggars 5 4 3 2 1

1 Market
2 Church
3 Bus stop
4 Motor Park
5 Road Junctions
6 Filling station
7 Pubic offices
8 Mosque
9 School
10 Palace
11 Neighborhood park / playing
ground
12 Event center
13 Informal shops
14 Alms givers
15 Informality
16 Internal Household crisis
17 Economic regression in beggars
homeland
18 Rejection
19 Joblessness
20 Diseases in beggars homeland
21 Famine in beggars homeland
22 Political Crisis in beggars
homeland
23 Communal Crisis in beggars
homeland
24 Work transfer
25 Insurgence in beggars homeland
26 Government policy to remove
beggars from their state

19. Your Comments

………………………………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………

154
 UNIVERSITY OF LAGOS AKOKA LAGOS STATE
THE DEPARTMENT OF URBAN AND REGIONAL PLANNING
THE LOCATIONAL VARIATION IN STREET PANHANDLING IN LAGOS
METROPOLIS, NIGERIA

STREET PANHANDLERS’ ENUMERATION SLIP

NAME OF THE CLUSTER………………………………TIME…………………………

LAND USE …………………………………………………………………………………

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE ENVIRONMENT……………………………

BEGGARS POSITION AT THE LOCATION …………………………………………............

S/NO PHYSICAL MALE FEMALE TOTAL

CHARACTERISTICS
OF PANHANDLER

1 BLIND

2 CRIPPLED

3 DEAF/DUMB

4 OTHER PROBLEMS

5 WITHOUT ANY
DISABILITY

TOTAL

OBSERVATION ……………………………………………………………………………..

REMARK ………………………………………………………………………………………..

155