Running Head: Children with Incarcerated Fathers

A PHENOMENOLOGY OF CHILDREN WITH INCARCERATED FATHERS IN

THE NEW BILIBID PRISON IN THE PHILIPPINES

Vina Marie Belle D. Go

Suchika R. Kumar

Betina Therese C. Lazaro

Ateneo de Manila University

Contact Information:

Vina Marie Belle D. Go (vinamariego@yahoo.com)

Suchika R. Kumar (suchikakumar@yahoo.com)

Betina Therese C. Lazaro (betinalazaro@yahoo.com)

Address: Department of Psychology, Ateneo de Manila University, PO BOX 154 Manila

1099, Philippines
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 1

Abstract

International research has focused on visitation in prison, while local literature has revolved

around prison structure. This study utilizes the Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis

(IPA) framework in order to uncover the subjective experiences of children with incarcerated

fathers. A semi-structured interview was conducted with three participants. The interviews

were recorded, transcribed, and analyzed using Thematic Analysis and Qualitative Content

Analysis to reveal four superordinate themes, namely, (1) anxieties alongside comfort in

prison, (2) stigma and the loss of a father (3) empathizing with imprisoned father, and (4)

compensating to maintain family cohesion. These findings illustrate the children‟s

assumption of responsibility, which transitions into “pagsasalo.” Thus, the pre-existing

model of parentification is insufficient, as it fails to consider aspects of the children‟s lives

outside the family unit.

Key Words: incarcerated fathers, children, lived experiences, interpretative

phenomenological analysis, family cohesion, pagsasalo, parentification
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 2

A Phenomenology of Children with Incarcerated Fathers in the New Bilibid Prison in

the Philippines

The word “prison” carries with it a highly negative connotation. Society often looks

down on both prisoners and their children, giving rise to stigma, increasing pre-existing

deprivation, and social, linguistic, and political exclusion (Murray, 2005).

Visitation rights is the main factor that distinguishes Philippine prison from prisons of

the world. In the Philippines, wives and children under the age of 9 are allowed to spend the

night within the prison itself (Bureau of Corrections, 1990). This revision was implemented

by the Bureau of Corrections to counter the lack of physical, emotional love and support from

the inmates‟ families. In turn, it has produced a miniature baranggay complete with “sari-sari”

miniature stores, picnics, and games, to cater to the needs of the families (Pilapil, 2011).

The researchers had initially intended to study the prevalence of sexual abuse in

Philippine prisons. However, the topic was found to be irrelevant given the newly enacted

visitation regulations discussed above. This decreased the incidence of sexual abuse in prison

drastically.

What some fail to realize is that the phenomenon of a society moving into prison

exposes a great number of individuals to prison culture. This includes children, who are more

susceptible to mirroring, modeling, and suggestion than adults. More importantly, it is

pertinent to know how the children who visit NBP take in such an experience.

The researchers thus decided to conduct an interpretative phenomenological study

(IPA).

Review of Related Literature

Formation of child’s perspective from events leading up to visitation

A child‟s perspective and way of thinking is often molded by a number of events that

occur around them – events that have either a positive or a negative impact on them. In the
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 3

context of the current study, these events include parental incarceration and experiencing

stigma as a result of parental incarceration.

Incarceration

A number of studies and theories concur that mere parent-child separation is enough

to cause harm and sadness amongst children. Parental separation may also be a strong

predictor of children‟s negative outcome, possibly even at a later point in life (Hairston,

1998).

Parental incarceration has been found to have a number of adverse effects on children

and adolescents. First, financial difficulties may lead to decreased care and support for the

children. Second, studies claim that children with incarcerated parents are more likely to

display antisocial behavior and are twice as likely to engage in disruptive behavior

(Kjellstrand & Eddy, 2011). Third, children may model and adopt the attitude of their

incarcerated parents‟ behavior as they grow more aware of their parents‟ criminality (Murray

& Farrington, 2008).

Findings have shown that Filipino children share almost all the same sentiments as

those from other countries. A study conducted by Montemayor and Saplala revealed that

children, aged 6-17 years old of inmates of the New Bilibid Prison in Muntinlupa City

experienced anxiety and depressive attitudes regarding their parental incarceration (as cited in

Virtucio, 2005). Some were also found to be hostile towards others.

It is, however, important to note that researchers state that a direct causal relationship

between parental incarceration and the negative behavior of children of prisoners cannot be

established seeing as there are a number of factors that come into play (Kjellstrand & Eddy,

2011; Murray & Farrington, 2008).

Stigma
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 4

The incarceration of a relative has always been a stigmatized concept in Philippine

society, but few have considered what it must be like to have an incarcerated parent. These

“forgotten victims” or “orphans of justice” are indirect victims of these incarcerations and are

often overlooked (Murray & Farrington, 2008).

Even at a young age, children are presented with a concept of prison by their parents

and guardians. They are told to be extremely cautious when selecting the people to whom

they disclose such private matters. The children, as a result, form the idea that their situation

is taboo, though they may not have a clear understanding of it (Steinhoff & Berman, 2012).

Prison Environment & Visitation

International Context

Prison visits vary from one prison to another and depend on several factors such as

the parent‟s sentence, jail policies, distance, and accessibility from home (Children of parent,

2011). It has been found that children whose parents maintained contact in any form tended

to adjust and cope better than children whose parents did not (Robertson, 2007).

In an article by Steinhoff and Berman (2012), children reported that the conversation

with their fathers would usually revolve around the crime. Family days in prison also

appeared to be enjoyable for the children when compared to ordinary visits because there

were recreational activities such as barbecues and opportunities to mingle with other kids.

Despite these advantages, these visits may bring about aggression or anxiety in the

children after the visit as they try to cope with the loss. While choosing not to visit may have

short-term benefits, the long-term effect may not be beneficial, as separation may bring about

worry, confusion, and imagined dangers that kids may have to deal with (Robertson, 2007).

Local Context

Prisoners are brought to New Bilibid Prison in Muntinlupa City, the primary

correctional facility in the country (Virtucio, 2005). Prison environment in the Philippines is
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 5

radically different from the prison environment in other countries. It resembles a small

community or baranggay (Ramirez, 2002). Furthermore, the wives and the children of

inmates are allowed to enter the premises regularly, which fosters an atmosphere similar to a

local town park (Virtucio, 2005).

Findings of Virtucio‟s study (2005) showed that Filipino children that were given the

privilege and opportunity to visit their imprisoned fathers were found to be hopeful that their

parents would be released soon and that their lives would revert back to normal.

Visitation Experiences of Children

Generally, children‟s reactions towards the visit may vary depending on how they

perceive the prison system. For instance, some children appeared to have grasped the concept

of prison better than others by understanding its simplicity and routines, whereas others

appeared to view it as a playground (Steinhoff & Berman, 2012). However, others have a

negative view of prison. Many were scared of going inside, frightened of the metal bars,

sniffer-dogs, and meeting other prisoners (Steinhoff & Berman, 2012).

Improving visitation

Prisons all over the world today have been adapting to create a more child-friendly

atmosphere. Countries such as Australia and Denmark are developing projects to allow

parent-child interactions to develop better relationships (Robertson, 2007).

Gaps in the literature review

There are certain gaps that the literature has been unable to fill. First, there is a

lack of international research about the child‟s personal interaction with the parent and

corresponding cognitions, feelings, and behaviors. Second, studying children‟s meaning-

making of prison experiences has not been explored. Third, the research is done in the

international context and the participants are non-Filipinos, thus, cultural differences are

likely to occur. Fourth, the local literature that has been gathered is focused primarily on
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 6

prison structure. There is a lack of local research on prison culture itself, which is

something that the children are exposed to and that has the potential to affect their

psyches.

Theoretical Framework

The study is focused on the subjective experiences of children with incarcerated

fathers. It is aimed at understanding their affective, cognitive, and behavioral experiences of

having an incarcerated father. The study utilized a constructivist-interpretivist lens as part of

an Interpretative Phenomenological (IPA) approach due to its characteristics and the response

it forms to the current literature‟s gaps.

IPA was chosen as a framework for several reasons. First, an IPA approach is a

double hermeneutic process that would allow meaning to be applied to the children‟s

interpretation of their experiences of having a father in prison (Smith & Osborn, 2008). Given

this, the researchers are thus able to present the children‟s experiences to the readers without

losing the children‟s perspective, allowing for a clearer and more comprehensive

understanding of their subjective experiences of having an incarcerated father. Further, IPA‟s

double hermeneutic nature allowed for an added layer of meaning-making, which adds much

depth to the findings and discussion.

Second, IPA is defined to be idiographic as it is focused on specific experiences as

opposed to a general theory or phenomenon (Smith, Jarman & Osborne, 1999). Children with

incarcerated parents are known as “forgotten victims” because they are an understudied group

(Murray & Farrington, 2008). Therefore, there is a clear lack of theory regarding how having

an incarcerated parent could affect them. Understanding the experiences these children

undergo is the first measure that needs to be taken in order for a theory to be postulated.

Third, although some research exists regarding the children‟s experiences of having

an incarcerated father, much of the research done is limited to the children‟s experiences of
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 7

visitation. However, the present study is premised upon the idea that the effects of having an

incarcerated father extend far beyond visitation and potentially affects several other

dimensions of their lives. Thus, IPA allows the researchers to extend beyond the context of

visitation, providing the researchers with an opportunity to look into how their experiences of

having an incarcerated father affects their everyday lives.

Last, the extant local literature revolves around the unique prison structure and

context in the Philippines. Past local literature gives researchers a clear understanding of

prison culture in the Philippines. Thus, the current study builds upon the past studies‟

findings by evaluating how this non-normative environment affects children. IPA was clearly

the most suitable framework for the study precisely because quantitative research provides an

understanding of a linear interaction, which is not feasible given the lack of previous research

regarding the subject. IPA is the best fit for the study as it allows the researchers to evaluate

the interaction between the various factors that comprise these children‟s subjective

experiences of having an incarcerated father (Smith, Flowers, & Larkin, 2012).

Statement of the Problem

The researchers in the current study would like to respond to the following question:

“What are the subjective experiences of children with incarcerated fathers?”

Method

Design

The researchers sought to discuss the subjective experiences of children with

incarcerated fathers. In order to do so, the researchers employed an Interpretative

Phenomenological Analysis (IPA), which relied heavily upon the observations of the

researchers and the interviews of participants with different perspectives and roles in the

social or cultural condition being examined. The research design, therefore, had an emic

focus.
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 8

The study provided valuable insight into how the prison-related experiences may have

affected the children‟s affect, behavior, and cognitions in relation to their father‟s

incarceration. Concerns regarding the establishment of reliability and generalizability will be

addressed in the section regarding data analysis procedures.

Participants

The study conducted involved three participants (two girls and a boy) who are

currently scholars of Philippine Jesuit Prison Service (PJPS). The children's age range was

from 10 to 12 years. The participants were selected by PJPS based on availability and on the

following criteria:

1. The children to be interviewed must have a father who has been incarcerated for at

least a year whom they regularly visit, interact, and communicate with.

2. The child‟s primary guardian must be the mother who has no romantic relationship

with another partner, especially live-in partners, as this may affect the importance of

the role of the child‟s actual father in his or her life.

3. The parents of the child must presently be in a relationship.

Data Collection Instruments

The primary data collection instrument used was a one-on-one semi-structured

interview with the researchers. The interviews were conducted within the prison, with the

assistance of the Philippine Jesuit Service (PJPS), in order to provide the participants with

visual cues. The entire interview process was recorded.

The questions sought to separate the child‟s experiences into four categories, which

were analyzed individually and as a whole. The four categories are as follows: current

situation of the father, imprisonment of the father, visitation experience of the child and the

family, and New Bilibid Prison as a new environment for the child and the family. The
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 9

interview guide was patterned after Maria Virtucio‟s (2005) unpublished manuscript

featuring case studies of five Filipino families with incarcerated fathers.

A demographic data questionnaire which was loosely patterned after the one in

Virtucio‟s (2005) study was given to the children‟s mothers to answer.

Data Collection Procedures

PJPS played an integral role as they gathered participants for the study, thus enabling

a smooth research process. Through them, a list of possible candidates that met the selection

criteria was obtained. The researchers were provided with eight participants that met the

selection criteria. Once the participants were selected, a group dynamics activity was

conducted to establish rapport. Following this, the participants were whittled down to three

individuals once the researchers gauged the rapport they had with all the participants. A

prison visit was then coordinated that enabled the researchers to observe the prison area and

to gather pertinent information that was to be brought up during the interview proper. The

nature and objectives of the study were explained to both the parents and the children, after

which, they were asked to sign consent forms. Following this, a pilot test was conducted.

Upon the conduction of the pilot test, the researchers discussed with the participants as to

whether the questions needed any clarification. The researchers then discussed the initial

findings with each other and discussed additional avenues that could be explored during the

interview proper.

During the interview proper, the children were asked to join the interviewers for a

tour of the prison. The interview was conducted in a relatively private area within the prison.

The children‟s reactions, interactions with the parent, and behavior in the prison setting

provided enriching data.

Once the interviews were completed, the recordings were transcribed.

Data Analysis Procedures

 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 10

The researchers utilized qualitative content analysis (QCA) to interpret the data

gathered. The QCA in this study made use of conventional and summative content analysis,

which involved the creation, counting and comparison of coding categories derived from the

raw data (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005). Qualitative content analysis involved the analysis of raw

data in order to establish emergent themes. It can, therefore, be classified as an inductive

reasoning process. It was found to be the most suitable procedure to analyze the data gathered

using an IPA framework precisely due to the lack of past literature on the topic. Other forms

of analysis involve the analysis of the data obtained in conjunction with past literature to craft

the themes. Such forms of analysis could not be utilized for the current study due to the lack

of past literature on the topic. Thus, QCA was found to be the most suitable form of analysis.

The first step in the conduction of QCA involved the definition of the unit of analysis.

QCA usually utilizes themes as the units of analysis, thus the researchers searched for the

expressions of particular ideas and assigned codes to other similar expressions of ideas. The

researchers conducted this step individually to ensure inter-rater reliability. The researchers

then discussed the best fit. This step ended with the commencing of the development of a

coding manual, which included the codes and rules for assigning a particular excerpt to a

code.

The second step in the conduction of QCA was the development of categories and

coding schemes from the data. A constant comparative method was applied, which involved

the researchers constantly grouping and regrouping the codes under the initial themes until

the best fit was found. This step concluded with the completed development of the coding

manual which included category names and rules for assigning particular codes to certain

themes.

The third step was to test the coding scheme on the text and to make any necessary

revisions to ensure best fit. The coding manual was tweaked in order to ensure consistency.
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 11

The entire text was then coded. The final step involved the interpretation of the themes and

subthemes developed, which was achieved by exploring the dimensions of the various

superordinate themes, identifying relationships between subthemes, identifying relationships

between categories, establishing patterns, and the like (Zhang, & Wildemuth, 2009).

The analysis procedure was adapted from a study conducted by Graneheim and

Lundman (2001), which involved the use of themes, sub-themes, and codes.

Results

Using Qualitative Content Analysis, four superordinate themes were established: (1)

anxieties alongside comfort in prison (2) stigma and the loss of a father (3) empathizing with

a father in prison, and (4) compensating to maintain family cohesion. The superordinate

themes and their corresponding subthemes can be viewed in the table below.

Table 1. Superordinate Themes and Subthemes of Children with Incarcerated Fathers in New
Bilibid Prison

Superordinate Themes Subthemes

Anxieties alongside comfort in prison
Stigma and the loss of a father
Empathizing with father in prison
Compensating to maintain family cohesion
 Children have no sense of security
 Female child is objectified
 Interaction with prisoners molds child‟s
sense of responsibility
 Stigma associated with having an
incarcerated father
 Being envious of children who live with
their fathers
 Belief in father‟s innocence
 Prison as the imposition of isolation and
neglect
 Prison as an obstacle to overcome
 Philippine prison as an ineffective
rehabilitative facility
 Child‟s concern about father‟s welfare
 Mother serving as both parents to fill in
the lack of the father
 Child assumes responsibility
 Lack of communication with the father
 Visitation as means of validating
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 12

presence of father and for validating their

presence in their fathers‟ lives
 Father compensates during visitation
 Father as provider, nurturer, teacher, and
protector
 Frequent visits produce habituation
The first superordinate theme revolves around the children‟s various interactions

within prison, some of which cause anxiety, and others that provide comfort. The two main

experiences that cause the children anxiety are the lack of feeling secure and the

objectification of female children. The children lack a sense of security within prison due to

their fear of the other inmates and stories about shoot-outs and such occurrences within

prison. Female children in particular are often objectified, thus magnifying their feelings of

insecurity. On the other hand, the children‟s experiences with their fathers‟ friends often

serve as sources of comfort, particularly when pieces of advice are handed to them by their

titos.

The second superordinate theme zooms in on the children‟s interactions outside

prison involving their peers – they face stigma and the absence of their father is felt more

deeply as a result of their interaction with their peers. Unfortunately, these interactions are

often tinted with negativity, as they often face stigma and experience feelings of jealousy and

envy when comparing themselves to friends whose fathers reside with them.

The third superordinate theme discusses the children‟s feelings of empathy towards

their fathers. The children continued to believe in their fathers‟ innocence in order to continue

seeing their fathers as their fathers. Additionally, they tended to empathize with their fathers

even further upon seeing the condition of Philippine prisons and upon realizing what prison

stands for. The children found prison to have imposed isolation and neglect upon their fathers.

Thus, prison tended to be viewed as an obstacle that needed to be overcome. Further, they

tended to view Philippine prison as an ineffective rehabilitative facility. These negative

perceptions they had of prison caused them to worry about their fathers‟ welfare.
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 13

The final superordinate theme discusses the child‟s efforts to maintain family

cohesion upon viewing the rest of the members‟ attempts to maintain closely-knit ties with

the family. The mother was forced to take the role of both father and mother. Seeing their

mothers‟ efforts, the children attempt to lessen their mothers‟ burden by assuming more

responsibility. However, not all the gaps are filled. There is a lack of communication with the

father. Visitation, therefore, validates the presence of the father in the child‟s life. During

visitation, the father attempts to compensate and continues to attempt to fulfill his roles even

within prison. As the situation gets more and more familiar and a degree of normalcy is

attained, habituation occurs.

The themes essentially illustrate the positive and negative experiences faced by

children with incarcerated fathers, how the children‟s views of prison have changed as a

result of these experiences, and the corresponding action taken in response to these

experiences and views.

Anxieties alongside comfort in prison

Children have no sense of security. Although the children interviewed confirmed

visiting their fathers regularly, all of them are wary of the area and the prisoners in the area.

Rosemarie explains that she is frightened of the other prisoners despite their acts of holiness

(such as attending mass), as she believes that committing immoral acts has become a second

nature for these people. She believes that no amount of repentance will change their behavior.

This is seen in the following lines:

“Hindi po (ako komportable). Kasi po makasalanan po yung mga nandoon sa loob e.

Kahit po sabihin nating nagsisimba sila, ganun pa rin po yung ano nila… ganun pa
rin po yung nakagisnan nilang ano… maging gawain nila.” (No [I do not feel
uncomforable]. Because people inside are sinners. Even though they say that they
attend mass, they are still... that is still what they are used to... what they are
accustomed to doing.)

Ernesto, on the other hand, discusses how his fear is triggered by the stories of the

occurrences within prison. These include rebellions, bombings, and killings. Ernesto claims
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 14

to feel safe only in the confines of his father‟s home within the prison. This is illustrated in

the following excerpt:

“Opo, tas yung last year po, may nagbarilan po dito. Sa simbahan pa po. Pero pag
ganito naman po, nasa bahay ng papa ko, di na po nakakatakot. Pag nasa labas lang
po.” (Yes, then last year, there was a shoot-out. It was even inside the church. But
when it is like that and I am inside my dad‟s house, I am not afraid anymore. Only
when I am outside [that‟s when I am afraid])

Female child is objectified. The female participants reported additional instances

wherein they experienced negative affect upon interacting with other prisoners. The

participants noted that when they would go around the prison area, they would be stared at

maliciously by the other prisoners, making them feel unsafe. Rosemarie reports,

“Yung iba po, parang mga manyak po yung mga mukha nila. Pero pag nakikita ko
po, parang manyak po yung tingin tapos pipito po.”(The others, their faces kind of
look like perverts. But when I look at them, they stare at me maliciously and whistle
at me.)

With such experiences, both Rosemarie and Hannahmae were forced to confront the

gender inequalities in society both inside and outside of prison at a young age. Hannahmae,

for instance, claims:

“Kasi pag babae po, di ba iniisip ng lalaki, mahina?” (Because if you are a girl,
what men think of you is that you are weak?)

Interaction with prisoners molds child‟s sense of responsibility. Despite the presence

of fear of other prisoners, the children, in time, develop some sort of relationship with their

fathers‟ comrades. Their titos would, at times, serve as their teachers who would remind them

to always study and stay out of trouble. This is clearly seen in the excerpt from Rosemarie‟s

interview below.

“Yung tindero po dito sa amin, sayang daw po yung high school niya, nagbulakbol
daw po siya, nagloko sa pag-aaral. Tapos yung pangpasok niya na baon,
pinangcocomputer games lang niya. Nagsisisi na lang daw po siya.”(The seller here
in our area, he said that he wasted his high school because he had the tendency to be
a truant while he was studying. His allowance was used for computer games. Now he
is regretful.)
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 15

However, although the relationship resembled a familial one on the surface level, the

relationship appears to be rather superficial in nature, as they would not talk of anything else.

Further, the participants admit that they still retain some sort of distance when interacting

with them. Hannahmae, for instance, would just smile at her father‟s friends to acknowledge

them, but she would not share personal information with them.

Stigma and the loss of a father

Stigma associated with having an incarcerated father. Both Hannahmae and

Rosemarie are told to conceal the truth when asked about their fathers‟ whereabouts.

Hannahmae, for instance, tells her classmates that her father is working in Laguna. Rosemarie,

on the other hand, says that her father is in the province. When asked why she found it

necessary to conceal the truth regarding her father‟s incarceration, Hannahmae replied that

she did so for fear of being bullied.

“Kasi po pag sinabi kong nakakulong sa tatay, baka api-apihin, masasama

sasabihin.” (Because if I say that my father is in prison, they might ridicule me and
say bad things about me.)

Both Rosemarie and Hannahmae fear becoming outcasts, which is possible by being

associated with someone who is labeled by society as a pariah. By being accepted by others

upon the employment of their fabricated stories, their behavior is reinforced.

Such stigma is not only learned from interaction with others, but also from the child‟s

own parents. Hannahmae explained that she does not reveal her father‟s true whereabouts

because her mother instructed her not to do so. It can be inferred, therefore, that these

children are led to believe that the concealment of the father‟s incarceration is the right way

of preventing the family name from being tarnished, seeing as having a prisoner in father has

several negative connotations attached to it.

Being envious of children who live with their fathers. Interaction with their peers lead

these children to realize what it is like not to have a father figure who is present in their daily
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 16

lives. They become envious of their friends whose fathers would accompany them to school

events, family outings, and the like. It was a common pattern to hear the participants speak of

their longing to be a complete family once again.

“Makumpleto po. Yung lagi ko na pong kasama si papa. Kasi po yung iba kong mga
kaklase ko kumpleto po yung pamilya nila. Kasi po, naiinggit po ako sa kaklase ko po,
lagi nilang kasama tatay nila, pag kakain po sabay-sabay po, pero pag ako po,
dadalaw pa po rito para makasama po siya”(To be complete. To be always with my
dad. Because my other classmates have a complete family. Because I am jealous of
my classmates because their father is always with them, eating together with them,
but for me, I would have to visit this prison so that we can be with him.)

Having a complete family appears to be a necessary component in order to live a

happy life. One participant, Ernesto, compares his father‟s imprisonment to the death of some

of his classmates‟ fathers. He expressed his sentiments in the following lines:

“Masaya po kasi nakikita ko po siya. Kasi po nalulungkot po rin ako [di kagaya ng]
ibang kaklase ko namatayan po sila ng tatay [buti pa] kaya ako po kahit nakakulong
po siya, nadadalaw ko naman po.”(I am happy because I can see him. I also get
lonely but [unlike] my classmates whose fathers have died, [at least] I can see him
even if he‟s in prison.)

Ernesto‟s feelings regarding the matter appear to be different compared to the other

partcipants, as he, instead of expressing envy as a result of the comparison made, expresses

gratitude for the fact that he at least gets to see his father occasionally.

Empathizing with father in prison

Belief in father‟s innocence. The children generally have a negative view of the inmates at

Bilibid. Their fathers are inmates as well. The only way for them to continue to view their

fathers as fathers (filling the roles described in the previous section) and to love their fathers,

is if they separate their fathers‟ identities as prisoners and their fathers‟ identities as fathers.

“Q: Yung sinabi mo yung mga tatay ng kaibigan mo sabi na wag nang pangaraping
pumunta dito (sa Bilibid), nakakaoffend ba yun? Na offend ka ba? Nasasaktan ka ba?
(The thing that you said about your friend‟s dad who said that not to even think about
going here [to Bilibid], were you offended? Did you get hurt?)

A: Opo, kasi lahat po dito, masama. Pero si papa naman di naman po masama dito
yun eh.” (Yes, because all of them here are bad people. But my dad is not bad.)
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 17

Because of this separation of identity, the children view the prison world as an us-

and-them scenario, which is highlighted by the following excerpt:

“Q: Nagkaroon ka ba ng mga idol dito sa Bilibid? A: Wala po. (Q: Did you have any
idols here in Bilibid? A: None)
Q: Sino ba idol mo? A: Si Papa.” (Q: Who is your idol? A: My dad)

When asked about how they perceive prisoners, they automatically think of “them” -

essentially all inmates except for their fathers. This may lead to them consolidating the idea

that their fathers do not belong in prison. As the children successfully separated their fathers‟

identities into two categories, the dissonance is decreased and they can attempt to live normal

lives.

Prison as the imposition of isolation and neglect. Each of the children discussed the

toll imprisonment takes on their fathers‟ emotional and physical well-being. Feelings of

loneliness and sadness appeared to be present, and this is relayed by Ernesto in the following

excerpt:

“Naiiyak rin po siya tas lagi lagi po siyang tumatawag sa amin. Kasi po namimiss
niya rin po kami… Nalululungkot din po (ako)… Siyempre po iyak po siya ng iyak
dito tas meron po umiiyak din don kasi di po kami kumpleto na nandito pa siya sa
loob.” (He cries and he would call us from time-to-time, because he also misses us.
I also get lonely. Of course he keeps crying here then there are also people crying
there because we are not complete, since he is here inside.)

Hannahmae, on the other hand, views the prison environment as the cause of her

father‟s illness, which caused both financial and emotional strain on her and her mother. Her

mother was forced to take extra shifts just to pay for her husband‟s treatment and they had to

visit more frequently. The latter was a cause for concern for them because they lived far from

the prison and could not afford the commute to and from the prison.

“Tapos nung na-confine po siya doon sa ospital sa loob ng bilangguan, lagi namin
siyang dinadalaw doon. Siyempre po, masakit po sa amin kasi po may sakit si Papa
noon. Pero ngayon po wala na.” (Then when he was confined in the hospital, inside
the prison, we would always visit him. Of course, it hurts us to see my dad sick at that
time. But now he‟s fine.)
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 18

Prison as an obstacle to overcome. Prison was viewed by the children as the only

thing standing between them and a better life for their family. The children would, therefore,

do what they could to ensure that their fathers were granted parole as soon as possible.

Rosemarie, for example, mentioned that she would constantly remind her father that engaging

in ending, a popular gambling game in prison, would not help him in obtaining a parole. Such

a reminder by a child to a father reveals the gravity of the situation – the child involves

herself in a matter that adults would normally be concerned with. The child does what is

needed to help her father.

“Yung paminsan lang po hindi niya po ginawa (yung ending) kasi baka po
magkaroon siya ng violation. Sinasabihan ko rin po si Papa kasi ayoko pong marami
siyang violation kasi makakasira po yun sa paglaya niya.”(It‟s only sometimes that
he doesn‟t do it [ending] because he might get a violation. I also tell my dad that I do
not want him to have many violations because it would ruin his chances of getting
free)

All the children believed that once their fathers were granted parole, they would find

good jobs and be able to provide for their families. However, none of them considered the

possibility that finding a job with a record would be extremely difficult.

Philippine prison as an ineffective rehabilitative facility. The participants all clearly

stated that they believed that a large portion of the populace in Bilibid rightfully belonged

there for having committed crimes of different natures. All the participants also believed that

the purpose of prison was to rehabilitate the incarcerated inmates. All of them also shared the

view that the rehabilitation was highly ineffective seeing as the rules of the prison were found

to be bypassed on a regular basis. This is implied from the following excerpt of Rosemarie‟s

interview:

“Yung mga pulis nagpapasok ng droga dito. Binabayaran po sila… Minsan nga po
mga babae sa labas. Mga G.R.O. pinapapasok dito.”(The police they allow entry of
drugs here. They get bribed... sometimes even women from outside [go inside]. They
allow the entry of prostitutes.)
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 19

However, this view that the prison system is ineffective has not caused the

participants to lose hope or even a sense of what is right and what is wrong. The desire to

help the people in prison out of compassion is rather evident in this excerpt from Ernesto:

“Gusto ko po baguhin ang mga tao po rito. Kasi po kulungan po dito, bawal po yun
eh. Kulungan na nga po tas magagamit pa po sila ng ganun? Pano po kung nahuli po
sila? Edi habang buhay po nandito sila?” (I want to change the people inside.
Because this is a prison, those are not allowed. It‟s a prison and yet they use [illegal]
stuff? What if they get caught? Then they will stay here for the rest of their lives?)

Such statements by the children indicate that the prison does not succeed as a

corrective facility, as prohibited activities continue to occur, sometimes even with the

blessing of the guards.

Child‟s concern about father‟s welfare. The children had negative views of prison and

were naturally concerned about their fathers‟ welfare, particularly their fathers‟ health,

emotional well-being, and security.

Hannahmae often reported being anxious about her father‟s health, as there was an

instance wherein he was confined to the prison hospital. It is clear that her father‟s health is a

big concern for her, seeing as Hannahmae incorporated physical well-being into her answer

regarding her dreams and aspirations for her family.

“Tapos nung na-confine po siya doon sa ospital sa loob ng bilangguan, lagi namin
siyang dinadalaw doon. Nag-aalala kami. Siyempre po, masakit po sa amin kasi po
may sakit si Papa noon. Pero ngayon po wala na.” (Then when he was confined in
the hospital, inside the prison, we would always visit him. Of course, it hurts us to see
my dad sick at that time. But now he‟s fine)

“Pangarap ko po sa pamilya ko yung lagi po silang masaya tapos po, di po sila

nagkakasakit.”(My dream for my family is to always be happy and to not to be prone
to sickness.)

All three of the children voiced out concerns regarding their fathers‟ safety in prison,

as presented below.

“Tinatanong ko lang po kung okay siya dito, walang nanakit sa kanya.” (I just ask if
he is okay here, if no one hurts him.)

Compensating to maintain family cohesion

 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 20

Mother serving as both parents to fill in lack of father. Due to the fact that the father

is absent, the mother attempts to sustain the family by filling in the lack produced by the

incarceration. Because of this, the child ultimately sees the mother as doing the job of both

parents. As Rosemarie puts it:

“Siya po yung nag-aasikaso ng lahat yung parang nanay tsaka tatay na rin po talaga,
habang si papa po nandoon sa kulungan.” (She is the one who takes care of
everything, she acts as both the mom and the dad already while dad is there inside
the prison.)

The mother can no longer rely on the father for financial support because the father no

longer has a stable source of income. As a result, she is forced to think of ways to procure

funds in order to keep up with increasing expenses, including transportation costs going to

Bilibid and even some money for the father, so that he may acquire the food and necessities

in prison not provided by the government.

Child assumes responsibility. The children see their mothers‟ great efforts (such has

handling more than one job and taking care of the family at the same time), and have an

understanding and appreciation for what their mothers are doing. As a result, they are moved

and step up to the plate. They voluntarily take responsibility to lessen their mothers‟ load. As

Rosemarie says:

“Hilig ko po kasing mag-aral lagi. Kasi po yun nga po gusto ko pong makabawas sa
hirap tapos po maiahon ko sila mama‟t Papa. Tapos po, baka po pag nagcocollege
ako, mag woworking student po ako para mapalaya ko po si Mama.” (It is my hobby
to study because I want to lessen the burden and then improve the condition of my
parents. And then I might go to college, I‟ll be a working student so that I can free
my mom.)

Ernesto, on the other hand, as the eldest male, is given the responsibility of taking

care of the family by his father. He must now stand in his father‟s place.

“Opo. Yun po yung sinabi niya (the father) po, … tapos lagi po akong tumulong sa
magulang ko, si nanay … Ingatan ko po yung mga kapatid ko pag labas, yung
kapatid kong bunso.” (Yes. That is what [my father] he said, and that I should always
help my parents, my mom... take care of my siblings when we go outside, my youngest
sibling.)
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 21

All the children are aware of the fact that this is a means of filling in the lack posed by

their fathers‟ absence. However, even though they attempt to compensate for this lack, the

gaps are never filled completely, particular in terms of communication with their fathers.

Lack of communication with the father. The children express that there is an apparent

emotional distance between themselves and their fathers because of the physical distance. As

a result, the children only tell their fathers about their schooling and other mundane events as

they only get to see their fathers for a few hours a week. Furthermore, when they see their

fathers, they often no longer remember the stories and events that they had intended to,

recounts Rosemarie:

“Kay mama ako masclose ... Siya po yung lagi kong kasama rin sa bahay. Siya po
yung nag-aalaga sa amin. … So pag ano, may kwento ako galing sa school, ganyan,
sinasabi ko kay mama. Pagkadating ng sabado, nakakalimutan ko na po sabihin kay
papa.” (I am closer to my mother... She is always with me at home. She takes care of
us... So when I come from school, I tell my mother. On that Saturday, I would forget
what I would tell my dad.)

Additionally, the children try to share only good things in order to make good

memories with their fathers and to avoid unnecessary conflict. They also try to avoid

controversial topics of conversation (which includes their fathers‟ incarceration) as

Hannahmae mentions:

“Pero di ko naman po alam kung bakit po talaga nangyari sa kanya „yon ta‟s bakit
nita ginawa iyon.” (But I do not know why it really happened to him and why he did
it.)

As a result, the children do not fully understand their fathers‟ past and present

conditions, thus making it difficult for a bond to be formed between the two.

Visitation as a means of validating presence of father. The anxiety of separation

produces the perceived importance of visitation. Visitation allows the fathers to be more

present in their children‟s lives.

(Tungkol sa halaga ng pagdalaw) “Para po makita niyo, makasama niyo.”

[Regarding the importance of visitation] (For me to see him, to be with him.)
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 22

Having a physically distant father at times makes the children believe that their

fathers are practically absent in their lives. Ernesto, for example, compares himself with other

children who have already lost their fathers as he believes that he is actually still lucky

because he gets to visit, see, and be with his father. In fact, if he were given a choice, he

would rather his father be in prison than have him be a seaman because at least he would be

able to visit his father in prison regularly.

“Hindi naman po, kasi po sila po (Children whose fathers have passed away), hindi
na talaga po nila nakikita. Kahapon nakikita ko pa po na buhay pa po siya. … (Mas
gugustuhin ko) Nakakulong nalang po kasi po kahit po wala pong pagkain basta po
sama sama po. Kasi po yung iba ko pong classmate, seaman din po, hindi po nila
nakikita. Nagpapadala lang po.” (Not really, because they [Children whose fathers
have passed away], they don‟t really see him anymore. Yesterday I saw him that he is
still alive... [I would rather] he be in jail even if we don‟t have anything to eat as
long as we‟re together. Because my other classmates have dads who are seamen and
they do not see their fathers. Their fathers only bring in money.)

Not only does visitation allow the children to see their fathers as a part of their lives,

but it also allows the children to feel as though they are parts of their fathers‟ lives even

though they are physically separated for the most part. For just a few hours to compensate for

days and (at times) weeks of lost time, the children are able to associate their fathers with

their mothers and their family unit, which makes them believe that their families are not

falling apart after all. As Rosemarie puts it:

“Yung, aalamin niya po yung mga ginagawa namin dito sa labas.” (That he wants
to know what we do outside.)

Finally, visitation serves to lighten the spirits of the entire family as it assures them

that there is hope for freedom and life after freedom. Ernesto articulates this quite clearly:

“(Sinasabi ko na) mahal na mahal ko po siya. Wag po siyang mawalan ng pag-asa.

(Ang ginagawa namin para huwag siya mawalan ng pag-asa ay) Syempre
dumadalaw po kami dito. Kasi po yung iba po rito „di na po dinadalaw eh.
Nawawala na po sa sarili, kaya po napunta sa hospital. Ganun ang mangyayari pag
hindi po kami nagbisita ng kahit ilang years po.” [I tell him that] (I love him very
much. He should not lose hope [What we do when he loses hope] of course we come
visit him here. Because the others here, they don‟t get visited by their relatives. They
lose themselves, that‟s why they end up in the hospital. That is what will happen if we
won‟t visit him in so many years.)
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 23

Father compensates during visitation. Both the fathers and the children believe that it

is during visitation that they can feel like a family once again. As the physical proximity

between the two is increased, other lacks begin to become startlingly apparent. As a result,

the father attempts to compensate during visitation. The children view this compensation as a

natural trait of their fathers, believing that even if their fathers were not imprisoned, they

would be acting the same way in their respective houses outside of prison.

“(Sa tingin ko, ang dahilan ng paghahanda ng tatay ko) ay pagmamahal po sa aming
lahat. Kasi po yung iba pong tatay, yung nanay pa po yung pinagluluto. … Sa labas
po, yung tumutulong po ako sa bahay ko po, maglinis ng bahay. Tas dito po, siya na
po yung gumagawa eh, di ko na po siya natutulungan kasi po pag pupunta po ako
dito, lahat po nakaayos na.” [I think the reason why my dad prepares food for us] is
because he loves us all. Because the other fathers, the mother is still the one cooking.
Outside of prison I help in the household chores, cleaning the house. Then here, he
does everything, I couldn‟t help him anymore because when I come here, he already
fixed everything.)

Father as provider, nurturer, teacher, and protector. As the father attempts to

maintain family cohesion by compensating during visitation, the children formulate ideas as

to what a father‟s role should be. Although they see their father‟s compensation as a normal

behavior, they expect these actions to be magnified once their father has been released. This

is clearly seen in Ernesto‟s excerpt:

“(Ang tatay ko po ay dapat) Maayos po yung pamilya namin at bibigyan po ng

magandang buhay. [My dad should] (Make sure that our family is well and that we
have are given a good life.)

Q: Ang tingin mo ba sa kanya, siya pa rin yung tumatayong tatay? A: Opo. (Q: Do
you think of him as the father of your family? A: Yes)
Q: Kahit na nandito siya sa loob? A: Opo kasi nagbibigay po siya ng pera samin.
May mga pinapadala po dito. Binibigyan niya po kami.” (Q: Even if he‟s
imprisoned here? A: Yes because he is still able to financially provide for us. He
sends us money.)

The father is still viewed to be a provider even when in jail as he attempts to support

the family financially using various sources in prison. These include additional work (in the

hospital for Hannahmae‟s father), additional duties (from being a public official for

Rosemarie‟s father), from solicitation and friends (Ernesto‟s father), and gambling. However,

it is important to note that the source of income is not a stable one and there is no steady
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 24

inflow of money for the family. Thus, the child‟s view of the father‟s ability to be a provider

betters or worsens based on the father‟s ability to send money to the family in a particular

span of time.

The father is viewed to be a nurturer because he sets the table for his children, feeds

them, and makes sure that they know that they are missed and loved when they come to visit

him. This allows the children to interpret that fathers should be caring and nurturing towards

them regardless of the situation.

“Mabait po siya (tatay), maalaga, pag nandoon po kami lagi niya po kami
inaasikaso.… Yung pag kakain po kami siya po yung maghahanda. Kapag yung ano
po, yung wala po kaming pagkain, yung wala po kaming makakain, bibigyan niya
nalang po kami. Imbis na isusubo niya, ibibigay niya pa sa amin.” (He is kind [dad],
caring, when we are there he would always fuss around us... He would prepare our
food. When we don‟t have food, he will give us his share. Instead of eating his share,
he‟ll just give it to us)

The father is also viewed to be a teacher because he contributes to the children‟s

understanding of what is right and what is wrong. Although the children were rarely punished,

the father always sought to instill a sense of discipline in his children by firmly reprimanding

them for any misdemeanors. The father also taught the children what was expected of them.

Ernesto: “Q: Tinututro ba niya sa 'yo yung tama at mali? A: Opo. Yun po yung
sinabi niya po, wag po akong gagawa ng masama tapos lagi po akong tumulong sa
magulang ko.” (Q: Does he teach you the right from wrong? A: Yes. That‟s what he
say, that I won‟t do bad things and that I should always help my parents)

Rosemarie: “Kapag may mali po sasabihin po namin sa kanya tas itatama niya po.”
(If we did something wrong, he would tell us and he would make us correct it.)
Last, the father is also viewed to play the role of protector as he attempts to ensure the

safety of his family, particularly the female members, by warning them of possible harm that

they could encounter if he is not with them as they go around. The children (particularly

females) view their fathers as their protectors and tended to feel assured that nothing

untoward would happen to them as long as their fathers accompanied them. As Rosemarie

states:
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 25

“Hindi (ako natatakot), ano po, konti lang po. Pero dahil po nandiyan si Papa, may
magtatanggol po sa amin.”(I am not [scared], maybe a little. But because my dad is
here, he will save us.)

Frequent visits produce habituation. As the situation becomes more and more familiar

and a sense of normalcy is eventually obtained, the children fall into a routine of visitation,

performing certain activities, and leaving that produces some degree of habituation.

Rosemarie: “Doon po kami gumagawa ng assignment namin.” (We do our

assignments there)

Hannahmae: “Natutulog po kami doon lagi ... kakain, gumagala, karaoke para
makapag bonding –bonding.” (We always sleep there, eat, roam around, sing
karaoke so that we can bond together.)

Ernesto: “(Ang ginagawa ko po doon lagi) nanonood ng mga DVD, cartoons,

naglilinis at bumibili sa tindahan.” [What I always do there] (is to watch DVD,
cartoons, clean and buy stuff from the store.)

Moreover, when asked to highlight the differences between life inside prison and life

outside prison, they all answered that there was no major difference – it is essentially the

same lifestyle, only it is no longer amongst males.

Discussion

The question “What are the subjective experiences of children with incarcerated

fathers?” was answered by the four themes presented in the previous section, namely, (1)

interactions with strangers in prison as negative, interaction with father‟s friends as positive,

(2) negative interaction with peers outside prison, (3) pessimistic views of prison, and (4)

efforts to maintain family cohesion.

This section will commence with a discussion of the findings that are supported by

previous literature, mostly revolving around the children‟s anxiety and the stigma they face in

society. This will be followed by a discussion highlighting the novelty of the paper, which is

centered on the children‟s efforts to maintain family cohesion and their assumption of

responsibility - essentially their role as “tagasalo.” The discussion will then move on to the

theoretical and practical implications of the study by taking into account marginalization,
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 26

culture, and developmental effects and the corresponding steps that can be taken to help these

children. This will be followed by a limitations and recommendations section and a

reflexivity section.

Several findings of the current study were supported by past literature. The results of

the current study emphasized anxiety experienced by the children. This anxiety was found to

be present across several subthemes, manifesting itself in two different forms. The first form

stemmed from the children having no sense of security in prison and the second from concern

about their fathers‟ well-being. Both these findings were supported by Virtucio (2005) and

Robertson (2007) respectively. Both these forms of anxiety were reinforced by the stigma

surrounding prison (as supported by Murray‟s (2005) study), which built up the idea that

prison was a place inhabited by evil people that have done evil acts, thus increasing the

likelihood of either their fathers or themselves being harmed. This led to increased anxiety

regarding prison.

On the other hand, the novelty of the current study stems from how these children

chose to respond to this anxiety and stigma. Past international studies show that children

tended to mimic the behavior of prisoners. However, given the great degree of stigma

associated with incarceration in the Philippines, this did not happen. Instead, the children

made conscious efforts not to imitate the prisoners‟ behavior, which they presumed to be

immoral due to the stigma.

Remarkably, the children did not just make efforts to avoid mimicking “immoral”

behaviors – they began to mimic their parents‟ efforts to alleviate threats to family cohesion

as they realized that incarceration produced an obvious divide in the family. Thus, not only

did the children consciously avoid imitating the prisoners‟ behavior, but they assumed

responsibility in their families in an effort to maintain family cohesion.

 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 27

This assumption of responsibility initially began with the children helping out around

the house and taking care of their younger siblings. However, this soon transitioned into the

children becoming the “tagasalo.”

Tagasalo is defined by Go Tian (2004) as children becoming attuned to their parents‟

feelings. “These children try to carry the burden of taking care of their family and alleviate

their parents‟ suffering. […] it refers to one who „takes care‟ or one who comes to the rescue”

(Go Tian, 2004).

These children with incarcerated fathers were made aware of the full extent of their

families‟ problems by their mothers, who would confide in them. As a result, they began to

worry about their families‟ financial situation, often planning as far ahead as working part-

time while in college. They essentially stepped in for their fathers and attempted to

compensate for this lack by trying to keep the family together.

Theoretical Implications

These children‟s assumption of responsibility, their sense of “tagasalo,” parallels the

concept of parentification (Chase, 1999). Chase (1999) defines parentified children as

children who become “parents to their parents,” and tend to “fulfill this role at the expense of

their own developmentally appropriate needs and pursuits.” These children tend to stabilize

family interactions at their own expense. Jurkovic (1997) states that in an adaptive category,

the responsibility the children need to take on increases sharply because of a crisis or acute

stress (as cited in Chase, 1999). Therefore, the contribution of the child is recognized and is

expected for a limited period of time only. However, these children with incarcerated fathers

have been dealing with the situation since birth (for most of them) and what they do for thir

family often goes unrecognized. Thus, they face a number of risks as adults – they could have

the same expectations of their children, leading to dysfunctional families, they could become

workaholics, and they could develop poor self-esteem, to name a few.

 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 28

However, this model of parentification is not enough to understand these children

with incarcerated fathers. These children face parentification in the context of decreased

social support from their peers (due to stigma in Philippine society), poverty, and

marginalization. They are forced to stand strong in the face of hardship within the family,

difficulties arising from their interactions with their peers, and a lack of support from society

in general (poverty and marginzalization). In essence, they are forced to keep up a strong

front when facing all the different aspects of their lives. Thus, while the pre-existing model of

parentification can be applied to children with incarcerated fathers, it is insufficient, as it does

not consider aspects outside family life faced by the children.

Practical Implications

The findings of the current study have several practical implications, all of which

revolve around improving the children‟s mental and emotional well-being. First, it is clear

that the families need to receive more financial assistance. This would result in the parents‟

burden being lessened, and correspondingly, the children‟s. Second, counseling may be

necessary for the children. PJPS may want to consider offering counseling services to their

scholars and other children in order for them to process and understand this situation that they

are thrown into. In addition, a special form of counseling may be necessary to address the

stigma the children face as a result of their fathers‟ incarceration. A form of family

counseling is also recommended, as it may be necessary for the parents to reassure their

children that they can handle things and that the children need not worry about their parents

fulfilling the responsibilities that ought to be accomplished by responsible adults. This is

extremely necessary for the potentially detrimental effects of parentification to be reversed.

Lastly, the female children may need to have gender awareness and empowerment seminars

to give them confidence and strength as it is necessary for them to understand that as women,

they are not made weak simply by the presence of an overwhelming number of males.
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 29

Limitations and Recommendations

There are several limitations and recommendations with regards to the study. The

limitations of the study all revolve around sampling. First, all the participants of the study

were PJPS scholars. Thus, all the participants would have a heightened interest in studying

and are more likely to be responsible. Second, all the participants are the eldest or only child

in the family, which may play a part in their assumption of responsibility. Last, obtaining a

sample size of four, with two girls and two boys, may have allowed for a more in-depth

examination of the effects of gender. Further, it is recommended that two other avenues be

explored, namely, that of gender and that of tagasalo. It may also be interesting to study the

children of incarcerated fathers further, for according to Go Tian (2004), there are two types

of tagasalo, namely, compulsive and non-compulsive. The study may yield rich results that

could add to the findings of the current study. Additionally, increasing the number and

diversity of the participants in the study may allow future researchers to determine whether

visitation is primarily beneficial or primarily harmful to the children‟s psyches.

Reflexivity

Our group is comprised of female members and we are all the eldest children in our

respective families. We have been discriminated upon at least once in our lives, and

sometimes because of the incessant stereotypes, we begun to believe that being women, we

are truly inferior. Even so, during our family‟s rough times, we are hurried to become mature

enough to understand the situation and in turn, offer consoling arms to our parents. Gradually,

we became all too aware of reality and begin to take on the responsibilities that were for our

parents. As children who were forced to become the “tagasalo” of our families, we also

believe that some parts of our childhood were robbed from us due to various circumstances.

We truly empathize with the children we interviewed, although we have come to

understand that we will never be able to fully understand and experience what they go
 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 30

through. Their situation is different as their fathers are physically trapped in that institution

and as they constantly face stigma from society and are forcibly being pushed lower in the

socio-economic strata. We hope that one day, their efforts will bear fruit and they will be able

to fulfill their dreams for themselves and their families and that they find the part of

themselves that they have lost in the process.

Concluding Statement

In conclusion, the children of incarcerated fathers experience a great deal of hardship

stemming from the prison environment, societal views, and financial concerns. They tended

to assume responsibility in an effort to maintain family cohesion. However, this assumption

of responsibility eventually transitioned into “pagsasalo,” which puts an immense burden on

the shoulders of these young children.

 Children of Incarcerated Fathers 31

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