Policy Review Section
on industrial heritage. The fourth section examines the
Blaenavon and United Nations
World Heritage Site Status:
Is Conservation of Industrial
Heritage a Road to Local
Economic Development?
CA LV I N J O NE S and M A X M U NDAY
Welsh Economy Research Unit, Cardiff Business School,
Cardiff CF10 3EU, U K.
Emails: JonesC24@ cf.ac.uk; MundayMC@ cf.ac.uk
This article examines the policy issues connected with a
programme of economic redevelopment centred upon the
conservation and renewal of industrial heritage. The article
examines the case of Blaenavon Industrial Landscape in South
Wales which has recently been successful in gaining status as
a U NESCO World Heritage Site. Tourism-led economic
development focusing on industrial heritage is shown to
present some unique trade-oVs between promoting the needs
of visitors over local communities, and between the main-
tenance of cultural value and site commodiŽ cation.
Industrial heritage Economic development
Industrial South Wales
Introduction
Blaenavon has been identiŽ ed as one of the most
economically and socially disadvantaged areas of the
contemporary Welsh economy. The major remaining
asset of the Blaenavon area is its unique industrial
landscape. This constitutes one of the few authentic
examples of an area shaped by coal and iron-making
development during the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries. The Blaenavon Industrial Landscape was
nominated for inscription on the United Nations World
Heritage List in 1999, and was successful in attaining
this status in November 2000. The status of World
Heritage Site was an important component in local
plans to conserve and develop the Blaenavon Industrial
Landscape, and to promote the economic redevelop-
ment of the town and its surroundings (see B L AE N-
A VO N P A R T NER S H I P, 2000). This article examines
three issues: the expected eVects of the industrial
heritage-led redevelopment process; how far this pro-
cess might strengthen the local economy of Blaenavon;
and the nature of the policy trade-oVs which have to
be addressed in this context.
The next section outlines some issues regarding
tourism-based development in economically marginal
areas, and then examines some of the speciŽ c issues
relating to the developmental role of industrial heritage.
The third section provides the historical context of
the Blaenavon Industrial Landscape, summarizes the
economic and social problems facing the area, and the
main components of the redevelopment plan focusing
585
expected impacts of the redevelopment programme in
terms of new and safeguarded employment. The Ž fth
section examines more general policy issues resulting
from this case study, particularly issues arising in the
context of optimizing economic beneŽ ts in the locality.
The Ž nal section contains conclusions.
Tourism, economic development and industrial heritage
Tourism and visitor stimulated economic growth has
been highlighted as a realistic development option in
many economically marginal areas of Wales. In rural
areas, tourism is seen as a valuable diversiŽ cation mech-
anism, transferring extant commercial infrastructure
from declining to growth sectors, in many cases at
moderate cost (B R I S T O W, 2000). In post-industrial
areas it may be that a signiŽ cant supply of labour is
available and suitable for the necessarily  exible and
part-time/seasonal needs of the tourism sector. Tourism
opportunities to such areas may be enhanced by an
increase in leisure time and improved personal mobility.
Both of these factors enable more  exibility in tourism
trips. The economic arguments for tourism-related
development are particularly attractive in some Welsh
areas where the number and duration of tourism trips
are not comparable to those in either Scotland or
Ireland, despite similarities in scope of product – this
implying under-utilization (E N G L I S H T OU R I S T
B O A R D, 1999). There are several other issues relating
to tourism development in economically marginal
areas. While tourism development might provide rela-
tively lower skilled employment, the development of
‘customer-facing’ skills in the local workforce could be
beneŽ cial, perhaps linking to improvements in the
service industry base. For communities with limited
access to retail, hospitality and other commercial ser-
vices, the additional demand created by the tourism
sector may enable local provision of such services at a
higher level. Moreover sympathetic development of the
extant natural or built resource can be environmentally
enhancing. Set against these beneŽ ts are concerns about
the economic value of heritage tourism. For example,
C A F FY N and L U T Z , 1999, in summarizing the litera-
ture, demonstrate that there is considerable doubt and
scepticism regarding the beneŽ ts accompanying heri-
tage tourism. Uppermost are questions on the quality
and duration of employment created in tourism sectors
and, in the Welsh context at least, how far tourism
development is consistent with economic targets
posited by the National Assembly for Wales and the
Welsh Development Agency in terms of closing the
GDP per capita gap with the UK average. Moreover,
the indirect eVects of tourism can be mitigated by
leakages outside the host region, particularly where
supply and service infrastructure is underdeveloped
(A R C H ER , 1984).
What of the speciŽ c role of industrial heritage in
DOI: 10.1080/00343400120065741
586 Policy Review Section
promoting tourism visits and economic development?
There has been increasing interest in the tourist devel-
opment of industrial sites, particularly those associated
with the mining, textiles and metals sector (see, for
example, E D WA R D S and L L U R D ES , 1996). Several
areas of the UK currently promote trails of industry
heritage. For example, the Midlands focuses particularly
on metal working, there is textiles in the North West,
mining in South Wales, and slate and copper in North
Wales. SpeciŽ c groupings within the EU promote the
development of mining heritage, such as the European
Mining Heritage Network, designed to assist collabora-
tion and learning between old mining areas. At a more
general level are initiatives such as the Industrial Culture
Route in the Ruhr (E B ER T, 1999), with some likeli-
hood that this will be extended into a European Route
of Industrial Heritage.
The educational and hobby value of industrial heri-
tage has never been in doubt. However, the general
promotion of what is often viewed as a niche market
within tourism is mitigated by important practicalities.
These practicalities are only slightly less serious in the
case of castles, stately homes, ancient monuments and
religious sites. First, industry heritage sites can be
extensive, needing comparatively large amounts of
funds for restoration and repair. Linked to this, such
sites can need a high direct labour component for
health and safety reasons and because the implicit
and explicit qualities of industry artefacts need careful
human interpretation to add value. Second, industrial
heritage sites may feature extensive environmental dam-
age and economic degradation – this is certainly the
case in Blaenavon – such that it might be diYcult to
attract new activities to adjacent areas. This means that
economic success of redeveloped sites may be overly
dependent on sustainable visitor numbers to landmark
sites. Third, industrial heritage sites may be distant
from existing tourism circuits. Where such sites have
experienced structural decline, then associated transport
(and social) infrastructures may have diminished creat-
ing access problems. In this context, a tourism-led
initiative at an industrial heritage site can represent a
last solution where alternative initiatives have failed,
and where there are already economic and social prob-
lems, and extensive out-migration.
Unfortunately, where communities surrounding
industrial heritage sites have been in decline, as employ-
ment opportunities have disappeared, then there is a
danger of losing the critical cultural assets that are
central to interpretation of the site. For example, while
industry artefacts can remain standing for centuries, the
‘sociofacts’ (aspects of social and institutional organiza-
tion, family ties) and mentefacts (attidudinal character-
istics and value systems including religion and language)
connected to old industries can quickly vanish. More
successful industrial heritage sites eVectively combine
original artefacts, mentefacts and sociofacts. For
example, in the case of Big Pit at Blaenavon, the
value of the visit is undoubtedly enhanced with the
employment of former miners as museum and under-
ground guides (also see, for example, the employment
of slate workers at Llechwedd Slate complex at Blaenau
Ffestioniog in North Wales).
Each of the factors highlighted above, together with
the critical problem of forecasting visitor numbers at
any tourism destination, hint at the potentially high
opportunity costs associated with industrial heritage-
led development. Added to these problems is the
potential for precedence to be given to commercial
and economic objectives over core issues of conserva-
tion and underlying community sustainability (D R O S T,
1996; C A F FY N and L U T Z , 1999) – in particular the
extent to which new development beneŽ ts insiders or
outsiders. H U DS ON , 1996, contrasts the ecomuseum
concept, where local people create the museum and
are themselves ‘exhibits’ within it, with schemes where
visitor numbers and income generation are central
objectives. Clearly, there is a problem if real authenticity
is replaced with the artiŽ cial, such that a process of
commodiŽ cation occurs where heritage is interpreted
solely for the consumer (see T E O and Y E O H , 1997).
Under these circumstances commodiŽ cation can mean
that little weight is given to potential social concerns
surrounding the development process. Indeed, Teo and
Yeoh argue that the con ict between communities
with local concerns, and entrepreneurs and government
who are more concerned with global forces, represents
an important topic on the tourism development
research agenda. C A FF Y N and L U T Z , 1999, also dem-
onstrate that key questions for areas going down the
route towards general heritage tourism development
are those of achieving balance in economic and social
goals, developing tourism that is socially inclusive, and
creating mechanisms for community participation (see
also H A Y W O OD, 1988).
The literature suggests that as well as economic
beneŽ ts, a policy surrounding promotion of industrial
heritage needs to balance community involvement with
the development of a set of facilities more strictly for
the beneŽ t of visitors. More importantly, the success
of such initiatives may be achieved in maintaining a
balance between economic, social and cultural objec-
tives. Whilst there are likely to be increasing costs
associated with the involvement of residents in the
interpretation of sites and the planning process, this
may add considerably to the value and quality of the
tourism product.
Blaenavon industrial landscape
The Blaenavon Industrial Landscape presents a large num-
ber of individual monuments of outstanding value within
the context of a rich and continuous relict landscape,
powerfully evocative of the industrial revolution. It is one
of the prime areas of the world where the full social,
economic and technological process of industrialisation
 Policy Review Section
through iron and coal production can be studied and
understood. (D EP AR TM E NT O F C U L T U RE , M ED I A
A ND S PO R T (DCMS), 1999)
Iron and coal were the principal products of the Indus-
trial South Wales valleys during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries, and the region saw its primary
and metal products exported across the world. Whilst
the mines and ironworks of the region had international
signiŽ cance for almost two centuries, there are now
few authentic examples of the landscape and industry
facilities remaining. Many of the examples have
decayed, or have been subsumed within extensive
redevelopment programmes which have included land
reclamation and new building in the attempt to ‘green’
the valleys once more. The lack of economic redevel-
opment is paradoxically a core part of the contemporary
economic problem in Blaenavon. The area retains some
important relic sites. These include the Blaenavon
Ironworks, which was historically the industry leader
in terms of technology and closely connected with the
discovery of the basic oxygen process which revolution-
ized steel making after the 1870s. There is also the Big
Pit coal mine which was sunk to meet the needs of
the ironmakers. Currently Big Pit is part of the National
Museums and Galleries of Wales (NMGW) and the
main Blaenavon attraction, drawing around 80,000
visitors per annum. Surrounding these two main sites
is a little-altered landscape encompassing period build-
ings, the scars of mineral mining and allied transport
(steam railway and canal) and manufacturing activity.
The rapid growth of the area during the nineteenth
century also created a network of chapels, schools,
workmen’s institutes and, notably, well preserved
workers’ housing.
The population of Blaenavon peaked in 1921 at
around 12,500. Employment and population in the
area since this time has steadily declined, with steel
production ceasing in 1938, and the Big Pit mine being
closed for production in 1980. The comparatively rich
array of industrial heritage in Blaenavon is set against a
depressing economic and social backdrop. In contrast
to many other areas of Industrial South Wales, Blaen-
avon and its wider locality have beneŽ ted little from
Table 1. Blaenavon: employment analysis 1998
Sector Blaenavon
Manufacturing 772
Construction 71
Distribution and retail, hotels, catering 127
Transport and communications 53
Financial/business services 22
Government and other services 336
Total 1,381
Source: NOMIS and C AMB RID G E E CO N O M ETR IC S , 2000.
587
the surge of inward investment during the 1980s, which
did much to diversify the local economies of several
adjacent areas. The geographical location of Blaenavon,
coupled with its image (assisted ironically by its unique
industrial relics) as an ‘old industry’ area together with
its shortage of high quality industry sites, has done little
to attract inward investors. There has also been little
remedy to economic and social decline in terms of
indigenous investment and development. Firm forma-
tion rates in Torfaen, the unitary authority in which
Blaenavon is situated, are comparatively low. In Blaen-
avon, the low level of demand is most clearly seen in
the poor quality of retail services on oVer in the town.
Table 1 summarizes the employment proŽ le of the
town. A high proportion of local employment (Blaen-
avon and Torfaen generally) is in industry sectors that
are growing slowly at a national level. One half of
Blaenavon employment in 1998 was in manufacturing
and, of this, a high proportion was in sectors that are
growing slowly, such as chemicals and metals. In the
faster growing sectors such as transport and communi-
cations, and Ž nancial and business services, current
employment opportunities in Blaenavon are poor.
GD P per capita in the Blaenavon area is estimated
to be over 35% below average UK levels (see W EL S H
E C O NO M Y R ES EA R C H U N I T (WE RU), 1997). Un-
fortunately GDP per capita disparities are only one
symptom of the Blaenavon problem. The lack of eco-
nomic opportunity results in economic out-migration,
and ultimately to population out-migration. Indeed,
Torfaen as a whole was one of only three unitary
authority areas in South East Wales to witness a fall in
population between 1991 and 1998 (of 1·3%). The
more general economic and social problems of Blaen-
avon are highlighted in the Index of Multiple Depriva-
tion (IM D) for Wales. The index was constructed by
the University of Oxford’s Department of Social Policy
and Social Work for the National Assembly for Wales,
and uses six ‘domains’ (income, employment, education
and skills, housing, health, and access to services) to
create the index of deprivation. The Blaenavon elec-
toral division was characterized as scoring poorly in the
employment and income domain categories, but also
Forecast average annual Forecast average annual
growth in Welsh growth in Welsh
employment (%) output (%)
% of employment 2000–05 2000–05
55·9 2 2·4 1·9
5·4 2 2·0 1·2
9·6 0·6 1·6
4·0 1·7 4·1
1·7 2·2 2·6
24·3 1·2 2·7
100·0 0·3 2·1
588 Policy Review Section
Table 2. Selected conservation and construction spend
2001–04: Blaenavon Industrial Landscape
Project Spend (£m)
Big Pit improvements and infrastructure 6·35
Forgeside community woodland 0·48
Townhall and car park improvements 0·69
Blaenavon Ironworks conservation 0·78
St Peters Church repairs and conservation 0·26
15–19 Broad Street (listed buildings) repairs 0·22
Market Street improvements 0·12
Lower Broad Street townscape 0·03
Gilchrist Thomas starter units 1·76
St Peter’s Schoo1 development as information centre 1·67
St Peter’s car park 0·11
Ironworks car park 0·30
Blaenavon access 0·65
Renewal area grants 6·001
Total expenditure 19·42
Note: 1. Assuming £1·5m p.a. to 2004.
Source: B LAE NAVO N P ART NE RS HIP , 2000.
in education, and health domains (N A T I O N A L
A S S E M BL Y FO R W A L E S , 2000).
Under these circumstances, a series of projects linked
to the conservation and development of industrial heri-
tage, and designed to increase visitor numbers to Blaen-
avon, is potentially one means of local economic
diversiŽ cation. Table 2 lists some of the key projects
either underway or planned. Key projects comprise
targeted infrastructure improvements (particularly
access improvement), new construction, conservation,
monitoring and repair of relict sites, together with
more general improvements to the housing stock, and
development of new starter units to complement tour-
ism activity (see also B L A E NA V ON P A R T N ER S HI P,
2000, for a full description of over 60 linked projects
and associated development). Central to redevelopment
are improvements at Big Pit, to increase visitor capacity
and to house a large proportion of the industrial collec-
tion of the N MGW at the site. Connected with this
strategy, the NMGW is reducing the entrance fee to
the facility to £1 (including underground tour). This,
together with the wider ‘matrix’ of projects outlined in
Table 2, opens the potential for signiŽ cantly increased
visitors to the locality. The reconstructed landmark
sites, together with the redevelopment of the existing
Big Pit Mining Museum, potentially comprises a
diverse tourism oVer with an undoubted stamp of ‘qual-
ity approval’, at least in terms of cultural signiŽ cance.
Industrial heritage: a summary of economic beneŽ ts
An economic assessment undertaken by WER U, 2001,
examined the direct and indirect consequences of the
programme of conservation and industrial heritage
development for the Blaenavon economy within the
framework of Welsh input-output tables (see B R A N D
et al., 1998). Information for the study was provided
by Torfaen County Borough, and the National
Museums and Galleries of Wales, in the form of
budgeted expenditure and employment at landmark
sites within the World Heritage Site boundary for both
developmental and operational phases. Visitor numbers
were projected based on previous marketing assessments
for the area (see L&R L E I S U R E , 1999).
The WER U study estimated that, while a large
proportion of the construction activity spend (a total
of around £20m in the period 2001–04) was ‘once
only’ and time delimited, it was expected to constitute
a signiŽ cant demand driver for the local economy. The
construction projects represent employment opportuni-
ties for local workers in construction and other sectors
with activity expected to support up to 100 jobs per
year. As with the development phase, the operational
phase of the Blaenavon regeneration project is also
expected to have signiŽ cant employment eVects and,
in this latter case, this could comprise more sustained
employment. Estimates of employment impacts of the
operational phase after 2005 revealed that the range of
development projects, including Big Pit, together with
visitor spend could support, directly and indirectly,
nearly £6m of output per annum and 150 full-time
equivalent jobs in the regional economy. Of these it
was estimated that four out of Ž ve could be directly
employed within the conŽ nes of Blaenavon, compris-
ing a signiŽ cant employment impact for a relatively
small and deprived locality. A proportion of the indirect
employment associated with tourism development
could also accrue locally, particularly in support sectors
such as retail and wholesale services and restaurants,
hotels and bars, although this was expected to require
signiŽ cant new small and medium sized enterprise in
the locality (WER U, 2001).
Discussion and policy issues
In the case of Blaenavon, capturing visitor spend is an
absolute necessity in this model of development, as
this could engender a more diversiŽ ed local economy
which, through the provision of higher quality retail
and other services locally, may be considered a social
beneŽ t. However, to be successful, such policies need
to address a series of supply side and demand side
issues, the former, for example, through support for
appropriate business start-ups and the latter through
reŽ ned marketing of the industrial heritage product.
Moreover, the provision of a high quality visitor experi-
ence at landmark sites, in the town centre environment
and through a wide range of services including retail,
could both extend the duration of stay in the locality
and serve to lever a higher proportion of overall
expenditure.
Another avenue of economic involvement is through
contractor and supplier links with visitor attractions.
Here the public sector carries signiŽ cant weight, as
public bodies are largely responsible for the physical
 Policy Review Section
development and operation of landmark sites. By split-
ting large contracts, allowing joint bids or helping local
companies reach quality standards, the public sector
can enable the involvement of local businesses in high
value work. Whilst some bodies may face regulatory
restrictions in this area (e.g. in obtaining best value),
there may exist a signiŽ cant opportunity to widen the
bidding process, although perhaps at some administra-
tive cost. Again the supply side should be addressed. If
the tone of correspondence and publicity is inclusive,
consultation is real rather than nominal, and if the
business community feel involved, the level of commer-
cial interest, often low from local Ž rms, may be
increased. Such a process may have beneŽ cial implica-
tions for local human capital development, particularly
if new skills and experiences can be of commercial
beneŽ t in the long term.
The identiŽ cation and pursuit of economic objec-
tives spurred by UN World Heritage Site status would
appear reasonable and predictable, given the enduring
economic and social deprivation and lack of access to
quality services in the immediate locality of Blaenavon.
However, following the earlier review, the exploitation
of visitor expenditure to ameliorate local conditions
raises a number of questions in this unusual context.
For example, a movement away from a post-industrial
to service driven culture, with a focus on external
visitation, suggests a development path which may not
strictly be that best suited to the establishment and
protection of a culturally important and environ-
mentally sensitive site. Then any implicit or explicit
policy focus on economic beneŽ ts may risk the percep-
tion of the site as, primarily, one of cultural signiŽ cance.
Moreover, the strong predicted increase in visitation
could aVect what remains of the social and cultural
fabric of the town. Much has been made in policy
documents connected to industrial heritage develop-
ment in Blaenavon of the need to involve the com-
munity, for example, through the establishment of a
local community heritage group, a Community Heri-
tage Enterprise to interpret town history, and with a
Community Strategy Co-ordinator to strengthen the
role of the community in town development (i.e.
local capacity building initiatives) (see B L A EN A VO N
P A R T NE R S H I P, 2000). The ways in which local com-
munities participate in the World Heritage Site project
may be problematic. The apparent lack of local entre-
preneurship experience is both cause and eVect of a
lack of capital to promote new projects. As a result,
new commercial development might largely be attrib-
utable to new inward investment and entrepreneur
inmigration. The involvement of established local resid-
ents only as a source of labour, and a low level of
participation by the local business community, could
mitigate policy aims placed in terms of community-led
economic regeneration.
On a similar theme the expected additional demand
generated by visitors may improve local provision of
589
retail and other services. This gives rise to another
policy issue with respect to the impact of economic
development which primarily serves visitation rather
than community (see earlier review). Currently the
town’s retail and entertainment oVer is poor, such
that any renewal or development is likely to be very
welcome. Yet the imposition of a ‘themed’ town centre
development intended to capture spend may be cultur-
ally artiŽ cial, albeit objectively of architectural quality.
The partial economic abandonment of the town centre
by existing residents does not mean that its appropri-
ation to serve visitors an ersatz nineteenth-century
experience, or to provide a Valleys version of the mid-
Wales ‘shop and eat’ market town, would be welcomed
no matter what the expenditure beneŽ ts.
Consideration of the above factors is important in
the context of industrial heritage-led development in
the Blaenavon case. Whilst tourism-related develop-
ment is unlikely to allow Blaenavon to fully span the
GDP divide, it is likely that successful development
may serve to mitigate further economic decline. Even
the provision of employment which is relatively low
skilled and part-time could drive up employment rates
by enabling participation by those who could formerly
Ž nd no suitable jobs locally and were unwilling or
unable to travel for such work. Indeed, in judging the
potential eVectiveness of visitor-led regeneration, one
must consider this relative to the alternatives –
alternatives that Blaenavon has so far found hard to
capture.
Conclusions
The development of the Blaenavon Industrial Land-
scape as a tourism destination raises a number of
issues for tourism-led policy. Certainly, the planned
expenditure to date reveals an emphasis on increasing
visitor numbers. However, the case reveals that a central
problem in the Blaenavon case is an under-developed
supply side. In particular, many in the local community
do not currently possess the skills or Ž nancial resources
to fully contribute to a regeneration process based
upon tourism. Consequently, community support for
development should not be taken as read.
Blaenavon is only at the beginning of this develop-
mental path, and there is clear value in tracking the
progress of this initiative. However, even in this prelimi-
nary analysis it is clear that there may need to be a
balance struck between the pursuit of demand-side
economic goals and the maintenance of cultural values,
between providing services for visitors and enabling
residents to gain full beneŽ t from a developments. Prac-
tically, policy planning in the area has made much of
the need for meaningful and high level local partici-
pation. This should include rigorous consultation and
information-dissemination procedures, and the involve-
ment of existing business in development and opera-
tion. New directions also provide opportunities to
590 Policy Review Section
integrate and use existing institutions and individuals to
add value to the cultural oVer. Underpinning policy
directions should be the protection of the cultural
resource during the diversiŽ cation and rejuvenation
processes.
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